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A Brief Consideration of Psychogeography: Archaeological Applications and Possibilities
A Brief Consideration of Psychogeography: Archaeological Applications and Possibilities
A Brief Consideration of
Psychogeography: Archaeological
Applications and Possibilities
by T. Michael Perrin
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Among the variety of tools that archaeology has been able to acquire and assimilate
over the years by way of other fields of study, whether scientific or phenomenological,
one of the most enigmatic with regards to actually being defined is psychogeography.
Although this approach to better understanding space and place has become more
ubiquitous in recent years, it can remain elusive for many in its overall intent and
purpose. This essay will clarify what psychogeography really signifies, both in its
original intent as well as its present day use. Did psychogeography flow out of an
anthropological wellspring? Did it originate in psychology? What were the
underpinnings responsible for its creation? Throughout, we will be looking at its
viability as an actual field of study.
Rendering Psychogeography
Psychogeography is a fluid and indefinable term by its very nature. In its simplest form,
it may be described as the exploration of a particular environment (traditionally an
urban environment) utilising a heightened sense of awareness in order to record both
sensory and emotive responses. While this is still the predominant perception of the
concept, a clearer and more malleable image may be obtained by analysing its origins
and development.
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Lettrist roots
While most of the credit for the creation of psychogeography has gone to Lettrist
International founder Guy Debord, the true father and cultivator of the concept as we
know it today was LI member Ivan Chtcheglov (O’Rourke 2013:10). After the horrors
of World War I, a group of what we would today call deconstructionists formed in
Zurich to bring new and controversial phenomenologies into the realm of art
(Sanouillet 2009: 31). These were the ‘Dada’, and out of them arose Tristan Tzara and
his abstract ideas concerning perceived and conceptualised space. Tzara would
eventually influence the post-World War II radical Chtcheglov, who would eventually
introduce psychogeography in his work Formulary for a New Urbanism in 1953
(O’Rourke 2013:39). Central to the concept was the dérive: the aimless walk through
the city that the sojourner was meant to take time to complete, taking in all stimuli in
order to retain the sensory images and emotions associated with them.
After Chtcheglov’s exit from LI in the early 1950s, Guy Debord began his in-depth
development of psychogeography and the dérive via his restructured group Situationist
International. Using architecture as the primary focus for his deconstruction of
established social theories, Debord rejected the Euclidean constants in the structure of
the urban landscape that limited both movement and expression. Instead, the early
psychogeographers utilised abstraction of both movement and hermeneutics to arrive
at a resolutely postmodern view of the environment (Debord 1996: 35).
Other approaches
If one takes the idea of Feng Shui into the realm of Chtcheglovian psychogeography,
one immediately sees that it is a type of environmental psychology. Within Feng Shui ,
physical environmental features do tend to correlate to psychological aspects of not
only what and who we are as human beings, but also what we want from life. The
unconscious tends to seek some kind of outward expression or manifestation. One
merely needs to look around his or her home to come face to face with one’s
subconscious. A piano, on a simpler and more physical note, is said to take on its own
‘personality’ when played enough, as its keys and strings have been struck a certain
series of ways over time, thus rendering it with qualities unique to that piano.
Likewise, a forest that has been visited repeatedly as a source of inspiration for a poet
may eventually take on such unconscious traits as happiness, melancholy, invigoration
or whatever is drawn upon. It is here that we enter the world of conceptual space
(Gärdenfors 2000: 2). Senses and emotions themselves become more abstract (e.g.,
smelling colours or tasting sounds). It is this overlapping of sensory and emotional
input that allows for the multimodality of space and place to manifest itself. This
allows for an extensive potentiality in a variety of fields.
What value, then, does psychogeography hold for archaeology? As with many
theoretical approaches in archaeology, psychogeography starts off with an array of
sociopolitical underpinnings, and these in turn begin to express themselves through art
and literature before settling in to the comfortable security of science. Literature, in
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this case, is considered in its widest possible sense: anything written down or logged in
order to ensnare that essence of what leaves a mark on the psyche or what that
psyche projects outwardly onto the landscape itself (Self 2007: 12). Thoroughly written
poetry, texts, novels or plays but also pulp fiction, comics, journalism, songs,
documents all have bits and pieces that are psychogeographic time frames within
descriptive narrative texts. Eventually, as all the pieces of these fragmented narratives
are brought together, they play the role of a broken pot that has been reconstructed,
enabling the viewer to read the past story of a city (or of any landscape) and thereby
to map its very essence. Literary narrative works are the mediums that allow us to
make contact with the spirits of past places. We can also reverse the process: if we
wish to discover more about works of literature, all we need do is drift through the
city. Psychogeography becomes art in action.
