152

Chapter 7
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship
Education in China:
Benefits and Challenges for China
in a Multicultural World

Pablo Alberto Baisotti

Sun Yat Sen University, China

ABSTRACT
This chapter aims to analyze the “Chinese way” of citizenship education as a meeting place between the
historical lessons of Confucianism, Marxist-Leninist socialist ideology, and newer concepts of global
citizenship. Furthermore, this project seeks to understand how the model of education for “global”
citizenship fits within the established system of ideological and moral education. To this end, research
was carried out at three different levels. Firstly, a review of the most recent and “global” literature on
education for citizenship was conducted. Secondly, public government documents were studied and
compared, in particular, those from the Ministry of Education and the Association for Higher Education,
which is supervised by the Chinese communist party and its General Secretary, President Xi Jinping.
Thirdly, surveys were conducted to gauge the degree of involvement of students in their own citizen-
ship education at high school and university level. Finally, a field study was conducted at Sun Yat-Sen
University in Guangdong province (Zhuhai campus).

INTRODUCTION

Over the past twenty years, many school systems around the world have established a series of measures
designed to reorient and strengthen the role of citizenship education. From the introduction of new school
subjects and themes (citizenship, civic education, democratic education, national education and political
education) to significant reforms of existing curricula (Johnson & Morris, 2010). This training seeks to
teach young people a set of attitudes and moral values which are crucial to public welfare and reflect
the needs and challenges of the society. Citizenship education is particularly essential when social ties
cannot be taken for granted, or are not sufficient to inspire respect (Dubet 1991; Fejes & Nicoll, 2015).
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch007

Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Citizenship education is a relatively new area that emphasizes community participation and cogni-
tive reflection as a set of skills and dispositions that individuals may possess. (Lawy & Biesta 2006;
Mannion et al., 2011). In general, the context of teaching citizenship is tied to that of the nation-state
because historically education was closely linked to the process of state formation and was designed to
build a collective identity, instill patriotism and inspire loyalty to the nation. Recently such educational
programs have also begun to include international or global issues, for example, globalization, citizen-
ship, environmental change, and human rights1 demonstrating the changing conception of what it means
to be a “good citizen.” (Davies, Evans & Reid, 2005, p.84; Johnson & Morris, 2010). This new style of
“global” education has begun to challenge borders, flows, power relations, notions of belonging, indi-
vidual rights and responsibilities, and the ideas of otherness and interdependence. (de Oliveira Andreotti,
2011; Tasneem, 2005). However, such education could, in turn, be used to understand rights, poverty
or conflict at the local level. (Davies, 2006; Parmenter, 2011). In short, citizenship education must help
young people to “live together in increasingly diverse local communities and in an interdependent world”
(Osler & Starkey, 2003).
The Ideological and Moral course issued by the Chinese Ministry of Education (2011) occupies a
similar position in the national curriculum, and the central themes of the program are divided into three
fundamental parts. The first section is called “Personal Growth”, followed by the second part which is
entitled “Others, Collectives and Me”, and finally “The State, Society and Me”. Within this program
may be found outlines of the fundamental moral and legal norms for the field of private and public life,
guided by socialist values and characterized by high ethical points of inquiry.2 The manifestation of
these teachings indicates the anticipated attitudes and values that will enable the citizen to participate
effectively in public life alongside the foundational knowledge of law and politics that will qualify them
to do so. It also discusses the nature of engagement with other citizens and emphasizes the importance
of environmental protection. Furthermore, it highlights the individual’s identification with the state and
nation and seeks to build enduring and affective links of national identity (Zhong & Zhang, 2015, pp.
4-5; Han, 2010) alongside the development of a global consciousness and an international vision. The
objectives of the Ideological and Moral course emphasize contemporary civic skills but without neglecting
the age-old teachings. Unlike in Western countries, the Chinese path of citizenship education is based
on moral community relations between individuals and the nation and does not take individualism and
political rights as a starting point (Zhong & Zhang, 2015, pp. 8-9).
This project aims to analyze the “Chinese way” of citizenship education as a meeting place between
the historical lessons of Confucianism, Marxist-Leninist socialist ideology and newer concepts of global
citizenship. Furthermore, this project seeks to understand how the model of education for “global”
citizenship fits within the established system of ideological and moral education. To this end, research
was carried out at three different levels. Firstly, a review of the most recent and “global” literature on
education for citizenship was conducted. Secondly, public government documents were studied and
compared, in particular, those from the Ministry of Education and the Association for Higher Education,
which is supervised by the Chinese communist party and its General Secretary, President Xi Jinping.
Thirdly, surveys were conducted to gauge the degree of involvement of students in their own citizenship
education at high school and university level, and their attitudes on citizenship education in general,
both Chinese and global. Finally, a field study was conducted at Sun Yat-Sen University in Guangdong
province (Zhuhai campus).

153
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

CHINESE PROGRESS

Over the past thirty years, China’s economic development has stimulated reforms of the rapidly growing
and market-oriented higher education system. (Mok, 2009; Jiang, 2010). In the second half of the 1990s,
the development of university education was dominated by the ‘massification’ of higher education,
encouraging more and more people to go to universities and colleges and large amounts of spending
on ambitious projects on the one hand, and the development of world-class universities on the other.
It should be noted that these two significant projects were driven by the Government (Kinglun, 2008,
p. 548). China educates approximately 22% of its university-age population, and in 2003 it became the
country with the largest higher education system in the world. (Jun & Jing, 2008). Since the first half
of the 1990s, enrolment in higher education institutions in China has risen from 5 million to 27 million.
The number of postgraduate and bachelor’s degree graduates rose from 830,000 in 1998 to 3,068,000 in
2005 (Villezca Becerra, 2012, p. 9) despite graduation rates remaining well below the OECD average.
Since 1999, the number of university students and graduates in China has grown at a rate of about 30
percent per year, and the number of graduates at all levels of higher education in China roughly qua-
drupled between 2002 and 20083. In 2006 there were roughly 4,400,000 Chinese graduates, compared to
the European Union’s total number of 2,500,000 graduates. (OECD, 2006, p.15; Ministry of Education,
2006). By 2010, more than 60% of all high school graduates went on to attend college, a figure which
represents a 20% rise since 19804, taking China to 5 million university students in 20115. China is also
second place in the rankings of countries with the largest percentage of tertiary graduates, with a total
of 12%, behind the United States with 26% and ahead of Japan with 11% (OECD, 2011, p. 31). Accord-
ing to the Chinese Ministry of Education, in 2015 the total number of graduate students was 551,522
(53,778 Ph.D. and 497,744 Masters), while undergraduate students numbered 6,808,8666. Finally, it is
worth noting that in June 2017 9,400,000 students took the National Examination for Access to Higher
Education (Gao Kao) - accounting for government investment of nearly 4% of the country’s total GDP7.
In this way, it is evident that the Chinese state planning apparatus has successfully developed higher
education in a highly significant way, but on closer inspection, it appears that a lack of flexibility may
have a counterproductive effect in the face of potential challenges from internal forces, regional or global
changes. The central government encourages a small group of just over 100 universities with research
centers, so most of China’s nearly 1700 universities are funded by provincial governments, and some
by municipal authorities (Altbach, 2009, pp. 3-4, 8). According to Kinglun (2008, p. 551) at the end of
2006, there were a total of 2,286 institutions8 of higher education in China and only 107 belonged to the
central government. China Education News (2007) rightly asserted that local universities are the pillars
of Chinese higher education. In 2016 the number climbed to 2,880 higher education institutions with
almost 37,000,000 students and an enrolment rate of 42.7%, reaffirming China’s leading position as the
world’s most extensive higher education system9.
However, inequality has a profoundly negative impact on Chinese education. The rural-urban gap,
compounded by the introduction of the hukou system in the late 1950s, is reflected in the high drop-out
rates and low levels of participation in education recorded in rural areas, from preschool to university
(Golley & Tao Kong, 2017, p. 121). Broader inequalities also exist between regions, provinces, and
counties, (Hannum & Wang 2006; Zhang & Kanbur 2005), between different ethnic groups (Hannum,
2002) and between the genders. (Zhang, Kao, & Hannum, 2007; Zhang & Chen 2014; Golley & Tao
Kong, 2017, p. 122). The education ministry has sought to address these differences by enabling private
institutions to function more efficiently (Levy, 2006a, 2006b) and providing local authorities a higher

