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Veena, Das - Poole, Deborah - Anthropology in The Margins of The State-Oxford University Press (2004) PDF
Veena, Das - Poole, Deborah - Anthropology in The Margins of The State-Oxford University Press (2004) PDF
of the State
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© School o f Am erican R esearch 2004
v
C ontents
R eferences 289
Index 321
vi
Acknowledgments
Veen a Das
Deborah Poole
Ml
Anthropology in the Margins
o f the State
1
Comparative Ethnographies
Veena Das and Deborah Poole
3
V ee na D as and D eborah P o o le
4
T he S t a t e a n d I ts M argins
5
V e e n a D as and D eborah P o o l e
6
T he State and Its M argins
7
V ee na D as and D eborah P oole
8
T he S tate a n d I ts M argins
9
V e e n a D as and D eborah P o o le
o
T h e S ta te and I t s M ar g in s
LAW, M A R G I N S , A N D E X C E P T I O N
R e c e n t a n th ro p o lo g ic a l w ork has d o n e m u ch to illu m in a te the
co n tex ts in w hich war a n d o th e r form s o f collective violence are exper
ien ced as e ith e r states o f crisis o r states o f ex cep tio n . T hus, a n th ro p o lo
gists h av e reflected on h o w th e contexts o f civil war, g e n e ra l political
v io len ce, a u th o rita ria n ru le , a n d e m erg en cy pow ers sh a p e p e o p le ’s
sense o f com m unity, self, a n d political fu tu re (for exam ple, Das et al.
2000, 2001; Feldm an 1991; F erin e 2001). A t stake h ere as well has been
an e x te n d e d discussion o f th e ways in w hich violence an d w ar shape the
very te rm s in w hich e th n o g ra p h y can tak e place (fo r ex am p le,
N o rd stro m 1995). In this lite ra tu re , the ex cep tio n tends to be treated
as r b o u n d e d entity o r fo rm o f em ergency pow er, acknow ledged as an
increasingly frequent, yet som ehow a b e rra n t face o f the m o d e rn states
in w hich eth n o g rap h ers w ork.
W hile o u r own w ork h as ben efited in m u ltip le ways from these sorts
o f discussions, o u r c o n cep t o f the m argin goes well beyond th e sense of
“e x c e p tio n ” as an ev en t th a t can be c o n fin e d to p a rtic u la r kinds o f
spaces o r p erio d s in tim e, o r a co n d itio n th a t stands o p p o se d , som e
how, to “n o rm a l” form s o f state power. R ather, we draw on th e very dif
feren t a p p ro a c h to the e x c e p tio n articulated by W alter B enjam in, Carl
S chm itt, a n d , m ost recently, G iorgio A gam ben, whose w ork has been
en g ag ed by an th ro p o lo g ists in terested in q u estio n s o f sovereignty and
biopow er.
In his reth in k in g o f th e p ro b le m of sovereignty and th e exception,
A gam ben (1998) has resu scitated the figure o f homo sacer, an obscure
figure o f a rc h a ic R o m an law, as th e e m b o d im e n t of “b a re life,” in
o rd e r to re th in k sovereignty as exercised, n o t over territo ries, b u t over
life a n d d e a th . F urther, th is life is “b a re ” b ecau se it can be tak en by
an y o n e w ith o u t any m e d ia tio n fro m law a n d w ith o u t in c u rrin g the
guilt o f h o m icid e. H o m o sacer, th en , is th e p erso n w ho can be killed
but not sacrificed. A gam ben q u o te s the w ords o f P om peius Festus: “T he
sacred m a n is th e one w h o m th e people have judged on a c c o u n t of a
crim e. It is n o t p erm itted to sacrifice this m an , vet he w ho kills him will
V eena D as and D eborah P oole
3
V ee na D as an d D e b o r a h P oole
4
T h e S t a te and I ts M a r g i n s
against a pow erful m afia-like o p eratio n an d nearly loses his life. D espite
the fact th a t he is a fu n ctio n ary o f th e state, he, too, is convinced th a t
the ju d ic ia l process is in cap ab le of p in n in g the crim e o n th e p ersons
re sp o n sib le , an d th u s h e p ro ceed s to v io late the p ro c e d u ra l law in
o rd e r to h an d o u t w hat h e considers to be substantive ju stice. T he sam e
p olice officer, w hen involved in th e s ta te ’s co u n te rin su rg e n c y o p e ra
tions ag ain st w hat a re d e fin e d as m ilitan t o r terro rist organizations, is
killed by his own tru sted deputy, becau se w hen police p en e tra te these
m ilitan t o r terrorist organizations to fight them , th e lin es betw een the
te rro ris t a n d the p o lic e m a n b e c o m e b lu rre d . As in J e g a n a th a n ’s
d escrip tio n , so in D as, state practices in em ergency zones, o r states o f
ex cep tio n , can n o t b e u n d e rsto o d in term s o f law and transgression, b u t
ra th e r in term s o f p ractices th at lie sim ultaneously o u tsid e and inside
th e law. As a n e m b o d im e n t o f th e state o f ex c e p tio n , th e p o licem an
c h a lle n g e s, n o t this o r th a t law, b u t th e very p o ssib ility o f law itself
(B enjam in [1978] 1986; D errid a 1992; Taussig 1997). By engaging this
p h ilo so p h ical d ilem m a at th e origin o f th e state a n d law as an e th n o
grap h ic p roblem , th e a u th o rs in this b o o k m ake clear th a t this p ro b lem .
o f th e o rig in o f law is n o t a ghostly sp e c te r from th e past, as in, fo r
ex am p le, A g am b en ’s a p p ro p ria tio n o f th e figure o f h o m o sacer from
R om an law, b u t ra th e r th e result o f th e co n crete p ractices in w hich life
and la b o r are en g ag ed (see R abinow 2002).
A seco n d area in w hich o u r w ork addresses th eo ries o f sovereignty
and th e exception co n c e rn s practices th a t have to d o w ith the securing
and u n d o in g o f id en tities. H ere, a p a rtic u la r area o f in te re st concerns
the d o c u m e n ta tio n th ro u g h w hich th e state claim s to secu re identities,
b u t w h ich in p ra c tic e o fte n circu lates in ways th a t u n d e rm in e th ese
sam e id en tities an d assurances. A m ong th e various k in d s o f d o cu m en ts
issued by g o vernm ents a n d supposed to act as g u aran tees o f belo n g in g
ness, passports are th e m ost elite. T h e m ajority o f th e p o p u latio n , how
ever, e n c o u n te rs th e sta te th ro u g h d o c u m e n ts su ch as ratio n card s,
id en tity cards, crim inal com plaints, c o u rt papers, b irth an d death cer
tificates, an d First In fo rm a tio n R ep o rts filed in p o lice stations. T h ese
d o cu m en ts b ear th e d o u b le sign o f th e sta te ’s distance a n d its p e n e tra
tion in to th e life o f th e everyday. In d e e d , several scholars have recently
a rg u e d th a t it is th ro u g h these d o c u m e n ta ry p ractices th a t th e state
m akes th e p o p u latio n legible to itself, creatin g w hat has b een referred
*5
V e e n a D as and D e b o r a h P oole
6
T h e S tate and I t s M argins
17
V eena D as and D ebo ra h P oole
8
T h e S tat e and I ts M argins
operate to create fictions o f overw helm ing affection betw een u n related
p eo p le in o rd e r to allow o rg a n “d o n a tio n s .” T h e p u b lic secret, o f
course, is th a t th e fictions o f relatedness an d overw helm ing affection
betw een re c ip ie n t an d d o n o r are c re a ted to cover th e illegal sale of
organs. Effectively, the stru c tu re of ex cep tio n s operates to draw a line
betw een m em b ersh ip an d inclusion th at identifies those citizens who
are “b io av ailab le” and th u s co u ld b e c o m e fictitious “d o n o rs ” in an
u n d e rg ro u n d econom y .9 M oreover, it en ab les certain discursive form s
to em erge in w hich citizenship is claim ed th ro u g h acts o f “sacrifice” on
the part o f th e p o o r— a p o in t we explore in g reater detail later in this
in tro d u ctio n .
MARGINS ARE N O T IN E R T
In th e p reced in g section, we tried to show the intim ate co n n ectio n
betw een law an d states o f exception. We a rg u e d that instead o f privileg
in g m etaphysical form s o f re a so n in g in u n d e rs ta n d in g sovereignty,
a n th ro p o lo g y focuses o n th e w orkings o f th e everyday. It is in these
processes o f everyday life th a t we see how th e state is reco n fig u red at
the m argins. M argins are n o t simply p e rip h e ra l spaces. Som etim es, as
in the case o f th e b o rd ers o f a n atio n ’s states, they d eterm in e w hat lies
inside an d w7h a t lies outside. O th e r tim es, as in the case o f checkpoints,
they ru n th ro u g h th e p o litical body o f th e state. B orders an d check
points, as we saw, are spaces in which sovereignty, as th e rig h t over life
an d d eath , is ex p erien ced in the m ode o f potentiality— th u s creatin g
affects o f p a n ic an d a sen se o f d a n g e r ev en if “n o th in g h a p p e n s .”
Paradoxically, these spaces o f exception are also those in w hich th e cre
ativity o f th e m argins is visible, as altern ativ e form s o f eco n o m ic an d
political actio n are instituted. To suggest th a t m argins are spaces o f cre
ativity is n o t to say that form s o f politics a n d econom ics o n th e m argins,
often fash io n ed o u t of th e n e e d to survive, are n o t frau g h t w ith terrible
dangers. It is, however, to draw attention to th e fact that th o u g h certain
pop u latio n s are p ath o lo g ized thro u g h various kinds o f pow er/know l-
edge practices, they do n o t subm it to these conditions passively. W hile
th e w ork o f su b a lte rn h isto ria n s has d o n e m u ch to em p h asize the
agency o f su b a lte rn g ro u p s in im p o rta n t h isto rical ju n c tu re s , the
can o n ical statu s o f resistan ce in these stu d ie s ob scu res th e relatio n
betw een th ese critical m o m e n ts and everyday life (D as 1989). Even
J9
V eena D as and D eborah P oo le _
20
T h e S tate and I t s M argins
24
T h e S tate and I ts M argins
B IO P O L IT IC S AND TH E MARGINS
Earlier, we argued th at sovereignty is b est d efined in term s o f pow er
over life a n d d eath . It is im p o rta n t to u n d ersco re that the figure o f life is
not a piece o f anim al n atu re w ithout any relatio n to law, b u t is p roduced
bv law. As b o th A gam ben (1998, 2000) an d Foucault (1976, 2003) have
argued in d ifferen t ways, th e state is co n stitu ted in m o d ern ity through
the inclusion o f m an ’s n atu ral life into th e m echanism s a n d calculations
o f power. D espite this a g re e m e n t ab o u t biopolitics, how ever, th ere are
pro fo u n d differences in th e way these two au th o rs conceive o f the rela
tion b etw een biopolitics a n d thanatopolitics. T h e negative re fe ren t of
the new b io p o litical sovereignty for A g am b en is the fig u re o f hom o
sacer— life th a t may be killed b u t n o t sacrificed— and th e paradigm atic
exam ple o f th a t in m odernity is the c o n cen tratio n cam p. F o r Foucault,
the negative referen t o f biopolitics seem s to be the p o in t at w hich a cut
is m ade b etw een those w hose lives a re m a n a g e d an d e n h a n c e d and
those w hose lives are ju d g e d as n o t w orth living and w ho are thus “let
die.” B oth a u th o rs seem equally co n c e rn e d w ith a seem in g co n trad ic
tion in th e conception o f th e biopolitical state— namely, how can a state
co m m itted to m an ag in g life p ro d u ce a categ o ry o f p e o p le w ho are
deem ed killable. For A gam ben, w hat jo in s biopolitics w ith th e politics of
death is th e endless reso rt th a t the state has to the state o f exception,
while fo r F o u cau lt, the c o n c e rn is m u ch m o re with p o w er in the rou
tines of th e ord in ary an d th u s the p ro d u c tio n o f the “n o rm a l.” This is
not the p lace to engage these differences in d e p th — rather, we use them
to direct a tte n tio n to the way in w hich th e eth n o g rap h ic m e th o d allows
us to o p en u p these questions.
V ee na D as and D eborah P o o l e
26
T he S t a t e an d I ts M argins
27
V e e n a D as and D ebo ra h P oole
B rothers talk o f selling kidneys to raise dow ries for their sisters; wives,
to redeem th e fam ily from d eb ts. T he m ost m arginal o f citizens claim
th a t they w ould d o n ate kid n ey s to save th e lives o f ailing n atio n al or
regional leaders.
T he c o n c e p t o f bioavailability, in tro d u ced by C ohen, deviates quite
sharply from th e notion o f killable bodies th ro u g h the sc e p te r o f hom o
sacer— for th ese are the p o o r w ho are not so m u ch killed as allow ed to
die. Indeed, th e rhetorical fo rm used by th o se w ho advocate sales is to
m ake these b o d ies available fo r m edical in terv en tio n , b u t they cast this
id ea in term s o f individual au to n o m y and care fo r the poor. T h is exam
ple provides a stu n n in g d em o n stratio n of how to move away fro m m eta
physical co n cep tio n s of how th e exception “o p erates”— to th e task of
m aking the biopolitical state a n object of e th n o g ra p h ic investigation. If
F o u cau lt’s'c o n c ep t of the d a n g e ro u s individual showed us how law was
colonized by disciplines in F re n c h forensic psychiatry (F o u cau lt 2003),
th e concepts o ffered by C o h e n show how g ift an d sacrifice have not
b e e n displaced by com m odity form s but ra th e r allow th e com m odity
form to fu n ctio n in tandem w ith othe^w ays o f claim ing citizenship.
CONCLUDING TH O UG H TS
We can d o n o b etter in th ese concluding thoughts th an to refer the
re a d e r to c h a p te r 11, in w h ich Talal A sad provides a su c c in c t and
provocative co m m en tary on th e theoretical issues relating to th e state
a n d th e m argins. Two points o f im p o rtan ce m ay be stressed h ere. First,
A sad argues th a t th e n o tio n o f th e state in c o n te m p o ra ry th o u g h t
invests it with a life o f its ow n, d istin ct from b o th governors a n d th e gov
e rn e d . Because o f this ab stractio n , the state can claim allegiance from
b o th sides. W h e n th e re la tio n betw een th e state and th e p o p u la tio n
th a t is governed is im agined as o n e in w hich th e state em b o d ies sover
eig n ty in d e p e n d e n tly o f th e p o p u la tio n , it becom es a u th o riz e d to
m aintain certain spaces an d p o p u latio n s as m arg in s th ro u g h its adm in
istrative p ractices. C onversely, an im ag in atio n o f the sta te as th a t to
w hich pow er is d eleg ated , r a th e r than a lie n a te d from th e subjects,
w ould allow th e state itself to be im agined as th e m argins o f th e citizen-
body. T he p o in t is n o t to sh o w th at the state has a fetishist ch aracter
b u t rath er to show th at the im ag in atio n o f sovereignty can sh ift th e rel-
aiive position o f th e c e n te r a n d the p erip h ery : m argins m ove, then.
