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ADC Online First, published on July 30, 2013 as 10.

1136/archdischild-2011-301621
Global child health

Children’s health in slum settings


Alon Unger

Correspondence to ABSTRACT frequently demonstrate overall improvements in


Dr Alon Unger, Division of Rapid urbanisation in the 20th century has been urban areas, and also better outcomes than in rural
Hospital Medicine, University
of California, San Francisco,
accompanied by the development of slums. Nearly one- areas.6 However, statistics of child health in cities
533 Parnassus Avenue, third of the world’s population and more than 60% of are often based on aggregated data and may miss
Suite U127A, Box 0131, urban populations in the least developed countries live important intraurban disparities, particularly in
San Francisco, in slums, including hundreds of millions of children. slums that often have unregistered residents.7 There
CA 94143-0131, USA; Slums are areas of broad social and health disadvantage is limited but consistent evidence suggesting poorer
Alon.Unger@ucsf.edu
to children and their families due to extreme poverty, health outcomes for children and adolescents in
Received 22 December 2012 overcrowding, poor water and sanitation, substandard slums compared with those from non-slum areas of
Accepted 5 July 2013 housing, limited access to basic health and education the same city. This review describes what is known
services, and other hardships (eg, high unemployment, about child health in slum settings, and the poten-
violence). Despite the magnitude of this problem, very tial implications for paediatricians and those com-
little is known about the potential impact of slum life on mitted to child health worldwide.
the health of children and adolescents. Statistics that
show improved mortality and health outcomes in cities BACKGROUND: CITIES, SLUMS AND CHILD
are based on aggregated data and may miss important HEALTH
intraurban disparities. Limited but consistent evidence For most of the 20th century, urban areas were
suggests higher infant and under-five years mortality associated with improved child health and lower
for children residing in slums compared with non-slum mortality than rural areas.6 8 They concentrated
areas. Children suffer from higher rates of diarrhoeal the benefits of Chadwick’s sanitary revolution in
and respiratory illness, malnutrition and have lower safe water and sanitation, access to vaccinations and
vaccination rates. Mothers residing in slums are more antibiotics, and safe childbirth and perinatal care.
poorly educated and less likely to receive antenatal care Cities provided families with more economic and
and skilled birth assistance. Adolescents have earlier educational opportunities, improved nutrition and
sexual debut and higher rates of HIV, and adopt risky more possibilities for healthcare.9 However, despite
behaviours influenced by their social environment. We overall favourable health statistics in cities, several
also know little about the consequences of this form of authors have pointed out large variations between
early childhood on long-term health-related behaviour countries and within cities, and the potential influ-
(eg, diet and exercise) and non-communicable disease ence of slums on these variations.6 10 11
outcomes, such as obesity, heart disease and mental Slums are the product of rapid and unplanned
illness. Further attention to understanding and growth of urban areas predominantly over the last
addressing child health in slum settings is an important 50 years. They accompanied the economic growth
priority for paediatricians and those committed to child of cities as new industries created jobs and wealth
health worldwide. attracting immigrants from beleaguered rural areas.
Slums offered cheap and available housing in cities
that promised more secure food and water security
INTRODUCTION AND SCALE OF THE PROBLEM and public services.12 In addition to demographic
Children and adolescents are increasingly growing forces, the coupling of urban growth and slums was
up in an urban world. Urban population growth is fuelled by ill-equipped transitioning economies,
most concentrated in the least developed countries, inadequate urban planning and overwhelmed or
where 90% of this growth takes place.1 Children negligent political systems.13 Slums are a diverse set
and young people make up a large proportion of of communities, located centrally and in the per-
urban populations in the poorest countries, and iphery of cities, on floodplains and hillsides, poorly
their population growth reflects this broader trend2 constructed and ranging from thousands to millions
as can be seen in figure 1. The rapid and unplanned of residents. See figure 3. The UN operationally
growth of cities has also given rise to informal or defines them as having at least one of five character-
illegal settlements, commonly known as slums. istics: insecure residential status, poor structural
These poor urban areas grow at up to two times quality of housing, overcrowding and inadequate
the rate of the surrounding city. Today, nearly access to safe water, sanitation and other
one-third of the world’s population lives in slums, infrastructure.12
and over 90% of slum dwellers live in low-income In addition to the UN legal and physical defin-
and middle-income countries, including hundreds ition, conditions of slum life are also characterised
of millions of children2 3 (table 1 and figure 2). by extreme poverty and exceedingly substandard
To cite: Unger A. Arch Dis
Several authors have called attention to the chal- living conditions. They are also areas of broader
Child Published Online First: lenges that urbanisation and slums present to public social disadvantage to children and their families
[please include Day Month health, yet little is known about the potential with limited access to basic healthcare, schools and
Year] doi:10.1136/ impact of slum life on the health of children and important municipal services, such as safe public
archdischild-2011-301621 adolescents.4 5 Studies of child health outcomes transportation, policing, playgrounds or recreational