154

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

level of autonomy in the creation of new education policies. Initiatives include: the University Programs
Quality Assessment Project (Ministry of Education, 2007); Suggestions to promote the innovation
capacity of universities (Ministry of Education, 2011) (Gaoming, Yong & Jing, 2012, p. 267); and the
National Medium- and Long-Term Education Reform and Development Plan (2010-2020) (Ministry of
Education, 2010) (Jiang, 2010). Over the last five years, the latter has promoted all kinds of educational
developments and has achieved significant progress in some areas, especially in higher education. One
of the latest projects covering all social and economic regions is the 13th Five-Year Plan for China’s
Economic and Social Development (2016-2020). The plan identifies education as one of the priority areas
for development. Part fourteen, titled “Better education and health for all citizens”, proposes a policy
of party education to improve the educational system. It states that the policy seeks to raise the overall
quality of education equitably and to promote the moral, intellectual, physical and artistic development
of students so that they will be able to take “the reins” of socialism. (chap. 59) The proposed educational
reform also aims to increase students’ sense of social responsibility, their awareness of the rule of law,
their spirit of innovation and their capacity to implement ideas, among other proposals. It also provides
for an expansion of decision-making powers in schools, improvement of inspection and control of educa-
tion, and the strengthening of the social supervision of education. (chapter 59, section 5)10.
Overall, in Asia, about 40% of higher education students are enrolled in private institutions. At the
same time, foreign universities have set up campuses that absorb demand from local institutions but also
attract international students and professors. Singapore has the largest number of international campuses
with 16, China 13 and Malaysia 9. (UNESCO, 2014, p. 22). The Chinese project called Project 21111
in the mid-1990s led to the creation or strengthening through mergers of 100 world-class universities.
Thus, higher education was optimized, leading to a rise in the level and quality of education on offer12.
The 985 project launched in 1998 also aimed at building world-class universities for the 21st century.13

Moral Education and Citizenship Education: A Political and Social Agreement.

According to the English sociologist T. Marshall (1963), citizenship awards the members of a community
with a particular position, with equal rights and duties, in addition to the creation of an enduring civil,
political and social bond. During the Mao Zedong period, citizenship education in China combined
ideological and political education aimed at cultivating “new socialist people” (Tan, 2010). Suppressed
during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) and revived by the leader Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997),
new policies were issued to encourage such training. (Jianyi, 2015, p. 488). The institution of education
was framed as a supporting pillar of society, second to economic acceleration and socialist moderniza-
tion. In the mid-1980s, education reforms were characterized by decentralization and commodification.
(Kinglun, 2008, p. 547; Mok, 1999). In 1988, the central committee of the communist party introduced
moral education to address “extreme individualism” stemming from economic liberalization. (Wing-Wah,
2006.) That year, the Chinese National Education Committee promulgated the 9-year compulsory educa-
tion curriculum - six years of primary schooling and three years of foundational secondary education.
In 1992, the didactic scheme of the Society course in primary school was published. As a result,
primary schools have developed courses in Moral Ideological Character and Society. (Lu & Gao, 2004,
p. 497). At the same time, many Chinese intellectuals began to reflect on the role of traditional Chinese
culture, especially Confucianism, and concepts that revolved around morality and social harmony.
(Jianyi, 2015, p. 489). On the other hand, many intellectuals argued that the change in the teaching of
citizenship education was due to the massive economic reforms that had taken place since 1987 (Lee,

155
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

1996a, 1996b; Lu, 1996; Hawkins, Zhou & Lee, 2001; Chen & Reid, 2002; Wing-Wah, 2006, p. 599).
This period of reform was characterized by the concept and experience of increasing “globalization,” a
process which rapidly altered Chinese society. Zhong and Zhang (2015) suggest that, when faced with
“excessive openness,” the Chinese government sought to reaffirm the need for patriotic and collective
education in opposition to the idea of individualism. On the other hand, Janoski (2014, p. 368) supports
the thesis that in this period the values of Confucianism were compromised. Under the 1995 National
Education Act, schools and universities were obliged to transmit specific socio-political values to students.
These were known as the “five loves” - love of the homeland, love of the people, love of work, love of
science and love of socialism. The “five -isms” accompanied the “five loves” - patriotism, collectivism,
internationalism, communism and dialectical and historical materialism, concepts which were positioned
in opposition to “decadent” foreign ideas. (Wing-Wah, 2006, p. 609). According to the Higher Education
Act adopted in 1998, as stated in article one, socialist ethical and material progress is to be promoted.
Furthermore, according to articles three and four, as the State adheres to Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong
Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory should be used as a guide to form citizens who are the builders
and successors of the socialist cause. Article eleven states that higher education institutions, for their
part, must address the needs of society and their presidents must assume full responsibility under the
leadership of the principal committees of the Chinese Communist Party. The duties of the committees
are outlined in article 39, which states that they are responsible for ensuring that institutions adhere to
the lines, principles, and policies of the Chinese Communist Party, maintain the socialist orientation in
the functioning of schools, and guide ideological and political work and moral education. The role of the
president of a higher education institution is primarily to ensure the organization of teaching, research
and ideological and moral education, as described in article forty-one. Meanwhile, students should de-
velop the concepts of patriotism, collectivism, and socialism, diligently study Marxism-Leninism, the
thought of Mao Zedong and the theory of Deng Xiaoping, as well as possess a solid ideological and
moral character as defined by article 5314. The Ministry of Education would thereby direct the ideological
and political education of Chinese students as well as establish the boundaries of their moral, physical
and artistic work at all levels15.
It was in 2001 that the central committee of the Chinese Communist Party implemented the Civic
Moral Codes (in 2014 they became known as Socialist Fundamental Values)16. The aim of these was to
form generations seeking justice, democracy and the rule of law (Tan, 2010; Wing-Wah, 2006, p. 607).
At the beginning of the 21st century, the communist party began to integrate traditional Chinese cultural
values into its documents and national policies, such as “ruling the nation with virtue” with an emphasis
on harmony as a means of resolving social conflicts. (Law, 2016.)
In 2004, to reaffirm moral and civic interest, a massive ideological drive was launched in all schools
titled “I want to be a qualified citizen,” and the Moral and Civic codes were combined and updated. The
first of these codes was: “To ardently love the nation, the people, and the Chinese Communist Party”
(Ministry of Education, 2004b; Wing-Wah, 2006, p. 609). In 2006, the Beijing International Forum on
Citizenship Education for Children and Young People published the “Consensus on Citizenship Educa-
tion” which listed the goals of citizenship education at its various levels with the ultimate goal of turning
students into “qualified citizens”17 (Su-Yan, 2011, pp. 286-287). It appears the teaching of citizenship
education has gone through a process of ‘rebranding’ in recent years. The name of the initiative has
been updated several times, from ‘Construction of Spiritual Civilization’ in 1981, 1983 and 1995, ‘Civic
Moral Codes’ in 2001 and finally ‘Socialist Fundamental Values’ in 2006, 2012 and 2016 (Weili, 2017)
However, the program has always maintained the same Confucian and socialist/patriotic imprint.