V eena D as an d D eborah P oole
o
T h e S ta te and I ts M a r g i n s
N otes
1. T he literature o n the failed-state thesis is extensive. For critical reviews on
this thesis, see, for instan ce, Bose a n d ja la l (1997), D unn (1995), Kohli (1990),
M bem be (2000, 2001), an d Pantham ^2003). C om m enting on the state of theory
in relatio n to the failed-state thesis in A frica, C elestine M onga has this to say: ‘'In
re c e n t years the c o n tin e n t has becom e th e El D orado of wild tho u g h t, the best
place for daring intellectu al safaris, the u n reg u lated space on w hich to engage in
theoretical incest, to violate the fundam entals oflog ic. to transgress disciplinary
prohibitions; in .short, to give oneself over to intellectual d eb au ch ery ’' (M onga
1996:39).
2. R ecent co m m en tato rs have n o ted th at anthropology has traditionally
n eg lected the study o f th e state, but they have failed to noLice how the problem s
of political anthropology w ere defined w ithin the fram ew ork o f the state (see, for
instance, Fuller an d H arris 2000).
3. This im m in en t o r spectral quality o f the state was p erh ap s m ost clearly
articu lated by C lastres (1974). Its genealogy, however, can be traced through evo
lutionist and d evelopm ental approaches in an throp o lo gy w here such early fo u n
d atio n al theorists as M organ (1877), M aine ([1866] 2002), a n d Engels ([1884]
1972) h eld out the em erg en ce of the state as a decisive m o m en t in the progres
sion o f cultures tow ard a condition of civilization m arked by w riting, private p ro p
erty, an d the em erg en ce of the state. L ater theorists of “political evolution”
ex p an d ed on this u n d e rstan d in g of historical progression to posit the state as an
e n d p o in t in the d ev elo p m en t of “com plex societies” defined as such based on
considerations of social stratification, p ro d u c tio n , and the division o f labor (see,
for exam ple, B anton 1966; Fried 1967). In these approaches, as in earlier evolu
tionist m odels, the state was seen sim ultaneously as im m an en t in th e logic of
social evolution an d as a lim it condition fo r the constitution o f the an thropologi
cal subject. At the sam e tim e, em phasis o n econom ic m odels o f social evolution
(for exam ple, W olf 1982) m eant that th e state p er se was n o t often taken as a sub
ject fo r anthropological theory. M ore re c e n t theoretical w ork has again relied on
co n stru cts o f the prim itive drawn from C lastres (De)euze an d G uattari [ 1972]
1983:145-85) and B ataille (Taussig 1997) to explore the m obility and im m anent
ch arac ter of the state as a “basic form ation [that is] on the ho rizon throughout
history.” In these theories, the spectral state is envisioned, n o t as th e en dpoint o f
an evolutionary process, as in earlier an throp o lo gies, but ra th e r as a transhistoi i-
cal “prim ordial U rstaab the eternal m odel o f everything the State wants to be and
desires” (Dele’Uze an d G uattari 1987:217).
3
V e e n a D as an d D eborah P oole
32
T h e S tate and I ts M a r g i n s
flee from , b u t 1 began to know o r know that 1 knew, that the deed of declaring a
nam e or m akin g a nam e, or any questioning of y o u r identity, was being linked
with crim inality, forged to g eth er w ith it. Q uite as if th e reasons for b eing singled
o u t with a n a m e w ere n o t ju st to be traceable in case o f w rongdoing, but before
that as its g ro u n d , to serve n o tice that identifiable actions, deeds, the work of
hum an beings, are the so u rce o f identity, and consequently constitute identity by
accusation” (26). C avell’s reflectio ns on the relation betw een m argins, nam es, and
accusations an ticip ate the ex p erien ce of checkpoints, which we discuss in m ore
detail below, an d show clearly th a t this experience is not a m atter of physical
m argins alone.
9. It is im p o rtan t to ap p reciate that the sale co u ld only be possible w ithin a
larger co n tex t in w hich there w ere rich people w ho o p erated in an econom y with
large undisclosed incom es.
JO. For a subtle arg u m e n t o n the role of alternative rationalities practiced
on the m argins in in terp re tin g state terror, see H u m p h rey ’s (2003) accou n t of
the B uddhist m yths o f re in carn atio n used by B uddhists in M ongolia to explain
Stalin's reg im e o f terror. In this form ulation, th e theory of karm a is deployed
m etaphoricallv to acknow ledge th e inevitable com plicity of the subjects of totali
tarian states in regim es o f te rro r— a subtle p o in t th a t is som ew hat sim ilar to
Nelson's a rg u m e n t in h e r chapter. Earlier, Tsing (1993) analysed the im portance
o f m argins as a wav o f relatin g disciplinary creativity with form s o f life lived at the
m argins in th e co n text o f the state in Indonesia. However, Tsing’s idea o f m argins
is strongly in flu en ce by spatial m odels— thus, she defines the m argin as a place
w here state au tho rity is m ost u n reliab le and the gap betw een the state’s goals and
their local realization is the largest. She contrasts this situation with the project of
rule at the cen ter, w here state au tho rity is strongest. This way o f looking at state
and m argins, o f course, assum es th at state goals an d au tho rin ' are tran sparen t in
the center, o r th at the state itself is n o t invested in m aintaining the m argins as
“unruly spaces”— a p o in t o f view critiqued by all th e authors in this volum e.
l l . l t m ay be relevant to p o in t o u t that w hile u n derstan d in g of process was
always co n sid ered central to th e anthropology o f law, the em phasis was alwavs on
arriving at th e rules th o u g h t to be im plicit in d isp u te settlem ent (see Gluckm .m
1965; N ader 1969; am ong m any o th ers). A sharp distinction betw een W estern and
non-W estern form s o f law o b scu red the way in w hich legal concepts traveled
betw een th e different sites o n w hich law was evoked in the same societv.
2
W h e n I first b e g a n w o rk in g in t h e A n d e a n h ig h la n d s o f P e r u in th e
e a rly 1980s, p e a s a n ts (a n d a n th r o p o lo g is ts ) m o v e d fro m p la c e to p la c e
in t h e b ack s o f la r g e , o p e n , u n c o m f o r ta b le c a r g o tru c k s p ile d h ig h w ith
a ll s o r ts o f a g r i c u lt u r a l p r o d u c ts , c o n s u m e r g o o d s , a n d c o n s tr u c t i o n
m a te r ia ls . T r u c k d r iv e r s w r o te p a s s e n g e r s ' n a m e s a n d id e n tity - c a r d
n u m b e r s o n p a s te l- c o lo r e d f o r m s in trip lic a te , o n th e b asis o f in f o r m a
tio n p ro v id e d o r a lly b y th e p a s s e n g e rs . M a n y tim e s d u r in g m y jo u r n e y s ,
t h e r itu a l o f f illin g o u t th e s e f o r m s w o u ld g iv e w ay to la u g h te r a s p a s
s e n g e r s c a lle d o u t n a m e s o f m o v ie s ta rs o r p o litic ia n s . T h e fo rm s , w ith
t h e i r re a l a n d m a d e - u p id e n titie s , w e re th e n g iv e n to th e C ivil G u a r d
o f f ic e r s w h o m a n n e d th e n u m e r o u s p o lic e p o s ts s e t u p to i n t e r c e p t
c o n tr a b a n d a n d r e g u la te th e c o c a le a f tra d e . T h e r e , th e lists a c c u m u
la t e d in la rg e , u s u a lly r a th e r d is o r d e r ly p ile s in t h e C ivil G u a rd o ffic e s .
C u r io u s a b o u t th e s e tis s u e -th in , r a in b o w -h u e d f o r m s o f s ta te c o n tr o l , f
w o u ld s o m e tim e s c a s u a llv a sk w h a t w as d o n e w ith th e m . T h e g u a r d s
a s s u r e d m e th a t th e y w e re s e ld o m , if ever, s c r u tin iz e d o r re a d . I n d e e d ,
it w as n o t u n c o m m o n to se e s o m e o f th e s e lists f l u tt e r i n g a b o u t in f r o n t
o f t h e p o st, o r s tr e w n in th e g a r b a g e p ile s o u t b a c k , in a v e rv p u b lic
a n n o u n c e m e n t o f t h e a rb itr a ry c h a r a c te r o f law .
D eborah P oole
36
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
37
D eborah P oole
red u ced in often quite violent ways by a state whose ad m in istratio n o f
ihese pop u latio n s builds o n a w hole slew o f racial, political, and class-
based assum ptions a b o u t th e ir “m arginality.” Indeed, “m arg in alizatio n ”
is a pow erful technique o f pow er precisely because the m arg in is both a
real place w here roads d o n o t p en etrate, com m odities seldom reach,
and schools barely exist, an d a discursive an d ideological position from
which p e o p le learn how to speak a b o u t things like ju stic e to the state
and a m o n g them selves (Tsing 1993).
W h at h ap p en s to o u r u n d e rsta n d in g o f b o th “ju s tic e ” a n d “th e
state ” how ever if we fo rg et for the m o m e n t ab o u t reso lu tio n and loca
tion a n d fo cu s instead o n m ovem ent, tem porality, a n d p ro c e d u re ?
W hat h a p p e n s if, instead o f dwelling on th e institutional spaces o f the
judiciary, we think ab o u t th e endless an d u n p red ictab le circulation o f
juridical paperw ork? W hat h appens if, in stead of locating th e m argin o f
the state som ew here betw een the u rb an an d rural spaces in w hich peas
ants live, tve look for it in th at odd— and highly m obile— space betw een
threat an d guarantee that surfaces every tim e and every place a peasant
h an d s e ith e r legal p ap ers o r d o cu m en ts to an agent o f th e state? In
th in k in g a b o u t how th e n o tio n o f "a m a rg in ” c o n d itio n s p e o p le ’s
u n d e rsta n d in g s of th e state, I w ant to focus h ere, n o t o n the fixed
b o u n d a rie s an d territo ries o f a p o litical-eco n o m ic geo g rap h y , b u t
ra th e r o n this highly m obile, tangible, a n d em b o d ied sp ace thro u g h
which th e pow er of the state is felt as th e slippage betw een th reat and
g uarantee.
In discussing these issues here, I will draw on two p erio d s o f field
research T h e first, betw een 1985 and 1990, includes several periods o f
b o th e x te n d e d and short-term fieldw ork in the h ig h lan d province o f
C hum bivilcas-in the d ep artm en t of C uzco. M ost o f th e g en eral argu-
m ents 1 offer in this chapter about the privatization of ju stice an d the
cu ltu re o f gamonalismo are based on th a t fieldw ork, an d o n th e m ore
detailed historical and ethnographic arg u m en ts I have m ad e elsew here
about this particular form o f power (P oole 1988, 1994). In th e second
section o f th e chapter, 1 draw on two b riefer periods of fieldw ork, car
ried o u t in 1999 and 2000, on the adm inistration of ju stice and recent
ju d icial refo rm s in the departm ent of A yacucho. W hen 1 speak of the
broad category of “peasants,” I am referrin g to Q uechua-speaking and
bilingual (Q uechua-Spanish) rural p ro d u cers from these two regions
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
39
Deborah P oole
4°
B e t w ee n T h r e a t and G uarantee
42
B etween T h r e a t and G uarantee
43
D eborah P oole
44
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
45
D eborah P o o e e
P R IV A T E J U S T IC E A N D T H E J U R ID IC A L S T A T E
T he originary and boundary-m arking qualities o f classic gam onal-
ism o em erge clearly in a 1920sjudicial case from Ayacucho. In th e case,
Sam uel T orres, a nonindigenous ran ch er from C hapi in the d istrict of
C hu n q u i (L a M ar Province, d e p a rtm e n t o f A yacucho), a tte m p te d to
press charges against the hacendado H ernan C arrillo for th e crim e of
w hipping (ADA 1920). T h e case, w hich lasted fo r nearly a d ecad e, is
in te re stin g prim arily fo r w hat it tells us a b o u t th e ra th e r b y zan tin e
adm inistrative histories o f such cases. T he first d en u n cia was ad d ressed
in April 1920 to the prefect o f th e d ep artm en t o f Ayacucho, w hose seat
was in the d ep artm en tal capital o f H uam anga (A yacucho). In detailing
th e charges, Torres tells o f th e various abuses h e allegedly su ffered at
th e han d s o f H ern an , “son o f d o n B enjam in C arrillo, h a c e n d a d o o f
C h ap i.” A cco rd in g to T orres, C arrillo e n te re d his ranch a lo n g with
seven o th e r m en. T hen, T orres continues:
[W jithout giving me any motive, Carrillo ordered that I be
arrested, an order that was carried out by his accomplices,
who m ade use of the firearm s thely carried with them to
threaten me with shots. O nce seized in th e corridor of my
house, I was dragged by Carrillo and his accomplices to the
patio w here they laid me on the ground an d w hipped me vil
lainously, as the m edical certificate that accom panies this
docum ent attests. (ADA 1920:f. 3v)
T he m en th en stole a horse, pocketknife, an d revolver from Torres.
T orres also d en o u n ces Z aragosa A spur as the “instigator o f th e crim inal
acts” and requests that the “p en al sanction also be brought to b e a r on
her, so th at sh e m ight re tu rn to m e the gray m u le that belongs to m e
a n d w hich h a d been u n d u ly [indebidamente] d isp atch ed to C h ap i by
[a n o th e r accu sed m an] A velino N unez, because the said b east is still
th ere on h e r ran ch .” H e th en co m m en ts that “m y own attem pts to get
them to m o u n t an investigation in C hungui have been sterile because
o f the in flu en ce [ascendiente o r ascendancy] th a t C arrillo has over this
district” (ADA 1920:f. 3v).
46
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
47
D eborah P o o l e
4s
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
49
D eborah P o o le
o f pow er in th e ju rid ical state. At the sam e tim e, as T o rres’s case m akes
clear, gam onalism o is also ro o te d in th e fo rm s and language ofju rid ical
an d legal process. It is th e re fo re n e ith e r an alternative form o f sover
eignty th at exists “b e y o n d ” th e m arg in s o f th e state n o r a sovereign
pow er that e ith e r m im ics o r “contam inates" the state— for bo th these
term s imply a p o in t o f d e p a rtu re that is som ehow e x terio r to the state.
