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REPUBLIC BOLIVARIAN OF VENEZUELA

MINISTRY OF THE POWER FOR THE EDUCATION


U.E.P. JOSE GIL FORTOUL
SAN JOSE DE GUANIPA - STATE ANZOATEGUI
CATEDRA: ENGLISH

TEACHER:
ABRAHAM REQUENA

MADE BY:
GABRIEL ANTUAREZ
4TO. AÑO "D"

NOVEMBER, 2017
INTRODUCTION

The revolutions that have taken place in Venezuela at different times in history have
had as a determining cause the ambition of power of the leaders of the day, disguised as
legalistic positions supported by the people, who have hopes to find in the leaders and in
the promises of these, solution to the social problems that afflict them.

Generally, the conspirators and subversives of the established public order have as an
argument to justify the rebellious conduct, the violation that the current government makes
to the Constitution.
ARMED CONFLICTS IN VENEZUELA IN THE XIX CENTURY

The so-called civil wars in Venezuela were a long series of conflicts that plagued the
country throughout the greater part of the 19th century.

After independence and the subsequent dissolution of the Gran Colombia in


Venezuela there is no strong government with sufficient authority and power to guarantee
order or an idea of nation or civic experience that leads to a phenomenon of caudillismo
and militarism in which chiefs politicians-local militaries were able to confront and defeat
the central government by following their particular ideological interests together with the
popular masses that support and identify with them, similar processes occur throughout
Hispanic America through Spanish colonial rule . This was due in part to the weakening of
the ruling class, the Mantuan who had ruled the country since colonial times. During the
first half of the century, the only character that made him a resistance factor was José
Antonio Páez thanks to his military power, his defeat in the battlefields ended his political
career. The popular llanero leader moved several times at the moment in which the current
legality was violated or the combat against who tried to overthrow the law. His only
rebellion against legality was La Cosiata, and this was a patriotic reaction against a
supranational project that most Venezuelans were not interested in embarking on.

Between 1830 and 1903 there were a total of 166 armed revolts and almost fifty years
of war. Among them we can mention THE LIBERATING REVOLUTION.

It was organized against Cipriano Castro by the Venezuelan banker Manuel Antonio
Matos, who directed all the actions from the Island of Trinidad. The uprising began in
Victoria on December 19, 1901 with General Luciano Mendoza; Ron, Arteaga Martínez,
Crespo Torres stood in the center; in Falcón Gregorio Riera and Amabile Solaigne; in
Oriente Nicolás Rolando, Domingo Monagas, Horacio Ducharne and Alejandro Ducharne;
in southern Guiana Zoilo Vidal and in the Andes, Juan Pablo and José Peñalosa.
The main leader of the movement against Castro was the General and banker Manuel
Antonio Matos, supported by foreign companies operating in Venezuela and especially the
New York & Bermúdez Company. On the other hand, the French company El Cable
Francés and the German company of the Great Railway of Venezuela delivered $ 100,000
to Matos to finance a revolution.

Then he bought the Ban Right Ship in London, which he renamed the "Liberator", as
well as weapons and ammunition.

Matos began to organize a series of uprisings in the interior using many local
caudillos who were against the government. In January of 1902, he disembarked near Coro,
spreading the movement throughout the country.

The battle lasted 22 days. It was the longest, the bloodiest and the most important that
was fought in Venezuela. The troops of "La Libertadora" began to withdraw from La
Victoria and with their leaders were returning to their regions of origin. From that moment,
Juan Vicente Gómez, active lieutenant of Castro, was in charge of liquidating each one of
the leaders of the defeated army.

The Liberator was the last of the internal wars that Venezuela suffered for years. With
it was sealed "the horrific file of civil wars", defeated the historical leadership and paved
the way to true peace.

The liberating revolution would be defeated on October 13, 1902, in the battle of
victory. This ended an uprising whose sole objective was to remove the Andean power,
restore the government to traditional sectors and deliver the country to foreign capital.
These battles would represent the last civil war in Venezuela, and thanks to its triumph the
Castro government undermined the bases of caudillismo, which allowed it to apply its
project of centralization, not without facing, as never before had a Venezuelan president,
with modern foreign powers.
With the defeat of the Liberating Revolution the international capitals decided to
move from opposition to direct intervention, and in this way they began to strangle the
national economy. The culminating point was the block of the Venezuelan coasts, the 9 of
December of 1902, on the part of German, English and Italian ships, with the pretext to
force the government to fulfill commitments of debts.

The proclamation "The Insolent Plant of the Foreigner Profane the Sacred Ground of
the Fatherland", of the same of December, definitively defined a firm position on the part of
Cipriano Castro, which generated a nationalist reaction in the country, so important that
many of its adversaries they united it against the aggression (for example: El Mocho
Hernández), added to the significant popular mobilization and the Latin American
sympathy, all of which the Venezuelan leader won a high popularity.

The Latin American support aroused by Castro's attitude was expressed in different
ways: the cadets of the Military School of Chile placed their photo in their institute and
daily gave him the military salute; the support of Peru showed the possibility of calling a
mobilization in support of Venezuela; the jurist Luis Mariani Drago, foreign minister of
Argentina, enunciated the famous Drago Doctrine, in which any armed action by foreign
powers against Latin American countries was cataloged as unacceptable, to force him to
comply with commitments of payment of debts international
CONCLUSION

The Venezuelan political system of the late nineteenth century was characterized by
a great contradiction in its process of political secularization. In other words, although
traditional society was yielding to more dynamic processes in which social structures, roles
and political subsystems became specialized and more complex, their autonomy was little
or relative in relation to established power. In this sense, it can be affirmed that although
there was a process of differentiation in the power structure of the nineteenth century in
Venezuela, there was a low autonomy of the political roles and subsystems that had the
function of guaranteeing the juridical-institutional stability of society.

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