156

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

The implementation of citizenship education prescribed by the State is now mandatory, and socialism
is by law its only ideological foundation - acting as a barrier against any diverting influences (Wing-
Wah, 2006, p. 609). Multicultural ideas have nevertheless enriched the Chinese lifestyle and have been
promoted on a practical basis as representing social progress. The teaching of such concepts has been
guided by the motto “unity without uniformity” - allowing Chinese citizens to study and respect differ-
ent cultures and use such knowledge to strengthen their own cultural foundations (Daiyun, 2001; Yu-le,
Ling & Sheng-quan, 2014, p. 301).
The development of modern citizenship education with Chinese characteristics is also one of the prin-
cipal objectives of President Xi Jinping. During a visit to Beijing University in May 2014, he explained:
There will not be a second Harvard, Oxford, Stanford, Stanford, MIT, Cambridge, but there will be
the first University of Beijing, Tsinghua, Zhejiang, Fudan, South China and other famous universities.
In June 2016, a national education campaign was launched to promote socialist core values in the run-
up to the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. The campaign was called:
“Loving the Party, Country, and Socialism” and it was promoted by the Department of Publicity of the
Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the Ministry of Education, among others. This
drive demonstrated the “sinicization” of Marxism; the new ideas and strategies of the state government;
and the practice of the party in government18.
On December 7 and 8, 2016, the ideological and political working conference of the National Uni-
versity was held in Beijing, where President Xi Jinping delivered a speech in which he stressed that
only a university with world-class talents could become a world-class university. Xi said that China had
a unique history, a unique culture and unique national conditions that were decisive factors in enabling
it to develop its higher education sector successfully19. After the meeting, important documents were
produced to help strengthen and improve ideological and political work in colleges and universities.
In March 2017, the Chinese Association of Higher Education and related institutions held a symposium
on learning and the application of Xi Jinping’s discourse. Some revealing speeches should be highlighted
here: The president of the Chinese Society of Higher Education, Gu Zheng Yuan, proposed that attention
should be paid to the ideological and political situation of young people and the characteristics of their
study. The head of the Marxist Branch of Research, Shi Ni, asked teachers to strengthen their resolve
in the face of the influence of globalization and the tendency towards western thought and religious
beliefs that could “disorient” the students. He said that to ensure the healthy growth of students, the
basic project of ideological and political education must remain Marxist theoretical education. Then it
was the turn of the assistant of the General Secretariat of Research Work of Xiaohong who highlighted
the importance of the constant ideological and political work done by the people closest to university
students themselves - the student advisors of China’s colleges and universities. Wang Lozhong, Deputy
General Secretariat of the branch for Ideological and Political Education, highlighted new methods
of communicating with students, and the use of websites, among other technological tools to convey
information about the initiative and strengthen the ideological and political education of colleges and
universities. Other interventions highlighted the importance of ideological and political work in higher
education as a “life-long work” in which the ideological training, political awareness, moral quality and
cultural achievement of students should be cultivated20.
In his seventh speech to members of the Congress of the Chinese Higher Education Society in July
2017, Deputy Minister of Education Lin said that higher education should be at the service of the Chinese
Communist Party government. He emphasized that higher education institutions should seek to assist the

157
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

government’s project of consolidating and developing the socialist system with Chinese characteristics
and support the reform program and socialist attitude towards openness and modernization. To this end,
it was essential to promote the construction of academic morality within institutions21. The president of
the Chinese Higher Education Association, Du Yo Po, argued that universities should unconditionally
adhere to the socialist leadership of the party and fully implement the party’s educational policy22. He
affirmed that the concept of “Chinese characteristics” within higher education refers to strengthening and
spreading understanding of Marxist thought, cultivating and carrying forward the central socialist values,
and maintaining the harmony and stability of colleges and universities. He emphasized that universities
and their commitment to these goals must not be “shaken” at any time, and concluded that universities
must always adhere to the people and consciously serve the party and the national situation in general23.
In September 2017, Chinese officials in the education sector pointed out that the six best universities
in China were promoting Marxist education as one of the academic pillars24. Among these were the first
in the national ranking: Tsinghua University, as well as Beijing University and Xinjiang University, which
has a School of Marxism that has been in operation since 2011. Feng Wuzhong, an associate professor
at Tsinghua University’s School of Marxism, which has been in operation since 2008, said that “such a
position marks an important trend and demonstrates that the Chinese Communist Party and the nation
itself are making more of an effort to develop Marxism”. The University of Beijing, which established
its School of Marxism in 1992, also indicated that this development demonstrates that party politics are
being implemented. Furthermore, Han Jin, head of the Party Committee at Wuhan University, one of the
six major Chinese universities currently promoting Marxist education, said: “Schools and universities
are at the forefront of ideological work and Chinese Communist Party committees must oversee it”25.
During a symposium entitled “Learning and Implementing the Party Spirit to Carry Out the Fun-
damental Tasks of Leaders and Develop Quality Education” in December 2017, Du Yu Po highlighted
President Xi Jinping’s comments on education during the 19th National Congress of the Communist
Party of China, 18-24 October 2017. He said: “The party’s educational policy, the development of quality
education for socialist builders and successors, must be fully implemented”. Du Yu Po affirmed the need
to adhere first of all to moral education and integrate it into teaching practice with the aim of cultivat-
ing students’ sense of social responsibility. Therefore, he concluded, it was vital to firmly establish the
fundamental values of socialism within the Chinese education system26. All those promoting citizenship
education in China insisted that it was necessary for the party to lead the teaching of university courses
in the ideological and political theory of Chinese socialist thought of the “new era” of Xi Jinping27.

