The Invention of Europe and the Intellectual Struggle for Political Imagination: Spanish Humanism on the Ottomans Natalio Obanna During the Middle Ages, there was much pressure on Muslims in Christian lands to convert, on Christians in Muslim lands to stay confined to certain enclaves, and on both religious communities not to communicate with each other, such that they lived in great mutual ignorance. The ordinary Christian lacked open and reliable channels for direct knowledge of Islam, as communication with Muslims was prevented and conditioned by a set of commonplaces, ste:cotypes, and suspicions based on fear. In the early modern period the situation became much more complex. In the face of the Ottoman threat at the gates of Europe, violent medieval anti-Islamic rhetoric was revivec, and the Orient as a discursive configuration took on renewed meanings in the dialectics of sixteenth-century humanism and its major proponents ‘fom Erasmus to Enea Silvio Piccolomini, including Nicholas of Cusa, Denis the Carthusian, Juan de Torquemada, and Alonso de la Espina, among others. They collected information mostly from me dieval chronicles, cistegarding contemporary sources by travelers, mer: chants, and captives." In this respect, itis difficult to conceive that so many humanists were, or appeared to be, committed to a conception of Islam closer to the Middle N. Ohanna (52) Western Michigan Uriversity, Kalamazoo, US. ‘e-mail: natalio.channa@wmich.edu © The Author(s) 2018 101 M, Keller and J. Irigoyen-Garcia (eds.), ‘The Diabetics of Orientalism in Eariy Modern Europe, bteps://doi.org/10.1057 /978-1-137-46236-7_7102 _N,OHANNA Ages than to the early modern period. This has sparked a recent debate i historiography. In contrast to the well-knowa studies of Norman Dani and Robert Schwoebel, for whom the Renaissance did not present rupture in European thought about Muslims, Nancy Bisaha supports 1 thesis chat humanism revolutionized the conpus of western ideas on Ist transforming an old enemy of the faith into a political and cultural threat the emerging notion of Europe. A clear preference for classical models concepts would lead to a predominantly secular perspective, defining, Turks as barbarians conffonting the heirs to Greco-Roman tradition: result was not only an increase in classically inspired rhetoric on the Tur but also the development of'a more unified discourse of European civility versus Asian barbarism.”? James Hankins, on the other hand, notes that despite the incorporation of classical references into. their rhetori ‘humanists also recycled a wide range of apocalyptic and providential motifs. from the medieval canon in order to explain the advance of the Turks as the wrath of God, the work of Providence guiding the course of human his: tory, introducing the tyrants as an instrument against sinners, and awal ening in the faithful the desire to better conform to evangelical doctrine. More recently, Margaret Meserve rejected the notion of discontinuity, revealing a panorama of tensions inherent in this historical juncture of the carly sixteenth century between the political or secula heuristics and the providential question assumed in hiscoricizing Islam and the Turks im particular; that is to say, between, on the one hand, the Renaissance fas- cination with Greco-Roman antiquity, its modes of expression and analysi and, on the other hand, the enduring influence of the medieval Christian mentality and spirit of erusade.* From this point of view, in fact, in the dialogues, treatises, letters, and exhortations of numerous humanists the Turks were described as descendants of the barbarians as represented by Aeschylus and Euripides in classic tragedies of Greco-Persian themes, or as the Scythians of Pontus, whose savage customs Herodotus referred to in the fourth book of his Histeries, with all the implied connotations of a threat to culture and civilization. But such an adaptation of classical materials would lead neither to secularization nor to the abandonment of the traditional reading with its emphasis on error and infidelity, on the falsity of a doctrine that would spread, in contrast to the true faith and at its expense, by means of a violence unprecedented in human memory, which must be extirpated through a struggle declared in God’s name. In the paradoxical case of Spain, despite or perhaps because of the prolonged presence of Islam on the peninsula, which one would have THE INVENTION OF EUROPE AND THE INTELLECTUAL STRUGGLE... 103, expected to engender more direct cultural understanding, the perception of Muslims was neither more favorable nor more realistic than in the rest of Europe.’ Nonetheless, compared with other European states, the case of Spain is particularly complex. Although the so-called recongnista, ending in 1492, was fought over a porous border with shifting loyalties and interfaith alliances, the resulting nation was imagined as a homogeneous space from hich all Islamic e’ements had to be excised, not only due to the patriotic and religious fervor incited by the victory over the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada, but also in response to external pressure created by the Orientalist image of Spain that was promoted in the rest of Europe, intrinsically related to its Semitic roots. However, despite the efforts to ‘whiten or Europeaaize Spain, as Barbara Fuchs shows in Exotic Nation, the inhabitants of the peninsula were irreducibly marked by their multicultural heritage. After 1492 the legacy of al-Andalus was both firmly rooted and celebrated in Spanish society to such an extent that it became impossible to expunge all that had been introduced as local forms and hybridizations in almost every aspec: of everyday life, from compilations of ballads known as the romancero, to aristocratic equestrian exercises, and fashion,” This phenomenon, however, in no way altered the status of the moriscas as a marginalized population in a conflicted society, indirectly confirming the idea of Islam’s wrongness and inferiority. Furthermore, the morisco? presence was viewed in close association with the increasing activity of the Barbary corsairs ir the Mediterranean or even as a sign of the Ottoman Empire's military 2rowess, with dominions stretching across three conti~ nents, and reaching its pinnacle with the siege of Vienna in 1529. This geopolitical juncture motivates two treatises at opposite ends of the ideological spectrum, both written in exile and addressed to Charles V, revealing two irreconcilable tendencies with respect to Islam, war, and imperialism: Cabortatio ad Caralum V, Imperatorem Invicsisinum, ut facta cum Christianis pace, bellum suscipiat in Turcas [Exhortation to ‘Charles V, most invincible emperor, such that, after making peace with Christians, he shall undertake war against the Turks] (Bologna, 1529) by Juan Ginés de Sepulveda, and De concordia et discordia generis humani [On concord and discord in the human race] (Antwerp, 1529) Juan Luis Vives.