Copyright Article
Unger A. Arch author
Dis Child (ordoi:10.1136/archdischild-2011-301621
2013;0:1–7. their employer) 2013. Produced by BMJ Publishing Group Ltd (& RCPCH) under licence.
1
Global child health

Table 1 Urban population living in slums by region, 2010


Estimated slum Proportion of urban
Region population population (%)

Developing regions 827 690 000 32.7


Sub-Saharan Africa 199 540 000 61.7
Southern Asia 190 748 000 35.0
Southeast Asia 88 912 000 31.0
East Asia 189 621 000 28.2
West Asia 35 713 000 24.6
Oceania 556 000 24.1
Latin America and Caribbean 110 763 000 23.5
North Africa 11 836 000 13.3
Source: UN-HABITAT estimates (based on United Nations Population Division, World
Urbanisation Prospects: The 2007 Revision).

employment, poor or dangerous working conditions and threat


of violence, eviction or natural disaster. They are also often
removed from the protective benefits of tradition, extended
family and community support14 15 (see table 2 and box 1).
Social determinants may affect child and adolescent health in
various ways. The effects may be immediate or cumulative, and
early life experiences may have latent consequences on future
Figure 1 Urban population growth over time in millions, 0–19 years adult health or set individuals on trajectories that influence
old. (Adapted from (UNICEF, 2012), UNDESA, Population Division). health and well-being16 17 (see box 2). Nonetheless, evidence of
the causal link is limited and often difficult to establish in
complex slum settings where data are sparse. Associations may
facilities.12 Social problems commonly affect these communities be found from the level of the individual and household to the
(eg, fragmented families, low educational achievement, economic neighbourhood, and factors may be proximate (eg, open sewers)
or sexual exploitation, alcohol and drug trafficking and abuse). or further ‘upstream’ or structural (eg, geography, political pol-
Families also experience high unemployment or informal icies).18–20 Table 2 provides an overview of possible adverse

Figure 2 Urban population living in slums, 2005.

2 Unger A. Arch Dis Child 2013;0:1–7. doi:10.1136/archdischild-2011-301621


Global child health

findings in Bangladesh and Nigeria also reflect high child mor-


tality in slums and heterogeneous urban areas with varying mor-
tality based on residence.23 24 The disparity in mortality based
on location of urban residence is not exclusive to developing
nations and has been demonstrated in wealthier countries, such
as higher black infant mortality by degree of residential segrega-
tion in the USA.25

Communicable diseases
Water-borne and vector-borne diseases
Slums concentrate many known risk factors for parasitic, water-
borne and vector-borne diseases, including: flooding, poor
water drainage, open sewers and overcrowding.26 These charac-
teristics of the physical environment are exacerbated by poor
hygiene practices and high rates of malnutrition in children, and
affect the burden of intestinal parasites and diarrhoeal diseases,
such as persistent entero-aggregative Escherichia coli diar-
Figure 3 Saidapet (Chennai, India) Muslim side (credit: Lee Riley, MD).
rhoea.27 28 In slums, infants who live without piped water may
have up to 4.8 times the risk of death from diarrhoea.26 29 In
health outcomes associated with slum settings. The next section New Delhi, diarrhoea is accountable for 36% of infant mortal-
outlines what is known about specific child health outcomes in ity and 50% of child mortality under 7 years of age.27 30
slum settings and the possible connection with conditions of Cholera also disproportionately affects these urban settlements,
slum life. with the heaviest burden on young children.31 Standing water in
slums is associated with increased risk of mosquito-borne and
SELECT CHILD HEALTH CHALLENGES IN SLUMS other vector-borne diseases in children, such as dengue, which
Mortality is further exacerbated by poor housing and high population
Demographic data show declines in under-five year mortality in densities.32 Persistent or recurrent ill health due to infectious
urban areas and lower rates of mortality than rural areas. diseases also has broader effects on child well-being, including
However, these declines have stagnated in some areas of high poor school attendance, and has been implicated in poor school
slum prevalence, such as sub-Saharan Africa.6 In Nairobi, where achievement and long-term cognitive function.33
more than 60% of the urban population lives in slums on 5% of
the land, the under-five year mortality is now higher than it was Vaccine-preventable and respiratory diseases
20 years ago and also higher than rural areas of Kenya. Overall Lower immunisation coverage contributes to more frequent out-
child mortality in Nairobi slums, like Kibera and Mathare, are breaks of vaccine-preventable diseases, such as pertussis, measles
2.5 times greater than in other areas of the city.21 22 Similar and diphtheria, and they cluster in areas of high population