If the map is art, then from the viewpoint of early psychogeographers, the map is
surely a part of psychogeography. People were making predictions of what future
maps may look like as early as the Mesopotamians (Kerrigan 2010: 36-37) in what we
now call the ‘Babylonian Map of the World’ (fig. 1).
Figures 1 and 2 The Babylonian map of the World and its reconstruction (British Museum 2013).
To the casual observer, this map would seem the stuff of mere mythology. In fact, the
British Museum goes so far to say just that in its description of the map (British
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Present approaches
Deep Mapping has been defined as a “methodology that allows us to combine multiple
quantitative, qualitative and multimedia data about a space or place with the purpose
of building a spatial narrative” (Danielson 2012). However, I would argue that a
methodology in the context of psychogeography tends to funnel all attempts at
enquiry or research into a single pipeline of interpretation. A less methodological
approach and more open hermeneutical stance yields the freedom to engage with
space and place in a variety of new ways. A methodological approach to deep mapping
becomes a narrow and singularist one, whereas the more phenomenological approach
would leave all investigations open for further enquiry. Rather than merely describe a
spatial experience, a deep map should evoke it (Shanks and Pearson 2001: 162).
The GIS involved with deep mapping functions in a series of layers, yet any of the
layers may be added or retracted as is necessary. These become intertwined into a
narrative showing the spacio-temporal influences in socio-cultural activity, feeling and
interaction. Movement in this context is never restricted, and in the same way,
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interpretation is an open platform for discussion. In true Situationist fashion, the art of
psychogeography comes full circle through the realm of hard science and back again
when brought into the field of spatial humanities. With GIS applications, deep mapping
becomes a digital landscape and experience that creates real as well as imagined
renderings of places through time and space with each specific use resulting in a
unique spatial narrative that is part of a cumulative as well as interactive whole.
This is by no means a new concept when viewed in the context of the Babylonian Map
of the World above. By using places they had been, Mesopotamian cultures were
clearly able to render imagined places across the ‘Bitter River’ they called the sea. By
layering the known, the sensed, the felt and the imagined, the world becomes one
huge phenomenological palimpsest, indeed infinite palimpsests, that the archaeologist
need only choose from to start on the road of enquiry.
Until now, archaeology has predominantly been involved with trying to look over the
present’s head in order to get a better view of the past. With experimental walks such
as the dérive, and with techniques such as deep mapping, this no longer becomes
necessary. Privileged narratives no longer become necessary. Archaeology thus opens
up to become a more democratic field of research with no stone left unturned.
Psychogeography is not merely a lens in the present that we may look back to the past
through. It is in fact one more lens with which to see the past directly with. The past is
never really gone, as Shanks knew as far back as the 1980s when his work with Tilley
began. He reminds us that the past remains in the archaeological record, and this
certainly includes the spatial record (Shanks 1991: 1).
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Potential Applications
Furthering the concept that space and place are three dimensional, the dérive
possesses high potential in maritime archaeology as well. Sea environments that were
once thriving land masses such as Doggerland in northwestern Europe (fig. 3), the Soya
Strait between Japan and Siberia (fig. 4) and Sundaland in Indonesia, just to name a
few, have their own stories to tell. These sea bed environments are not deep by any
means, and most are accessible within recreational scuba diving limits.
Figure 3 Doggerland (Coles 2000) Figure 4 Soya Land Bridge (Davison et al. 2005)
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Doggerland has yielded many artefacts from a variety of time frames and is already
open to new forms of interpretation (Coles 2000: 398). Even more practical (if not
quite enjoyable) are coastal ‘fieldwalks’ underwater. These dives can simply be normal
logged recreational dives with psychogeographical recordings entered into the log
books of everyday recreational divers, thereby giving new meaning to and opening the
way for new kinds of deep maps.
Conclusion
Bibliography
Bodenhamer, D., Harris, T. and Corrigan, J. 2013. Deep Mapping and the Spatial
Humanities. International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 7(1): 170-175.
Coles, B.J. 2000 Doggerland: the cultural dynamics of a shifting coastline. In: K. Pye and
S.R.L. Allen. eds. Coastal and Estuarine Environments: Sedimentology, Geomorphology
and Geoarchaeology. London: The Geological Society. pp.393-401.
Danielson, L. 2012. Defining Deep Maps. The Polis Center Indiana University, 2 July.
Available at: http://thepoliscenter.iupui.edu/index.php/defining-deep-maps/
[Accessed 4 December 2013].
Davison, A., Chiba, S., Barton, N.H. and Clarke, B. 2005. Speciation and Gene Flow
between Snails of Opposite Chirality. PLoS Biology 3(9): 282.
Kerrigan, M. 2010. The Ancients in Their Own Words. London: Transatlantic Press.