DISCUSSIONS AND SURVEYS

The Chinese method of education for citizenship synthesizes traditional and foreign cultural concepts to
engender a harmonious society and promote economic development (Jianyi, 2015, p. 489). Added to this
is the active moral training that for decades has been carried out through the Ideological Moral course
or the activities of the Young Pioneers. (Lu & Gao, 2004, p. 495). An example of this is the teaching
of moral virtues to first and second graders of seven and eight years old such as “loving one’s country,”
showing “respect for older people,” and “filial piety.” Also, primary school children are taught to “value
education,” and to “work hard and to live simply.” In short, moral education is designed to improve the
student’s quality of life. (Lu & Gao, 2004, pp. 496,498.)

158

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

In secondary schools, the ideological/political and moral course is synonymous with citizenship
education, including the teaching of the rights and obligations of the citizenry as a means of raising the
public conscience28. The contents and methods of this course of training are embodied in the high school
textbook “Ideology and Morality” (Zhong & Zhang, 2015, pp. 1-2). For some researchers, the fact that
schools base their teaching programs on this textbook and have not adopted the title of “citizenship
education” does not mean that Chinese schools do not teach citizenship concepts since the concepts of
“ideology and morality” are broad enough to include a wide range of topics. Others argue that there is
only ideological/political and moral education in Chinese schools (Zhong & Zhang, 2015, p. 2; Feng,
2012; Lee, 2014; Zhao, 2009).
In contrast to mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, have developed a theoretical framework for
understanding citizenship education as a socio-political project with various authors, including the state,
local governments, schools and students in a system of multi-level governance (Law 2004a, 2004b, 2006;
Su-Yan, 2011, p. 285). In Shanghai and Hong Kong, students experience a broader range of interactions
at global, national, and local levels and show similar patterns of opinion concerning their country and
city, their relation to the wider world, and their development concerns at various levels (Law 2007; Law
& Ng, 2009). In Beijing, as elsewhere in China, political and ideological education is one of the main
official channels of citizenship education29 (Lee & Ho, 2005).
Research at three public high schools in Beijing, conducted between March and April 2008, revealed
student positions on civic issues at four different levels of concern: personal-social, local, national, and
global. The results are fascinating and offer insights into the students’ awareness and understanding of
“civic” issues. For the students questioned in the survey, the ten most most highly affirmed value state-
ments or concerns were:30

1. Responsible behavior (3,8013, personal/social environment)

2. Increasing my confidence (3,7958, personal/social environment)
3. I have a great love for China (3,7746, national environment)
4. I take pride in traditional Chinese culture (3,7690, national scope)
5. I remain solemn during the raising of the flag during ceremonies (3,7636, national scope)
6. Terrorism is never justified (3,7632, global scope)
7. 7a) I am proud of contemporary Chinese scientific and technological achievements (3,7586, national
scope)
8. 7b) I am proud of Beijing’s traditional culture (3,7586, local scope)
9. Acceptance of people who are racially or ethnically different from oneself (3,7582, personal/social
scope)
10. 10) The world’s cultures, including Chinese, should be exchanged and studied (3,7560, global
scope)

In contrast, the ten most under-valued statements and concerns were:31

1. I would prefer to live permanently in a country other than China (2,5823, national scope)
2. I would prefer to live permanently in a city in China other than Beijing (2,5889, local scope)
3. The State should establish Beijing’s local development as a national priority (3,0689, local scope)
4. In national meetings, other areas in China should take the “Beijing Vision” into account (3,1029,
local level)

159
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

5. The world would be a better place if citizens of other countries were like Chinese citizens (3,1245,
national level)
6. China would be a better place if citizens of other cities were like the citizens of Beijing (3,1975,
local level)
7. Beijing is a better city than most other Chinese cities (3,2301, local level)
8. I am more concerned about the development of Beijing than other cities in China (3,2377, local
level)
9. In general, China is a better country than most countries in the world. (3,2546, national level)
10. It doesn’t matter where I live in the world. (3,2895, global level) (Su-Yan, 2011, p. 291)

Some authors have observed that citizenship education fosters civic engagement and democratic
participation as well as the skills needed to make decisions and take action to promote the democratiza-
tion of the state and other changes. (Flanagan & Christens, 2011; Banks, 2008; Seyedali et al., 2017.) It
is assumed that if all citizens had the right competencies, democracy would occur naturally alongside
a shift from the traditional model of the nation-state towards a framework that takes autonomous local,
national and global dimensions into account. Citizenship education is also expected to offer students the
knowledge and bestow upon them the values necessary to maintain multiple identities within and beyond
national boundaries. (Su-Yan, 2011; Kubow et al., 2000; Brodie 2004; Law 2007; Law & Ng 2009).
Other authors point out that university students with a solid education for citizenship can develop
knowledge, skills, and attitudes regarding democratic participation in addition to the individual values
needed to show concern for the dignity of others (Veugelers 2011; Steinberg, Hatcher & Bringle, 2011;
Seyedali et al., 2017.) Finally, other authors argue that education for citizenship is a way to foster multicul-
turalism by promoting new forms of supranational citizenship while limiting the validity of ethnonational
forms of identity (Johnson & Morris, 2010; Cogan & Derricott, 2000; Banks, 2004b; Wing-Wah, 2006).
In China, where more than 90 percent of the population belong to a single ethnic group, inclusion, and
acknowledgment of the supranational community is increasingly included within a national narrative
that frames patriotism as a love of the homeland and not as chauvinist nationalism. In short, the Chinese
methods of education for citizenship are unique, rich and as valuable as those of the west.
To understand the development of Chinese education for citizenship, one must study the Ideological
and Political theory that was promoted nationally throughout the 1990s. At that time the State Education
Commission instructed institutions to base their teaching on certain key texts of “Chinese Thought and
Politics”. The six compulsory units taught were: “Moral and ideological cultivation”, “Fundamentals of
Law”, “Fundamental Principles of Marxist Philosophy”, “Fundamental Principles of Marxist Political
and Economic Theory”, “Mao Zedong Theory” and the “Thought of Deng Xiaoping” (Yuxin). These
units had the following clearly-defined points of focus; values (40.15%), group values (24.08%), social
values (21.95%), national values (16.52%) and international values (4.45%). The subcategories within
the main topics included: personal competencies or effectiveness (14.3%), general values towards others
(11.76%), personal values (7.52%), intellectual and cognitive forces (7.42%), patriotism (6.99%), social
order (5.61%), social responsibilities (5.19%) and emotional attitudes (4.34%). The elevation of the
characteristics of patriotism and socialism suggests that at this time considerable emphasis was being
placed on adapting students to the collective (Kwan-Choi, 2014, pp. 197, 217-218).
In 2006, the Ministry of Education adopted a new approach to ideological and political education in
Chinese universities following a comprehensive national review. The six original courses were combined
into three: “Moral and ideological cultivation and foundations of law”, “Fundamental principles of Marx-