R ather, this re la tio n sh ip b etw een the P eru v ian state a n d its violent,
extraju d icial, prim itive, o r n a tu ra l “m a rg in s” is sim u ltan eo u sly b o th
accepted an d denied as a m o re o r less c o n stan t an d central featu re of th e
judiciary, an d in d eed o f “th e state” in g e n eral. To retu rn to my o p en in g
question, we m ig h t say th a t this double assertio n is m ade each tim e the
o rd e r “to p re se n t your d o c u m e n ts” is issued (and u n d ersto o d ) as both
a th reat and a g u arantee.
52
B etw een T hreat and G uarantee
53
D eb o r a h P oole
54
B etween T hreat and G uarantee
55
D eborah P o o l e
where th ere is n o form al sen se o f com m unity a t w ork, any san ctio n
w hatsoever), APENAC p e rso n n e l are req u ired by law to do follow -up
“hom e visits” to check w h eth er stipulations ag reed to in m ed iatio n are
being met. T his req u irem en t tu rn s o u t to be th e biggest p ro b lem fo r
APENAC w orkers, w ho o b se rv e d th a t “these s o rt o f p eo p le te n d to
move a lot,” b o th w ithin the city an d between th e city and the co u n try
side. Several w orkers n o te d th a t peo p le in te n tio n a lly gave false
addresses.
This urge to hide is h e ig h te n e d by p eo p le’s very clear u n d erstan d
ing that alth o u g h APENAC p resen ts itself as a n o n ju d icial in stitu tio n , it
is logistically a n d institutionally co n n ected to th e su p e rio r court, w hich
oversees its o p e ra tio n s and h o u se s its m ain office. APENAC w orkers
told me that p eo p le “are afraid o f th e institution [A PEN A C].. .because
they confuse us with the ju d iciary [poder judicial] ” T hus, for p eo p le liv
ing—and m oving— in the p o o r n eighborhoods o f A yacucho, the effort
to create seq u estered form s o f inform al m ed iatio n separate fro m the
state actually results in a g re a te r co n tam in atio n by th e state. It is no
secret that th e m ediation c e n te rs have been c re a te d by the ju d ic ia ry
and are th erefo re a “part” o f th e judiciary. Even fo r peo p le who m ight
otherwise n o t hesitate to file litigation in the c o u rt system, entry in to a
reconciliation c e n te r with n o observable legal statu s sm acks o f oth er,
m ore fam iliar fo rm s o f ju stic e . As o n e couple e x p la in e d to m e, th e
APENAC offices “rem in d ed ” th e m o f the judicial offices in their provin
cial hom etow n. H ere, of c o u rse , a key issue is th e fam iliarity o f th e
spaces them selves, with th e ir in stitu tio n al fu rn ish in g , d id actic wall
hangings, an d sh arp division b etw een public spaces an d secret ch am
bers. A nother is th e idea th a t ju stic e is necessarily a n d always b o th of
and nrrtrof th e state. APENAC’s claim s to autonom y from the state thus
become illegible to people fo r w hom “justice” h as always occu p ied th e
slippery space betw een th reat a n d guarantee.
Similar forum s for p ro m o tin g dispute arb itratio n have been im ple
m ented in ru ral Ayacucho, w h ere reform s coincided with a b ro a d e r set
of initiatives d esig n ed to “re in se rt th e state” after a twelve-year w ar d u r
ing which nearly 90 percent o f P e ru ’s highland p o p u latio n lived u n d e r
special states o f em ergency. T h e cum ulative effects o f living u n d e r m ili
tary rule affected u n d erstan d in g s o f com m unity in m any subtle— an d
not so subtle— ways. Local a u th o ritie s— who w ere o n ce co n tro lled by
56
B e t w e e n T hreat and G ua r a n t e e
57
D eborah P oole
58
B etween T h re at an d G uarantee
laws,” at the sam e tim e being careful not to violate th e civil an d penal
codes. They are n o t, however, em pow ered to en fo rce thes'e laws. N o r do
they openly in te rp re t them in th e proceedings, alth o u g h , in th e cases I
observed, they d id frequently refer to them by n u m b e r an d page. In all
cases, copies o f th e penal and civil codes were visible on the table that
sep arated ju d g e s ” from litigants.
As in the T o rres case discussed above, claim s b ro u g h t to th e NURAJ
are often “reso lv ed ” (o r d erailed ) th ro u g h in clu sio n o f o th e r accusa
tions. O ne lan d d isp u te, for ex am p le, was “resolved” after it devolved
in to a n o th e r set o f accusations ag ain st the p rin c ip a l d e fe n d a n t, D on
Pablo, “who has a n o th e r problem to solve, because w hen he was d ru n k
at the fiesta h e fell a n d on falling, broke don E ra sm o ’s violin. T h a t’s
why the ow ner o f th e violin is also h e re with u s.” In the state legal sys
tem , these two cases, w hich the NURAJ ruled on jointly, w ould have had
to be filed separately an d th ro u g h d ifferen t ch an n els.
O th e r d isp u te s over land re n ta ls c en ter o n in co rrectly e x e c u te d
docum ents. In o n e such case, over a rent-to-buy ag reem en t (anticresis),
th e d o cu m en t itself was found to be “m issing a key clause, because th at
p e rso n w ho c o p ie d th e d o c u m e n t d id a m isw ritin g [hizo u n tinteril-
la d a ]” (Tinterilladas— from th e S panish tinta, m e a n in g “in k ”— are
m ad e both easier a n d m ore co m m o n by the lan g u ag e b arrier separat
in g Q uechua-speak ing peasants fro m the Spanish legalese in w hich the
p etty scribes know n as tinterrillos w rite their d o cu m en ts.) B ecause the
original “had b e e n b u rn t in the tim e o f p ro b lem s,” th e claim ants were
o rd e re d to go to H u a n ta for ad d itio n al co rrected copies. ‘You have to
com e here w ith y o u r d ocum ent in h a n d ,” resolved th e NURAJ a u th o ri
ties. “Everything h e re is done u n d e r the cover o f a d o c u m e n t [todo se
hace bajo un documento] ”
CONCLUSIONS
I began this c h a p te r by thin k in g ab o u t the tense unity of th re a t and
g u aran tee th a t e m e rg e s each tim e a peasan t is o rd e re d to show p e r
sonal docum ents. I have ended by asking w hat “law ” an d “ju stic e ” m ean
fo r peasants b e in g asked to en fo rce a form of com m u n ity w hose ju rid i
cal status is b o th excluded from a n d d e p e n d e n t o n th e state. It is p re
cisely in these so rts o f opaque sem an tic and cu ltu ral dom ains, w here
th reats bleed in to guarantees an d “com m unity” is m ade to strad d le the
59
D eborah P o o l e
60
B etween T hreat an d G uarantee
6
D eborah P oole
6 2
B e t we e n T h r e a t and G uarantee
power in N ovem ber 2000, the tran sition governm ent gave priority to th e problem
of executive co n tro l over judicial appointm ents. O th e r aspects of th e reform ,
however, will u n do u b ted ly survive the transition. F o r critical perspectives on the
judicial reform s as carried out by the Fujimori g o v ern m en t, see, fo r exam ple,
Garcia Sayan (1996) and O rtiz d e Cevallos (1999).
9. T he ju d icial system in A yacucho includes eig h t judicial districts (that do
not coincide w ith adm inistrative districts) headed by a superior c o u rt in the
departm ental capital of M uam anga. T he superior co u rt, which has two sahis und
six vocales §md is presided over by a president a p p o in te d by the executive branch,
handles nearly 80 percent of die caseload in the d ep artm en t, or approxim ately
10,000 cases p e r year. A sim ple case involving child su pp o rt can last two or three
m onths. Two h u n d re d and fifty justices of the peace h an d le petty claim s, local
disputes, and dom estic violence cases. In 1999 a new law m andated election of
justices of the peace by popular vote.
10. D om estic violence cases involve potential crim inal charges a n d therefore
are first heard by the police, w ho decide w hether th e cases should b e h andled in
conciliacion o r by the courts. A lthough the Peruvian governm ent recently created
a special fem ale police section to receive dom estic violence com plaints, it had not
yet been im p lem en ted in H n am ang a at the tim e o f my fieldwork.
11. C om m unities in A yacucho are classified as resistant, re tu rn e d , or
relocated, d e p e n d in g on their response to the war. R esistant co m m u n ities include
a significant p ercen tag e of original inhabitants w ho rem ained d u rin g the war.
R eturnees are populations an d com m unities that m oved elsew here (usually to
Lim a or H n am ang a) during th e w ar and then re tu rn e d . R elocated com m unities
are new p o p u latio n s form ed o f several smaller co m m u n ities eith er a fte r o r during
the war in an effo rt to create stro n g e r defenses ag ain st the PCP-SL a n d the
Peruvian arm ed forces. All th ree types of com m unities are heavily d e p e n d e n t on
state aid. See C orone! 1999a, 1999b, 2000a.
12. This is an entirely new role for women in the com m unity, sin ce women
“traditionally" did n o t serve in any formal decision-m aking capacity’ in such
disputes. C om m unity m em bers often pointed to w o m en ’s p articipation in
response to m y questions about how the NURAJ d iffered from e arlier m odes of
dispute resolution, before the war. Despite all th e talk about w o m en ’s participa
tion, women w ere singularly silen t in the NURAJ sessions I attended.
13. “Legal Peru and real P e ru .” In Spanish, th e word real carries an
interesting d o u ble connotation, m eaning both “re a l” o r “actual” an d “royal” or
“m onarchical.” O n the construction o f similar d irid es in the legal cu ltu res of
o th er Latin A m erican countries, see O 'D onnell (1999).
64
B etween T h r e a t and G uarantee
6?
P r ad ee p J eganathan
69
PRADEEP JEGANATHAN
70
C heckpoint
dence lies at th e first sectio n o f this ro a d , rig h t n ear the T u n m u lla in ter
section a n d n ex t to th e arm y c o m m a n d e r’s resid en ce. H e n c e the
ch eck p o in t. W hen in C o lo m b o , I tak e g re a t care to avoid this check
point, navigadng altern ativ e routes, w eaving in and out o f th e terrain of
targets. A n o th e r c h e c k p o in t is situ ated n o rth o f this o n e , ag ain on a
m ajor ro a d , w hich curves by an airfield. T h a t road is u n avoidable, and
I am o fte n stopped th e re .
L et m e step back a m o m en t, d e lin e a tin g the qualities o f th e check
p o in t as a n th ro p o lo g ic a l o b ject a n d e m b e d d in g it in w ebs o f local
signifying practices. T h e ch eck p o in t’s lo catio n , its size, th e d em ean o r
of the soldiers, the very n a tu re o f c h eck in g itself, all are e n m esh ed in
such w ebs.
L et m e give d e p th to this o b se rv a tio n by c o n tra stin g the
B audhaloka M aw atha ch eck p o in t w ith a n o th e r checkpoint, far away in
the w ar zo n e, near th e p rized natural p o rt o f T rincom alee, p erh ap s the
m ost c o n te s te d city in th e w hole o f L an k a. W hen you tu rn at the
H ab aran a ju n c tio n , th e last outpost o f S in h ala colonization o n th e dry,
hot p lain s o f N uw arakalaviya, an d drive across the alm ost u n in h a b ite d
sc ru b la n d to th e east, y o u know th a t th e w ar is near. G o v ern m en t
troops have cleared h u g e swaths of sc ru b o n eith er side o f th e road so
that a p p ro a c h in g en em y cadres will h ave n o cover. Every q u a rte r mile
are sen try points, n o t ch eck p o in ts b u t sm all tin-roofed b u n k e rs occu
pied by a lo n e private, w ho w atches th e ro a d an d th e h a rd , brow n
plains b e fo re him .
You re a c h the c h e c k p o in t I have in m in d m uch la te r, a fte r two
hours o f travel on this ro a d . You turn n o rth at th e en tran ce to th e town
of T rin co m alee and h e a d tow ard N ilaveli, th e beach of m o o n sand, one
o f the v ery fin est I h av e walked- on. T h e c h e c k p o in t o n th e N ilaveli
road, w hich bisects sh in in g fields of m a rsh , soft m ud, an d w ater, is itself
a target. Its occu p an ts w atch for th e ir e n em ies. T he tro o p s are edgy,
quiet; they know that th e stakes are h ig h . P edestrians from local villages
may pass by with a w o rd , a look, a w ink, o r a smile. A re sid e n t told m e
that th e so ld iers, w ho a re well d isc ip lin e d , like civilians to sm ile at
them . If you do not, th ey will be an n o y ed . T h e troops d id n o t sm ile at
m e— I w as an o u tsid er. I d id n o t h av e th a t o p tio n . S o ld ie rs a t the
B au d h alo k a M awatha ch eck p o in t, to m ove th e contrast b ack to th e city
w here I b eg an , may n o t sm ile either, b u t they are m ore relax ed . They
7i
P radee p J e g a n a t h a n
72
Checkpoint
73
P radeep J e g a n a t h a n
75
P rade e p J e ga n at ha n
7^
Checkpoint
77
P radeep J e g a n a t h a n
78
Ch ec k p o in t
79
P radee p J e g a n a t h a n
Notes
This ch ap ter has gained m u ch from ex ten ded discussion at th e School.-of
Am erican R esearch in Santa Fe an d the In tern atio n al ("enter lo r E th n ic Studies in
Colom bo. I am grateful to D iane N elson, D eborah Poole, Veena D as, Talal Asad.
•Lawrence C o h en , Radhika Coom araswamv, Justice P. R am anathan. jeevan Hoole.
and Dileepa V itharana for their careful com m ents an d questions. I am also
indebted to D esm ond Fernando, PC, for his com m en ts and for several personal
com m unications afterw ard.
1. Tins questio n is not the sam e in Yavuniya, w hich has a d iffe re n t “docu
m entary reg im e,” given its differential location in a field of an ticip ation . Vavnniya
is a special case, yet what is at stake th ere is also a d o cu m en t that d ep en d s upon
o th er docum ents, an iteration.
2. O n the logic of the census, see C o h n ’s (1987) classic essay.
3. An activist hum an-rights g ro u p founded by A m ara H u p u arach ich i in the
wake of several discussions su rro u n d in g the NIC is in the process o f publicizing
these contradictions in the m edia an d challenging them before th e H um an
Rights Com m ission and the suprem e court, and th ro u g h direct actio n. Malathi
De Alwis an d I are active m em bers o f this group.
