Late Victorian Holocausts El Nifio Famines and the Making of the Third World eieiees ee bak 4 Pal whe (ee Now versoFa publishes Verso 2001 [Copjegh 2001 Mike Dvir “Aight reserved ‘The moval gh the athorhavebechaseiad UK: 6 Mea Steet, Condon WIV IHR 1s: 0 Vac Set New Yor. NY Tot #06 Verso the npn af New Left Books (s0Niassne 7590 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Dats Acatlgte ecsdfv this bonk esl om he Beh bears Library of Congeets Catalagingin Pablieatinn Data ‘catalog recor for dis books aval om the Lbraty of Congress Designed ad ypeset by Steven Ha ‘Sun Franco, Calon Pini andboord nhs USA by B-Ball & Sone Offende Itis so. tombs, se galloping Nothing, will erase nothing, of sand a upon theened ei Lary >a Date fy of Congres 18 Sens Offended Lands Itisso much, so many tombs, so much martyrdom, so much, galloping of beasts inthe star! Nothing, not even victory will erase the terrible hollow of the blood: nothing, neither the sea, nor the passage of sand and time, nor the geranium Naming ‘upon the grave Pablo Neruda (1937)Acknowledgements Preface A Note on Definitions Parr The Great Dror 1 Vietoria’s Ghosts 2. “The Poor Eat Thei 3 Gunboats and Mes: Pane Il EL Nifio and ch 4 The Government ¢ 5. Skeletons at the Fe: 6 Millenatian Revole, Pant Ill Deeyphering 7 The Mystery of the 8 Climates of Hunge ParcrIV ‘The Political 9 The Origins of theContents Acknowledgements Preface A Note on Definitions Par | The Great Drought, 1876-1878 1 Victoria's Ghosts 2 “The Poor Eat Their Homes’ 3 Gunboats and Messiahs Pate El Nifio and the New Imperial 4 The Government of Hell 5 Skeletons at the Feast 6 Millenarian Revolusions 1898-1902, Par ill Decyphering ENSO. 7 The Mystery of the Monsoons 8 Climates of Hunger Part IV. The Political Ecology of Farnine 9 ‘The Origins of the Third World 23 25 6 on 7 ns at 177 au 213 239 a7 279ea LATE VICTORIAN HOLOcAUSTS 10 India: The Modernization of Poverty 11 China: Mandates Revoked 12 Brazil: Race and Capital in the Nordeste Glossary Notes Index 31 341 377 395 399 431 Acl ‘An ancict interest in lima fy on the wall athe June 1 Scale Global Climate Chart mine environmental history discuss sate oF the art ese experience, and | thank the what was intended to bea f “The outline for this boo ber 1998 at che conference by Nancy Peluso ane! Miche Balakrishnan generously of in is eatly stages. Kurt Ce Dan Monk and Sara Lipto Cheryl Murakami provided by Steve Hate, Colin Rabi Books, while David Deis ere sete proofread the galleys wi bered opportunities for rose ‘The real windfalls n my of my conpaiiera, Alessande Jack and Roisin; and the frie1s ai 3a 377 395 399 451 Acknowledgements ‘An ancient interes in climate history was rekindled during the week I spent as a Aly on the wall atthe June 1998 Chapman Conference, “Mechanism of Millennial- Scale Global Climate Change,” in Snowbird, Utah, Listening to the folks who ‘ine environmentel history from the Greenland Ice Sheet and the Bermuda Rise discuss state-ofthe-art research on climate oscillations was a truly exhilarating experience, and I thank the organizers for allowing a mere historian 10 kibice ‘what was intended to be a family conversation, “The outline for this book was subsequently presented as a paper in Septem bber 1998 at the conference “Environmental Violence” organized at UC Berkeley bby Nancy Peluso and Michael Watts, Vinayak Chaturvedi, Tom Brass and Gopal Balakrishnan generously offered expert and luminous criticisms of this project in its early stages. Kart Cuffey spraced up some of the physics in Chapter 7, Dan Monk and Sara Lipton, Michelle Huang and Chi-She Li, and Steve and ‘Cheryl Murakami provided the essential lela. The truly hard work was done by Steve Hiatt, Colin Robinson, Jane Hindle and my other colleagues at Verso Books, while David Deis ereated the excellenc maps and graphics and Tom Has- sett prooftead the galleys with care. A MacArchur Fellowship provided unencim- bered opportunites for research and writing, ‘The real windfalls in my life, however, have been the sturdy love and patience ‘of my compat, Alessandra Moctezuma; the unceasing delight of my children, Jack and Roisin; and the fiendship of two incomparable rogue-intellectuale and: LATE VICTORIAN HOLUCAUSTS racontews, David Reid and Mike Sprinker. David took precious time off from 1940s New York to help weed my final draft. Moke introduced me to the impres- sive work of South Astan Marzist historians and provided a decisively important critique of the book's original conception, His death from a heart attack in ‘August 1999, after a long and apparently successful fight againse cancer, was simply an obscenity, He was one of the genuinely great souls of the American Lei. As José Marié once said of Wendell Philips “He was implacable and fery, as ‘are all ender men who love justice.” I dedicate this book to his beloved wife and ‘outhinker, Modhumita Roy, and thank her for the courage she has shared with all of us. “The fare o 1876.0 1979 r auch of Asia, rural society 0 the famine ch alice she burr Te was the most famavs ane "Under a erescondo of ext newly rerired president of 00 Jess left Philadelphia the ep was to spend some fied (after the fashion that gentleman.” Poor Nelli, is preferred sed carpets, ches biographers has puri, “mt manfully endured adslatio Folks back home were di accounts ofthe “stupendo‘precious time off from luced me to the impres a decisively important from a heart attack in aise against cancer, was + souls of the American simplacable and fiery. as «co bis beloved wife and weshe has shared with all Preface ‘The failure of the monsoons dhrough the years fom. 1876 0 1879 resulted in an unusually severe drought over much of Asia The impace of the drought on the agrical ‘tural society of the time was immense, Sofas is known, the famine that revished the region isthe Worse ever to ice the human species “John Hidoce, Glo! Entounental Charge [twas the most famous and perhaps longest family vacaiion in American history. “Under a crescendo of criticism for the corruption of his administration,” the newly retired president of the United States, Ulysses S. Grant, bis wife Julia, nd son Jesse left Philadelphia in spring 1877 for Europe. The ostensible purpose of the tip was to spend some time with daughter Nellie in England, who was mar ried {after the fashion that Henry James would celebrate) to a "dissolute English _gentleman.” Poor Nellie, in fact, saw litle of her publicty-hungry parents, who preferred red carpets, checring throngs and state banquets. As one of Grant's ‘biographers has put it, “much has been sald about how Grant, che simple fellow, ‘nanflly endured adutation because it was his duty to do so, This is nonsense.” Folks back home were thrilled by New Yor’ Herald journalist John Russell Young's accounts of the “stupendous dinners, with food and wine in enormous quantity,2 LATE Vie TORIAN HOLOCAUSTS and riches, followed by brandy which the genial countered with countess cigars” Even more than het husband, Mrs. Grant ~ bt fr ore Sumter, a Grunken amet win Galea Mps~"could no get too many prncly ate tions.” Asa result, “the teip went on and on and on” ~as did Young's columns in the Heal! Wherever they supped, the Grants left 2 legendary crail of gaucheries. In Venice, the General told the descendants of the Doges that "it would be a fine cityif they drained it,” while ata banquet in Buckingham Palace, when the visibly ‘uncomfortable Queen Victoria horrified ata “tantrum” by son Jesse) invoked her “fatiguing duties” as an excuse vo escape the Grants, julia esponcled: "Yes, 1 ean imagine them: {too have been the wife of a great rules”® In Berlin, the Grants hovered around the ftinges of the great Congress of Powers as it geappled with the “Eastern Question” asa prelude tothe final European assault on the uncolo. ‘ized peoples of Aftica, Asia and Oceania. Pechaps it was the intoxication of so ‘much imperialist hyperbole or the vision of even more magnificent receptions in oriental palaces that prompted the Grants to transform their vacat world tour. With James Gordon Bennett fr. of the New York Herald paying the bar tab and the US Navy providing much of the transportation, che ex- First Family plotted an itinerary chat would have humbled Alexander the Great: up the Nile to Thebes in Upper Bgypr, back to Palestine, then on to Italy and Spain, beck to the Suez Canal, outward to Aden, India, Burma, Vietnam, China and Japan, and, finally, across the Pacific ta Calforata Vacationing in Famine Land Americans were particulanly enthralled by the idea of their Ulysses i the land of| the pharaohs. Steaming up the Nile, with a we'l-shumbed copy of Mark Twain’s Innocents Abroad on his lp, Grant was bemused to be welcomed in village alter village as the “King of America." He spent quiet afternoons on the river rem niscing to Young (and thousands of his readers) about the bloody road from Vieksburg to Appomattox. Once he chastised the younger officers in his party for taking unsporting potshors a stray cranes and pelicans. (He satcastcally sug, gested chey might as well go ashore and shoot some “poor, patient drudging camel, who pulls his heavy Jaden hump along the bank”) On another occasion, ‘when their litde steamer had to pull up for the night while the crew fixed the engine, Grant's son Jesse standing guard around th forcing them far fom theiy bad, calamity comes and th Indeed the Grants idl along the river banks. "Ox Figure PY The Granien pp that ina better sine mest | year alli parched and bay the warmth of peasant hos south of Siout {capital of ( armed themselves and hes ‘esnor, the Americans were journey w Thebes and the total and thousands were boblial isastex” for Hera and cracked, The ittysrs. countered with countless Dut for Fort Sumter, a too many princely atten as did Young's columns in ry trail of gaucheries. In that “it would be a fine -m Palace, when the visibly by son Jesse)invoked her tla responded: “Yes, {can lee” tn Berlin, the Grants Dowers as it grappled wich cean assault on the uncolo ‘was the intoxication of 50 are magnificent receptions form their vacation into a “York Herald paying the bar tation, the ex-Frst Family der the Great: up the Nile to Italy and Spain, back co vam, China and Japan, and, their Ulysses inthe land of sbed copy of Mark Twain's + weleomed in village afer joons on the river out the bloody road from anger officers in his party {cans (He sarcastically sug, ve "poor, patient drudging Ak-") On another occasion, ue while the crew fixed the PREFACE 3 ‘engine, Grant's son Jesse struck up a conversation with some of the bedouin standing guard around the campfire. They complained that “times are hard, forcing them far from their homes. "The Nile has been bad, and when the Nile is bad, calamity comes and the people go away to other villages.” Indeed the Grants’ idyll was soon broken by the increasingly grim conditions ‘long the river banks. “Our journey.” reported Young, “was through a country Figure Pr The Grants Upper Hype that in a better time must have been a gerden: but the Nile not having risen this year alls parched and barren.” Although so far the Grants had only basked in the warmth of peasant hospitality, there had been widespread rioting in the area south of Siout (capital of Upper Egypt) and some of the felehin had reportedly armed thernselves and headed into the sand hills, At the insistence of the gov lemor, the Americans were assigned an armed guard for the remainder of their journey to Thebes and the First Cataract. Here the crop failure had been nearly total and thousands were dying from famine. Young tied to paint picture of the “piblical disaster” for Herald veadees: "Today che fields ate parched and brown, and cracked. The irrigating ditches are dry. You see ssumps of the last season's4 LATE VICTORIAN HOLOGAUSTS crop. But withthe exception of a few clusters ofthe castorbean and some weary, drooping dave pals, the earth gives forth no fv. A gust of sand blows over the plain and ads tothe somberness ofthe scene."