160

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

ism and the theory of Mao Zedong”, and “Thought of Deng Xiaoping and the three representatives”.
A history course entitled “Modern and Contemporary Chinese History” was also added. A mandatory
non-accredited course on “Analysis of Politics and the Political Situation” was proposed but later be-
came mandatory only for students of social sciences and humanities. Before this reform, universities in
different regions had used their own versions of textbooks prepared for citizenship courses following a
single curriculum. (Guo and Ye, 2007; Yuxin).
In May and June 2009, observations and interviews were conducted at three universities: Beijing,
Southwest and Blue Sky (Yuxin.) These universities were chosen for their location in disparate regions of
China, and because each represented a different type of university. The first is an elite public university;
the second an agricultural university and the third a private university. The respondents were third- and
fourth-year students who were asked to reflect on various civic activities in which they were involved,
for example, participation in student organizations, volunteering, political voting, and perceived barri-
ers to active civic participation. This study found that university students had a strong sense of national
identity, social justice and civic engagement, a trend that reflected the emphasis of Chinese culture on
collectivism and social responsibility. The responses to the statement “I love China as my homeland”
were remarkably positive (94.2%). Overall, the overwhelming majority of students also responded that
they were concerned about social justice (Yuxin.)
The author of this text also conducted a survey among the students of various first to fourth-year
disciplines at Sun Yat-sen University, Zhuhai campus, between October and December 201732. The
questionnaire was based on the author’s understanding that citizenship education is that which seeks
to form “good” citizens who are aware of the human and political issues at stake in their society or na-
tion, with highly developed ethical and moral sensitivities. The definition of “citizenship education”
used by this author is that which describes a program of learning that includes the primary objectives
of educating people about citizenship and human rights through an understanding of the principles and
institutions that govern a state or nation, teaching students to exercise their critical faculties and make
informed judgments and enabling them to acquire a sense of individual and community responsibility33.
The students were asked to make value judgments about statements which addressed issues on per-
sonal, social, national and international levels. The final set of questions were also based on topics of
global interest. These comments were to be rated between one (thoroughly disagree/not important) and
four (thoroughly agree/very important). In the set of questions which focused on the personal sphere
eight questions were asked, two of which focused on the student as an individual, while the remaining
issues focused on the relationship between the individual and society and his or her perception of that
relationship. The student was first asked if he had self-confidence and the most popular response was
three with 53.15%. Option four followed this reaction with 23.42%, two with 22.52% and finally one
with just 0.90%. The next personal question was whether the student loved to read political or historical
books and, in this case, the most popular selection was option two with 43.24%; then three with 31.53%,
four with 18.01% and again one in the last place with 7.20%.
Concerning questions about the student’s relationship with ‘society’ and all that the concept implies,
the next inquiry requested them to comment on whether they understood their rights and duties as citizens.
Responses three and two were the most popular with 39.63% and 37.83% respectively, while the remaining
answers, four and one, were far behind with 19.81% and 2.7% respectively. The student was then asked
whether his personal/professional development was more important than that of the community. Again,
answers three with 45.94% and two with 39.63% ranked highest with four placing considerably lower
with 9.00% and one with 5.40%. This attitude was confirmed when the students were asked whether

161
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

they were an active participant in political activities at the university, either as a volunteer or within the
communist party. Responses two and one were the most popular with 41.44% and 33.33% respectively,
followed by responses three and four both with 12.61%.
The students were then asked questions concerning their opinions on their immediate community,
specifically whether they loved their city of residence more than their country. The majority of respon-
dents chose option two with 48.64% and one with 27.02%, followed by three with 18.91% and finally
four with 5.40%. The next question asked whether they considered themselves to be global citizens. This
notion was widely accepted with three being the most popular response with 46.84% of students and then
four with 36.93%. After these, option two was chosen by 15.31% of students and one by only 0.90%. The
last question in this section concerned the student’s tolerance of people who are racially or ethnically
different from themselves. Positive responses were overwhelming as nearly half of all respondents chose
option three with 49.54%, then four with 32.43% followed by two with 13.51% and one with 4.50%.
The second section was also divided into two parts. The first question related to the interviewee’s
view of the society in which he or she lives and how to “improve it.” The question presented the belief
that solidarity and tolerance are the foundations of society and most agreed, with three and four being
the most popular response with 36.03% of students, followed by option two with 27.02% and one with
just 0.90%. The students were then asked whether Confucianism was the best source of learning how
to be a good citizen. Surprisingly the most popular response was option two with 63.96% of students,
while the remaining responses were divided between option three with 20.72%, one with 13.51% and
four with just 1.80%. The students were then asked again about the relationship between Confucian-
ism and Socialism. They were asked whether both should be taught at the same time and the level of
disagreement within the student’s responses was high. The second response was chosen by 53.15% of
students questioned and the first response by 27.02%. These choices were followed by option three with
17.11% and 4 with 2.70%.
The third section of the survey attempted to understand the interviewees’ view of China’s “global”
image both as a country, as a culture and as a proponent of a particular political ideology. The first ques-
tion of this section stated that China is the best country in the world without specifying in what way.
The majority opted for answers three, with 39.63%, and two, with 30.63%. Option four stood at 19.81%,
while option one was chosen by only 9.90% of students. Unlike the previous question, the next request
for an opinion was more specific as the students were asked to respond to the statement that China had
the best scientists and professors in the world. Here the student’s answers were reversed. Almost half
chose option two with 49.54%, then option three with 30.63%, one with 15.31% and finally four with
4.50%. Along the same lines, the student’s were asked whether Chinese culture was a source of national
pride and should be recognized globally. The answers evidently show an affirmative tendency. Options
three and four were the most frequently selected with 40.54% and 32.43% of students respectively. Of
the remaining options, the second was chosen by 25.22% and the first by only 1.80% of students. This
section concluded by asking students to reflect on the affirmation that socialism is the best ideology
in the world. The student’s responses suggest that they are not very interested in politics or ideology.
More than half of the interviewees chose option two with 50.45%. The third option ranked second with
27.92%, followed by the first with 16.21% and the fourth with 5.40%.
The final section was made up of three short statements requesting students to gauge their interest in
issues relating to ecology, human rights, and gender equality. It is interesting that in all three statements,
the combined sum of responses three and four accounts for more than 60% of total student responses.
Regarding ecology, there was a positive trend as 64.86% stated that they were interested or very interested

162

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

in ecological issues (3: 44.14%; 4: 20.72%), with the remaining negative responses taking 25.22% in the
case of option two and 9.90% for option one. Regarding human rights, the interest rate rose to 73.86% (3:
45.04%; 4: 28.82%), followed by the selection of option two with 20.72% and one with 5.40%. Finally,
gender equality achieved a more widely affirmative response with 82.87% of participants (3: 37.83%; 4:
45.04%), and the remaining responses were divided between option two with 15.31% and one with 1.80%.