4. This position is well know n; perhaps In d en (1990) could b e taken as a
good exam ple o f it. My thoughts on essences owe m uch to David S c o tt’s (1999:9)
questions, even tho u g h my own critical direction m ay diverge fro m his.
5. My read in g of both essays is indebted to Vivek D hareshw ar’s engagem ent
with them (see D hareshw ar 1995a, 1995b).
6. In an earlier work, I attem p ted to work th ro u g h this co n trad ictio n by
reading M arx’s “T h e Jewish Q u estio n ”; see Jeganathan (1994). I am now'
persuaded, given Balibar (1994:46), th at Marx is in c o rrect on this p o in t.
8o
4
Deterritorialized Citizenship and the Resonances
o f the Sierra Leonean State
Since th e 1990s, political theorists o f the state have had a field day
in Africa— a c o n tin e n t that has b e e n th e setting fo r scholarship o n the
co llap sed , p riv atized (H ib o u 1 999), c rim in alized (Bayart, Ellis, and
H ib o u 1997), sh ad o w (R eno 1995, 1998), a n d even fo rg erer state, or
sta te as a g e n t o f d e c e p tio n (Petal falsificateur).1 T h e m ore innovative
c o n trib u tio n s h av e so u g h t to d e p a th o lo g iz e sch o larly d isco u rse on
th e state in A frica, by re th in k in g “c o rru p tio n ” w ith in the fram ew ork
o f alternative p o litical idiom s, fo r instance (see B ayart 1981), a n d in
th e c o n tex t o T th e h isto rical legacy o f co lo n ialism in c o n te m p o ra ry
A frican p o litics (fo r ex am p le, B ayart 1993; C o o p e r 2002; G esch iere
1997; M am dani 1996). In particular, th e civil w ars in L iberia a n d S ierra
L eo n e (and th e flow o f refugees they sen t in flight tow ard n e ig h b o rin g
co u n trie s, w ith d estab ilizin g effects in the re g io n ) u n d e rsc o re d th e
porousness o f A frican b o rd e r zones an d b ro u g h t to the fore th e n eed
to reflect on the state at its territo rial m argins. L iberia and S ierra L eone
w ere referred to as “shadow states”— th at is, states characterized by “the
e m e rg e n c e o f ru le rs draw ing a u th o rity from th e ir ability to c o n tro l
m arkets and th e ir m aterial rew ards” (R eno 1995:3), especially th ro u g h
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D eterritorialized C itizenship
A R B I T R A R I N E S S A N D T H E LAW
In w h a t ways are th e laws and w o rk in g s of th e (su p ra )sta te a rb i
trary? F o r o n e thing, th ey are ex p e rie n c ed to be so by p eo p le who find
them selves consistently disadvantaged by them : the law appears then as
a w ell-guarded secret th a t exists to serve th e interests o f particular cate
gories o f p eo p le. T h e re is also a rb itra rin e s s in th e ways laws a re
applied— a problem n o t so m uch in th e law itself as in its enfo rcem en t.
But a fu rth e r way in w h ich th e law a n d state rule are se e n as arbitrary—
one e x p e rie n c ed by th e S ierra L eo n ean s en c o u n te re d in the course o f
my re se a rch — is that th e state can a rb itra te , decide, o r create situations
in w hich co m p etin g in terests o r in te rp re ta tio n s o f th e com m on goo d
obscure the th resh o ld betw een legality an d illegality. T h e an teced en ts
for this arbitrariness a re fo u n d in c o lo n ial rule, as o th e rs have p o in te d
out (for exam ple, M am d an i 1996; M b em b e 2001).
U n d e r colonial ru le in Sierra L e o n e , conflicting statu tes setting th e
b o u n d aries betw een th e colony (ced ed in 1807 to th e B ritish Crown by
the S ie rra L eo n e C o m p an y ) an d th e p ro te c to ra te (d e c la re d in 1896
83
M a r i ane C. F erme
over the adjo in in g h in te rla n d — a m uch vaster territory) trig g ered flows
of people an d goods across internal b o rd e r regions. T hus, ru ral people
in h a b itin g n e ig h b o rin g villages se p a ra te d by the invisible b o rd e r
betw een p ro tecto rate and colony ex p erien ced ap p aren tly arb itrary dif
ferences in treatm en t by th e state s agents: o n the p ro te c to ra te side,
taxation was ann o u n ced in 1896, the sam e tim e foreign ru le was estab
lished, a n d was enforced b eg in n in g in 1898 w ith o u t ex em p tio n s; on
the colony side, taxes w ere established a full century after th e inception
o f colonial ru le— later th an in the p ro tecto rate— and with exem ptions.
T he choice was clear for those w anting to avoid taxes. B ut it was in the
dom ain o f courts and th e ap p licatio n o f d iffe re n t b o d ies o f law7 th at
ordinary p eo p le m ost felt th e arbitrariness o f ju risd ictio n al boundaries,
for in the colony they w ere subjects of the British Crown u n d e r English
law, w hereas in the p ro tecto rate they w ere subject to native courts and
the oversight o f summary7justice m eted o u t by the F ro n tier Police (Fyfe
1962:545). W hile u n d er ord in ary circum stances, people in th e protec
torate seeking legal redress felt that they co u ld be b etter served by the
colonv courts, during th e 1898 anticolonial “tax war,” th e situ atio n was
reversed. O f the 158 peo p le convicted o f m u rd e r after the reb ellio n was
suppressed (Fyfe 1962:588—89), chiefs in th e colony w ere h an g ed for
treason as C row n subjects, w hereas p ro te c to ra te ru lers w ere tried as
ex tern al en em ies an d su ffe re d a variety o f p u n ish m e n ts, in c lu d in g
exile a n d im p riso n m en t. Finally, th e d iffe re n t tre a tm e n t o f slavery
(legal in th e p ro te c to ra te u n til 1927, o u tlaw ed from 1787 on th e
co lo n y ’s “B ritish soil”) p ro d u c e d th e strateg ic b ack -an d -fo rth m ove
m en t o f a population set in m otion by all th a t this b o u n d ary im plied.
Far fro m being ig n o re d , th e div id in g lin e re p re s e n te d by th e
p ro tecto rate-co lo n y b o rd e r, an d th e d iffe re n ce s in ju ris d ic tio n th at
cam e w ith it, gave rise to new m eanings a n d uses. A nd th e se b o rd e r
p ractices w ere n o t circu m scrib ed to ru ra l in h a b ita n ts o f th e S ierra
L eonean hinterland. T h e F ro n tier Police— a n d the co m p o site colonial
state on w hose b eh alf they acted — in v e n te d th e ir ro le as they w ent
along. T h ey had the vague m an d a te o f k e e p in g the p e a c e in a vast
territory w hile being explicitly fo rb id d en to in terfere w ith th e rule o f
local chiefs an d the courts. Police could n o t even p ro tect citizens o f the
colony in the protectorate, because they w ere outside B ritish jurisdic
tion. O fte n posted in sm all n u m b ers to re m o te areas, fa r from th e
s4
D eterritorialized Citizenship
85
M ariane C . F e rme
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D eterritorialized C itizenship
8?
M a r i a n e C. F e r me
is precisely w here, acco rd in g to Schm itt, the ord in ary business o f sov
ereignty is transacted. O n e is n o t aware o flth e sovereign in ord in ary
circum stances, only in em erg en cies that call fo r a decision a b o u t excep
tions. If a sovereign body is to rem ain legitim ate— an d S chm itt's critics
hardly ever pay a tte n tio n to th e g reat care h e p aid to legitim acy— it
m ust rev ert to the rule o f law o n ce the em ergency is over. U ltim ately,
Schm itt was m o re in terested in dem ocratic form s o f sovereignty than in
totalitarian ones, but he saw th e contradictions em b ed d ed in the weak
m odels o f sovereignty b e in g developed by th e liberal, p arliam en tary
dem ocratic regim es o f E u ro p e in the interw ar period.
S c h m itt’s n o tio n o f th e legality or illegality o f the sta te can be
tested at th e various p o in ts o f intersection a lo n g g eo g rap h ic borders
w here S ierra L eo n ean citizens an d refugees clash with th e law in the
state’s m u ltip le resonances. B orders are sites fo r the territorial m anifes
tation o f state sovereignty in its classic sense: w here practices o f inclu
sion (o f c e rta in categ o ries o f citizens) o r exclusion (o f u n w an ted
others) take place. But even w here state au th o rity is d im inished, w here
sovereignty is in question a n d regulatory practices are n o t visibly dis
played ex cep t in an arbitrary' m anner, en co u n ters with b o rd ers still tell
us m u ch a b o u t the sh iftin g co n to u rs o f state interests in d iffe re n t sub
jects an d territories. In d e e d , th e arbitrariness with which th e state dis
plays a n d im poses its in te re s t in d ifferen t bodies o f su b jects is
c o m p o u n d ed by the com plicity o f those very subjects, w hose practices
o f self-fashioning p ro d u ce u n p red ictab le (an d som etim es equally arbi
trary) outcom es. For th e e ffo rt to comply with arbitrary’ a n d capricious
laws o ften p ro d u ces u n p re d ic ta b le outcom es. T his is tru e, too, w hen
the arb itrarin ess is only a p p a re n t— in o th er w ords, wrhen it is th e p ro d
u ct o f o p a q u e in te n tio n s a n d appears to p ro te c t th e in te re sts o f the
p riv ileg ed few w ho are “above th e law” o r w hose in terests are best
served by existing laws.
In his political w ritings, F oucault has show n the in tim ate links in
m o d ern E u ro p e betw een th e erection of state borders and th e pro d u c
tion o f a social body th ro u g h th e control o f p o pulations. In d e e d , he
a rg u e d th a t in m o d e rn tim es th ere has b e e n a “sh ift o f a c c e n t”
(F oucault 1994:67) from territo rial states to states in terested in regulat
ing p o p u la tio n s th ro u g h o rd in a ry and u b iq u ito u s m ech an ism s that
p ro d u ce specific kinds o f know ledge— the census; birth, m arriage, and
88
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9°
Deterritorialized C itizenship
91
M ari ane C. F erme
92
D eterritorialized Citizenship
93
M a r i a n e C. F e r m e
R E F U G E E S , M I G R A N T S , A N D THE L I M I T S
OF CITIZENSHIP
W hen 1 m et h im in Cairo in 1993, the “eld er” o f th e resid en t S ierra
L eo n ean com m unity, M oham m ed Mussa Ibrahim (n o t his real n am e),
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96
D e t e r r it o rialized C it iz e n s h ip
97
M a r ia ne C. F e r m e
98
D et erritoria lized C itizenship
99
M ariane C. -F erme
1 oo
D eterritorialized C itizenship
1o 1
M a r i a n e C. F e r m e
1o 2
De t er r it o r ia liz ed C itizenship
i 04
D eterritorialjzed C itizen sh ip
the rig h ts it secured h im w ere altered. H is “B ritish” p assp o rt, which was
su p p o sed to have a th ree-y ear validity, was taken by an em bassy b u re a u
crat, w h o w ithout a w o rd sh o rte n e d it to o n e w eek “b ecau se S ie rra
L eone is now in d e p e n d e n t, and you can n o lo n g er have a British pass
port. So you have o n e w eek to get y o u rself th e p ro p e r passport. A nd
th ere was n o Sierra L e o n e diplom atic m ission th e re .” B ecause o f th e
d ifficu lties involved in se c u rin g th e p r o p e r d o c u m e n ta tio n by m ail
from Freetow n and L o n d o n , the n eed to earn m oney for this process
and th e rest o f their jo u rn ey , and com plications linked to the fact th a t
M o h am m ed w anted his new passport issued in his new nam e, he an d
his two friends e n d e d u p rem aining in K hartoum fo r m o re than n in e
m o n th s. H e recognized th a t th e problem s linked to his nam e ch an g e
were o f his own m aking, so he did not re se n t the delays this caused. B ut
he ex p erien ced the re d u c tio n within a few seconds o f a vital d o cu m en t
with a three-year validity to a tem porary, one-w eek p a p e r as an arb itrary
act. H e had taken his o rig in al passport to be g u aran teed by the laws in
force at th e time it was issued. H e assum ed th at any ch an g es in policy
w ould n o t affect a lre a d y existing d o c u m e n ts an d co n sid e re d that ex
post facto invalidation to be arbitrary’ a n d unjust.
T h e form er co lo n ial state's unilateral suspension o f rights and d o c
u m en ts an d its ex clu sio n ary practices p ro d u c e d illegalities beyond its
b o rd e rs bv tran sfo rm in g a citizen of th e B ritish C om m onw ealth w ith a
valid traveling d o c u m e n t in to a stateless p erson. T h e exclusionary p ra c
tices th a t accom pany even m ore o rd in a ry tran sactio n s betw een states
an d citizen s were e x a c e rb a te d by th e tran sitio n al n a tu re o f the very
q u estio n s o f national b elo n g in g on w hich M o h am m ed 's identity d o c u
m e n ts d e p e n d e d in th e sh ift from co lo n ialism to in d e p e n d e n c e . In
o rd e r to get new p assp o rts an d earn e n o u g h m oney to c o n tin u e -th e ir
journey, M oham m ed a n d his friends w aited for n in e m o n th s and two
weeks, w hile the co rresp o n d en ce, form s, m oney, an d p h o to g rap h s c ir
cu lated am ong L o n d o n , Freetow n, a n d K hartoum . O n e factor le n g th
e n in g th e w ait was th e absen ce o f a d e v elo p ed in fra stru c tu re fo r
d ip lo m atic rep resen tatio n for the newly in d e p e n d e n t S ierra L eo n ean
state a n d its re lia n c e o n the em bassy o f its fo rm e r colonial ru ler.