* ‘Young, sho had become as enchanted with Egypt's common people as with \tsancient monuments, was appalled by the new Brish uzerains'contempruous atitude toward both. "The Englishman.” he observed, “Tooks upon these people ashishewers of wood and drawers of water, whose duty isto work and to thank the Lord when they are not flogged. They only regard these monuments (mean- while] ax reservoirs from which they can supply their own museums and for ‘hat purpose they have plundered Egypt, just as Lord Elgin plundered Greece, Younignoted the cushing burden thatthe country's enormous foreg debt, now policed by the British, placed upon is poorest and now famished people. The ex- President, or spare, was annoyed by the insoucianc attitude of the local burea ‘rats confronted witha disaster of such magnitude’ ‘A year later in Bombay, Young found more evidence for his thesis chat "En lish influence inthe Basis only another name for English tyranny” While the Grants were marveling over the seeming infinity of servants a che disposal of the shibs, Young was weighing the costs of empire borve by the Indians. "There is no despotism.” he concluded, “more absolute than the government of India. Mighty, responsible, ceuel ." Cooscious that more than 5 million Indians by ‘official count had die of famine in the preceding che years, Young emphasized that che “money which England takes out of India every year is a serious drain ‘pon the countey, and s among the causes ofits poverty” Leaving Bombay she Grant party passed through a Deccan counteyside ~ “hard, baked and brown” tha sillbore the scars ofthe worst drought ir human memory. "the ride was a dusty one, for rain had not fallen since Septernber, and the few occasional showers which usually astend the blossoming of the mango, ‘which had not appeared, were now the dread of the people, who feared their coming to rum the ripening crops.” ARer obligatory sightseeing trips to the Taj Mahal and Senares, the Grants had a brief rendezvous with the vieroy, Lord Lyton, in Caleta and then lef, far ahead of schedule, for Burma, Lyeon would Inter accuse a drunken Grant of groping English ladies at inner, while on the “American side there was resentment of Lytton's seeming difidence towards the cexepresident* Gran’s confidant, the diplomat Adam Badeau, thought that Lytton had received “instructions fre Presisent. He belioved that th half ewilized populations of * thay any authority deserved rofinsed Badeau's request to = ish) ‘A magnificent reeeption Hongzhang, China's senior 5 Young confused with the Ts cele negotiations with Japan rumned out in Shanghai to ch “Jobe Brown's Body.” (Chin ‘was nor Egypt. Youngeatlier of heir homes in Canton " contempt in their expression regard Siting Bull o Red Cl: procession along Fifth Avent En route from Tianjin to unrelenting heat” compour tion," Three years of drougt terrible disscer in ewenty-or somewwhore berween s mili consular officals noted io ¢ of inaproved weapons mobs cal itusace."* I his con some ingolence that ralroae matcer of famines, of whic ceame f0 China, it would be tions, In America, there co" China, unless, as was hard ‘general, IF the crops filed ata litte extra expense in r from one end of the count that he was personally in farsts torbean and someweary, 2st of sand blows over the + common people as with suzerains’ contemptuous “looks upon these people ty isto Work and to thank these monuments [mean ir own museums and for gin plundered Greece.” ormous foreign debt, now famished people. The ex- titude of che local bureau sce for his chess that “En. aglish tyranny” While the ervants atthe disposal of. ne by the Indians, "There ‘che government of India than 5 million Indians by + years, Young emphasized cry year is a serious deain vy" 1 Deccan countryside fe worst drought in human allen since September, and slossoming of the mango, people, who feared their sightseeing rips to the Taj sus with the viceroy, Lord for Burma, Lytton would sat dinnes, while on the sing diffdence towards the adeau, though that Lytton PREFACE ‘ hhad received “instructions from home not to pay too much deference to the ex President. He believed thatthe British Government was unwilling to admit ro the halfcivilized populations of the Bast that any Western Power was important, oF that any authority deserved reeogmition except their own.” (Grant, accordingly, refused Badeau’s request to ask the US ambassador in London to thank the Bait ish ‘A magnificent reception in China compensated for Lytton's arrogance. Li Hongzhang, Chioa’s senior statesman and victor over the Nisn rebellion (which ‘Young confused with the Taiping), was eager to obtain American help in diff cult negotiations with Japan over the Ryukus. Accordingly, 100,000 people were turned out in Shanghai to cheer the Grants while a local band gamely attempted “John Brown's Body” (Chinese enthusiasm, however, was mainly official. This -was not Egypt. Young eatlier noted the young mandarins who ftom the windows of their homes in Canton “looked upon the barbarian with 2 supercitious ait, contempt in their expression, very much a8 our young nen in New York would regard Sitting Bull or Red Cloud from a club window as the Indian chiefs went in procession along Fifth Avenue.”)"" En route from Tianjin to Beijing, the Americans were weatied by the “fierce, unrelenting heat” compounded by depressing scenery of hunger and desola sion." Three years of drought and famine innorihern China oficially the “most ersible disaster ia qwenty-one dynasties of Chinese history" —had recently killed somewhere between 8 million end 20 millon people." Indeed nervous American consular officials noted in thelr dispatches that “were it not for the possesion, cof improved weapons mabs of starving people might have cause cal disturbance."” In his conversations with Li Hongzhang, Gant lectured with, some iosolence that rallroads might have provented such a catastrophe: “In the ‘master of famines, of which he had heard so many dlstessing stories since he ‘ame to China, it would be blessing to the people to have railway communica: tions In America, there could be no famine such as had receatly been seen in ‘China, unless, as was hardly possible in so vast a territory, the famine became ‘general IF the exops filed in one State, supplies could be brought from others ata litle extra expense in money and time. We could send wheat, for instance, from one end of the country to another ina few days.” Li Hongehang responded thae he was personally in favor of railways and telegraphs but unforcunately "his a severe polis‘ LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS ‘opinions on this were not shared by some of his colleagues." The great Qing. leader, of course, was engaging in heroic understatement. ‘The Secret History of the Nineteenth Century After Bejing, Grant continued,to Yokohama and Edo, then home across the Pacific to rapturous reception in San Francisco that demonstrated the dramatic revival of his popularity slight of so much romantic and highly publicized globe trotting, Throat cancer eventually precluded another assault on the White House and forced the expresident into a desperate race to finish his famous Personal ‘Memoirs. But mone of that is pertinent to this preface. What is germane sa coin- ‘idence in his travels that Grant himself never acknowledged, but which almost certainly must have puzzled readers of Young's narrative: the successive encoun. ‘ers with epi drought and famine in Egypt, Ina and China fe was almost as if the Americans were inadvertently folowing in the foogprins of « monster whose «colossal tral of destruction extended from the Nile to the Yellow Ses, As contemporary readers of Nature and other scientific journals were aware, it ‘was disaster of truly planetary magnitude, with drought and famine reported as ‘well n Java, the Philippines, New Caledonia, Korea, Brazil, southern Affiea and the Mabgreb, No one had hitherto suspected that synchronous extreme weather ‘was possible on the scale ofthe entice tropical monsoon bel plus northern China and North Affice. Nor was there any historical record of farnine aflicting so ‘many far-flung lands simultaneously. though only the roughest estimates of ‘mortality could be made, it was horrifying clear thatthe millon iish dead of 1845-47 had been multiplied by tens The total toll of conventional warfare from ‘Austorlitz to Antietam and Sedan, according to calculations by one British jour. hast, was probably ess than the mortality in southern India alone. Only Chi a's Taiping Revolution (1851-64), the bloodiest civil war in world history with an estimated 20 million to 30 milion dead, could boast as many vietims. Bu the great drought of 1876-79 was only the frst of three global subsistence crises in the second half of Victoria's reign. in 1889-91 dry years again brought famine to India, Korea, Brazil and Russia, ahough the worst suffering was in Ethiopia and the Sudan, where pechaps one-thitd of the population died. Then in 1896-1902, the monsoons again repeatedly failed across the tropics and in north: ‘en China, Hugely destructive epidemics of malaria, bubonic plague, dysentery, India India Toul China 7679 195-1900 China Tor! Brazil WIS 1896-1906 Brasil Tota Tosal ‘Source: wil igh, Pr Famine, Deb 196; lon Set thor; Comri: Esnemie tory (Oporto 197%; Pal Coben, Hier 2 71 ones Bai 1877-1860" Ph People at tari, Baer Res smallpox and cholera culle weakened. The European rapaciously exploited the « ‘muna lands, and tap nove: from a metropolitan persp, glory was, from an Asian ¢ funeral pyre ‘The toral human toll ¢ could not have been less 1 bbe unrealistic, (Table P1 d 1876-79 and 1896-1902 inusts leagues." The great Qing sent. ‘do, then home across the demonstrated the dramatic snd highly publicized globe: assault onthe White House "finish his famous Personal What is germane isa coin- wiedged, but which almost tive: the successive encoun: 4 China, te was almost as if print of a monster whose > the Yellow Ses, tific journals were aware, it aght and famine reported as Brazil, southern Afiica and schronous extreme weather onbeltplus northern China ord of famine afflicting so the roughest estimates af at the million Irish dead of ‘conventional warfare from. lations by one British jour- rn India alone." Only Chi- ‘war in world history with st as many vietims. of three global subsistence 91 dry years agsin brought the worst suffering was in 1¢ population died, Then in oss the tropics and in north: bubonic plague, dysentery, PREFACE 7 TablePt stated Famine Mortlicy oe Tos million Diy 82milion Moharasoa 6: malion Seavoy 1696-1902, 190 lon ‘TheLoncer S4milion Mahararna/Seavoy 6.1 milion Cambridge India Total 122-293 milion ‘China ieee 20 malion Broomall 95-13 milion Bohr 1896-1900 omillion Cohen China Foral 1.5.30 milion Brea Ie 05-10million _Gunmaff 1996-1900 nd. Beall Total 2 million Smith “Fos! 317-613 milion ‘Souce: CE Wilam Dighy, “Pps” rth ed, London 101; Aap Maharama, Tae Denogphy ‘of Fomine Doh 1996; Roland Seay. ane Peet Saiz, New York 186 The Lins ea ‘Woz Cambridge onc History fa, Cambie 863A | Broomfal Hain Teor and China (Ope eters, Rok Se Asal on hear, London 1985; Paooh,Fanien China Cambedge Mas, 187: Paul Cohen, Htory in The Ses, New York 1997, Roger Cunail, “The Great Droghe Notheast ral, 177-1660" PAD ds, Universo Texas, tn 1970 and Lyn Sith Bes Pople end Inston, Baton Rouge, La 1958. Chasers ands Have Geta Ascusons of hee smalipox and cholera culled millions of victims fom the ranks of the famine: ‘weakened. The European empires, together with Japan and the United States, rapaciously exploited the opportunity to wrest new colonies, expropriate com: ‘nual lands, and eap novel sources of plantation and mine labor. What seemed from a metropolitan perspective the nineteenth cenrary's final blaze of imperial ‘glory was, from an Asian or Aican viewpoint, only the hideous light of a giant funeral pyre ‘The total human toll of these three waves of drought, famine and disease ‘could not have been less then 30 million victims. Fifty million dead might not be unrealistic. (Table Pi displays an array of estimates for famine mortality for 1876-79 and 1896-1902 in India, China and Brazil only) Although the famished‘ LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS nations themselves were the chief mourners, there were also contemporary Europeans who understood the moral magnitude of such carnage and how fun: damentally ic annulled the apologies of empire. Thus the Radical journalist Wil liam Dighy, principal chronicler of the 1876 Madras famine, prophesized on the «eve of Queen Victoria's death that when “the pat played by the British Empire in the nineteenth century is regarded by the historian fifty years hence, the unnec essary deaths of millions of Indians would be its principal and most notorious ‘monument "6A most eminent Victorian, the famed naturalist Alfred Russe! Wal lace, the couiscoverer with Darwin of the theary of narural selection, passion- ately agreed. Like Digby, he viewed mass starvation as avoidable politcal tragedy, not “natural” disaster Ina famous balance-sheet of the Victorian era, published in 1898, he characterized the famines in India and China, together with the slum poverty of the industrial cities, as “the most cerible failures of the cencury."”” But while the Dickensian slum remains in the World history curriculum, the famine children of 1876 and 1899 have disappeared. Almost without exception, modern historians writing about ninetcen polican vantage-point have ignored the late Vicrorian mega droughts and famines ‘hat engulfed what we now call the “third world.” Bric Hobsbawm, for example, makes no allusion in his famous trilogy on nineteenth-century history to the worst