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10
zon
river:Where the Amazon
river meets the Orinoco river:
ianas Archaeology of the Guianas
STÉPHEN ROSTAIN
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), France
11
Rostain, S.
Figure 1 – Map of the Guianas showing the two main pre-Columbian territories and
different archaeological cultures (drawing S. Rostain)
river at south, by the rio Negro and the dered by mangroves on the mud flats
Cassiquiare canal at west. The Casiqui- along the seashore. On the old coastal
are is a geographical anomaly because plain, marshes are cut by narrow and
this river connects two different river elongated sandy ridges parallel to the
basins: the upper Negro and the up- seashore that are ancient beaches (Figure 2).
per Orinoco. Guianas are bordered on The Amazon River measures almost
their periphery by water from rivers or 100 km wide at Santarém, so it was not
ocean, so they form a vast continental easy to cross during pre-Columbian
island in Amazonia. times. Inhabitants of the left side did
not have regular contacts with those
The periphery can be considered as a
of the right side. Floodplains located
coast because rivers are so wide that
along the rivers and the seashore are
they constitute sorts of seas.
particularly fertile. Very efficient agri-
The oceanic coast is a narrow Qua- cultural techniques, using terra preta or
ternary sedimentary plain stretching várzea, have been used on this periph-
some 1.600 km between the mouth of ery. This “continental coast” is fertile
the Amazon and the Orinoco Delta. and was inhabited by the most com-
The young coastal plain is differenti- plex pre-Columbian societies. So it is
ated from old the coastal plain. The possible to say that Guianas are sur-
first one is a low swampy plain bor-
Figure 2 – Flooded coastal plain where elongated sandy ridges run parallel to the sea-
shore, eastern Suriname (photo S. Rostain, 2005)
nine known mounds with a raised area clay became hard as a rock when it was
of about 4 hectares (Boomert 1980). taken out of the water. In reality, three
The total quantity of earthworks has centres for the manufacture of muira-
been estimated on 14.000 truckloads. quitãs, all connected with the Arau-
Archaeological excavations have quinoid sphere, are known in Ama-
shown that the Hertenrits mound was zonia: the Santarém area in the Lower
built by the piling up of rectangular Amazon, the Valencia Lake in Venezu-
blocks and a wooden shovel perfectly ela, and the just south of Paramaribo
adapted to such work has been found in Suriname that is the centre of the
in a close site (Versteeg 2003). Arauquinoid territory in the Guianas
(Rostain 2006).
Each Arauquinoid group was special-
ized in specific activities like ceremo- Arauquinoid peoples are mainly fa-
nial rituals, trade, intensive agriculture, mous for another activity. They built
tools and artefacts’ manufacture. The thousands of raised fields that are an
Arauquinoid pottery is decorated with impressive and ingenious agricultural
thin incision, punctuation or anthro- answer to the flooding coastal plain of
pomorphic figures and the characteristi- the Guianas (Figure 5). In the Guianas,
cally twin items. Pregnant figurines are
common (Figure 4). However, it was
not a much elaborated industry. Their
most famous product was the muira-
quitã (Boomert 1987). These are green
stone pendants representing mostly
frogs. The archives also describe In-
dian myths about these objects: the
muiraquitãs were made by the warrior
women Amazons who molded clay
from a lake in the shape of a frog; the
Figure 5 – Raised fields in the Karouabo area, central coast of French Guiana (photo S. Rostain, 1989)
fields in the Guianas have been made fields were combined with the analysis
in French Guiana. The first program of starch grains from ceramic griddle
was conducted between 1989 and 1991 sherds of the nearby domestic dwellings,
(Rostain 1991). The second one was to see correspondences between culti-
carried out from 2007 to 2011 (McKey vated and consumed plants. Maize (Zea
et al. 2010; Rostain 2010). If Arau- mays) and manioc (Manihot esculenta)
quinoid pottery was quite well-known, were cooked on griddles (Iriarte et al.
dating was missing to define a precise 2010 ; McKey et al. 2010). Moreover,
chronological framework. For that cultivation of maize, squash (Cucurbita
reason, we performed 66 radiometric sp.), and perhaps sweet potatoes (Ipo-
dates on samples collected in domestic moea) and arrow leaf (Xanthosoma) has
sites and raised fields. It was the first been demonstrated on French Guiana
time that raised fields were dated with raised fields.
precision in the Guianas. Dates from
If raised fields are the main earthworks
domestic sites confirmed the chronol-
made by the Indians, these landscape
ogy previously defined (Rostain 2008);
makers also built other structures. Ar-
the raised fields were dated between
tificial residential mounds are associ-
AD 900 and 1300 in several complex-
ated to raised-fields complexes in Su-
es. The first Arauquinoid raised fields
riname, Guyana and Venezuela. Canals
probably existed since AD 650 in west-
are frequently associated to agricultural
ern Suriname (Versteeg 2003) but they
structures to improve drainage. But not
became common and spread almost
all had an agricultural function. Small
everywhere along the coast from AD
rivers have been diverted and canals
900 and up to AD 1400 at least.
have been dug to facilitate circulation.