A n o th e r facto r was th e am b ig u o u s legal status o f M o h a m m e d ’s new
n am e. H e and his frie n d s ex p erien ced , as a loss o f tim e carefully m e a
su red in its passing (n in e m onths an d two w eeks), th e ir im potence in
1 05
M a r i a n e C. F e r m e
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D eterritorialized C itizenship
109
M a r j a n e C. F e r m e
CONCLUSION
T h e state’s c o n tro l over territo ry a n d popu latio n s is often experi
e n c e d as co n tro l o v er space-tim e— th e d u ratio n o f p assp o rts, visas,
scholarships, resid en ce an d work p erm its, and so fo rth . O n e key ad d i
tio n al “state effect,” th e n , is the s ta te ’s capacity to a p p e a r e tern al—
in d e e d “th in g lik e” in its eternity— in its pow erful d e te rm in a tio n s o f
w ho m ight and m ig h t n o t have access to what, in its ro le as gatekeeper,
even w hen the d o o r o r gate its ag en ts g u ard appears to be dem ocrati
cally an d transparently o p en to th e d eserv in g am ong th e m ultitudes. In
“B efore the Law,” a m u ch analyzed section in The Trial, Kafka portrays
“th e m an from th e co u n try ” arriving to consult the law a n d finding th e
d o o r o p en b u t w atch ed by an im p o sin g guard, w ho tells him that h e
m ay go in if he w ants b u t will n o t b e ab le to get p a st o th e r doors o r
gu ard s inside. T h e m an ends up w aitin g for the rest o f his life, outside
th e o p en door to th e law, to be g ra n te d perm ission to enter. Law, too,
1 1o
Deterritorialized C itizenship
operates this way then, ap p aren tly open b u t playing for tim e (an d with
tim e) to lim it access an d d e te rm in e th e -o u tc o m e o f cases. W ho “has
tim e'’ to b rin g a co u rt case, fo r in stan ce, a g a in st a g o v e rn m e n t that
unlawfully d e n ie s one a d o c u m e n t o r access to a territory? If o n e has
m oney, o n e pays for a law yer’s tim e— carefully clocked to th e m in u te at
hourly ra te s— to follow th ro u g h a case. O th erw ise, one invests e n o r
m ous am o u n ts o f o n e’s ow n tim e and know ledge. But even th e n , edu
cation is key: it is significant th a t Kafka p o rtray s the m an in a lifelong
wait to gain access to the law as a peasant, n o t an urban.dw eller. T he
m an from th e country in K afka’s story is M o h am m ed , n o t S heku. But
ultim ately b o th o f them sim p ly got up a n d w en t to a d iffe re n t door,
even th o u g h in Kafka’s story, th e guard tells th e m an from th e country,
ju s t before h e dies, that this p articu lar access to th e law had b e e n there
exclusively fo r him and w ould after his d e a th close forever.
Thus, if th e “state effect” an d “law effect” are partially o p erativ e on
the level o f co n tro llin g narratives o f lived tim e a n d literally m ak in g peo
ple wait (M o h am m ed , for his passport and th e n his scholarship; Sheku,
fo r his sc h o la rsh ip ), they a re also ab o u t sin g u larizin g re la tio n s with
people. S tates co n tro l p o p u la tio n s and territo rie s, and su p ran atio n al
entities su ch as h u m an itarian organizations a n d in te rn a tio n a l bodies
like the U N , th e W orld T rad e O rganization, a n d so on, exercise o th er
g overnm ental form s of co n tro l, b u t they o ften do so th ro u g h a logic of
sin g u larizatio n . Passports a n d o th e r d o c u m e n ts ten d to p lace people
w ithin “p o p u la tio n s” (the cen su s is a good ex am p le, classifying people
as it does by ag e, o c c u p a tio n , an d so f o rth ), b u t they also serve to
singularize id en tities and fix th em in tim e— rigidly so, in fact, since a
single p assp o rt can n o t acco m m o d ate the m u ltip le nam es th a t over the
course o f a p e rso n ’s life sp an o ften signal im p o rta n t identity transfor
m ations. In stead , each ch an g e requires a new passport. T he state allows
th e in d iv id u al to ch an g e n a m e , m arital sta tu s, a p p e a ra n c e , an d so
forth, b u t it can accom m odate only a single facet at any given tim e and
req u ires th e d o c u m e n t to b e ch an g ed w ith every change in identity.
T h e US a tto rn e y g en eral a rg u e s for re n e w in g S ierra L e o n e ’s TPS
designation o n th e basis o f specific estim ated co u n ts o f individual “eli
gible ap p lican ts” and on th e claim that refu g ees from p articu lar areas
are “special cases” at any given tim e and, as su ch , deserve to_be treated
as e x c e p tio n s to n o rm al im m ig ra tio n laws. T h e w hole lo g ic o f the
i 11
M a r i a n e C. F e r m e
1 12
D eterritorialized C it iz e n s h ip '
1 15
5
Anthropologist Discovers Legendary
Two-Faced Indian!
1n
D ia n e M j N el son
and border, position th e less pow erful— the poor, w om en, indigenous
p eo p le— struggling, as bell hooks (1984) put it, to m ove “from m argin
to c e n te r.” D ictionaries define th e c e n te r as so m e th in g th at co n tain s
pow er an d control, th^ point a ro u n d w hich a n y th in g revolves, fro m
w hich ideas and in flu en ces e m a n a te , to w hich m an y p eo p le a re
attracted — in o th er w ords, the trad itio n al notion o f th e sovereign state.
M ore recen t thinking has displaced th e state into various apparatuses,
th e b ro k e n landscape o f civil society, a netw ork ra th e r th an a n o d e
(A lth u sser 1971; G ram sci 1989; C astells 1989). F ollow ing this d e
cen terin g and the ep ig rap h from 2i2ek, I propose th e m e ta p h o r o f the
sideshow as my “act o f in terp retatio n ” to think a b o u t p e o p le ’s ex p e ri
ences o f engano, o f being lost in th e crowd. I draw fro m a n u m b e r o f
th e o rists w ho d ep lo y a sim ilar th e a tric a l o r carn iv alesq u e m o d e l
(B akhtin 1984; B oone 1999; d e e rtz 1980; G uha 1983) o r who focus on
the m agical, fantastic, o r im aginative aspects o f th e state (Brown 1995;
C oronil 1997; H ansen and S tep p u tat 2001; Rose 1996; Taussig 1997). I
w ant to explore th e sim ultaneous suspicion, u n certain ty , fascination,
an d d esire that su rro u n d the state, w hile keeping in m in d F o u cau lt’s
w arning: “[PJerhaps th e state...d o es n o t have this unity, this individual
ity, this rigorous functionality, nor, to speak frankly, this im p o rta n c e .”
(1991:103)
A m argin is a b o rd e r or brink. Em ily M artin im agines certain p e o
ple w ho seem to live o n the outskirts, in traditional u n c h an g in g places,
as actually the ones “inhabiting an exposed cu sp ...feel[in g ] acutely th e
raw im p a c t o f forces o f change.” A cadem ics like m yself, based in th e
global n o rth , are n o t necessarily o n th e fo refro n t o f changes. In fact, we
m ay b e m arginal, as M artin says, “th e last to learn a b o u t som e o f th e
—p ro fo u n d shifts sh ak in g m ost of o u r m ajo r in stitu tio n s.” (1994:8—9)
H ere I discuss a “m arg in al” place— G uatem ala— an d o n e o f its m argins,
a h ig h la n d village called Joyabaj an d its even m ore m arg in al ham lets, at
a m arg in al tim e— a p erio d betw een w ar and (hopefully) peace. I also
e x p lo re th e m argin betw een the state an d its subjects, th a t fraught cusp
b etw een the life o f th e collective a n d th e life o f th e individual.
S trin g in g to g eth er a series o f stories ab o u t e n g a n o an d two-faced
In d ian s to explore th e state m ore as sideshow th an c e n te r attractio n , I
am in te re ste d in the uncanny sense o f d u p in g as b e in g acted on from
o u tsid e . I am cu rio u s how the G u a te m a la n state, w hich c a rrie d o u t
i 18
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F aced I n d i a n !
9
D i a n e M. N e l s o n
120
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
The thirty-five years o f civil war (and c o n tin u in g divisions betw een
indigenous h ighlands/m argins and the nonin d ig en o u s city /cen ter) are
often re a d as proof that th e Indians (rep resen ted in tourism literature as
alluring a n d welcoming) a re actually attem p tin g to p en etrate and over
come th e u rb an corfe. H o m i B habha (1994b) rem inds us th at these
stereotypes (stereo as d u al, n o t m ono) of m asked m im icry a n d two-faced
natives u n d erg ird colonial pow er relations and had already appeared in
the fo rm o f “noble savages” with cannibalistic tendencies in E uropean
sideshows som e five h u n d re d years ago (H u lm e [1986] 1992).
In Joyabaj, as elsew here, m asked m en d o enact scenarios o f revolt,
sly re sista n c e , and c o u n te rin su rg e n c y d u rin g the y early festivals.
Fabulously costum ed d a n c e rs perform a m o n g food stalls, F erris wheels,
and b in g o an d video te n ts in tersp ersed w ith p ro cessio n s th a t move
local sain t figures aro u n d town. It is easy to g et lost in th e crow d, mes
m erized by the battle b etw een M oors an d C hristians (tran sp o sed to the
in d ig en o u s Tecun U m an versus co n q u istad o r Pedro A lvarado) or the
struggles o f exploited mozos (field hands) to rid them selves o f th eir mas
ters th ro u g h serpent v en o m in the Baile d e la C ulebra (S nake D ance).
Played by indigenous m e n b eh in d blond, fair-skinned m asks, year after
year A lv arad o wins, a n d th e m aster is b ro u g h t back to life by his
sham an. B ut these o u tco m es are not static. They are o p e n to m ultiple
acts o f in terp retatio n (T edlock 1992).
T h e title o f this c h a p te r, “A n th ro p o lo g ist D iscovers L egendary
Tw o-Faced In d ia n !” is a carnyiike a tte m p t to lure in re a d e rs. But it
is m isle a d in g . A n th ro p o lo g ists do n o t “fin d ” tw o-faced p eo p le in
u n to u c h e d h in terlan d s. T h e very id eas o f m argins o r d u p licito u s
natives a re products o f states and co lo n ial capitalism . T h e two-faced
Indian is a figure of m yth a n d legend p ro d u c e d by the traversals of the
state th ro u g h labor regim es, tax and m arriag e laws, a n d co u n terin su r
gency protocols. Zi2ek suggests that we can u n earth the transsubjective
m ech an ism that regulates such processes. I h o p e to trace th e processes
here by searching for th e state at its m arg in s in the fig u re o f the two-
faced In d ia n and by asking, in turn, why the state is also u n d ersto o d to
be tw o-faced— sim ultaneously desirable, deceptive, a n d dangerous? A
play o f m asks, a theater, it m oves about th e countryside like a terrifying
and a llu rin g circus, a p p e a rin g to v en trilo q u ize its d e m a n d s through
122
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
124
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
val w hen it co n ies to town. T h e state, too, can seem accessible to the
“p o p u lar classes” via public services o f ed u catio n , tran sp o rtatio n , com
m unication, a n d health care. I arg u e that m oving through th e sideshow
illu m in ates th e d o u b lin g e x p e rie n c e s o f d e sire and id e n tific a tio n ,
belief anci subjectivity, aw fulness an d the everyday, an d the sim ultaneity
o f susp icio n a n d giving o n e s e lf over th a t c h aracterize th e m arg in
betw een th e state and us. D uplicity always suggests a double. T o ju m p
ahead, co u ld th e som ething e x tra that m akes th e state so “m ag ical” be
the effect o f a d o u b le bind? T h a t it sim ultaneously must be em b o d ied
in the flesh (came) of those w ho rep resen t it yet it transcends th e indi
vidual body (carne-vale, “farew ell to flesh”) to re p re se n t the body politic?
!
D iane M. N elson
THE T W O -F A C E D STATE
T h e m argins o f th e state are o ften d ep icted , as in Jam es S c o tt’s
w ide-ranging Seeing Like a State, as sites th a t have y et to b e m ap p ed ,
m iniaturized, fixed, u n d ersto o d . T hey are o u tsid e state co n tro l,
grasped m ore through m yth and stereotype than accu rate inform ation,
full o f often contradictory figures resisting state rationality. People d o
not have last nam es, taxes are irregularly collected, an d native guides
are few an d untrustw orthy. W hile Scott balks at any im pulse to ro m an ti
cize, h e seems, like m any others, to see th e m argins as spaces outside
full state control (a n d th u s as sites o f possible resistan ce) b u t th a t
nonetheless will be p en etrated by that state.
My first sense o f h ighland G uatem ala (in 1985) was definitely as a
place d istan t from m o d e rn statecraft (N elson 1999). It was far away
126
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F aced I n d i a n !
27
D ia ne M. N elson
ladino family that acq u ired vast tracts o f lan d in th e h o t coastal low
lands also bought u p land around Joyabaj. In retu rn fo r farm ing w hat
had been their com m unally held land, individuals an d fam ilies h ad to
m igrate to cut cane d u rin g the harvest season. T h e sta te reg u lated
these transactions th ro u g h landholding, labor, vagrancy, an d o th er laws
and their violent enforcem ent.
T h e reeducation p h ases o f co u n terin su rg en cy th a t follow ed th e
arm y’s scorched-earth cam paigns of th e late 1960s an d early 1980s sug
gest contradictory u nderstandings o f “the In d ia n .” O n th e o n e h a n d ,
indigenous people are seen as m an ip u lated by g u e rrilla s— d u p ed by
revolutionary prom ises o f a chicken in every pot. T hose w ho survived
the army massacres n eed ed to be taught a lesson, as they were several
tim es a day, starting at 6 a.m ., in th e arm y -co n tro lled re se ttle m e n t
cam ps known as “m odel villages” (N elson 1988; S anford 2003; W ilson
1995). As an army colonel in Nebaj told m e in 1985, “T h e y ’ve had a bad
cassette put in their heads. O u r jo b is to change the cassette.” Sim ilar to
the liberal period w hen it “pro d u ced ” m ig ran t w orkers, h e re the state
becom es the m anipulator, creating th e kind o f Indian it wants.
Im ages o f the state as m anipulative an d in d ig e n o u s p eo p le as
em pty puppets waiting fo r outsiders to p u t the cassette in vie with th e
o th er counterinsurgency fear— that in d ig en o u s p eo p le are two-faced.
It is n o t enough to have them rep o rt to th e state th ro u g h patrol duty,
schooling, or forced labor, because you never know w hat they are say
ing behind your back. In th e areas w h ere th e g u e rrilla struggle was
especially powerful, th e arm y was statio n ed in m ost o u tly in g ham lets.
Intensive surveillance a n d vigilance netw orks constantly traversed th e
ap p aren t border betw een public and private, and a variety o f carro t-
and-stick m echanism s w ere set up to try to align the fwo faces, to en su re
th at the one shown to “th e state” was th e sam e as th a t show n to “th e
p eople.” These are checkpoints, a sje g a n a th a n points o u t, dense sites
for both fixing and m obility.
It has been twenty years since the w orst of G u atem ala’s co u n terin
surgency violence. T h e civil patrols w ere disbanded e ig h t to ten years
ago, and the catechist now petitions the state for ro ad -b u ild in g aid a n d
serves in thejoyabaj m ayor’s office. M ost o f the young m e n and w om en
I talk to rem em ber, as ch ild ren , h id in g in the m o u n ta in s from arm y
128
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F ac e d I n d i a n !