famines in perhaps 500 yearsin India and China, although he does mention. the Great Hunger in Ireland as well as the Russian famine of 1891-92, Likewise, the sole reference to famine in David Landes's The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, 8 magnum opus meant to solve the mystery of inequality between nations — is the erroneous claim chat British railroads eased hunger in India." Numerous scentury world history froma metro- ‘other examples could be cited of comtemporary historjans’ curious neglect of such portentous events, Iti ike writing the history ofthe late ewenticth century without mentioning the Great Leap Forward famine or Cambodia's killing fields, The great famines are the missing pages ~ the absent defining moments, if you prefer in virtually every overview of the Victorian era. Yet there are compelling, even urgent, reasons for revisiting this secret history. At issue is not simply that tens of millions of poor rural people died appall: ingly, but that they died in a manner, and for reasons, that contradict much of the conventional understanding of the economic history of the nineteenth cen: tury. For example, how do we explain the fac that in the very half-century when peacetime famine permanen, 50 devastatingly throughout weigh smug claims abour eh modern grain markets wher alongside nilroad tracks oF inthe ease of China for the especially famine relief, tha forced “opening” to moderni ‘We not are dealing, in ork nant backwaters of world hi precise moment (1870-1914) ‘conscripted into a London-ce the “modern world system,” rated into its economic and Liberal Capitalism: indeed, rr ‘al application of the sacred ‘wentieth-century economic the great Vietorian famines the history of capitalist moc ‘Transformation. “The actual was the five marketing of g Fate of craps, of cours rade poss ro send people ware unable tos pletely onganized anchor tims soll lacal stones hak now discontinued or swept sltsaton had bon fait ke of the countryside, fneladin exchange Indians penshad Polanyi, however, believed tt aspectsof late nineteenth-co even greater issue of culturasts were also contemporary sch carnage and bow fue ‘ne Radical journalist Wik ‘mine, prophesized on the bby the British Empire in ‘yyears hence, the unnec- ‘pal and most notorious tals Alfred Russel Wale satura selection, passion: woidabl political wagedy, Victorian era, published v3 together withthe slum ures ofthe century" id history curviculum, the most without exception, orld history fora metro: eguedcoughts and fanines Hotsbawm, for example shoemury history to the although he does mention ine of 1891-92, Likewise, teh and Poverty of Nation tualiry berween nations 1ger in india." Numerous onians' curious neglect of the late wenveth century = Cambodia's ling elds defining moments, if you Yet there ae compelling rural people died appall: 4 that contradice much af ory of the nineteenth cen: he very halfentury when pRecace . peacetime famine permanently disappeared from Western Europe, i increased 0 devastatingly throughout much of the colonial world? Equally how do we ‘weigh smug claims about the lifesaving benefits of steara trnsportetion and modern grain markers when so many rnilians, expecially in British Indi, ded alongside aikoad tracks or on the steps of grain depos? And how do we acount in the case of China forthe drastic decline in stae capacity and popular welfare, specially famine relief, chat seemed to fllow in lockstep with the empie’s forced “opening” to modernity by Britain and the other Powers? ‘We not are dealing, in other words, with “lands of fernine” becalmed in stage nant backwaters of world history, but withthe fate of tropical humanity atthe precise moment (1870-1914) when its labor and products were being dynamically preserve the cattle by pro: e been collected or charity recourse forthe young, the ing trek to Hyderabad ~ an grain, meanwhile, brought fall had been adequate. As peasants overwhelmed the and Madras governments. ror of Bengal, Sir Richard Delegate by Lytton to clamp atened the financing of the cay had also skirmished bi bay, over Caleuta’s refuse of 1876, his greatest indig: iblic charity indisesiminace” rer of the population was Earlier, in 1873-74, he had vith 9 drought that severely Bihar Importing balf a mil: g subsistence, both through led mass mortality, Indeed tion deaths. It was the only ‘entury and might have been sergencies. Instead, Temple savagance” of allowing “the ced by the datly food needs 2 market rather than by the ‘orthe purpose." In public, vicroria’s cHosts ” the was lambasted by ‘The Beonomist for encouraging indolent Indians to believe that “itis the duty of the Government to keep them alive." Senior civil servant, ‘convinced (according to Lord Salisbury) that t was “a mistake to spessd so much money 10 save 3 lor of black fellows,” denounced the relief campaign as “pure Fourierism.”* Temple's carcer was almost rained ‘ In 1877 the thoroughly chastened lieutenant-governor, “burning to reiieve his reputation for extravagance in the last famine,” had become the implacable instrument of Lytion’s frugality: The viceroy boasted to the India Olfie that he ‘could not have found “a man more likely, or better able to help us save money fn famine management." Indeed, The Times was soon marveling atthe “plisbil ity” of his character: “Sir Richard Temple, whether rightly or wrongly has the reputation of having a mind so plastic and principles so facie that he can in a ‘moment change front and adopt most contradictory lines of policy. His course inthe famine districts certainly seems to bear this out, for he iseven more strict than the Supreme Governmentin enforcing policy which differs in every respect fom that which he himself practised in Behar three years ago." Although Victoria in her message to the imperial Assemblage hac reassored. Indians that their “happiness, prosperity and welfare” were the "present aimsand objects of Our Empite,”* Temple's brief from the Council of India left no ambi- _guity about the government's teue priorities: “The tsk of saving life itrespective of cost is one which itis beyond our power to undertake. The embarrassment of debt and weight of taxation consequent on the expense thereby involved would soon become more fatal than the famine itself." Likewise, the viceroy insisted that Temple everywhere in Madras “tighten the reins.” The famine campsign in Lytton’s conception was a semi-military demonstration of Britain's necessary guardianship over a people unable to help themselves, not an opportunity for Indian initiative or sel organization * Hf, a8 modern authority on famine erapha- sizes, "emergency tele, like development ai, is only truly effective if the reeip- fents have the power to determine what it is and how itis used," ‘Temple's perverse task was to make relief as repugnant and ineffective 25 possible In zealously following his instructions to the leter, he became to Indian history ‘what Charles Edward ‘Trevelyan — permanent sectetary to the Treasury during ‘the Great Hunger (and, later, governor of Madras) had become to rish history: the personification of fie market economics as # mask for colonial genocide.”an LATE VICTORIAN HOLocAUSTS ‘na lightning tour of the famished countryside of the eastern Deccan, Temple purged a half million people from relief work and forced Madras to follow Bow- bay's precedent of requiting starving applicants to travel to dormnitory camps out- side their locality for coolie labor on railroad and canal projects. The deliberately cruel “distance test” refused work to able-bodied adults and older children within ‘ tenmile radius of their homes. Farnished laborers were alzo prohibited from seeking relief until “it was certified that they had become indigenr, destitute and ‘capable of only a modicum of labour." Dighy later observed that Temple “went to Madras with the preconceived idea thatthe calamity had been exaggerated, ‘that it was being inadequately met, and thet, therefore, facts were, unconsciously ‘ay be, squared with this theory... He expected to see a certain state of things, and he saw thar— that and none othes”" Inaself proclaimed Benthamite “experiment” that eerily prefigured later Nazi research on minimal buman subsistence diets in concentration camps, Temple ‘cut rations for male coolies, whom he compared to “a school full of refractory childeen,” down to one pound of rice per diem despite medical testimony that the ryots ~ once “strapping fine fellows” — were now “litle more than animared skeletons... utterly unfe for any work.” (Noting that felons traditionally received ‘ovo pounds of rice per day, one district official suggested that “it would be berver to shoot down the wretches than to prolong their misery inthe way proposed.")” “The same reduced ration had been introduced previously by General Kennedy (another acerbic personality, "not personally popular even in his own depart ment")? in the Rombay Deccan, and Madras’s sanitary commissioner, Dr. Car nish, was “of the opinion that ‘experiment’ in thae case [mest] only slox, but certain starvation,” Apart from: its sheer deficiency in energy, Cornish pointed ‘out that the exclusive rice ration without the daily addition of proteinich pulses al}, fish or meat would lead to rapid degeneration. Indeed, as the lieutenant- ‘governor was undoubtedly aware, the Indian government had previously fixed the minimum shipboard dies of emigrant coolies "living in a state of quietude” at ewenty ounces of rice plus one pound of dal, mutton, vegetables and conc: ‘ment In the event, the "Temple wage,” as it became known, provided less sus ‘tenance for hard labor than the diet inside the infamous Buchenwald concentra: ‘ion camp and less than half of the modern caloric standard recommended for adult males by the Indian government. The “1 Basal metabotian (aul) ‘Temple ation in Madras (1877, Buchenvld ation (194) ‘year-old child, appeoved det « Minimum war sation, pan (1S fdian aul, subsitenc (1985) “Tempe raion in Bengal (1874) Suevey of Bengal laborers (186: Indian male approved det (191 ‘Voit Atwater standard (495) Source Calorie value o Temple sae foie 9d, Bob 145 pees Icbsen 9448 Ae subatence det fom ok Me. Pant neran ed tone Paya ere tar being wey Ise fn Stn and ey, fod 92. PPpenyent ery tn ong MeGetlomttisonapanten Bs Janice nthe ar tee “Temple, who three year Bengal famine at one and dained the protests of Corn, ‘rcesponsinly” in his views, thing.” he lectured, “must disbursing the smallestsum life." He completed his co (Charitable Contributions Austs be eastern Deccan, Temple ‘ced Madtas to follow Bom selto dormitory camps out alprojects. The deliberately ‘sand older children within ‘were also prohibited from ome indigent, desticure and ‘served thar Temple “went nity had been exaggerated, 2, facts were, unconsciously (ee 2 certain state of things, cerily prefigured later Nazi centration camps, Temple “4 school fll of refractory sive medical testimony that “Titde more then animated felons traditionally received sed that “it would be better 2xry in the way proposed.” ously by General Kennedy a even in his own depart uy commissioner, Dr. Cor ase [meant] only slow, but in energy, Comish pointed sition of protein-rich pulses Indeed, as the lieutenant tment had previously fied sing in a state of quietude” ton, vegetables and condi known, provided less sus: ous Buchenwald concentra: standacd recommended for vicToRia’s GHOSTS 39 Table 13 “The “Temple Wage” in Perspective Scere Galore Value Activity Level ‘Basal metabolism (adule) 1500) No etivigy “Temple ration in Madras (1877 1az Heavy labor uchenwald ration (1948) 1750 Heavy Inbor pyeavoll child, approved diee(3981) 2050, Noel acivig Miniraum war ration, Japan (1945) iss Moderate activity Indian ad, subsistence (1885) 2400 Moderate stiviny “Temple rcion in Bengal (1674) 2500 Heavy labor Survey of engl laborers (1852) 2790 Hey labor Indian male, approved diet (1981) s900 Hay labor Voie arwaer standacd (1895) 3200 Howy labor “ounce Galen watz of Temple ain cin Sunt Guba, The Agaran Econo te Hombay seo, [ats oti, Deh 198, p. 186 nd, Buchenwel raion Flom C. Riche, "Medeaes sure camp de ‘uchearben 19-15 ln Aca Med 1291948 pp. 377-8: recommended Ian ‘Mistione dee bom Aack Mites" Nuttin Stoxion sp nd,” in Marae Beas ad Pot Pratupeandeen(ete), Menten andDevapnet Oxford 1985p. 6; basslmebolisn from Pulp Payor The Norarefsintrlon” sid, p.7:chdet an recommended cals fortndian males pevbeniay hewy labor from © Capen, “Uademutton Measurement ip 5. Osman (62), Junto cad Fone, Oxord 1992 p 2 Rew, aes Lang's 1802 uly of nga diets in Greenough Paper sey Moen ag, Onfor 82 p80 rs Vole Avwater bls cued Thccaton Huy Nati ston 1983, py, 1D-2:andtheTempleratondurngsket07¢Bengal fine cette onthe bas of pounds of ce pr day with condiments ol dale Gish Roa Jl 1877) “Temple, who three years earlier had fixed the