One of the main questions posed by Similarly, pathways have been raised to
the raised field study is to know what cross the flooded areas.
plants were cultivated. Soil samples
Finally, raised field study conducted
were collected from various raised
during the “earthmovers” project
fields complexes along the French
brought an interesting paradox looking
Guiana coast. Archaeobotanists ana-
at the tropical agriculture. The main
lyzed pollen and phytolith samples to
plague for rainforest agriculture is the
find out what plant species were culti-
leaf-cutter ant, a fungus-growing ant
vated on these mounds. Maize was the
that cut pieces of leaves to bring back to
main crop cultivated on raised fields.
the nest. These insects are particularly
Looking at other archaeological data
voracious. For example, some Atta spe-
in Amazonia, it reasonable to con-
cies are capable of defoliating an entire
clude that these groups did not base
citrus tree in less than 24 hours. Leaf-cut-
their diet on manioc but were more
ter ants can be considered as quite a nui-
maize oriented. During our recent
sance to humans because they defoliate
“earthmovers” research (McKey et al.
crops and destroy plantations. However,
2010), phytolith analysis from raised
the same ant also permits the preserva-
tion of raised fields. Ants act as “central filiated to the Polychrome Tradition:
place foragers” and as “mound builders” the territory of the Aristé culture ex-
(McKey et al. 2010). They construct deep tended along the coast from the Ara-
nests, bringing subsoil to raised field sur- guari river in Amapá to the Ouanary
faces. Ants move materials to the raised Hills in French Guiana, that is an area
fields where they set their nest. Acromyr- of circa 370 km long by 10 to 100 km
mex workers carry large quantities of wide; the Maracá culture extended
plants to the nest to feed their fungal along a river in southern Amapá; the
symbiont. Moreover, transport of mate- Mazagão culture was located in south-
rial to surfaces of abandoned raised fields ern Amapá; the Caviana culture occu-
thus at least partially compensates losses pied some islands of the mouth of the
due to erosion and maintains the mound Amazon and the coast of the southern
height. By reducing the erodibility of Amapá (Rostain 2011).
raised fields and by transporting materials
The Oyapock bay is a very special re-
to them, thereby compensating erosional
gion, with remarkable coastal hills,
losses, communities of ecosystem engi-
being the first place to where Euro-
neers on raised fields maintain the con-
pean explorers generally arrived after
centration of resources (and organisms)
crossing the ocean. So, it is a region
on raised fields and their depletion in the
frequently visited by Europeans just
surrounding matrix. In conclusion, eco-
after the conquest. The main specific-
system engineers are responsible for the
ity of the Oyapock bay is the presence
preservation of pre-Columbian raised
of coastal hills, which are rare on the
fields up to nowadays. They are ants,
coast of the Guianas. They are low,
earthworms, termites and even plants.
less than 200 m altitude, but they are
Each of them played a function more or
especially visible from the sea (Figure
less important. It is curious to outline that
6). These coastal hills obviously were
after their abandonment by human social
attractive for the Indians. The villages,
mammals, raised fields were managed
smaller than the Arauquinoid ones,
and preserved by natural social insects.
were settled on the small hills emerg-
ing from the swamps. The large size
of the habitation sites, the high density
EAST
of cemeteries and rock-shelters, and
The pre-Columbian situation was the diversity of ceramic innovations
completely different in the East. Local suggest that the lower Oyapock River
populations had even few exchanges hosted an important Aristé develop-
with the western ones. If most of the ment centre. During historic times,
western coast of the Guianas was oc- confederate leaders of Amapá tribes
cupied by Arauquinoid cultures from lived in this area, which suggests its
AD 700 on, the eastern part of the function as an important political cen-
Guianas was dominated by people tre during that period.
originating from the middle and the
The specific distribution of the Ouanary
lower Amazon. These groups were af-
Figure 6 – Bruyère Hill was the center of Aristé confederation. Ouanary River is in the
foreground, Oyapock River behind and Uaça River background (photo S. Rostain, 1989)
Hill’s sites suggests that villages were sur- the main living units were found in the
rounded by various ceremonial sites. The villages. The finds in the Ouanary Hill's
settlements were located in the middle of rock shelters suggest a ceremonial func-
the southern slope, in a central position, tion for these specific sites that may have
on the opposite side of the seashore. The been used as retreat locations (Figure 7).
rock shelters, slightly above the villages, The archaeological record of the Aristé
probably provided covered areas for sites notes a considerable number of cer-
temporary periods of isolation. Disposal emonial sites. In fact, the majority of the
of the dead occurred in caves at the top sites have a ce-remonial, and not a habita-
of the hills facing north. Excavations in tion background. The division might reflect
the Ouanary Hills shown that the Aristé the importance of ceremonial/ritual com-
culture is characterized by two types of ponents in Aristé culture.
habitation sites: villages and rock shel-
Megalithic sites are found on the cen-
ters. The first ones are located on hills
tral coast of Amapá, generally on hills,
or river banks. Small settlements where a
which are characterized by large pan-
few families could live together are distin-
oramas. They consist of vertical granite
guished from larger villages where more
slabs that are arranged in lines, circles or
extensive communities lived together.
triangles. Such sites remind fertility and
Small rock shelters, with the average size
marriage rituals practiced with wooden
of 28 m2, were temporarily inhabited at
and stone idols by Arauakí, Tapajós,
different times by different people, while
Figure 8 – Left: human faces made in relief of the neck of two Aristé painted urns from
the Trou Biche cave, in the Bruyère Hill in the mouth of Oyapock, collection of Museum
of Guyanese Culture, Cayenne (photo S. Rostain, 2004). Right: funerary anthropomor-
phic and polychromic urn of the Cunaní pit in Amapá (drawing S. Rostain)
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Recebido em 15/02/2012.
Aprovado em 08/03/2012.