W H O ’S D U P I N G W H O M ?
M any p e o p le in G uatem ala blam e d u p in g (e n g a n o ), o r b ein g acted
on by a n o th e r pow er, for th e ap p aren tly co n trad icto ry actions o f fellow
citizens. In F eb ru ary 1999 th e C E H nam ed G en eral Efram Rios M o n tt a
party to g en o cid e in G u atem ala’s civil war. A fter taking pow er in a coup
in 1982, his g o v e rn m e n t oversaw sco rch ed -earth cam paigns a n d m as
sacres. To th e sh o ck o f many, a few m onths afte r the CEH findings, a
m e m b e r o f R ios M o n tt’s political party was e lected to the presidency,
a n d Rios M o n tt h im self was e le c te d h ead o f th e n atio n al congress. H e is
now set to ru n in th e 2003 electio n . I and o th e r outside observers felt
stu n n e d th at th e sam e p o p u latio n m assacred u n d e r his earlier regim e
w ould willingly vote for him fifteen years later. W hat should b e a static
position, a single face (resentful victim s), beco m es uncannily m obile. It
is tem p tin g to fall back on d u p in g to explain this ap p aren t anom aly. I
was sim ilarly s tu n n e d w hen so m e in d ig en o u s p easan ts re q u e ste d the
rean im atio n o f th e civil patrols in J u n e 2002.
In tu rn , exiles retu rn in g fro m years ou tsid e th e country co m m en t
on how h ard it is to organize co m p ared to th e 1970s. M any b lam e this
situ atio n on th e m agical-seem ing pow er o f co n su m erism , evangelical
D iane M. N e l s o n
13 °
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F aced I n d i a n !
T W O F A C E S , T H E MAYA A N D E C S T A T I C
IDENTIFICATIONS
W h a t does it m e a n to live w ith “two faces” b etw een the state a n d
o n e ’s people? This is a n un ten ab le y et w idespread effect that frequently
leads to charges of m an ip u latio n a n d duping, to h o rrific violence a n d
freak ish ly hybrid id e n tific a tio n s. M ayan stru g g les to create a state-
b ack ed agency like th e ALMG h ave tu rn e d in d ig e n o u s-p e o p le in to
state rep resen tativ es w h en they visit Joyabaj o r sp eak at U SA ID -
sp o n so re d sem inars a tte n d e d by im p ro v e m e n t c o m m itte e m em b ers
from a tiny ham let. T h ey are also b la m e d for d u p in g people. Like th e
c h u rc h , th e school, a n d th e fam ily, th e ALMG a n d th e state-related
M ayan m o v em en t a re puzzling, c o n fu sin g , in p a rt becau se they are
b o th ideological state ap p aratu ses a n d sites for re sista n t social m ove-
m en ts.
T o a d d to the co n fu sio n , geography, netw orks, even the availability
of sp a re tim e in flu en ce these identifications. W h en I interview ed th e
alcalde in d ig en a in Jo y ab aj, he c o m p la in e d ab o u t lad in o s in the a rea
D iane M. N elson
132
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L eg e n d a r y T w o -F ac e d I n d i a n !
133
D iane M. N e l s o n
U54
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
histories, and slang, they em b ark ed o n th e several-day bus ride tow ard
the n o rth e rn border. J u a n reco u n ted several th rillin g brushes with th e
law7as M exican state officials tried to trip him up in lo n g in terro g atio n s
th a t show ed (to m e ) th e ir truly a m a z in g grasp o f th e tiny c u ltu ra l
d etails th a t d iffe re n tia te G u atem alan fro m M exican Maya. A b e lt
b u ck le, a certain way o f blow ing y o u r n o se, a slip-up in term s (coche
m ean s “p ig ” in G u atem ala b u t “c a r” in M exico) c o u ld give you away.
T hey m ad e it as far as M azatlan, w h ere o n e o f his b u d d ies got them all
caught. T hey sp en t several weeks in a M exico C ityjail w ith people fro m
all over th e w orld, fro m the A m ericas a n d th e C arib b ean to C hina a n d
A frica, b efo re b ein g se n t back to G uatem ala. Ju a n is g earin g up to go
again, an d instilling th e sam e desire in his younger friends, who h a n g
o n his every w ord like careful e th n o g ra p h e rs a n d practice th e ir
M exican; accents.
W hich state isjoyabaj on the m argins of? T he US an d M exican states
are b o th intriguingly p o te n t h ere, th ro u g h rem ittan ces, th ro u g h fa n
tasies o f wealth and risk, through USAID funding for indigenous revital
ization an d education, and, o f course, th ro u g h my p erso n , able to travel
unrestrictedly while local youths risk th e ir lives to visit “m y” country.
D O W E ALL L I V E I N A S T A T E O F T W O - F A C E D N E S S ?
T h ese postw ar stories tell o f p eo p le trying to d o m o re than m erely
survive o n the ex p o sed cusp o f a m arg in al place: a road-building cate
ch ist le c tu rin g o n m arty rd o m ; a w o m an trying to b e Maya w hile
accu sed o f w itch craft a n d m a n ip u la tio n ; in d ig e n o u s kids tra in in g
them selves to w ear a seco n d (M exican) face. Laying th ese stories side
by side, like a carnival midway we have b e e n w alking th ro u g h , p o in ts
to th e m obility a m o n g G u atem alan , U S, M exican, a n d o th e r sta te
officials; highland M aya; ladinos; a n d g rin g a anthropologists.
In tu rn , the state, like a sideshow7, has two faces: o n e legitim ate, th e
o th e r crim inal, c o rru p t, an d m u rd e ro u s; o n e ratio n al, th e o th er irra
tional a n d m agical. In o n e the state is th e p eople, o u r representative; in
th e o th e r th e state is against the p eo p le, constantly assessing the risk o f
o u r reb ellio n , always read y to repress. W ith o n e face th e state is reg u la
tor, creatin g and m ain tain in g stan d ard s by norm alizing; with the o th e r
it is a fre a k show fu n c tio n in g p recisely th ro u g h its abnorm ality, its
aw esom eness, its m assive d ifferen tiatio n fro m th e everyday.
135
D ia n e M. N e l s o n
MOBILITY
M obility (like w alking th ro u g h th e sideshow ) is central to th e state
as it d eto u rs th ro u g h the m a rg in s an d as in d ig e n o u s p e o p le d e to u r
th ro u g h th e sta te via the sta te -in stitu te d civil p atro l, re e d u c a tio n
cam ps, ALMG, a n d COPM AGUA. T hey also d e to u r th ro u g h N G O s sup
p o rte d by o th e r states; a w o m an becom es a M aya w hile d e to u rin g
through C osta Rica; mozos b e c o m e central to th e state’s p o litical econ
om y by d e to u rin g th ro u g h th e p lan tatio n system and by d u p in g state-
i36
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
ACTED ON
W h ere is the state? Like the “re a l” (as o p p o sed to th e two-faced)
In d ia n , it seem s to b e now here. W h en we look fo r it, it m elts away W e
see o n ly its effects, n e v e r “it,” and th o se only as th ey a re incarnated in
h u m a n action. T h e sta te (like K antorow icz’s K ing ([1 9 5 7 ] 1981) a n d
P o o le ’s account h e re o f “elPeru legaly el Peru real”) h as two bodies. O n e
is th e in d iv id u al w h o carries o u t th e d e e d s o f th e sta te — as so ld ier,
b u re a u c ra t, rep resen tativ e— th ro u g h everyday, o rd in a ry actions. T h e
o th e r is th e body p o litic th a t tran scen d s th e flesh (carne-vale) into th e
larg er social form s o f in co rp o ratio n . T h is pivot p o in t m idway betw een
th e life o f th e in d iv id u al an d the life o f th e species is th e exposed cu sp ,
th e m arg in this v o lu m e explores.
I have been d escrib in g th e (o ften terrifying) g e n e ra l experience o f
id e n tific a tio n as u n fix e d an d m o b ile a n d o f two b o d ie s in one— th e
c o n u n d ru m o f th e so cial o r th e sta te in /a s th e individual. 2 ile k
d escrib es th e e x p e rie n c e as the “ag en cy o f the big O th e r” and sees it
p re s e n t in two m u tu a lly exclusive m o d es. In o n e it fu n ctio n s as a
h id d e n agency, p u llin g strings, ru n n in g th e show. T h is is precisely th e
137
D ian e M. N e l s o n
138
A n t h r o p o l o g i s t D i s c o v e r s L e g e n d a r y T w o -F a c e d I n d i a n !
Notes
T hanks to D eborah Poole an d Veena Das fo r all their work in creating the
workshop a n d this booluand to th e School of A m erican Research an d all the
sem inar participants. Peter G eshiere, Ben O rlove, D eborah Poole, an d the SAR
D iane M . N elson
Press editors w ere generous with careful and useful com m ents. I am in d eb ted to
Elizabeth Oglesby, Simone Rem ijnse, and Anastasia M ejia for m uch o f th e field
work an d these ideas. Fieldwork was funded by Lewis an d Clark College. L ots of
my thinking has happened with Tom Bgellstorf, G reg G randin, Bob G oldm an,
R am on G onzalez Ponciano, D eborah H eath, M arcia Klotz, Carlota M cAllister,
Bill M aurer, L ee Medovoi, Irm a Velasquez Nimatuj, an d Paula Worby. Special
thanks to everyone in Joyabaj. T hanks to Donald M oore for “fixed” an d fluidary
atten tio n an d to Ranjana K hanna fo r going to the fair. I owe a special d e b t to
M ark Driscoll for every kind of exchange (em phasis o n kind).
Q uotes are from interviews conducted with a ran g e o f people inclu d ing
M ayan organizers, G uatem alan state officials, developm ent workers, an d popular-
organization activists beginning in 1985. I spent a year o f fieldwork in G uatem ala,
1992 to 1993, supplem ented by stays of one to three m o n th s in 1996, 1998, 1999,
2000, 2001, an d 2002 (my total tim e in G uatem ala was m ore than five years).
U nless otherw ise indicated, all quotes are from a u th o r interviews, an d all
translations are mine. 1
Adam Ashforth
143
A dam A shfokth
142
A I D S as W itchcraft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A f r ic a
T H E A I D S E P I D E M I C AS P U B L I C H E A L T H C R I S I S
Since 1990, th e S o u th A frican D e p a rtm e n t o f H e a lth has co n
du cted a n n u a l anonym ous surveys of b lo o d tests o f p re g n a n t w om en in
an ten atal clinics aro u n d th e country. T h e survey suggests a terrifying
rate of in crease in HIV infections in the late 1990s. At th e e n d o f 1996,
th e overall prevalence o f H IV am ong w om en o f ch ild b earin g age (fif
teen to forty-nine) was estim ated at 14.7 p e rc e n t. At the e n d o f 1997, it
was 16.01 p e rcen t. At the e n d o f 2000, th e seroprevalence rate fo r HIV
am o n g p re g n a n t w om en was 24.5 p e rc e n t (D e p a rtm e n t o f H ealth
2001). In K waZulu-Natal, w here prevalence is highest, th e rate o f infec
tion in 1999 was e stim ate d a t 36.2 p e rc e n t (D e p a rtm e n t o f H ealth
2001). E stim ates draw n fro m this survey d a ta suggest th a t m o re th an
4.7 m illion S o u th A fricans are currently in fected with HIV. T h a t figure
is likely to d o u b le by 2010 (A bt Associates 2000:7).
South A frica faces a h u g e increase in m ortality in th e years ahead.
T h e d e c im a tio n has already b eg u n . U N A ID S estim ated th a t 250,000
p eo p le d ie d o f AIDS in S o u th A frica d u rin g 1999. C ity officials in
D urban a n d Jo h a n n e sb u rg a n n o u n c e d in M ay 2000 th at th e n u m b e r o f
deaths in 1999 was m o re th a n twice th a t o f five years e a rlie r (Jordan
2000). S tatistics S o u th A frica, th e o fficial statistics o ffice o f the
South A frican state, predicts th a t the d e a th rate will c o n tin u e to rise at
A dam A s h f o r t h
20 percen t per year (Thomas, M asego, and K hupiso 2001). The M edical
R esearch Council estimates th a t 6,500,000 p e o p le will die of A ID S by
2010 (B radshaw et al. 2001:25). Life expectancy in South A frica is
ex p ected to drop from age fifty-five in 2000 to age forty by 2 0 1 0
(B radshaw et al. 2001:25). Less th an 50 percent o f South Africans alive
today, according to a UNAIDS estim ate, will live to see th eir six tieth
b irth d ay s (Joint United N atio n s P rogram m e o n H IV /A 1D S 1999).
M oreover, people ages twenty to thirty-nine, n o rm ally the m o st eco
nom ically productive years, are dying in th e g reatest n u m b e rs
(UNAIDS and World Health O rganization 1998).
By any measure, this wave o f death ap p ro ach in g South A frica is a
social an d economic disaster. It is also a potential political disaster fo r
the new democratic regime. So far, the record o f th e ANC g o v ern m en t
in S outh Africa regarding AIDS has n o t b een im pressive. W h en th e
ANC took office in 1994, the im portance o f ad d ressin g the AIDS issue
was recognized at the highest levels o f governm ent. T he new g o v ern
m e n t en d o rsed the strategy o f th e N ational A ID S C o -O rd in atin g
C om m ittee of South Africa (N A CO SA ), established u n d e r the N atio n al
Party in 1992, to prevent HIV transm ission, re d u c e the im pact o f in fec
tio n , an d mobilize resources in th e anti-AIDS b attle (S outh A frica
2000). B ut the history of the ANC governm ent’s anti-AIDS efforts since
1994 is th e story of one distraction after another. T h e first was a long-
ru n n in g scandal over the fu n d in g o f an anti-AIDS m usical, Sarafina II.
T h e m ajo r part of the AIDS b u d g et, 14.2 m illion ran d s o f E u ro p e a n
U n io n funds, \yas prom ised to th e A N C -aligned p ro d u c e r o f th e
Broadway hit Sarafina. In an in q u iry by the O ffice o f Public P ro te c to r
in to th e commissioning of th e play, which rev ealed m uch in c o m p e
tence in administration but n o “bad faith” or o u trig h t co rru p tio n , th e
play was criticized as simplistic an d m isleading. A ccording to the P ublic
P ro te c to r’s report, “The only m essage that cam e across clearly, w h en we
a tte n d e d th e play, is that o n e m ust use a c o n d o m w hen in d u lg in g in
sexual activity, otherwise o n e is b o u n d to c o n tra c t AIDS a n d d ie ”
(S outh A frica Public P rotector 1995:1).2 T he Sarafina II saga was fol
low ed by controversy over th e c a b in e t’s su p p o rt o f d ev elo p m en t o f a
su p p o sed anti-AIDS m iracle d ru g nam ed V iro d e n e , whose use h a d
b een b an n e d by the Medical R esearch Council an d whose only active
in g red ien t turned out to be an industrial solvent .3
144
A I D S as W itch cr a ft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A frica
*45
A dam A s h f o r t h
c an t ANC lead ers have em erg ed as persons living with AIDS, an d the
party has resisted any"effort to publicize the H IV status o f its leaders.