minimum ration during the ‘Bengal famine at one and one-half pounds of rice plus dal, now publicly dis ddained the protests of Coish and other medical officers. They erroneously and. incesponsibly” in bis view, elevated public health above public finance, "Every: thing,” he lectured, “rust be subordinated ... to the financial consideration of disbursing the smallest sum of money consistent with the preservation of human. life." He completed his costsaving expedition to Madras by imposing the Anti Charitable Contributions Act of 1877, which prohibited at che pain of imptison-0 LAYE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS ment private elie! donations that potentially interfered with the market fixing of grain prices. He also stopped Buckingham from remitting oncrous land taxes in the famine distnets, in May, after Temple had reported back, the viceroy cen sured Madras officials for their “exaggerated impressions” of misery and “un- called for relief" Temple meanwhile proclaimed that he had put “the farnine tunder control." (Digby sourly responded that “a famine can scarcely be said to be adequately comtrolled which leaves one-fourth of the people dead.” ‘The militarization of relict, followed by the failure ofthe southwest monsoon and another doubling of grain prices in the six months from the middle of 1877, ppunctually produced lethal results.” Bxactly ag medical officials had werned, the “Temple wage” combined with heavy physical labor and dreadful sanitation turned the work camps into extermination camps. By the end of May horrified relief officials im Madras were reporting that more than half of che inmates were too weakened to carry out any physical labor whatsoever." Most of thera were dead by the beginning of the terrible summer of 1877. As Temple's most dogged critic, Dr. Cornish, poinced out, monthly mortality was now equivalent to an ‘annual death rate of 94 percent. Post-mostem examinations, moreover, showed ‘hat the chief cause of death — “entreme wasting of tissue and destruction of the lining membrane of the lower bowel” -was textbook starvation, with full-grown ‘men reduced to under sixty pounds in weight: Mortality was similar in earmps throughout the Bombay Deccan, where cholers, spread by pollued water and filth, accelerated the decimation. One official wrote that one relief road project “bore the appearance of a battlefield, its sides being strewn with the dead, the ying and those recently atacked,”** Jails ironically were the only exception to this instinusonal mortality patter, and they were generally preferzed by the poor tothe disease-rdden relief camps, ‘An American missionary described how a group of weavers begged him to have ‘hem arrested for nonfulflment of a contract. "We are very sorry, si, But we have eaten up all the money you gave us, and we have made no clothes We are ina starving condition, and if you will only send us to jail we shall get someching, {o eat.” It was an eminently sensible request, “Prisoners were the best fed poor ‘people in the country.” and, accordingly, “the jails wete filled to overflowing."® During the Irish famine, Trevelyan had procested that the country’s “greatest evil” was not hunger, but “the selfish, perverse and turbulent character of the people. Similarly. empl the camps was to blame #l respect to eating the bread any distance from rome: th submission 10 even simple those who have seen or pet that the majority of the fe bone and sinew of the cor ‘committed suicide: "Nor w they brought upon themse offen of crime," The Relief Serike These calumnies, of course ‘of Temple and Lytion, the Bombay Deccan {where the nized massive, Gandbilike “Temple added more than he resistance.” The movement refused onders to match te separated from theic wives sands more who tel the ca rene by overseers, Teanple estimared that be harged shemslves rom ceungsa sigh of “some m: Ing sermselves out of emt orders of Government. Th tes and still more onaroust “They wandered about in ba ‘The “tlie stcke,*as it vajanik Sabha (Civie Associ posed of prominent focal +srs sd with the marketfixing aitting onerous land taxes ted back, the viceroy cen- tons” of misery and “un: ‘che had put “the famine ‘can scarcely be said tobe eople dead."}#* {the southwest monsoon, from the middle of 1877, ‘cal officials had warned, ‘or and dreadful sanitation the end of May horrified 1 half of the inmates were vex" Most of them were ‘As Temple's most dogged ‘vas now equivalent t© an ations, moreover, showed sue and destruction of the carvation, with full grown, ality was similae in camps vad by polluted water and rat one relief road project strewn with the dead, the tutional mortality pattern, isease ridden relief camps cavers begged him to have ate very sorry sir, but we made no clothes. We are jail we shall ger something ers were the best fed poor ¢ filled to overflowing." hat the country’s “greatest surbulent character of the vicToRIA’s GHOSTS a people Similarly, Temple's ferocious response to reports of mass mortality in the camps was to blame the victims: “The infatuation of these poor people in respect to esting the bread of idleness; their dread of marching on command to ‘any distance from home; their preference offen for extreme privation rather than submission to even simple and reasonable orders, can be fully believed only by those who have seen or personally known these things ** Moreover, he claimed ‘that the majority of the famine dead were not the cultivating yeomanry, “the ‘bone and sinew of the country” but parasitic mendicants who essentially bad committed suicide: "Nor wall many be inclined to grieve much forthe fate which they brought upon themselves, and which terminated lives of idleness and too ‘often of crime." The Relief Strike “These calumnies, of course inflamed Indians of all classes. To the consternation of Temple and Lytton, the famished peasants in relief camps throughout the Bombay Deccan (where the sixteen-ounce ration had first been introduced) orga ‘nized massive, Gandhivlike protests against the rice reduction and distance tes. “Temple added more than he realized to the imperial lexicon by calling it "passive resistance.” The movement began in January 1877, when familieson village relic refused orders co march to the new, militarized work camps where men were separated from their wives and children, They were subsequently joined by thou: sands more whe lefe the camps io protest of the starvation wage and mistreat: smentby overseers. ‘Temple estimated that beeween 12 January and 12 March, 102,000 people di charged themseles fran Government employ. He though he taced in thei pro ceding a sign of some method and system.” They imagined, by suddenly throw ing dhemselves out of employ, they vieualy offered a passive resistance to the orders of Govetnaient, They counted on exiting the compassion of the auhost {es and sill moze on arousing fears lest some acidenesto human ie should oscar “They wandered about in bands and cro seeking for symparty ‘The “elif strike," as it was called, was sympathetically embraced by the Sar- ‘vajanik Sabha (Civie Association) in Poona, a moderate nationalist group com- posed of prominent Jocal merchants, absentee landlords and professionals leda HoLocausts by Ganesh Joshi and Mahdey Govinda Ranade. (Temple cautioned Calcutta that the articulate Ranade might bid to become the "Deccan's Parnal")* In widely publicized memorials to Governor Wodehouse anal General Kennedy he Sabha warned of the human catastrophe that British churlishness was ensuring. In add sion to pointing out shat the new ration was only half of the traditional penal standard and thus sure co doont “thousands by the slow rortute of starvation,” ey focused attention on the group most ignored by district officers: the children of famine villa r "the Sabha wrote to Bombay, “thatthe same harsh policy which reduced the wages drow asvay the smaller children from the works, ‘who. till then, had been receiving their stall dole in geturn for theis noms Tabour. These children, though east out by Government, will have a pre upon the affetions of their parents, and many hundreds of poor fathers and ‘mothers will stint themselves out of the pound allowed to suppor theit ehil shouldbe vemembe Gren," (An American missionary later pointed out that although a child could be fed fora pittance, “just for want ofthese nwo cents a day, hundreds and chousands of children wasted away and are no mote.”)" With che support of the Sabha, the strike kindled the broadest demonstea tion of Indian anger since td ‘were beld, speeches were m called into requisition,” Ten against any concession to “e selfinterested objects" The ro Digby. by the “obstin ‘would go away anywhere ra epugnance to relief camps » Workhouses.” Official mora ‘of the protest, The viceroy, ‘neecied in Bombay and at che Dy Temple In his original response to earlier, Lytion hal protestec concerning Indi "Now af asserted vttual omnis lions. The Indian press, b the two Tory governors, Lit tedious social gossip und nee lish public oF shocking ace camps.” Dissident journalist ewo-volume evitial histor the Ramsay man's repr cof the Ih famine as well a fof oll Indian hands and Rac thu Coton, Job Bright, 1 S letters coluna full of Although Lytton urged th the government was emba «ary of sate for Inia, Lond S bearing (oo hard on the peo pulled on Lytton’sreinsin ea tion om the discretion of the } Lytton againse the Liberals 5ists ple cautioned Caleutta thar 1's Parnell”) In widely Seneral Kennedy, the Sabha ness was ensuring, In add alf of the traditional penal low toerure of starvation, distsie oficers: the children ombay, “that the same harsh ler children from the works, in retuen for their nomyinal vent, will have prior claim adseds of poor fathers andl owed to support their chil satalthongh a child couldbe lay, hundreds and thousands sd the broadest demonstra: victoria's Guosts o tion of Indian anger since the Mutiny. “Meetings, immense as regards numbers. were held, speeches were made, resolutions were passed, and the telegraph wire called into requisition.” Temple, in response, ordered Kennedy to “stand firm against any concession to “combinations of workpeople formed with sinister or selFinterested objects. ing to Dighy, by the “obstinacy with which persone almost in a dying condition ‘would go away anywhere rather than to a relief camp. They seem to have felethe repugnance to relief camps which respectable poor in England have tothe Union Workhouses.” Official morale seemed to be sapped by the dignity and courage Of the protest. The viceroy, at any event, was convinced that a firmer hand W: needed in Bombay and atthe end of April Wodehouse resigned and was replaced by Temple” 1 local relief officers, however, were unnerved, acord Iai original response to Disracl’s proposal to appoint him viceroy two years earlier, Lytton had protested his “absolute ignorance of every fact and question concerning india.” Now, after chastising both Buckingham and Wodehouse, he asserced virtual omniscience over life and death judgements affecting millions of Indians. The Indian press, however, was not as easily brdled or.hurilated as the two Tory governors. Litle newspapers that usually wasted newsprint with tedious social gossip and regimental sporting news were now conduits to the En alish public of shocking accounts of rebellion and starvation within the relief ‘camps.” Dissident journalists like William Digby in Madras (who later published 4 two-volume cttical history of the government's response to the famine) and ‘the Bombay Statesman’s representative in the Deccan stirred troubling memories Of the Irish famine as well asthe Sepoy Mutiny: In England, moreover, a group of ol Indian hands ane Radical reformers, including William Wedderburn, Sir Arthur Cotton, John Bright ‘Times's leters coluron full of complaints about Caleutta’s callous policies. Although Lytton urged the india Office to hold fast against these “hysterics the government was embarassed by the uproar"* Writing to Disraeli, the secre- tary of state for India, Lord Salisbury, expressed his own fear thatthe viceroy was “beating too hard on the people.” With the prime ministers approval, Salisbury pulled on Lytoon’s reins in eaely May, advising hime "not co place too much restric- tion on the discretion of the local government.” In effect, while Disraeli defenied Lyteon against the Liberals in Parliament, the viceroy was ordered to give local emry Hyndman and Florence Nightingale, kept The“ LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS lfcals the loopholes they needed to reduce mass mortality with higher rations ‘and reduced workloads. This concession more or ess tamed the Poona Sabha, whose own conservatives were wary of the explosive potential of the masses, but it-was too litle and 100 late to brake the slide into arerminal phase of starvation and epidemic disease. If rice harvests in Burma and Bengal in 1877 were normal, and overall grain inventories sufficed to service the export demand, it was no solace to the 36 million rural Indians whorn Calcutta admitted in August 1877 ‘were directly stalked by starvation. The weather remained relentless, Aftera brief fiction with the monsoon in Apri, the skies cleared and temperatures sharply rose. In one of his economizing decrees the year before, Lytton had drastically ccurback the budget for maintenance and repairof local water storage. The result, 1s Digby emphasized in his history of the famine, was that precious reinwater ‘as simply “cun to waste” ina needless “sacrifice of human lives.” The furnace hot winds that swept the Deccan added to the misery by evaporating what litle ‘moisture remained inthe soil. The fields were baked to btick.”