Table 2 Characteristics of slums—UN operational definition*


Characteristic Physical/legal outcome Potential adverse health outcome

Insecure residential status ▸ Threat of eviction ▸ Poor access to health sector


▸ Lack formal title deeds to land or residence ▸ Exposure to hazardous environments (eg, ▸ Low service utilisation
▸ No proof of tenure pollution, flooding) ▸ Unable to advocate for self
▸ Lack of access to formal health care ▸ Exposed to accidental injuries
infrastructure ▸ Poisoning or respiratory diseases, for example,
▸ No data for health service planning asthma
▸ Industrial/polluted areas
Poor structural quality of housing ▸ Risk from natural or other disasters (flooding, ▸ Unintentional injuries
▸ Inferior building materials (cardboard, tin, mud, landslides, fire) ▸ Falls, burns, drowning, electrocution
low-grade concrete) ▸ Poor ventilation ▸ Asthma or infectious respiratory illness
▸ Substandard construction ▸ Susceptible to collapse
Overcrowding ▸ Social stressors ▸ Stress
▸ Less than 5 square metres per person ▸ Facilitates disease transmission ▸ Scabies
▸ More than 2 people per room ▸ Tuberculosis and other respiratory illnesses
Inadequate access to safe water ▸ Contaminated water ▸ Diarrhoeal diseases, cholera, typhoid, hepatitis
▸ Less than 50% have access to household connection, ▸ Privatisation and high cost of water ▸ Poor hygiene and bacterial skin infections
public stand pipe or rainwater collection ▸ Water scarcity
Inadequate access to sanitation and other infrastructure ▸ Increased rat density ▸ Water-borne or vector-borne diseases
▸ Less than 50% have public sewer, septic tank, ▸ Open or broken sewers ▸ Under-usage of services, maternal health
pour-flush latrine or ventilated pit latrine ▸ Inadequate or inappropriate municipal services complications, vaccine-preventable diseases
(eg, waste disposal, policing) ▸ Mental illness
▸ Drug-resistant infections
▸ Lack of prevention for non-communicable diseases,
for example, HTN, DM

*The UN created a unifying operational definition of the physical and legal characteristics shared by slums in 2002.