CONCLUSION

Chinese citizenship grants its members specific rights and demands that they fulfill particular duties.
Understanding of the meaning of Chinese citizenship is internalized from infancy to university, and
citizenship education is the guiding light of this process. As Marshall (1963) pointed out, citizenship
is comprised of civil, political and social components and this definition is wholly fulfilled in China.
However, the spaces of its development are diverse and sometimes opposed to many traditional “west-
ern” contexts. This conflict may exist because the Chinese citizenry believes that it is appropriate for
personal rights to be subordinated to the good of the group and the search for perfect social harmony.
Citizenship education is a spiritual engine which drives the citizen in the search for “good and beauty,”
ideas rooted in an ancient Chinese tradition based on the idea of one-in-all. The Chinese interpretation
of citizenship education is as valid as the western notion of education for global citizenship, as it has
adopted the Confucian tradition and socialist ideology as its basis, but without neglecting the “foreign”
notion of citizenship education.
However, education for citizenship has also served as a barrier to ideas that oppose those promulgated
by tradition and socialism, although the presence of “western” ideas has fostered a more critical spirit
and an openness to new modes of cultural interpretation in recent decades. In this way Chinese educators
have managed to blend global or “western” concepts with the Chinese way, enriching the Chinese citizen
as they work towards the “common good”, a principal guiding social idea. This dialectical harmony is
in constant motion as students incorporate new information to improve their multicultural knowledge
and travel a “double path” of education for citizenship, reciprocally enhanced by its many of its facets.
Therefore, in China there is no education for private or “western” citizenship, there is only education for
citizenship in China which is developing and growing amid the global influence of other forms of citizen-
ship education, so long as these external influences do not compromise the fundamental ideological and
moral system. However, it cannot be assumed that after the two “pathways” converge that the millennial
Chinese will accept the traditional and socialist teachings as the only conceptual pillars informing their
citizenship education since contemporary global issues are of great concern to all citizens of the world.
The Chinese method of education for citizenship is functioning at a more efficient level than ever
before, continually drawing on the Confucian roots, incorporating socialist discourse and, at the same
time, adopting the multicultural concepts that the Chinese citizen must necessarily possess to navigate
and understand this increasingly interconnected world.
The data gathered in the student survey conducted at Sun Yat-sen University (Zhuhai campus)
was revealing. More than half of the respondents identified as self-confident, aspiring to professional
development and aware of their rights and duties as citizens, but their ventures were mostly unrelated
to communist party activities. The data also reflects a growing tendency to incorporate multicultural
individualism through the ideas of education for global citizenship. This development was proven by

163
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

the responses of students when asked about issues of global importance such as ecology, human rights,
and gender equality.
The affirmative responses, options three and four, had a significant acceptance rate of over 60%,
reaching more than 70% in the case of human rights and more than 80% in the case of gender equality.
This fact 80% of students reported that they considered themselves to be citizens of the world suggests
that the students view citizenship as a much broader concept than that presented within the traditional
model of citizenship education in China. These statements should not be understood as representative of a
decline in patriotism, love of the homeland or decaying social solidarity. In fact, the majority of students
consider their country to be the best in the world with almost 60% of those questioned responding in the
affirmative and even more declaring that they believe their proud culture should be recognized worldwide
(72.97%). However, the students are not uncritical or blindly chauvinistic, in fact, the majority agreed
with the statement that Chinese scientists and professors are not the best in the world (1+2: 64.85%). As
for the sources of sound citizenship education, the majority of students did not consider Confucianism
to be the best source of knowledge (1+2: 77.47%). Nor do they appear to be that interested in social-
ist ideology (1+2: 66.66%), and furthermore they to believe that socialism and Confucianism is not a
combination that should be used to teach upright citizenship (1+2: 80.17%). In spite of this, education
for citizenship in China is comprehensive and is successfully forming generations of individuals with a
high degree of patriotism, a growing openness towards multiculturalism, and a belief in working towards
the common social good. To conclude, given the variety and quantity of information presented, some
questions can only be answered in good time. These are: Will education for citizenship in China become
more flexible in the face of constant global changes? How will China manage to maintain the essence of
its citizenship teaching in the face of a multicultural model of education that is more and more accessible
and well promoted than ever before?

REFERENCES

Altbach, P. (2009). The Giants Awake: The Present and Future of Higher Education Systems in China
and India. Higher Education to 2030, (2).
Banks, J. A. (2004a). Democratic citizenship education inmulticultural societies. In J. A. Banks (Ed.),
Diversity and citizenship education: global perspectives. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Banks, J. A. (Ed.). (2004b). Diversity and citizenship education: global perspectives. San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Banks, J. A. (2008). Diversity, group identity, and citizenship education in a global age. Educational
Researcher, 37(3), 129–139. doi:10.3102/0013189X08317501
Brodie, J. (2004). Introduction: Globalization and citizenship beyond the national state. Citizenship
Studies, 8(4), 323–332. doi:10.1080/1362102052000316945
Chen, L. (2016). The ideas of ‘educating’ and ‘learning’ in Confucian thought. In X. Di & H. McEwan
(Eds.), Chinese philosophy on teaching and learning. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Chen, Y., & Reid, I. (2002). Citizenship education in Chinese schools: Retrospect and prospect. Research
in Education, 67.

164

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Cogan, J., & Derricott, R. (Eds.). (2000). Citizenship for the twenty-first century: an international per-
spective on education. London: Kogan-Page.
Daiyun, L. (2001). The two dangers of multi-culture development and the possible contributions of
literature. Literary Newspaper.
Davies, I., Evans, M., & Reid, A. (2005). Globalising Citizenship Education? A critique of’ ‘Global
Education’ and ‘Citizenship Education’. British Journal of Educational Studies, 53(1), 66–89. doi:10.1111/
j.1467-8527.2005.00284.x
Davies, L. (2006). Global citizenship: Abstraction or framework for action? Educational Review, 58(1),
5–25. doi:10.1080/00131910500352523
de Oliveira Andreotti, V. (2011). The political economy of global citizenship education. Globalisation,
Societies and Education, 9(3-4).
Di, X., & McEwan, H. (Eds.). (2016). Chinese philosophy on teaching and learning. Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press.
Dubet, F. (1991). Les Lyce’ens. Paris: Seuil.
Fejes, A., & Nicoll, K. (Eds.). (2015). Foucault and a politics of confession in education. London:
Routledge.
Feng, J. (2012). Multiple citizenship and citizenship education. Journal of Nanjing Normal University, 6.
Flanagan, C., & Christens, B. (Eds.). (2011). Youth civic development: Work at the cutting edge. New
Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 134.
Gaoming, Z., Yong, Z., & Jing, L. (2012). Between a rock and a hard place: Higher education reform
and innovation in China. On the Horizon, 20(4).
Golley, J., & Tao, S. (2017). Educating ‘the Masses’ in China: Unequal Opportunities and Unequal
Outcomes. In China’s New Sources of Economic Growth. Human Capital, Innovation and Technologi-
cal Change. ANU Press.
Guo, S., & Ye, T. (n.d.). A major reform in the curriculum of political courses in higher education
sector: 7 courses reduced to 4. Retrieved January 22, 2018, http://edu.cyol.com/ content/2007-04/23/
content_1742232.htm
Han, Z. (2010). The identification of culture, the identification of country and the civic education in the
era of globalization. Social Science Front, 5.
Hannum, E. (2002). Educational stratification by ethnicity in China: Enrolment and attainment in the
early reform years. Demography, 39(1), 95–117. doi:10.1353/dem.2002.0005 PMID:11852842
Hannum, E., & Wang, M. (2006). Geography and educational inequality in China. China Economic
Review, 17.