* ‘As water supplies dried up or became polluted with human waste, cholera became the scythe thar cur down hundreds of thousands of weakened, skeletal villagers. The same El Niio weather system that had brought the drought the previous year also warmed waters in the Bay of Bengal, promoting the phy’ toplankton blooms that are the nurseries of the cholera bacterium, A terrible ‘eyelone, which drowned perhaps 150,000 Bengalis, brought the pande mii ashore, Table 14 Sabha Estimates of Paine Mort: Prefaine Tents eat Dati Wade nd Sade ssi 366 in a9900 Cate Before Famine _ cele Now ae an es Figure 15 Grin Stores in Maco ‘modern transport provided amps beca ‘Obdurate Bombay oficials charges of a coverup in the mortality. Bren Florence Nigh carly 1878." The Sabha accor’ and cattle inthe fifty-four vil in August ime crucibles for “e Ie porfected : and other throughout the dy faster than the survey techniques and statistic Buckingham, on the oinex a rough ceasus of famine de that atleast 1.5 million had al dlstricts like Bellary, one-quar swith high percencages of lan overwhelmed by 100,600 dos fiont of the troops guaeding j every day mothers might beusts -ortality with higher rations ss tamed the Poona Sabha, potential of the masses, but cerminal phase of starvation ‘engal in 1877 were normal, ‘export demand, it was no a admitted in August 1877 sined relentless, Aftera brief and temperatures sharply fore, Lytton had drastically alwaterstorage. The result, vas that precious rainwater ‘human lives.” The furnace: y by evaporating what lide to brick’ with human waste, cholera ‘ands of weakened, skeletal 'd brought the drought the ‘engal, promoting che phy olere bacterium. A tereble cought the pandemic ashore sreality 3 s 48% ow Deadline > o% 4 84% vicrouua’s GHosts rr Figure 1.5 Grain Stores in Madeas,Februsty 1877 “modern transport provided the invasion route for disease.” and the fetid relief camps beeame crucibles for “cholesa’s great synergism with malnutrition.” Obdurate Bombay officials meanwhile continued to outrage Indians and incite charges of a coverup in the press by refusing to publish any estimate of rural mortality. Even Florence: Nightingale was snubbed when she requested figures in early 1878." The Sabha accordingly decided 10 carry outits own census of people and cattle in the fifty four villages comprising three talks of Sholapur district in Auguse 1877. "Ie perfected a network of school teachers, retired civil servants and other throughout the dry districts, which gave icin some areas beter data fascer than the government could produce.” tt wasaailblazing example of using statistics against the empice.” survey techniques a Buckingham, on the other hand, complied with public opinion and ordered 8 rough census of famine deaths. Reports from the Madras districts indicated that at least 1.5 million had already died in the Presidency. In the driest Deccan uisrices lke Bellary, one-quarter of the population pesished, and in some taluks With high percentages of landless laborers, more than one-third” In Madras city, overwhelmed by 100,000 drought refugees, famished peasants dropped dead in front of the troops guarding pyramids of imported rice, while “on any day and ‘very day mothers might be seen in the streets .. offering children for sale."“6 LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS (The Madras Chamber of Commerce helpfully suggested chat flogging posts be ‘erected along the beach so that police could deter potential grain thieves)" fn the North Western Prosinces, as we shall see, only desultory and punitive relief ‘was organized, “with the result that in spite of the abundant winter erops and the restricted atea affected, in nine months the mortality amounted o over a mil ion 1¢ Malthusian overtones of famine policies and their disastrous consequences,” Ira Klein argues, “were experienced most woefully in Mysore. ‘where the British Commission of Regency later conceded that fully one-quarter of the population perished." Frugality became criminal negligence as the chief commissioner, from “dread of spending the Mysore surplus,” refused lifesaving expenditure; and then, alter his inaction bad become a scandal, earned relief ‘work into a sadistic regime of punishing the starving. “Oa the command of the Viceroy to develop a fasnine policy, he drew up a series of irrigation and other projects, most so far from the famine sticken tracts that emaciated vietims had to walk @ hundied miles or more decat thar deposed Bucking- ve famine administration with forms" Meanwhile, from the ‘ed more unspeakable scenes. the road slung to a pole like re other day, a famished crazy low" "This is not sensational “The half of the horrors of core 10 reproduce in waiting perate intesnal struggles aver zaction set in as each class of + of the groups below them, 4, “moral-economic" daceties vicToRIa’s GHOSTS: ” (expropritions) against moneylenders and grain merchants tended to degener ate in the Later stages of famine into inter-caste violence or even a Hobbesion war (of ryot against ryor. “The longer famine persisted theless crime and acts of vio. lence bore the mark of collective protest and appropriation, and the more they assumed the bitterness of personal anguish, desolation and despair" Sharona agrees tha the transition from communitarian action to intra-vilage violence fol- owed a predictable pattern: “Fhe change in the agsiculeural eycle had significant implications for forms of popular action and solidarties. The temporary clase solidarities and collective popular action which had been witnessed during the failure of the kharf crop] showed a declining tendency in the winter seasons. Standing rab erops soon became the objects of plunder, more than granaties and storage pits of hoarders and banias. The zamindars had to guard their crops by ‘employing lathiswielding muselemen.”” Heavy rains in September and October finally eased the drought in southern India, but only at che price of 2 malaria epidemic that killed further hundreds of | ‘thousands of enfecbled peasants in the United Provinces as well as the Deccan, Modern research has shown that exsreme drought, by decimating their chief predacots, ensures an expfosion in mosquito populations upon the frst retusn of the monsoon. ‘The ensuing spike in malaria cases, in turn, delays the resumption of normal agricultural practice."* But in 1878 there were other obstacles as Well to planting 2 life-saving crop. The fodder farnine had bcen so extreme that plough animals were vireuaily extinet in many localities. As The Times’s correspondent reported from the Maciras Deccan in Joly, “To show how scarce the bullocks have become, Iiay mention, thacin the Bellary district merchants send out their grain supplies to distant villages on earts drawn by men. The value of the labour of the human animal isso low that it is cheaper to employ halfa-dozen men to move a load of rice than a couple of bullocks. The men, at any rate, can be fed, whereas fodider for cactle employed on the roads not to be had at any price.” ‘With their bullocks dead and cheir farm implements pawned, ryots had to scratch at the heavy Deccan soil with tree branches or yoke themselves or their ‘wives tothe remaining ploughs. Much of the seed grain distributed by relief com- rittces was bad, while that which sprouted and pushed its way above the ground. ‘was instantly devoured by great plagues of locusts that, as inthe Bible, were the camp followers of drought. “The solid earth,” according to an American mission- woso LAYS VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS ary, "seemed in motion, so great were the numbers of these insects; compounds snd fields appeared as if they had been scorched with devastating irs ater the pests had passed.""" By early 1878 fumine accompanied by cholera had teturned to many districts, but relief grain stocks, in anticipation of a good harvest, were depleted and prices as high as ever. Digby tesa grim story about the distress that lingered through the spring: "Three women (sisters) had mattied three brothers, and they and their families al lived in one large house, in Hindu and patriarchal fashion. The whole household, on January 1, 1878, numbered forty-cight per sons. Their crops failed, their money was gone, their credit was nil. They tried Xo live on seeds. leaves, ete. and. asa consequence, cholera attacked them, and. thirty died from this disease. Fifteen others expired from What a relative called “cold fever’ and in April only three persons remained." ‘The final blow against che Deccan peasantry was a militarized campaign to collect the tax arrears accumulated during the drought. Although some Liberal crises, like Indian Daly News editor James Wilson ina speech in Sheffield in Octo- ber 1877, warned the British public that “millions had died for the pretended axioms of political economy” and that the best famine prevention was “to relieve Indians of paying Britain’s debs,” there was remarkably tle censure of the gov- ‘ernment’ decision to pick the pockets of paupers."® In the Kurnool district of Madras, for example, “in 1879-80, cvercive polices had to be employed for the recovery of as much as 78% of total collections.” As D. Rajasekhar points out, the resulting auction of lands in aerears may have been a windfall for rich peasants and moneylenders, who had already profited from famine-induced sactifice sales ‘of cattle and land mortgages, but i rippled the recovery of an agrarian economy that traditionally depended upon the energy of (now ruined) smallholders to boring cultivable wastes under plough." “Multitudinous Murders’ “The year 1978 also saw terrible, wanton mortality in northwestern India Follow ing the failure of the monsoon in the summer of 1877 anda zetrenchment of dry ‘weather in eatly 1878, Even more than in ehe south, however, drought was con- sciously made into famine by the decisions raken in palaces of rajas and viceroys, “Thus inthe remote and beautiful valleys of Kashmir, British officials blamed “the criminal apathy of the Maharaja and the greed of his officials, who bought up | the stores of grain to sll at & (of the population, “Unless Sir Punjab, had insisted on taking of the cortupt and incomper bbeen depopulaied.