Unger A. Arch Dis Child 2013;0:1–7. doi:10.1136/archdischild-2011-301621 3


Global child health

Box 1 Other features of slums settings Box 2 Health outcomes linked to childhood
socioeconomic environment
State level
▸ Absence or inadequate state recognition All-cause mortality
▸ Lack of political will or interest (eg, ethnic, racial or political Cause-specific mortality
reasons) ▸ Alcoholic cirrhosisCancer, smoking-related
▸ State occupied with other demographic or political priorities ▸ Cancer, stomach
(eg, conflict, political or economic transitions, natural ▸ Cardiovascular diseases
disasters, HIV/AIDS epidemics) ▸ Diabetes
▸ Unable to keep pace with rapid or uncontrolled urban ▸ Respiratory diseases
growth or reach geographically challenging locations Cardiovascular disease
▸ Weak political or public infrastructure ▸ Carotid atherosclerosis
Community/neighbourhood level ▸ HTN
▸ Vulnerable groups: high proportions of young people, ▸ Coronary artery disease
migrants, refugees or internally displaced groups, exploited ▸ Ischemic heart disease
groups (informal/child labourers, sex workers) ▸ Myocardial infarction
▸ Generalised unemployment due to geographic limitations, ▸ Stroke
legal (informal/illegal residents or vulnerable group) or lack Metabolic disease
municipal resources (eg, public transportation) ▸ Insulin resistance
▸ Threat of violence due to gangs, political or ethnic conflicts, ▸ Obesity
crime ▸ Type 2 diabetes
▸ Patchwork of unregulated health services and poor access to Mental illness
health centres, antenatal care, skilled birth assistance ▸ Depression
▸ Lack of public infrastructure, including food scarcity or ▸ Post-traumatic stress disorder
scarcity of healthy food choices, electricity, educational Behavioural outcomes
services, recreational areas ▸ Alcoholic or drug abuse
Household/individual level ▸ Smoking
▸ High unemployment and low levels of educational ▸ Poor diet
achievement and health literacy Other outcomes
▸ Working single parents, often daily wage earners with ▸ Functional limitations
irregular pattern, hazardous work (eg, rag picking, recycling, ▸ Inflammatory markers
sex trade) ▸ Periodontal disease
▸ Absence of extended family and social support ▸ Self-rated health
▸ Breakdown of traditional values ▸ Revised from Braveman 2009
▸ Gender-based violence
▸ High levels of illness and recurrent illness, and
disproportionately affected by diseases with long-term disaggregated data shows that some urban poor, particularly
outcomes, for example, low birth weight, malnutrition, STDs women, have significantly higher risks of HIV infection than
and HIV/AIDS their urban non-poor counterparts.42 43 In Kenya, sexual experi-
▸ High levels of risk behaviours, for example, sexual risk and ence before age of 15 confers a 62% higher risk of HIV in slum
diet residents, where girls in this age groups had higher likelihood
(14.8%) of having sex compared with their counterparts in
non-slum areas (8.7%).42 In these slum communities, the preva-
density, household overcrowding and poor nutrition.34–36 lence of HIV was more than eight times higher for all adoles-
Several studies demonstrate lower rates of complete immunisa- cents in slums aged 15–19 years (5.0%) compared with
tion in slums compared with other urban areas,14 37 as well as a adolescents from non-slum urban areas (0.6%.42 The risk to
shortage of health centres and immunisation programmes near adolescents in urban poor communities may be exacerbated by
slums.38 The lack of information and low levels of education the limited availability of recreational facilities, absence of par-
among mothers also contribute to poor vaccination coverage in ental or community supervision, and influence of community
slums.39 Immunisation coverage in Niger was 35% in slums norms.44 Urban poverty and residence in informal settlements
compared with 86% in non-slum urban areas.40 Slum condi- have also been associated with poor prenatal care and preven-
tions may also facilitate other non-vaccine preventable respira- tion of mother-to-child transmission in areas of high HIV preva-
tory diseases by respiratory droplets or airborne transmission, lence and less access to antiretroviral therapy.45 Lastly, families
such as respiratory viruses (eg, SARS, H1N1, N meningitidis) weakened by illness and poverty are also limited in their ability
and tuberculosis. For instance, in squatter settlements in Manila, to diminish the impact that HIV/AIDS has on affected
children were nine times more likely to have tuberculosis than children.46
other urban children.14
Non-communicable diseases
Malnutrition
HIV/AIDS Malnutrition makes a central contribution, up to 56%, to child
Studies have previously suggested that poverty was protective mortality worldwide and is a recognised problem in informal
against risk of HIV infection in urban areas.41 New settlements.47 48 Compared with their urban counterparts,