T h e first S o u th A frican o fficeh o ld er to publicly co m m en t o n a family
m em b er’s H IV status was T h o m as Shabalala, an In k ath a lead er an d for
m er “w arlord” o f the L indelani sq u atter settlem en t. H e a n n o u n c e d to
th e K w aZulu-N atal legislature in Jan u ary 2001 th a t his d a u g h te r had
d ied o f AIDS.5 In an interview in M arch, S habalala explained his deci
sion to m ake th e fam ily’s trag ed y public: ‘"You know how it is— if you
d o n ’t tell p e o p le th e truth, they becom e suspicious. They try to com e
u p w ith e x p la n a tio n s, w hich raises u n n ecessary suspicions such as
so m eo n e h a d p u t m u ti on [b ew itch ed ] th e c h ild re n — w h ich is n o t
g o o d ” (K indra 2001).
T h e co n seq u en ces of the H IV /A ID S ep id em ic for d em o cratic gov
ern an ce co u ld be dire. Even w h en in terp reted in conventional term s of
social and political m an ag em en t, the potential th re a t to political legiti
m acy is im m en se. T h e q u estio n I w ant to ad d ress now is, H ow m ight
these im plications b e'co m p licated by an in te rp re ta tio n of th e disease as
“w itchcraft”?
A I D S AS W I T C H C R A F T
Cases o f p re m a tu re d eath o r untim ely illness in Africa are alm ost
ahvays a ttrib u te d to the a c tio n o f invisible forces, fre q u e n tly those
d escrib ed as “w itch craft.”6 A d isease o r co m p lex o f sym ptom s b etter
suited than H IV /A JD S to in te rp re ta tio n w ithin th e w itchcraft paradigm
w ould be h a rd to im agine. In A frica, the diseases m ost com m only asso
ciated with A ID S are tu b ercu lo sis, w asting, a n d d ia rrh e a (N ational
In stitu te o f A llergy an d In fectio u s Diseases 2000). N one o f these ail
m ents are new. All have lo n g b e e n in terp reted in term s o f indigenous
categories, in c lu d in g w itchcraft. T h e tim e betw een infection with HIV
an d the o n se t o f AIDS sym ptom s varies widely, as does th e len g th of
tim e a p a tie n t m ig h t survive w ith the disease. O n ce infected, a person
can rem ain w ith o u t sym ptom s fo r ten years o r m o re, m aking it difficult
to p in p o in t th e source o f infection. How m ig h t we m ake sense o f this
situation if we took seriously som e of the co m m o n p lace hypotheses of
th e w itchcraft paradigm ?
T h e c e n tra l q u estio n s th a t th e jw itc h c ra ft p arad ig m answ ers in
relatio n to th e m e a n in g o f su fferin g — W hy m e? W hy now ?— are
acutely p osed in relation to illnesses associated w ith AIDS, particularly
*47
A dam A s h f o r t h
148
A ID S as W itchcraft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A frica
149
Adam A sh fo r th
5 1
A dam A s h f o r t h
W IT C H C R A F T A N D T H E S O C IA L IM P A C T O F A ID S
A ccording to all the epidem iological data, the persons m o st likely
to be infected w ith H IV /A ID S are young adults (with w om en typically
ten years y o u n g e r th a n m e n a t th e o n set o f th e disease) (U N A ID S
152
A ID S as W itch cr a ft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A frica
15 3
A dam A s h f o r t h
54
A I D S as W itch cra ft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A f r i c a
i 56
A I D S as W itch cra ft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A frica
157
A dam A s h f o r t h
5 »
A ID S as Witchcraft in P o s t -A p a r t h e i d S o u t h A frica
one was either for “the p eo p le” or against them . T h ere can be no com
prom ise. Jn a context w here state provision of services is in ad eq u ate
while inequalities thrive (on a co n tin en t w here the prosperity of the ru l
ing eco n o m ic and political elites o ften seem s to be co n su m ed at th e
expense o f the masses), the failure to act against w itchcraft is potentially
serious for the legitimacy o f political and juridical institutions. M oreover,
w here th ere is scant tru st o f officialdom , suppression o f witch- fin d in g
and pun ish m en t can very easily lead peo p le to see th e au th o rities’ p ro
tection o f accused w itches (who are generally already convicted in th e
court o f public opinion) as evidence th at those occupying pow erful state
positions are using w itchcraft for th eir ow n nefarious purposes to “e a t”
the b irth rig h t of the people (G eschiere 1997:ch.4).
In South Africa d u rin g the 1980s an d 1990s, suspicions that authori
ties w ere p ro tectin g w itches becam e a staple o f p o litics in reg io n s
g o v ern ed by the fo rm e r h o m elan d au th o rities. As th e R alushai
C om m ission reports o f th e Venda H om eland: “To politicize rural com
m unities, the revolutionary forces chose w itchcraft a n d ritual killing to
destabilize these com m unities. O ne fin d in g is that th e reason why this
route was chosen was d u e to the fact th a t th e revolutionary forces w ere
fully aw are that the local com m unities w ere dissatisfied w ith the m a n
n e r in w hich such cases w ere b ein g h a n d le d by th e a u th o ritie s, fo r
exam ple, as witches co u ld not be tried, th e governm ent was seen as a
p ro te c to r o f witches” (Com m ission o f In q u iry into W itchcraft V iolence
and R itual M urders 1996:270). T h ere is n o g u aran tee th at the p resen t
regim e will rem ain im m u n e to this taint.
T h e challenges to dem ocratic governance posed by life within th e
w itchcraft paradigm , challenges th at can only be e x a c e rb ate d by th e
AIDS ep id em ic, take th re e b ro ad form s. First, th e re is th e d e m a n d
from p e o p le living w ithin the w itchcraft parad ig m fo r g o v ern m en tal
resp o n se to harm caused by witches. R elated to this is th e correlative
su sp icio n th a t g o v ern m en t is in leag u e w ith the w atches against th e
interests o f the people. This is a d ifferen t kind o f legitim ation problem
from those com m only fo u n d in liberal dem ocracies.
S eco n d , in co m m u n ities w here a w itchcraft p a ra d ig m in fo rm s
un d erstan d in g s about o th e r peoples’ m otives and capacities, life m u st
be lived in terms~of a presum ption o f m alice. In o th e r w ords, it is d a n
gerous to ignore the possibility that anyone, even o n e ’s m ost intim ate
160
A ID S as Witchcraft in P o s t -Ap a r t h e i d S o u t h A f ri ca
N otes
1. M oleb o h en g gave m e this story by phone an d e-mail. For an acco u n t of
my co n n ectio n w ith Soweto, w hich b egan in 1990, see A shforth (2000).
2. For an accou n t o f this fiasco, see the Public P ro tecto r’s re p o rt p resen ted
to parliam ent o n Jan u ary 26, 1995 (S outh Africa Public P rotector 1995:1).
3. For b ack g ro u nd links o n this story, see the Electronic M ail and Guardian,
h ttp ://w w w .m g .c o .z a /m g /z a /lin k s/s a /v irod en e.h tm l.
4. M beki’s intervention o c c u rre d after rep o rted ly spending late-n ig h t ses
sions surfing th e In tern et, research in g AIDS and visiting sites p ro m o tin g the views
Adam A s h f o r t h
of so-called AIDS dissidents such as Peter D uesberg of Berkeley, who deny that
HIV causes AIDS (McKie an d Beresford 2000). For an exam ple o f th e sort of
material he would have en co u n tered , see G eshekter (1999).
5. In May 2001, an ANC MP, Ruth B hengu, becam e the second politician to
describe the personal im pact o f the disease w hen she told the N ational /Assembly
that her d au g h ter was HIV-positive. Judge Edwin C am eron has long been the only
prominent person to be o p en about being seropositive.
6. M any Africans object to the terms witch, witchcraft, and zuitchdoctor,
arguing th at they are both derogatory and m isleading. This is u n do u b ted ly so, but
the words are impossible to avoid. Not only are the English words co m m on in
African usage, but indigenous term s such as the Z ulu ubuthakathi have long been
inflected with notions deriving from Europe as m uch as Africa. N or is it possible
to insist on definitional clarity an d precision w ithout obscuring the ways the words
are actually used in everyday practice. I prefer to use the term s loosely, m uch as
my friends in Sow^eto do, w'hile seeking to tease o u t what they m ight m ean from
investigation o f context. I also w ant to stress th a t the personal m anip u latio n of
evil powers spoken of as '‘w itchcraft" is only p art o f a m ore general condition
of spiritual an d existential insecurity that is related to, but not reducible to,
insecurities arising from poverty, violence, an d disease (/Ashforth 1998a). T he
literature on “w itchcraft” both in Africa and elsew here is im m ense, an d little
purpose wro u ld be served in trying to survey it com prehensively h ere. Evans-
Pritchard’s book on w itchcraft am ong the A zande (Evans-Pritchai d 1937) is the
grandfather o f witchcraft studies in Africa. V irtually everything since relates to his
work in som e way or other (D ouglas 1970). T h e doyen o f recent studies is Peter
Ceschiere (1997). For a recen t sam ple of work ab o u t the issue on the continent,
see the essays in African Studies Review, volum e 41 (1998) and M oore an d Sanders
( 2001) .
Lawrence Cohen
i 65
L awrence C o h e n
166
O perability
T H E O P E R A T I O N A N D ITS TMTIMACY
We are awash in o p eratio n s. Since 1997 I have b e e n w riting a b o u t
the transplantation o f a kidney and th e social and im aginary relations
betw een p ersons th at it ap p ears to rem ak e. My focus, in tandem w ith
the ex ten siv e work o f m y colleague N ancy S ch ep er-H u g h es (1996,
2000), has b een on th e tran sp lan t’s relevance for th e everyday life, su b
stantive a n d im aginary, o f th e poor. I have argued th a t despite the rela
tive infrequency o f th e tran sp lan t o p e ra tio n in the lives o f m ost p o o r in
India and th e still g re a te r infrequency o f the m uch discussed sale o f a
kidnev in th ese lives, a tte n tio n to b o th th e p ractice a n d form o f th e
e?
Lawrence C ohen
168
O perability
LOGICS OF EXCEPTION
G o v e rn m e n t G en eral H o sp ital sits across th e P o o n am allee H igh
Road fro m M adras C en tral Railway Station in C hennai. M ost patients
and caregivers e n te r th e g ro u n d s from th e g ate closest to th e station,
n ear E m erg en cy and T riag e. T h e old m ain g ate is farth er to th e east.
E n terin g h e re , o n e first passes th e m orgue. T h e n the way b ran ch es: to
the rig h t is th e hospital, a n d to th e left, the M adras M edical C ollege. In
the m id d le is the central adm inistrative b u ild in g with the m edical col
lege d ire c to r’s office. T h o u g h o n ce the p rim a ry ro u te o f access, the
arch ed o p e n doorw ay le a d in g in to this b u ild in g is now seldom used by
those seek in g care. T h e p a n o p tic location o f th e cen tralized govern
m en t a d m in istra to r is re d u c e d to surveying d eath : in a p p e a ra n ce s, a
forensic state. T h e live a c tio n is over at E m ergency.
In 2000, Tuesdays a re o n e o f the ex cep tio n s: n o t to th e forensic
state b u t to its lack of an im a tio n . T h e cen tral w ing is slightly busier: a
few m o re patien ts en ter by th e old gate. T h e au th o rizatio n com m ittee
for the state o f Tamil N ad u m eets each T uesday in the d ire c to r’s office
O perability
to re g u la te this state o f ex cep tio n , lite ra lly so, for th e a u th o riz a tio n
co m m ittee d e te rm in e s w ho may b e e x c e p te d from th e 1994 law th a t
restricts th e giving o f o n e ’s kidney w h ile o n e is alive. Fam ilies of p e r
sons n e e d in g a kidney to gp on living, th e ir donors o r m o re often sell
ers, a n d , in th e case o f sellers, th e a g e n ts w ho b ro k e r th e deals all
g ath er in th e passagew ay outside th e office, waiting. T h e reasons fo r
attem p tin g to buy a k id n ey vary, but th e y frequently in c lu d e som e vari
ant o f th e following: “H ow can I p u t a fam ily m em ber a t such risk w hen
I can ju s t buy a k id n ey ?” T h e n eed o f kidney-buying fam ilies to look
elsew here m ay o f necessity be fram ed as a series of im possibilities: “O u r
son is sick. T hey say I am too old. H is b ro th e r has y o u n g children, a n d
his wife will n o t let h im . H is sisters a re u n m arried ; it w o u ld be difficult
for th e m to have th e o p era tio n . It w o u ld b e hard for th em to get m ar
ried in th a t case.”
S everal In d ian sta te s have set u p au th o riz a tio n co m m ittees p e r
the provisions o f th e T ransplantation o f H um an O rgans A ct o f 1994 o r
variants o f th e act passed in som e states in succeeding years. T h e act p ro
vides fo r procedures to d efin e and d e te rm in e “brain d e a th ” in o rd er to
create a supply of o rg an s through p ro c e d u re s consonant with best p rac
tice in E u ro p e and N o rth Am erica. It stipulates that solid organs c an n o t
be b o u g h t o r sold a n d th at only fo u r classes o f relations— parents, chil
dren, siblings, and spouses— can give th em . O ne of th e authors of th e
act, R. R. K ishore. fo rm e r ch ief m e d ic a l officer of In d ia , no ted in an
interview w ith my s tu d e n t an d co lleag u e M alkeet G u p ta an d me th a t
spouses, th o u g h usually n o t “biologically” related, w ere included in th e
In d ian law as an ack n o w led g em en t o f w h at he term ed “cu ltu re.” T h e
au th o rizatio n com m ittees w ere set u p to consider exceptions to the fo u r
p erm itted classes o f related n ess and to allow families to dem onstrate th e
p ro p e r d eg ree of relatedness.
E xceptions were variably defined b u t alm ost always included som e
extension o f legitim ate degrees of k in sh ip along the lines o f “affection.”