™ Bus with equal just against the British adhinistra ‘well as adjoining dstsias of people in 1878-79. As Indian toll was the foreseeable and a trast to the south, the northes ily would have provided amp Buc subsistence farming in me recently converted ine a cap, Poor harvests and high price: ‘hat absorbed most of the Fe, inces’ crude grain stocks ke districts in Bombay and Mac hedge agains drought. The F ted by richer zamsinds producers." Sul. est and cnensetic & of cullection of the lad as province's executive, SirGeory fenues. “Phe Licutenant Gove crament of india s put at the we that he makes But he sees woother sowscta ade wehac mass of our revenite payers be Lytton, however. was sill adventure and was a Couper's appeal cur of hane Jhamn’s stubborn, paternalist p his own ester officerscausts 1 ofthese insects; compounds swith devastating fires after the sanied by cholera had returned pation of a good harvest, were inn story about the distress that ss) had mactied three brothers, ‘ouse, in Hindu and patciarchl 78, numbered forty-eight per ‘heir eredit was nil. They tried 22, cholera attacked them, and ‘ed from whar.a relative called xed" swat a militarized campaign 60 ‘ought. Although some Liberal ina speech in Sheffield in Octo- 1s had died for the pretended nine prevention was “to relieve ably lite censure of the gov- +s. In che Kurnoo! district of ‘es had to be employed for the 6D. Rajasekhar points out, the cn a windfall for rich peasants 1 famine induced sacrifice sales very of an agrarian economy (now ruined) smaliholders ro > in northwestern India follow- 77 anda retrenchment of dry th, however, drought was con- rnpalaces of rajas and viceroys. air, British officials blamed “the of his officials, who bought up en eneecnnenamaa vicronins GHosts im the stores of grain ro sell at extravagant prices” for the starvation of a Full third of the population. “Unless Sir Robert Egerton, then Licutenant-Governor of the Panjab, had insisted on coking the transport and supply service out af the hands of the corrupt and incompetent Kashmir Government, the valley would have been depopulated.” But with equal justice the same criminal changes could be (and were) ladgedt ‘against the British administration in the North Western Provinces and Oud, as ‘well as adjoining districts of the Punjab, where famine killed atleast 1.25 nullion. people in 1878-79, As Indian historians have emphasized, this staggering death ‘oll was the foreseeable and avoidable result of deiherate policy choices, In com trast to the south, the northern harvests were abundant in 1874-76 and oninar- ily would have provided ample reserves to deal with the kha deficit in 1878. ‘But subsistence farming in many parts of the North Western Provinces had beets recently converted into « captive-export sector to stabilize British geain prices. Poor harvests and high prices in England dusing 1976-77 generated a demand that absorbed most ofthe region's wheat surplus. Likewise, most of the prov {nees’ crader geain stocks like millet were commercially exported to the Lamine dlistrcts in Rombay and Madcas Presidencies, leaving tocal peasants with no hedge against drought. The profits from grain exports, meanwhile, were pock «ted by richer zamindars, moneylenders and grain merchants ~ nor the direct producers." Sul, early and energetic organization of relief and, above al, the deferment of eollection of the land tas might have held mortality to a minimum. Indeed the province's executive, Si George Coupes centes, “The Lieutenant cermens of implored Lytton to remic that years rev overnor is well cware of the straits r9 Which the Gov ndia & put atthe present time for money, and fei with the usmost seluctance that he makes 2 report wich must temporarily add to theie burdens. But te ses no oiercourse i adopt IF Une village communities which fornn the great ‘mass of our revenue payers be pressed nox, they will simpy be ruined." Lytton, however, was sil bogged! down in the logistics of his Aljghoniscan adventure and was again unswayed by images of desticute villages. Hie rejected Couper’s appeal out of hand. The lieutenant-governor had none of Bucking- ham’ seubborn, paternalist pity for the people, and, ro the disgust of some of his own discret officers ('a more suicidal policy| cannot conceive,” comphineda LATE VICTORIAN HOLOcAUSTS “Tae orginal caption af this misionary photograph ads, “Those wo have gor to this sage rarely ceconer (one), immediately and obsequiously vowed "to put the sere" upon the hard hit ‘amindars and their famished tenants. ("His Honour eras that the realizations will equal the expectations of the Governments of India, but if they are dis ppoinced, his Excellency the Viceroy .. may rest assured that (wll not be for vant of effort or inlinaton: to put the necessary presse on those who ave Kl for the sieand.”) He promptly ordered his district officers and engineers to "di rulief works tn every possible way... Mere distress is nota sufficient reason for courage ‘opening a reef work The point was to force the peasants to give money to the government, not the other way around” When starving peasants fought back (there wete 150 grain riots in August and September of 1877 alone), Couper filled the jails and prisons." As one dissident civil servant, Lt-Col. Ronald Osborne, would later explain to readers of The Contemporary Review, a murderous oficial deception was employed to justify the collections and disguise the huge consequent casualties Bue the Gow rv of ie ow compelled 0 jos calling for 9 Nowe West Prosincs were to ‘with Shere Ai [ce eirof Ag ission. The € Dringalhae dreary winter fr Up ove desperate endawor 10 them nthe steawe hich hate ding. The winter yas abnor dling beneath tem sant cl delving andthe dead were stvew ‘wore tumbled int ol wells, be able relatives ew perfonsn theo single samy mea). Husbands | ff seeing them parish by the death uke Govervment of Ina journals of she North-West w ro cians under na creumsta they were dying of hunger riseey around hin, opened a + imandled, deatened with de ste! Not a whisper” of this government critic, Robert Kit nur. visited Agra in Febmiary indications of app. oupe his comment, Lytton blamed t ness of the people ve lease the par of the loci government i Knight replied, in turn, inan ec murder" to characterize offci Be not sceuse the Stas weary years have we cement fansne comes and in vain, Wi more et upof lewing the peorausts 1 Those wo have gor to thie the screw” upon the hard-hit tur trusts that the sealizations of India, but iF they are dis rill not Be for able for the and engineers to “discourage +s not a sulicent reason for assured that it re ox those who a peasants to give money co the xarving peasanes fought back ref 1877 alone), ‘ouper filled sborne, would ter explain to Ficial deception was employed sequent casualties: vicroria’s cuosts B Bot the Government of toda having decreed the cllectin of the land revenue were ow compelled to justify their pacity by pretending there was no famine calling for 9 emission, The dearth and che fightul moreality thoughout the North-West Provinces were to be preserved as a Siate secret ike the negotiations wth Shere Al [the emir of Afghanisca} ‘Dung hat dreary winter famine wasbusy devouring its vetmsby thousands lun she desperate endeavor ro keep their cate alive, che wretched peasancey ed then on the eta which thatched their huss, and which provided therm with bed ding. The winter was abnorreally severe, and without a roof above chem or ed: ding beneath them, settly ead and poorly fed, mulkisudes perished of cole The {ying and the dead were strewn along the cross-country roads. Scores of corpses were wambled nga old wells, because the deaths were too numerous forthe mist: able relatives to perform the usual funeral rites, Mothers Sold their eildsen for snle scanty mel. Husbands Mung thie wives ito ponds, xo escape the torment of sseing them perish by the lingering agonies of hunger. Amid hese scenes of death the Government of India kept its tevenity and cheerfulness unimpated The journals of the Narth- West were persuaded into sence. Stece orders were given {ochilians under no circumstances to countenance the pretence ofthe navies that they were dying of hunger: One civillon, 2 Mr. Mactling, unable co endute the rnisry around him, opened a relief wark at his own expense. He was severly rep sSmanded, chestened with degradation, and ordered to close the work immed stele!” 'Not a whispes” of this manmade disaster reached the public until a notable government eritic, Robert Knight, publisher of the hudian Exmomtst and Stats ‘man, visited! Agra in February 1878, “He was astonished to find all around the indications of appalling misery.” His public revelations prompted a long, selt laudatory minute from Couper that was fulsomely endorsed by the viceroy. fn bhi comment, Lytton blamed the horrendous tr ness of the people to leave their homes than by any want of forethought oa the partof she local government in providing works where they might be selieved. Knight replied, in tara, in an edicorial that forthe first time bluntly used che corm, “murder” to characterize offical famine policy rality more on “the unwilling: Do not accuse the Statesman of exaggersting matters, Accase yeurell For long weary years have we demanded the svepension of choso hist nid tax} when famine comes and in vain. With no poor law in the land, and the old policy once moze set up of letting the people pull through or de, asthey ea,ss LATE VICTORIAN ROLOCAUSTS raculac press which alone witnesses the sufferings ofthe people silenced bya cruel ‘necessiy, we and our contemporavies mst speak without reserve or be parcakers {nthe gui of mulstudinous murders commited by men blinded tothe real nature of what we are doing in the country” Indeed, “blind men” like Lycton and ‘Temple were forsunate thet they had to face only the wrath of newspaper editorial. The india of “supine sulfecers which they governed in 1877 was stil traumatized by the savage tertor that had followed the Mutiny twenty years earlies. Violent protest was everywhere deterred by memories of sepoys blown apart at the mouths of cannons and whole forests of peasants writhing at the noose. The exception vas in Poona ‘where Basudeo Balwant Phatke and hs followers, inspired by stil obust Maratha ‘martial eraivions, broke with the Sabha’s moderation, "The destruction caused by the famine.” Kavshalya Dublish explains, led Basudeo to "vow to destroy Brit- ish power in India by means of an armed rebellion.” Betrayed by 2 companion ‘while onganizing a raid on the treasury to buy arms, the “Maratha Robin Hood” yas deported and died in prison ~ “the father of militant nationalism in India” ~ 1983." His abortive 1879 conspiracy stood in a similar relationship to the holo- ‘caust of 1876-78 as did the Young treland uprising of 1848 to she Great Hunger (of 1846-47: which i to say it was both postscript and prologue, Famine and Nationalism 'No Englishman understood this point more clearly than Lytton’s secretary of agriculture, Allan Octavian Hume. Odd man out in a Tory government that scorned Indian aspirations to self government, Hume (whose father was 2 well: known Scouish Radical MP) was deeply sympathetic to the grievances of the Hindu end Muslim elites. Even more unusual, he had sensitive antennae tuned ‘0 the rumblings of revolutionary discontent among the poor, In the aftermath ‘of Basudeo's plot, he "became convinced,” according to Wiliam Wedderburn, = leader of the parliamentary opposition on India, “that come definite action was «alld to counteract the growing unrest among the masses who suffered during. the famine.""* The first step was to resist the viceroy's punitive and incendiary scheme to fost the costs of famine relief entirely on the shoulders ofthe poor Originally advocated by Lord Northbrook, the idea of “famine insurance fang” was roused am 1877 by Gos making he terrible mre aware that Radical members © fund throng & combination of sure embraved the plan wich without hana co ruling lasses from Hume, whom he forced fncome taxon she ground ch His ov Famine vietins (thats. a new ke Ihave inflamed the entive cosines Council of tndia, As a that wasalmost as tegressive, te sionals were exernpr) tn inde Bombay ¢where the cost of salt Affer the purge, Heme joir to Lytton that was led by Wede akerns For fdian sanitary reform had chief chronider, would albu re ances in Liberal polities. In de press-and te House nf County policies lie dhe sat tas, ot na Aulvocateda new pokcy based lume, now ypunding on ig of rural banks, anda pingresst ‘campaigner against se sale ¢ had roqquieed the conseructior salt works, accupied by 3 pole by pohicernen all nigh work salt fn their pockets." “The Incha opposition’ em rather than “imperial” statey, ln the thinking oF such Liber the platform of mroderate nagcausts. # the people silenced bya ee) ‘ithout reserve or be partakers nen blinded co the eal nature ‘were fortunate that they had “he India of “supine sufferers” zed by the savage terror that ‘olent protest was everywhere the mouths of cannons and “The exception was in Poona inspired by still robust Maratha ‘sion, “The destruction caused ‘sudeo to “vow to destray Brit. on.” Betrayed by a companion 1s, the "Maratha Robin Hood’ sultant nationalism in Ind Imiae celationship to the holo: + of 1848 co the Great Hunger rod prologue, rly than Lytton’s secretary of tin a ‘Tory government that tne (whose father was a well: relic to the gricwances of the hha sensitive antennae tuned rg the poor. In the aftermath ing to William Wedderburn, a that some definize action was © masses who suffered during soy's punitive and incendiary athe shoulders of the poor. idea of a “famine insurance vicrorii’s GHosts 5 fund” was revived in 1877 by Hamilton and Salisbury to preempt the Liberals {om making the terrible mortality in nia an issue in the nexc election. Lytton,— ‘wate that Radical members of the House of Commons favored financing the fund through a eumbination of wealth taxes and reduetions in military expendi ture ~ embraced the plan with the proviso that funding be entirely regressive, ‘without harm to ruling classes or the army. He vehemently opposed a proposal from Hume, whom he forced to resign, that would have imposed « modest income tax “on the gcound that it would affect the higher income groups, both European and Indian.” His own preference was for @ famine tax on potential famine victims (ehat is, a new land cess on the peasantry) ~a measure that would ‘awe inflamed the entire country and was therefore rejected by Salisbury and the Council of India. As an alternative, Lytton and John Strachey drafted