* The clear contrast between these writings exemplifies how, in the case of Spanish humanism, the discursive configurations of Islam and empire were produced within the process of negotiating a national identity Juan Luis Vives’ thought concerning the Ottoman question and the use of violence evolves during the years between the battle of Mohaes and the4104S. OHANNA siege of Vienna, the most intense phase of conflict between Charles V and Francis I of France. This evolution also coincides with the end ofa lengthy inquisitorial process against his parents and his return to Flanders after a long stay in England. While in De Europae disidiis ct bello Turcico [On the Dissensions of Europe and War Against the Turks} (1526),” Vives still insists on the necessity of a union among Christian principalities to embark ‘on an urgent military campaign against a scemingly common enemy, three years later, in De concordia, he points to the incompatibility between religion and imperialism, calls for an immediate end to hostilities, and proposes a non-belligerent approach to the Ottoman problem. The ultimate foundation of Vives? pacifism lies in his scrutiny of human nature, which, according to him, provides each individual with the resources to maintain concord and life in society. For example, he high: lights the power of will, with its capacity to subdue the forces of discord; reason, serving as a guide for one’s actions, leading to harmony, tranquility, and justice; and memory, the treasure of the human mind that contributes: to the protection and preservation of society, so that with the memory of, similarity and of common nature man will not ignore that he was born to. serve others, and he will never neglect to favor them.! Additional indi: cators of the social and peaceful nature of humans include speech, writing, the face as a form of communication, and, most importantly, physical vulnerability, alongside the immaturity of the newborn, entirely dependent on the mercy of others." All of this would indicate that, according to. Vives, discord originates in a degeneration of human nature, the epitome: of which is imperialism. Thus, he explains to King Charles And for each of the princes, what is a vast empire if not a constant concem should they do their duty well, or a ready danger should they be negligent? How clearly the senseless malice corrupted the integrity of nature, and the depraved opinion snatched the integrity of judgment! Indeed, what more is ‘governing or ruling than to look out for the good of one’s subjects, look out for them and worry about them as if they were children? [.,.] Even to kill, to destroy and to bum is to govern? To oppress by fear is to look out for the good of one’s subject? Be watchful rhat it not seer clear that what you wish is not so much to govern as it is to dominate; a kingdom is not that which you desire, rather a tyranny, wishing that many obey your commands, notin order to live well, but rather to fear you and fulfll your orders with submission}? ‘THE INVENTION OF EUROPE AND THE INTELLECTUAL STRUGGLE... 105 Regarding the question of the Ottoman advance, Vives displays. great ambivalence throughout the text. He adopts the term “Turkish” as a synonym for cruelty to condemn the Inquisition and the counterproduc- tive effects of its use of coercion."® Furthermore, explaining the self-destructive forces of discord, Vives criticizes the ongoing negotiations for the imminent Franco-Ortoman alliance, attributing the expansion of the Osmanli dynasty to the struggles between Christian princes who, unconcerned about themselves, in order to hurt the enemy, postpone the protection and defense of their own people. They abandon and betray a “public and common cause” (publicam communemgue causam) for a partisan feeling,'* Obviously, that “public and common cause” underlies the idea of European unity based on religion, such that a military pact between the House of Valois and the Sublime Porte would qualify as treason. Nevertheless, while other treatises accentuate the error or falsity of the Islamic doctrine and its supposedly perverse and cruel ways, in De concordia the burden falls to the Christians themselves, who, on deviating. from the precepts of their faith, set a bad example that Fortfies the infidels? resolve: “So we despise and trample upon the holy name of God, and because of us He 22s 2 bad reputation among the pagans who, seeing that wwe live so differently from how we are ordered by law, suspect that what we say is unfounded and represents an affected comedy.” Vives finds the root of Islam's sustainability in this hypocrisy that reduces Christianity to its mere representation. As he himself explains: “due to our deeds they move further from our religion and aifirm themselves more deeply in their error, in which they see a more humane way of life, more in tune with nature and reason than ours, with our revealed truths and precepts of celestial phi losophy."" Needless to say, the praise contained in that passage is not coincidental; it anticipates his rejection of hate speech against Muslims, as, well as his proposal for a non-belligerent approach: How barbaric is it to think that being a true Christian consists precisely in forcefully detesting the Turks or other Hagarites? And he who kills many of them is considered a martyr, as if this could not be better handled by the most perverse and cruel of thieves? ‘One must love the Turks, for being men, and those who want to obey the ‘words love shine enemizs must love them so we shall have good wishes for them, which is characteristic of true lene, and we shall want for them the single and greatsse good, knowledge of the uth, which they shall never acquire through our insults and curses, but rather through the way thar we