4 Unger A. Arch Dis Child 2013;0:1–7. doi:10.1136/archdischild-2011-301621


Global child health

children in slums are more likely to be undernourished and paediatricians and public health advocates. Ultimately, many
stunted.10 49 These findings may be due to prolonged or recur- improvements will require changing political and economic pol-
rent episodes of hunger or specific nutritional deficiencies (eg, icies and addressing broader structural or ‘upstream’ factors.
caloric, protein, micronutrient), and also to persistent or recur- However, there are more immediate actions that may improve
rent ill health.50 In Nairobi, the prevalence of stunting is 57% understanding of the problem and allow for short-term advo-
for children in slums compared with 28% in urban Kenya as a cacy and interventions to mitigate child health disparities in
whole.2 Similar findings are present in Ethiopia, Niger and cities.
India.2 28 51 Malnutrition in slum children is closely associated
with maternal education and breastfeeding practices.48 Mothers Data collection and research
in informal settlements may not breast feed due to work, lack of The scale of intraurban inequalities in child health is still largely
knowledge or education, and breakdown of traditional prac- unknown. More than one-third of children born in urban areas
tices.10 49 Poor nutrition in slums may have long-term effects on are not registered at birth, including nearly 50% of children in
infectious disease risk and cognitive development.52 There is urban areas of sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.73 It will be
also evidence that childhood nutritional stunting is associated important to collect reliable and disaggregated urban data. Even
with obesity, and slum communities have a mixture of under- disaggregated city data or census data that include slums may
nutrition and over-nutrition.53–56 Children from informal settle- miss the most vulnerable ones that are frequently not
ments are at higher risk of obesity from poor diet, lack of counted.37 48 In one Indian study, malnutrition was more closely
healthy food options and recreation facilities,57 58 and have associated with slums not officially recognised in the census com-
higher rates of obesity-related conditions, such as obstructive pared with those that were counted.48 Methodologies, such as
sleep apnoea.59 expanded or focused data collection, over-counting specific
urban areas, and standardising measures or gradients of socio-
Accidental and non-accidental injuries economic status in areas of generalised poverty must also be
The built and natural environment in informal settlements is fre- explored to capture these populations.74 75 Important research
quently dangerous for children. Slums are vulnerable to natural questions also remain unanswered on the ways that conditions of
disasters from the combination of poor material and construc- slum life affect child health at the level of the individual or house-
tion, overcrowding and precarious geography, as was dramatic- hold, and the potential neighbourhood effects on health out-
ally demonstrated in the earthquake in Haiti in 2010.60 comes.18 Studies of slum-upgrading interventions have been
Children are extremely susceptible to injury and death, and can limited by inadequate study designs and inconsistent health and
account for up to one-third of the victims of disasters.61 social outcomes between studies.69 More research is needed on
Pollution and environmental conditions also have detrimental which interventions would give the most benefit to child health,
effects on child health outcomes, such as asthma.62–64 Insecure improve utilisation for families and their children, and employ
residential status also makes it difficult for families to advocate the most efficacious delivery channels.76
for safer conditions, respond to and recover from disasters.12
The built environment also provides few safe play spaces, and Address the social determinants as well as the disease
puts children at risk for accidental injuries due to falls, drown- While investment in child health infrastructure is necessary, not
ing, electrocution, exposure to pollutants and road traffic injur- all solutions will come from treating the child. The health of
ies, the latter of which is the second leading cause of death for children depends greatly on the health and well-being of their
children aged 5–14 years worldwide.2 Violence is also a notable mothers and families, and their ability to provide for an
threat to children and adolescents in slums.65–67 For example, adequate education and safe areas to play and grow. For
the rates of violent deaths in adolescents in Brazilian slums are instance, the presence of family planning may be a simple and
higher than in wealthier parts of the same cities.68 effective intervention to improve maternal health and reduce
infant mortality.77 It is important to recognise and address the
Mental illness complex forces driving slum growth; however, good urban gov-
Living in slums presents children and their families with various ernance and simple interventions in water and sanitation, health
stresses, including overcrowding, noise and environmental pollu- education and infrastructure may have important and immediate
tion, domestic and community violence, scarce formal employ- life-saving effects.76 John Snow’s contribution to the removal of
ment opportunities and limited future prospects.2 Slum residents the Broad Street pump handle, and interruption of cholera
emphasise the negative impact of these stresses on the quality of transmission in London in 1854, is an early and compelling
their lives.69 There are important links between conditions of intervention in urban upgrading. Upgrading physical features of
slum life and mental health, and a WHO literature review found slums, water and sanitation, waste collection and drainage, may
that slum residents suffer from higher rates of mental illness and have effects on limiting disease, particularly reducing diarrhoea
suicide than other urban residents.66 70–72 Children exposed to and water-related expenses.69 This may also require advocacy
slum settings may also suffer from behavioural and emotional on the part of paediatricians in the political and government
problems and poor school performance.67 Child labour is also sector.
more frequent among children in slums and exposes them to
work-related injuries, physical and other abuse and traffic-related Improve and involve the entire community
injuries, and have deleterious effects on the well-being of chil- In informal settlements, as elsewhere, the health of children is
dren and adolescents.2 Moreover, children and adolescents in closely related with the well-being of mothers. Maternal educa-
slums are more vulnerable to sexual exploitation.66 tion and literacy have been shown to influence the likelihood of
complete immunisations and the mother’s use of antenatal care
FUTURE DIRECTIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR and skilled birth assistance in slums.50 78 Mothers and families
PAEDIATRICIANS in slums often have few accessible and affordable sources of
The growth of slums poses important challenges to those who healthcare for their children, which is closely linked to child
are charged with caring for children, from parents to their health practices, such as immunisation uptake.38 Many slums

Unger A. Arch Dis Child 2013;0:1–7. doi:10.1136/archdischild-2011-301621 5


Global child health

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