a scheme ‘thar wns almost ss regressive, eviving a hated license tax on petty traders (profes- sionals were exenap) in tandem with brutal hikes in sale duties in Madras and Bombay (here the cost of sale was raised from 2to 40 annas per maund)."” After the purge, Hume joined the small but influential chorus of opposition to Lytton that was ed by Wedderburn, Coxcon and Nightingale (whose carpi form hal been snubbed by the viceroy). Digby, the famine's chief chronicler, would also return to England in 1880 w champion Indian griev- ances in Liberal politics. tn dozens of town meetings, as well in the Lordon pressand the House of Commons, they argued that selfish and disastrous British policies like the salt ras, not nature, had paved the way forthe Madeas famine, and axdvocated a new policy based on reductions in ground rencand military expendi- tune, new spendingon ivigation and public health, cheap credit through a systema of rural banks, asta progressive famine fund. Nightingale wasa particularly ery campaigner agsinst the sale wx, whose enforcement, she reminded audiences, had required the construction of a literal police sare: “A tower commands the salt works, occupied by a policeman all day: Moats surround the works, patrolled by policemen all night; workmen are searched to prevent them from carrying off saltin their pockes. ‘The India opposition’s emphasis on a “civlizing” (as Nightingale called it)"* rather than “imperial” strategy in India corresponded closely with a parallel shift inthe thinking of such Liberal puncits as John Stuart Mil, and converged with the platform of moderate nationalist ike Dadabhai Naoroji and Romesh Chun- for indi sanitary56 LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS dder Dut. who thought chat indian homne rule within che Empire could best be achieved through collaboration with humanitarian English Liberals. Steeped in illsian political economy: Naorojiand Dutt laid indigenous foundations for what «a hundred years later would be called the "theory of underdevelopment” with their sophisticated critiques of Britain's “drain of wealth” from India. Although their most famous essays, Naoroj’s Poverty and Un Gritsh Rae iin (1901) anc Dun’s Fannines in fudia (1900) and his ewo-volume Economic History of British fia (1902.and 1904), would be produced in the aftermath of the 1896-1902 holocaust, ‘heir basie polemical strategy ~ mowing down the British with their own statis tics was already discomforting Lytton and his council, Indeed on the eve of she famine in 1876, Naoroji had read his landmark paper, “The Poverty of india" (later reprinted as a pamphlet), to a crowded meeting of the Bombay Branch of the East India Association. "The Parsi mathematician and former professor of Gujarat at University College London demolished the selfserving thevaric about “free trade” that the govemment used to mask India’s tributary relation to En gland. “Wich a pressure of taxation nearly double in proportion to that of En- jana, from an income of one-fifteenth, and an exhaustive drain besides, we are asked to compere with England in free trade?” It was, he said, “a race between a starving, exhausted invalid, and a strongman with a horse to tide on." Such intellectually formidable critics were 9 major annayance to Caleutts Although the government was able (0 steamroll the passage of the license and ssltcaxes, Lytton was forced to reassure the Indian and English publics in his ws long-winded fashion of shoie benevolent purpose: "he sole jstficason foe the inerease wich has just ben inapesed pon the people Dt Ina for dhe purpose af insuring this Empire agains che wast calamities of 'fauure famine. isthe pledge wee have piven that a sur not lee shan «non and ball steving. shall be ames applied toi... [The pleiges which my ie al coleague was authorized to give, on behalf ofthe Government, were explicit. sd fla regards these points. For these reasons tall the miore binding on the honour of the Government to redcem tothe urtermost, without evasion or delay, ‘hose pledges, forthe adequate redemption of which the people of India have, and «can have, no other guarantee chan the good faith of thie rules." But the viceroy was lying through his elegane whiskers. Famine insurance was 4 cynical facade for raising taxes to redeem cotton duties and finance the inva sion of Afghanistan, The teut Salisbury thinks thac we are t than we absolutely need. Ane ina certain sense andtoa cet advantage of the present situ: be able to reform ourtasifl w. Indeed, from 1877 ca 1881 reduce cotton goods tariff long to expose such an egrege paign in 1880 Gladstone repee the pledge been kept?” he thy given. The pledge has uterly Fechas been spent upon the ri The intrigues over the f ‘manipulation of the royal cc “manoeuvres surrounding th controlled by the Sitachey frown Salisbury, whose worris pactisan, Strachey willalso ¢ “what [have talked 3 good sion on Farnine measures tion quacks. They will uid the Presidency of Cotton, th the Parliamentary campaige ‘opponents’ clothes thew way") of irsigation asa fan was saely entrusted to Lt, € India Council snd brather to himself or his sibling. Conve report until jane 1880." “The establishment of th ‘carried outasa political exes ‘measured response 10 one © of india. General Strachey psusts in the Empire could best be English Liberals. Steeped in -genous foundations for what ‘of underdevelopment” with ‘elth” from India. Although ish Rule nia (1901) and nore History of Bitch cia Lof the 1696-1982 holocaust, Betsh with che own satis rune. Indeed on the eve of apes, "“The Poverty of India” Ying of the Bombay Branch cian and former profesor of| ae self-serving rhetoric about ja’s tiburary relation to En {in proportion to that of En austive drain besides, we ste ss he said, “a race between horse to sd on." aor annoyance to Caleure, « pessage of the license and 1 English publicsn hs usuah ‘en imposed upon the people Hast the worst cabmitie a sain aot less sha miion ‘he pledges which my Sinan = Government, were ele allthe mace Binding on the ‘without evasion or delay, he people of fndia hve, and cir ules ‘ers. Famine insurance was daties and finance the inva VICTORIAS GtEOS TS sion of Afghanistan. The truth cast be found in Lytton’s correspondence: “Lord Salisbury thinks that we are trying by oue present measue to get more revenue than we absolutely need. And writing to you confidentially, cannot deny tt, ina certain sense and to a certain extent, this is quite true, But if we do not take advantage of the present situation . for screwing up the revenue, we shall never be able to reform our tatiff which srievously nels reform." Indeed, from 1877 to 188}, the "whole accumulated fund was used either 10 reduce cotton goods tariff of for the Ahan war” fr did not take che Liberals long to expose such on egregious deceit and during his famous Midlothian ca paign in 1880 Gladstone repeatedly stiered the eronids against Tory perfidy. “Has the pledge been kept” he thundexed, "The taxation was levied, The pledge ws given. The pledge has utterly been broken. ‘The money has been used. Tt is gone. Tehas been spent upon the ruinous, unjust, destructive war in Afghanistan." "The intrigues over the famine fund weve paralleled by the government's ‘manipulation of the royal commission to investigete the disaster. Although the “ manoeuvres surrounding the creation of the Famine Commission were mainly controlled by the Strachey brothers,” its impetus seems to hast come directly from Salisbury, whose worries in the face of a Liberal resurgence, were strtly «isan, “Strachey will also explain to you,” he wrote Lytton in November 1877, ‘nat | ave talked a good deal ro him about ~ the necessity of some cominis- sion on Famine measures in the farure, in order to save ourselves from the Itiga- tion quacks, ‘They will undoubtedly make a strong fight: for ! observe that under the Presidency of Cotton, they have been bexinning some sort of League .. for the Parliamentary campaign.” It sas suggested thot te viceroy could steal his ‘opponents’ clothes through a harenless endorsersent ("provided it could pay ies sway") of irvigation as a famine safeguard, The presidency of the commission -vas safely entrusted to Lt, General Sir Richard Strachey, who 2s tember of the India Council and brother to Lytton’ finance chief was unlikely to find fault with himse or his sibling, Convene i early 1878, the commission did not submit 3 seport until Jane 1880." “The establishment of the Famine Commission,” writes one historian, “was carried out as a political exercise to produce a favourable report, rather than as 8 ‘measured response to one of the most significant problems of the Goveroment of Indie. General Serachey protected his brothers policies..." The whitewash,a LATE VICTORIAN HOLOGALSTS however, was not unanimous. Two of the commissioners ~ the old India hand James Caird and Madras civil servant H. Sullivan ~ dissented along lines similar to Buckingham's policies in 1876-77, They urged the government to buy and store grain in the most famine-prone districts, and in the future t0 relieve the ‘weak and infirm in their home villages. Both of these commonsense recommen: dations were subjected co scalding criticism by the majority who, instead, reat firmed Lytton's policy of dormitory work camps and distance, task and wage tests, supplemented as need be by pooshouses. Although the commission recog: sized that the “essential problem was shortage of work tather than food,” the ‘majority chung to the Benthamite principe that relief should be bitterly punitive in order to discourage dependence upon the government. ‘The report, a intended, cutegorically absolved the government of any respon sibility for the horsific mortality. As Carol Henderson emphasizes, “The 1878 Famine Commission sex the tone forthe [Finite] govertiment response by assert {ng that the main cause of famine was drought “leading tothe failure of the food crops on which the subsistence of the population depends." In his 1886 er tique of the commission, HM. Hyndimary coustically ibserved that famines “ave looked upon as due to ‘natural laws,’ over which human beings have no control ‘whatever, We attribute all sulfering under native governments to native misrule; ‘our own orrors we father on ‘Nature”.”"* Naorojiikewise thought “how strange ‘rs thac the British rolets do not see thar aier all they themselves are the main cause of the destruction that ensues from droughts tha its the drain of India’s wealth by them thac lays at their own door the dreadful results of misery, starvae tion, and deaths of millions... Why blanye poor Nature when the fault lies at your own door?" The report convinced a majarigy of Parliament (and some gullible modern historians) that energetic measures were being taken to prevent future eatastvo Phes. Just as misleading promises cloaked the misuppropriation of the famine fand, deliberate confusion seems to have len sown about the accomplishments of the commission. Contrary ta the papular belie thatthe commission had legis: Jaged an obligatory “famine code.” the report was surprisingly toothless and only ‘adumbrated “general principles” conforming sa Utilitarian orthodoxy. “By the ‘mid-1680s, some four or five years after the Famine Report was published, most (of the provinees had famine codes but, apart from a reliance on public works for famine relel and injunesions snot uniform."