165
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Hawkins, J., Zhou, N., & Lee, J. (2001). China: balancing the collective and the individual. In W. Cum-
mings, M. Tatto, & J. Hawkins (Eds.), Values education for dynamic societies: individualism or col-
lectivism. Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong.
Janoski, T. (2014). Citizenship in China: a Comparison of Rights with the East and West. Journal of
Chinese Political Science, 19.
Jiang, Y. G. (2010). The role of private higher education in Chinese higher education system: A compara-
tive study of China and the US, Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 54th Annual Conference
of the Comparative and International Education Society, Chicago, IL.
Jianyi, D. (2015). Socio-Cultural Changes and citizenship education in China: A Historical Review. The
International Journal of the Arts in Society, 8(6).
Johnson, L., & Morris, P. (2010). Towards a framework for critical citizenship education. Curriculum
Journal, 21(1), 77–96. doi:10.1080/09585170903560444
Jun, L., & Jing, L. (2008). China’s move to mass higher education: An analysis of policy making from a
rational framework in the Worldwide Transformation of Higher Education. Perspectives on Education
and Society, 9.
Kinglun, N. (2008). Massification, bureaucratization and questing for “world class” status: Higher educa-
tion in China since the mid-1990s. International Journal of Educational Management, 22(6).
Kubow, P., Grossman, D., & Ninomiya, A. (2000). Multidimensional citizenship: educational policy for
the 21st century. In J. Cogan & R. Derricott (Eds.), Citizenship for the twenty-first century: an interna-
tional perspective on education. London: Kogan-Page.
Kwan-Choi Tse, T. (2014). Junior High School Knowledge in Mainland China and Taiwan. Issues &
Studies, 50(1).
Law, W. (2004a). Globalization and citizenship education in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Comparative
Education Review, 48(3), 253–273. doi:10.1086/421177
Law, W. (2004b). Translating globalization and democratization into local policy: Education reform in
Hong Kong and Taiwan. International Review of Education, 50(5–6).
Law, W. (2006). Citizenship, citizenship education and the State in China in a global age. Cambridge
Journal of Education, 36(4), 597–628. doi:10.1080/03057640601049322
Law, W. (2007). Globalization, city development and citizenship education in China’s Shanghai. Inter-
national Journal of Educational Development, 27(1), 18–38. doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2006.04.017
Law, W. (2010). The state, citizenship education, and international events in a global age: The 2008
Beijing Olympics Games. Comparative Education Review, 54(3), 343–367. doi:10.1086/649425
Law, W. (2016). Cultivating Chinese citizens: China’s search for modernization and national rejuvena-
tion. In G. Zhao & Z. Deng (Eds.), Re-envisioning Chinese education: The meaning of personmaking
in a new age. New York: Routledge.

166

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Law, W., & Ng, H. (2009). Globalization and multileveled citizenship education: A tale of two Chinese
cities, Hong Kong and Shanghai. Teachers College Record, 111(4).
Lawy, R., & Biesta, G. (2006). From teaching citizenship to learning democracy: Overcoming individu-
alism in research, policy and practice. Cambridge Journal of Education, 36(1).
Lee, W. (Ed.). (1996a). Moral Education Policy: Developments since 1978. Chinese Education & So-
ciety, 29(4).
Lee, W. (1996b). Changing ideo-political emphases in moral education in China: An analysis
of the CCP central committee documents. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 16(1), 106–121.
doi:10.1080/02188799608542614
Lee, W. (2004). Concepts and issues of Asian citizenship: Spirituality, harmony and individuality. In
Citizenship education in Asia and the Pacific. Concepts and Issues. Academic Press.
Lee, W. (n.d.). Citizenship education: the basis of cultivating virtue and shaping humanity. Retrieved
January 8, 2018, www.jyb.cn/world/gjsx/201401/t20140125_568443.html
Lee, W., & Ho, C. (2005). Ideopolitical shifts and changes in moral education policy in China. Journal
of Moral Education, 34(4), 413–431. doi:10.1080/03057240500410160
Levy, D. (2006a). The private fit in the higher education landscape. In International Handbook of Higher
Education. Springer. doi:10.1007/978-1-4020-4012-2_14
Levy, D. (2006b). How private Higher Education’s growth challenges the new Institutionalism. In H.
Meyer & B. Rowan (Eds.), The new institutionalism in education. Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press.
Lu, J., & Gao, D. (2004). New directions in the moral education curriculum in Chinese primary schools.
Journal of Moral Education, 33(3).
Lu, Y. (1996). The value conflicts and moral education arising from the opening up and reform in China.
In K. Lau & S. Lee (Eds.), Moral and civic education: experience and prospect in East Asia. Hong Kong:
Hong Kong Institute of Educational Research.
Mannion, G., Biesta, G., Priestley, M., & Ross, H. (2011). The global dimension in education and edu-
cation for global citizenship: Genealogy and critique. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 9(3-4),
443–456. doi:10.1080/14767724.2011.605327
Marshall, T. (1963). Sociology at the crossroads and other essays. London: Heinemann.
Ministry of Education. (2004b). Regulations for primary students and secondary students, revised
regulations on primary students’ daily behaviours, and revised regulations on secondary students’ daily
behaviors. Beijing: Author.
Ministry of Education. (2006). Essential Statistics of Education in China. Beijing: Author.
Mok, K. (1999). Education and the market place in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Higher Education, 37.

167
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Mok, K. (2009). The growing importance of the privateness in education: Challenges for higher educa-
tion governance in China. Journal of Comparative & International Education, 39(1).
OECD. (2006). Education at a Glance. París: OECD.
OECD. (2010). Education at a Glance. París: OECD.
OECD. (2011). Education at a Glance. París: OECD.
Osler, A., & Starkey, H. (2003). Learning for cosmopolitan citizenship: Theoretical debates and young
people’s experiences. Educational Review, 55(3), 243–254. doi:10.1080/0013191032000118901
Parmenter, L. (2011). Power and place in the discourse of global citizenship education. Globalisation,
Societies and Education, 9(3-4), 367–380. doi:10.1080/14767724.2011.605322
Robertson, R. (1995). Glocalization: time-space and homogeneity–heterogeneity. In M. Featherstone,
S. Lash, & R. Robertson (Eds.), Global modernities. London: Sage. doi:10.4135/9781446250563.n2
Roudometof, V. (1999). Nationalism, globalization, eastern orthodoxy: ‘unthinking’ the ‘clash
of civilizations’ in southeastern Europe. European Journal of Social Theory, 2(2), 233–247.
doi:10.1177/13684319922224428
Seyedali, A., Jamilah, O., Salleh, H., Bahaman, A., & Zeinab, Z. (2017). Using Network-Based Theory to
Develop a Curriculum for Citizenship Education in Higher Institutions. Social Indicators Research, 130.
Steinberg, K., Hatcher, J., & Bringle, R. (2011). Civic-minded graduate: A north star. Michigan Journal
of Community Service Learning, 18(1).
Su-Yan, P. (2011). Multileveled citizenship and citizenship education: Experiences of students in China’s
Beijing. Citizenship Studies, 15(2).
Taixia, S. (2015). The development of human rights education in China: Characteristics, problems and
sustainability. Asian Education and Development Studies, 4(3).
Tan, C. (2010). On the particularity and universality about the concept of ‘citizen’. Educational Research,
364(5).
Tasneem, I. (2005). Global citizenship education: Mainstreaming the curriculum? Cambridge Journal
of Education, 35(2).
Tse, T., & Lee, J. (2003). China: Defending socialism with Chinese characteristics. In Citizenship educa-
tion and lifelong learning: Power and place. Nova Science Publishers.
UNESCO. (2014). Higher Education in Asia: Expanding Out, Expanding Up. The rise of graduate
education and university research. UNESCO.
Veugelers, W. (2011). Theory and practice of citizenship education: The case of policy, science and
education in The Netherlands. Review of Education.
Victors, E. (2009). The opportunity of China? Education, patriotic values, and the Chinese state. In M.
Lall & E. Vickers (Eds.), Education as a political tool in Asia. London: Routledge.