* just as Cale famine fund Cehere wen te Government of India and the exclusively devored to lamin (0 Bl directed and excessive « Conwinced, however, shat baring revolution of the tide valve for Indian discontent, F to brelunds violenr rj nization of a moderate hur locuror 19a British Liberal eo bof the Tories 10 tule sn 18 departing Liberal Viceitiy 1. National Congress in Deceny the delegates, writes McLane aftermath of a seri of f over military expendi Navroji meanwhile went derburn ciled ita "Hankin Michael Davi’ bist Natio cdma was already suring, existed.” Hume, Naorajiand ageing fia’ Fare pre As the vielent reaction to Te warned them, however. the + _goism and she New tmperial ‘weve already dncanbating i edwsrs soners = the old india band dissented along lines similar the government tp buy and Jn the future to roieve the majority who, instead, reat and distance, tsk and wage ough the commission recog work rather than food,” the sf should be bitserty punitive government of any respon: ‘son emphasizes, “The 1878 event response by aster ing to the failure of the food depends." In his 1886 ct yy observed thar famines “are man beings have no contral vemnments to native migra; -ewise thought "how strange hey themselves aze the main that i isthe drain of tndia's Ail results of misery starve {atare when the Fal Fes at (2nd some gullible modern ‘(0 prevent future cstasteo: appropriation of the famine ‘about the accomplishments dat the commission had legis xprisingly toothless and only tltasian orthodoxy. “By the Report was published, most reliance on public works for vierorta’s GHosts ” famine relief snd injunctions aboue interfering with the grsie trade, they weve not uniform.” * Just as Caleutsa had seserved in fine print the sight © looe the famine fund ( there was no legal conteat,” Temple argued in 1890, “between the ‘Government of India and the Indian people 1 the effect that che Fund should be exclusively desored to famine purposes"), so too it refused to bind itself by code to “ill directe! snd excessive distribution of charitable relief" Convinced, however, that such famines were not only inevitable but would bring revolutivnt om the tide, Hume again took up agitation for a political safery- valve for Indisa discontent, Fearing the rise of Maratha or Bengali counterparts to Ireland's vislent republican brotherhoods, he proposed the pre-emptive orga- nization of 9 moderace home-rule movement that could act as a unified inter Toeator toa British Liberal government, The issue became urgent with the return ‘of the Tories to rule in 1888, and Hume (with considerable sympathy from departing Liberal Viceroy Lord Ripon) engineered the fourdstian of te Indian Nasional Congress in December with himself as general secrecary. The mood of ‘he delegates. writes McLane, “was somber and restrained. They gathered in che afiermath of a series of fulures to obtain reforms. {n dhe recent controversies ‘over military expenditure, volunteering, impartial justice, ané fnelian admission to the civil services, nationalists had made few gains [Naoroji mcsmwhile went England to run for Parliament in London ~Wed- derbarn called it a “flanking moventent™ ~ with the aid of radical-Liberals and Michael Davir’s trish National Land League. Although theit fiend H.M. Hya aman was alveady warning that “the time has gone for imploring. if & ever sted." Hume, Naoroji and the distinguished membership ofthe Congress were ‘wagering India’s ature precisely on a principled appeat to English eonsciene {As the violent seaction to Inish home rule over the next few years should have ‘warned them, however the sye of Gladstone and} S. Mill was giving way to jim {goism and che New lmpesfasns, New famines, trsible beyond all apprehension, ‘were already incubating in the loam of India’s growing povery ty 8 growing povertySeco deee ee tegeLeaD “The Po History soning of ehings. andi the hole region India was not alone nits dise attention in England, tens & North-West Province of Coy parable horrors, meanwhile, Java and Borneo, the Visa northeast Braysl, Acoss the ‘chavactexized by the must records begun.” ENSO's st Southern Oscillation whose central Pasific, played havoc 2g0, Chile, sandadized stati 2876 10 the lowest ever ree: barometers heya to soar it 1877 (3.7 standard d anomalies was vast, with ree land.” Likewise sea surfice aTwo “The Poor Eat Their Homes’ sory contansno record of eo ferible and distressing sate of things, and if peompe measures of elif be nor insured the whole region must become depopulated Governor of Shans 1877, India was nor alone in its distress Although their fate attracted surprisingly scant attention in England, tens of thousands died from hunger and cholera in the North-West Province of Ceylon, especially in Jafhapatam and Kadavely! Com: parable horrors, meanwhile, were reported from north China, Korea, southern wa oad Boren, che Visayas, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, Angola, South Alica and northeast Brazil. Across the vast Indo-Pacific region, barometer readin chavseterized by the mest extreme departures (rom normal pressure ... since seconds began.” ENSO’s atmospheric half, che huge atmospheric see-saw of the Southern Oscilasion whose fuleeum sas near the International Date Line in the central Pacific, played havoe with meteorological records everywhere. In Santi- ago, Chile, standardized station pressure plurameted from near normal in August 1876 to the lowest ever recorded in September, while, conversely, in Djakarta barometers began to soar in September, reaching an alltime height in August 1877(3.7 standard deviations above the mean). “The spatial extent of the pressure anomalies was vast, with records occurring in Lebanon, Australia and New Zea- and” Likewise sea surface and nightsime marine air temperatures from Octobero FATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS 1877 to Maich 1878 were the highest in history. The notoriously fickle East Asian Monsoon and the usually reliable Arabian Monsoon (whose rainfall over the \watetshed of the Blue Nie in the Ethiopian highlands becomes the annual Nile flood) disastrously failed to reach their normal laieudes, ‘The apparent return to. ‘more normal conditions in late 1877 abruptly yielded to a secondary sunge of El Nitfo conditions in eatly 1878 as pressure again plunged in Santiago and rose in Djakara. in Brazil's Notdeste drought persisted well through the fall of 1879.2 Ce gaLancte Figucet The Global Devaghts 1875-78 ‘The impact of E1 Nifto drought was amplified by the worst global recession of the nineveenth century, “The intoxicating econamie expansion of the Age of Capita.” writes Eric Foner, “came to 2 wrenching halt in 1873." ‘The puncture of a specuiative bubble in American railroad stocks (symbolized by the collapse of New York’s Jay Cooke and Company) rapidly became a worldwide crisis that “ushered in an entirely new business environment, one af cutthroat competition and a relentless downward price spiral.” The mastacre of fictitious capital on ‘Wall Street was punctually followed by the fall of real prices on Manchester's Cotton Exchange and soaring unemployment in the industrial centers of Penm- rep syle ania, South Wales, Saxo the door of tropical agrieuler denvand for key teopical ane agricultural exports a8 eailrex the suex Canal shortened the ‘The resule everywhere was ir cultural incomes. World mac thet cost of production in my Millions of cultivators on webs of world trade were tht tons whose origins were as 2 Algeria, Egypt (which plunge well as in Angola, Queenslas orchestrated the conversion ¢ production during the Ames return of Southern corton ex tivatorsin poverty and debe ( the “ ust en ise Sone Aleem 6 Eni Hn aio ‘Tropical sugar producers were likewise hammeeed by pean beer sugas, while More: declined ia the face of a ‘he opening of the Suez Car together with stockraisers, as well as “the unbending ortosrs ororiously fickle Bast Asia fn (whose rainfall over the ls becomes the annual Nile Jes. The appatent return to {to 8 secondary surge of El ged in Santiago and rose in through the fll of 1879 4 the worst global recession nic expansion of the Age of hale fn 1873.” ‘The puncture (symbolized by che collapse same a worldwide crisis that ne of cutthroat competition racre of fictitious eapital on real prices on Manchester's = industeial centers of Pen- “THE POOR BAT THEIR HOMES: « sylvania, South Wales, Saxony and Piedmont, Deflation was soon a wolf at she door of tropical agricuturalists as well ‘The abrupe decline in metropolitan demand for key tropical and colonial proxiuces coincided with a vast increase in agricultural exports as railroads opened the American and Russian prairies and ‘he Suez Canal shortened the distances berween Europe, Asia and the Antipodes ‘The result everywhere was intensified competition and the plummeting of agri ‘cultural incomes. World market prices of cotton, rice, tobacco and sugar fll to ‘their cost of production in many regions, or even below i Millions of cultivators only recently incorporated into market networks oF ‘webs of world trade were thus whiplashed by long-distance economic perturba tons whose origins were as mysterious as those ofthe weather. In western India, Algeria, Egypt (which plunged into bankruptcy in 1876), and northeast Brazil as ‘well asin Angola, Queensland, Fiji and Samoa, where Lancashire interests had orchestrated the conversion of vast acreayes of subsistence agpiculture o cotton production during the American Civil Was, the boom had collapsed with the return of Southern cotton exports, stranding hundreds of thousands of smal cul tivators in poverty and debt (see Table 2. Table 2.1 ‘The "Cotton Famine” and After = Caton aoportsby the UR, ia Ege Brwal tad 1800 ' 5 1865 4 sa 1870 5 2 “Some: Adapetfom Davi Sudan. “Ringo Menara Pete rou Hit Rew 62 Feb. 98, “Tropical sugae producers in Brazil, the Philippines and che Dutch Bast Indies were likewise hammered by falling peices and the vising competition of Euro: pean beet sugat, while Morocco’s traditional exports of grain, woo! and lesther declined in the face of new competion from Australia and Jndta following the opening of the Suez Canal. In the Cape, wheat farmers and wine growers, together with stockraisers faced “the cold winds of free trade and indebtedness” as well as “the unending orthodoxy of imperial fnance in the shape of the Stan-“ LATE VICTORIAN HOLOCAUSTS dard Bank," Chinese tea producers likewise had to deal with the sudden rivalry ‘of Assam and Ceylon, while Japan chipped away at China's monopoly on Asian silk exports. By 1875 agrarian uncest and sioting, on the lamest scale since the _grtat criss of 1846-49, were spreading across the globe 1. China ‘The failure of the rains, cwo years ina row, throughout the basin of che Yellow River produced @ drought famine of extraordinary magnitude, overshadowing ‘ve the disaster inthe Indian Deccan, Yer took months for accurate teports 0 make their way to Beijing, and further long months fora sclerotic bureaucracy 1 organize relief campaigns forthe five hardest hit provinces. Even then, resewe ‘grain moved slowly, if at all, through a series of deadly transport bottlenecks. ‘The Qing had refused to build railroads or telegraphs ous of the rational fear thar they would inevitably become weapons of foreign economic and ideologi- cal penetration.’ Asa result, a year or more elapsed before the frst meager ship- ‘ments of silver or grain arrived in many famine counties, Millions died in the ‘meantime and large tracts of countryside were depopulated. Such immobility was construed by resident Westerners 28 the very essence of a stagnant civliza- ion: in reality it was rupture with China's efficient famine relief campaigns of the eighteenth century or even the previous decade. Drought was a gritn finale to a quarter-century of extraordinary natural and social violence. Massive flooding. in th 18508 had driven millions of peasants from their homes, many of chem into the arms of the rebel armies ~ Taiping, Ted, Red Turban and Nian ~ chat came within 2 hairsbreadth of destroying, the Qing dynasty in the 1860s. The last insurgems (Muslin fundamentalists én Shaanxi and Gansu} were defeated only in 1872, and she accumulated economic Gamage since the founding of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace in 1851 was colossal. During the brief interlude of Confucian reform ~ the so called Tongzhi Restoration ~ that followed the defeat of the Taiping, there were several attempts to return to eighteenth-century stae paternalism, most notably during the 1867~68 drought famine in the Beijing region, which was energetically relieved with official soup kitchens and rice suapluses from the sourh.! Bus the Restoration’s domestic phase was shortlived. Continuing and costly civil wars against Nian rebels in the north and Moslem insurrectionists in the northwest, followed by a major imerver: budget and forced the Qing ¢ forced to resume the rampar that she Taiping had tied co € The scale and intensity of | most scrupulous “Golden Ag thanks to epic grain fav by | conspirators, as well asthe se it quickly became a cataclys famously described as “a nvat that evena ripple is sufficient swas a tsunami, not a ripple TEN THOUSAND MEN 11 The monsoon stalled over G 1876, drowning those provin as far as the Korean border » autumn hsevests were totally Mayers carefully monitored © Office on the development © concern with the filed siny year-old emperor, his father a nest day 100,000 tals were a Henan. Lite else wa Hong borrowed 50.000 taels then, shorily butore Christe of cnbuwe grain, Any doubts the beginning of winter, wt dlenly appeased in the st (Chengchow) and even Shar cconficmed were chilling In eastern Shandong, wh drought of fall 1876, the de: own homesusis deal with the sudden rivalry CChina’s monopoly on Asi cathe largest scale since the Ibe rout che basin of the Yellow magnitude, overshadowing, conths for accurate reports to for a sclerotic bureaueracy provinces. Bven then, rescue tadly transport boctlenecks. pphs out of the rational fear sign economic and ideotogi ‘before the first meager ship» umties. Millions died in the populated. Such immobility ssence of a stagnant civilize oe famine relief campaigns of of extraordinary natural and

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