168

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

Villezca Becerra, P. (2012). Reformas en el sector educativo de China: la educación superior y sus im-
plicaciones en el crecimiento económico. Ciencia UANL, 15(58).
Weili, Z. (2017). ‘Observation’ as China’s civic education pedagogy and governance: An historical
perspective and a dialogue with Michel Foucault. Discourse (Abingdon).
Wing-Wah, L. (2006). Citizenship, citizenship education, and the state in China in a global age. Cam-
bridge Journal of Education, 36(4).
Wing-Wah, L. (2011). Citizenship and citizenship education in a global age. New York: Peter Lang.
Xiao, C. (2001). Education must focus on the full human development. Research on Education, Tsinghua
University, 3.
Yu-le, L., & Sheng-quan, L. (2014). Chinese multi-cultural education: Possibilities and paths. Interna-
tional Journal of Educational Management, 28(3).
Yuxin, T. (n.d.). Citizenship with Chinese Characteristics? An Investigation into Chinese University
Students’ Civic Perceptions and Civic Participation. Retrieved January 23, 2018, http://blog.chinadaily.
com.cn/blog-1142759-11762.html
Zhang, X. (1997). The significance, motion and path of citizenship education. Educational Review, 3.
Zhang, X., & Kanbur, R. (2005). Spatial inequality in education and healthcare in China. China Eco-
nomic Review, 16.
Zhang, Y., Kao, G., & Hannum, E. (2007). Do mothers in rural China practice gender equality in educa-
tional aspirations for their children? Comparative Education Review, 51(2), 131–157. doi:10.1086/512023
Zhang, Z. & Chen, Q. (2014). The expansion of higher education admissions and the gender equaliza-
tion of higher education opportunity: An empirical study based on Chinese General Social Survey. The
Journal of Chinese Sociology, 1.
Zhao, Z. (2009). Conceptualization of citizenship education in the Chinese mainland. Education Jour-
nal, 37(1-2).
Zhong, M. & Zhang, J. (2015). Analysis of the citizenship education of China’s junior high school stage.
Asian Education and Development Studies, 4(2).

ENDNOTES
1
In 2004, the term “protection of human rights” was included in the Chinese Constitution (Taixia,
2015: 343).
2
Such as: understanding your society, participating in public life, appreciating life, having a positive
perception of life, gradually shaping the basic concepts of good and evil, becoming responsible
citizens.
3
Yao Amber Li, John Whalley, Shunming Zhang, Xiliang Zhao, China’s higher education transforma-
tion and its global implications. In: http://voxeu.org/article/china-s-higher-education-transformation.

169
 
The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

4
The New York Times “The China Boom” Nov. 5, 2010.
5
The Economist “A work in progress” March 17, 2011.
6
See:http://en.moe.gov.cn/Resources/Statistics/edu_stat_2015/2015_en01/201610/
t20161012_284510.html.
7
See: https://www.chinaeducenter.com/en/cedu.php.
8
See The Economist “A work in progress” March 17, 2011.
9
Strengthen self-confidence in higher education with Chinese characteristics. In: http://www.hie.
edu.cn/perspective_12580/20171016/t20171016_993662.shtml.
10
See: http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201612/P020161207645765233498.pdf.
11
http://news.at0086.com/China-University-Guide/What-is-Project-211-in-China.html.
12
Superior Education, http://ve.china-embassy.org/esp/jylx/qian441/t213025.htm.
13
See: https://www.chinaeducenter.com/en/cedu/ceduproject211.php.
14
In: http://en.moe.gov.cn/Resources/Laws_and_Policies/201506/t20150626_191386.html.
15
In: http://en.moe.gov.cn/About_the_Ministry/What_We_Do/201506/t20150626_191288.html.
16
They are: prosperity, democracy, civility, harmony, harmony, harmony, freedom, freedom, equality,
justice, rule of law, patriotism, devotion to work, integrity and friendship.
17
This required knowledge of local and national culture and heritage, appreciation and dissemination
of information on the world’s civilizations, and a broad vision of international affairs.
18
Education campaign to commemorate CPC anniversary, Xinhua, http://english.qstheory.cn/2016-
06/12/c_1119023911.htm.
19
http://www.hie.edu.cn/perspective_12580/20170109/t20170109_993498.shtml.
20
In: http://www.hie.edu.cn/perspective_12580/20170320/t20170320_993536.shtml.
21
http://www.hie.edu.cn/perspective_12580/20170925/t20170925_993654.shtml.
22
Duyupo, The construction of Chinese characteristics of “double-class” to grasp four key points,
Guangming, septiembre 24, 2017.
23
Duyopo, Strengthen self-confidence in higher education with Chinese characteristics, Guangming,
October 13, 2017.
24
In April 2017, President Xi Jinping called for a year-long education campaign within the Com-
munist Party of China (CPC) to strengthen Party discipline. An instruction focused on studying the
Constitution and Party rules, as well as Xi’s speeches: “so that they become qualified members of
the Party”, the leader said. Xi urges strengthened party education campaign, Xinhua, http://english.
qstheory.cn/2017-04/17/c_1120821788.htm.
25
Las seis principales universidades de China que impulsan la educación marxista, Pueblo en Línea,
http://spanish1.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2017/0922/c92122-9272692.html.
26
See: http://www.hie.edu.cn/perspective_12580/20171228/t20171228_993720_1.shtml.
27
http://www.hie.edu.cn/perspective_12580/20171220/t20171220_993712.shtml.
28
By 2008 the average number of hours per year of total compulsory education time in China was
531 for 7-8 years (OECD average 759); 613 for 9-11 years (OECD average 802); 793 for 12-14
years (OECD average 886); 748 for 15 years (typical programme) (OECD average 902) (OECD,
2010:372).
29
In 2008 in Beijing there were 83 universities and colleges, 502 upper secondary schools (including
vocational and technical colleges), 361 junior secondary schools and 1235 primary schools. All
provide political and ideological education as prescribed by the Ministry of Education.
30
1 is not important at all or completely disagree; 4 is very important, or completely agree.

170

The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China

31
Idem.
32
111 interviews were conducted. See about the University: http://www.shanghairanking.com/World-
University-Rankings/Sun-Yat-sen-University.html.
33
Citizenship Education for the 21st Century. What is Meant by Citizenship Education?. Adapted
from UNESCO (1998), Citizenship Education for the 21st Century.
http://www.unesco.org/education/tlsf/mods/theme_b/interact/mod07task03/appendix.htm#text.

171