Fam ilies w ould claim th a t the seller w as a distant re latio n , o r a d e p e n
dent w ho w anted to discharge a d eep d e b t in exchange fo r years of lov
ing p atro n ag e. T hese claim s were m a d e thro u g h a form alized structure
in w hich “affection” w ould be isolated, n am ed , and m easu red .
T h e available lan g u ag e o f affection in relation to th e expert com
m ittee inevitably ja rre d . In an interview , th e tran sp lan t surgery team at
173
L awrence C o h e n
174
O perability
som e v arian t o f the 1994 law. In this co n tex t, new au th o rizatio n com
m ittees follow th e ir m a n d a te strictly a t th e o u tset. T ra n sp la n t physi
cians, h ith e rto accustom ed to a fairly stream lin ed process o f diagnosis,
linking th e p a tie n t to a b ro k er, identifying a seller, testing, an d o p era
tion, described th eir and th e ir p atien ts’ fru stratio n d u rin g these initial
periods. Dr. S u n d e r o f B a n g a lo re ’s L ak esid e H o sp ital, fo r exam ple,
angrily to ld m e o f g ra n d p a re n ts d e n ie d th e o p p o rtu n ity to save th e
lives of th e ir g ran d ch ild ren a n d o f p atien ts dying because o f th e lack o f
previously easy access. H e im p lied th a t th e com m ittee in th e state o f
K arnataka h ad barely deviated from this d raco n ian p seu d o eth ical rule,
forcing h is colleagues a n d h im in to c o n s ta n t and d e s p e ra te ap p eal.
S u n d er c ite d a fam ous e x a m p le o f a sim ila r “e th ic a l” m e a su re th a t
w reaked havoc on the lives o f p atien ts. P u llin g an a rtic le by B ritish
p h ilo so p h er J a n e t R adcliffe-R ichards fro m a desk draw er, h e p o in ted
o u t a passage describing th e tragic case o f a British m an p revented by
the British g o v ern m en t fro m buying a T urkish m a n ’s kidney. T he Turk
was selling his kidney to pay fo r an o p e ra tio n for his ailin g daughter.
T h e state’s m aneuver, in th e d o c to r’s retellin g , killed b o th th e British
kidney p a tie n t an d th e T u rk ish girl. S u ch exam ples, a n d R adcliffe-
R ichards’s arg u m en ts m o re generally (R adcliffe-R ichards e t al. 1988;
R adcliffe-R ichards 1998), a re as w idely c irc u la te d a m o n g tra n sp la n t
physicians internationally as is th e im m u n o su p p ressan t cyclosporine.
D espite th e p ro d u ctio n an d circu latio n o f such narratives, the eval
uative criteria o f the au th o rizatio n co m m ittees quickly sh ift from zero
to alm ost in fin ite ex ception. W ithin m o n th s o f a c o m m itte e ’s establish
m ent, new p ro ced u res are established a n d ro u tin ized — o n th e com m it
te e ’s side fo r th e g e n e ro u s in te rp re ta tio n o f d o c u m e n ta tio n a n d
interview, o n th e fam ily’s a n d seller’s side fo r th e p ro d u c tio n and p er
form ance o f legitim ate fo rm s o f related n ess. As brokers a n d physicians
learn how to m aster the new adm inistrative form s, they discover quickly
th at th e co m m ittees, in fact, m ake it easier to c o n d u c t business as
usual— efficiently and leg itim ately m o b ilizin g the tra n sfe r o f kidneys
from th e p o o r to th e sick— w hile av o id in g th e possibility o f scandal.
Sellers are coached, in m an y cases, in answ ering q u estio n s com m ittee
m em bers m ig h t ask. T hese questions are fairly standardized, and a p ro p
erly finessed a p p o in tm e n t w ith the c o m m itte e usually p ro d u ces an
approval. T h e exception becom es the n o rm .
175
L awrence C o h e n
176
O perability
177
L awrence C ohen
that comes to frame the ethical seems to gen erate a H obbesian space of
contract and Warre that the logic of the form al w ould eschew, th e itera
tion of formal norms secures w hat H ansen calls the sublim e an d Jam es
Ferguson the antipolitics m achine (1994).
3. Sovereign. Committee m em bers in several cases spoke o f political
pressures from ministers an d m em bers of the legislative assem bly, who
pushed them to aid a pow erful or w ell-placed c o n stitu e n t. Supple-
mentability was achieved by m obilizing social netw orks to g e n e ra te a
political space of exception. T his exception appears doubled, an extrale
gal political exception to the expert com m ittee whose task is to generate
legitimate exceptions. In practice, however, th e re is little d istin ctio n
between a space of sovereign exception— th e p o litic ia n ’s ex traleg al
request—and the legal structure of formal exception, am ong o th e r rea
sons because com m ittee m em b ers are p o litical a p p o in te e s. F orm al
norms and sovereign ex cep tio n overlap, ap p aren tly sim ilar to w hat
Agamben has referred to as the ex p an d in g zone o f in d istin c tio n
(1998).3
One could frame the authorization co m m ittees as exem plifying
this expansion, but in a p articu lar way. W ith the passage o f th e
Transplantation of H um an O rgans Act, th e state locates itself against
the market in bioavailability save for the co m m ittee’s flexible pow er of
exception. As this exception quickly expands to becom e all b u t identi
cal with the signature of the state, a situation m uch like th at p ro p o sed
by Agamben appears to consolidate. To the ex ten t that o n e is bioavail-
able, one is constituted as zoe, as bare life, in a space of ex cep tio n that
simultaneously refuses o n e ’s status as the su p p lem en tab le bios o f the
citizen-patient. Operability— o n e ’s ascension to the polis th ro u g h the
operation— is not at stake in a figure th a t reduces citiz e n sh ip to
bioavailability.
Yet the work of brokers an d buyers, validated by the co m m ittee, col
lapses bioavaiiability and supplem entability in to a zone o f indistinction
less than it perform s a Fiction o f in d istin ctio n th ro u g h related n ess
abetted by the operability o f sellers asserting m o re than th e ir consen
sual commodification. T h e fiction is th at d o n o r and re c ip ie n t are
already so intensively transactionally and ethically c o n n e c te d (bio-
morally linked, in the phraseology of M cK im M arrio tt) th a t the
donor’s constitution as an organ and tissue b an k rem ains distinctly a
178
O perability
179
L awrence C o h e n
in d istin ctio n betw een fo ren sics an d crim in ality , sig n ifican ce an d
redundancy. Everyone is o p erab le, for everyone is subject to th e nexus;
everyone is su p p lem en tab le, fo r everyone is p a rt o f it. Such in d istin c
tio n fram es th e te rro r o f m o m e n ts o f social p an ic, such as th e 1996
kidney-stealing p an ic in e a ste rn U ttar P ra d e sh in n o rth e rn In d ia,
w here persons across class an d com m unity fe a re d that th e ir c h ild re n ’s
kidneys— a n d lives— w ere th re a te n e d by m y sterio u s sh ap e-sh iftin g
agents and suspected organ stealers w ere sig h ted everyw here (C ohen
1998).
FA RMERS A N D E U N U C H S
R entachintala becam e a non-place on th e In te rn e t lo n g b efo re it
was invaded by th e global fo ren sic v a n g u a rd . A village in A n d h ra
P rad esh ’s G u n tu r d istrict n e a r th e b o rd e r o f the im p o v e rish e d
T elegana reg io n , it was lo n g know n as th e h o tte st in h ab ited place on
earth. Its w eath er was regularly featured on C N N and o th e r W eb sites.
Its m ore re c e n t claim to fam e o ccurred w hen a local re p o rte r fo r the
Telegu daily Eenadu wrote a sh o rt story ab o u t th e large n u m b e r o f p g o r
Reddy-caste farm ers— m ore th an one hu n d red -—w ho had g o n e to far-
o ff D elhi to sell kidneys. Saye Sekhar, a re p o rte r for th e n a tio n a l
English-language daily the H indu, noticed th e story and h im self w ent to
R en tach in tala, w here he w rote an e x p an d ed re p o rt on w hat b ecam e
In d ia’s new est kidney scandal. S ekhar w anted to p h o to g rap h several of
th e sellers a n d g o t the village p o lice to h e lp h im ro u n d u p sellers,
though no o n e locally was su re if they had d o n e som ething they could
o r should be charg ed with. T h e resulting p h o to g ra p h fe a tu re d aro u n d
th e country. Five farm ers (all m en ) were lin ed up, their shirts off, th eir
flanks— an d scars— toward th e cam era. B eh in d them stood two police
m en, p ro u d an d with bigger an d fatter bodies th a n the m o re em aciated
sellers. It was th e classic crim e p h o to , an d b e h in d the lin e u p was the
local police sta tio n ’s ch art— a m odified c h a lk b o a rd — o f crim es com
m itted in th e area.
By S ek h ar’s own account, th e m en w ere h u m iliated by this expo
sure. They h ad gone to D elhi in secret, in m o st cases n o t tellin g their
wives or o th e r fam ily m em bers the real reason fo r the trip. “S he never
w ould have let m e go,” o ne farm er later to ld m e. A m an fro m a n eig h
boring town h ad heard th ro u g h a friend o f m o n ey to be m a d e in D elhi
O perability
18 i
L awr enc e C o h e n
185
Lawrence C ohen
186
O perability
atte n tio n by accusing h e r fam ous rival: “I am not g o in g to win. Blit I will
surely tell people th a t they sho u ld ch o o se the real eu n u c h instead o f
these politically im p o te n t p eo p le__ We are eunuchs. We have no caste,
g e n d e r o r religious bias. O u r philosophy cuts across all kinds o f people.
We also have no fam ily o r am bitions w hich can lead us to vested in te r
ests o r c o rru p tio n ” (M ukerjee 2001). T h e refrain— o f hijras escaping
the n exus because o f th e ir excision o f family— has b eco m e freq u en t.
S h a b n a m M ausi, th e first h ijra e le c te d to a po st n o t reserved fo r a
w om an, n o te d in h e r in au g u ratio n sp eech in the M adhya Pradesh State
A ssem bly: “T h e p o litician s m erely m ak e noises a n d issue p latitu d es.
T hey n ev er w ork fo r th e w elfare o f th e co m m o n p e o p le __I have n o
fam ily o f my own. My electo rate is now m y family” (Statesman 2000).
T h o u g h w ithout family, S habnam claim ed the p rim e m inister him
self as a brother. R ep o rters interview ing h e r while she visited the city o f
G o ra k h p u r to stu m p fo r fellow h ijra A sha Devi, e le c te d m ayor in
N ovem ber 2000, n o ted : “S habnam M ausi said that eu n u c h s could serve
the p e o p le b etter th an any m ale o r fem ale politician because they h a d
no n e a r a n d d e a r o n e s as th e ir fam ily m em b ers. T h e p eo p le o f th e
co u n try are th eir fam ily m em bers, sh e claim ed. H ow ever, she reg ard ed
p rim e m in iste r A tal B eh ari V ajpayee, w ith o u t n a m in g him , [as] h e r
eld er b ro th er, w ho co u ld n o t lead a fam ily life an d is serving the c o u n
try” (Tim es of India 2000a). V ajpayee, In d ia ’s p rim e m inister, has n o t
m a rrie d , an d d esp ite a q u ie t if w ell-know n re la tio n sh ip w ith his
“a d o p te d ” ch ild ren a n d w ith w om en, h e m aintains th e charism a o f a
w orldly ascetic. A gainst th e national politician Bal T hackeray, h ead o f
the Shiv Sena Party a n d freq u en t hijra-baiter, w ho h a d called Vajpayee
im p o te n t an d a e u n u c h at ab o u t th e sam e tim e, S h ab n am claim ed him
as so m eth in g else, as counterabject, as th e o n e red eem ab le politician in
his alm o st operable asceticism .
H ijra politicians are p erh ap s b u t a fo o tn o te to th e political scene,
but my effort h ere has b een to sketch o u t a co n tex t to begin to th in k
ab o u t th e stakes in th e o p eratio n as a critical political form , generally
and w ith specific re feren ce to persons constituted as b o th bioavailable
and o p erab le bodies. T h e re are few h ap p y endings, in anth ro p o lo g y o r
elsew here, an d th o u g h I w ould like to see som e kind o f red em p tio n in
S h a b n a m ’s electio n , th e lim its to o p e ra b le c itizen sh ip tu rn e d o n its
h ead as radical political consciousness, this story is quickly crow ded o u t
by o th e r critical events.
L awrence C o h e n
CODA: THE C O N V I V I A L I T Y OF O P E R A T I O N S
Achille M bem be (1992) fam ously tro u b le d th e ad eq u acy o f
Bakhtinian celebrations of th e carnal g ro tesq u e as resp o n ses to the
massive verticality an d m onoglot o rd er of the m o d e rn state o f th e iron
cage. With C am eroon as th e p ro x im al re fe re n t. M bem be su g g ested
that to the extent that postcolonial governance has o p erated th ro u g h a
carnival mode o f norm alized exception, the social fact o f carnival-from -
below offers less an instance o f “resistance” th an o f w hat he term ed a
conviviality o f grotesques. O n e m ig h t call su ch a conviviality, afte r
Aganiben, a zone o f indistinction, and it is increasingly less th a n obvi
ous to me w hether and how biopolitical and postcolonial ex cep tio n al
ity differ under neoliberalism .
To end, therefore, with th e hijra politician b earin g th e n arrativ e
burden of h er o p erab le d iffe re n ce may only re e n a c t th e lim it to a
certain stratagem . In d ia ’s g re a t b o o ster o f n e o lib e ra l tra n s fo r
mation in the late 1990s was, after all, A n d h ra P rad esh ch ief m in ister
Chandrababu N aidu, he o f the im aginary W eb site saleoJkidneys.com.
Naidu’s response to his state’s persistent, in m any areas grow ing, rural
poverty has been a return to sterilization targets, yoked to a co n te m p o
rary regime o f c o m p u te r d ev elo p m en t an d g lo b al o u tso u rc in g rev
enue. But lest h e be accused o f th e usual p o litical im p o te n c e —
promising but n o t delivering on th e so v ereig n ’s c o u n te rg ift to th e
people—Naidu has w rapped his ability to deliver on th e gift a ro u n d the
ubiquity of the vasectomy, to th e ex ten t that on two occasions farm ers
in Guntur told m e th at the c h ie f m in ister h im se lf h ad b e e n vasec-
tomized. Though such a b elief m ay not be w idespread, it p o in ts to an
oft noted effect o f N aidu’s publicity and program . In tours o f th e co u n
tryside beyond his urban political base, N aidu resp o n d s to local critics
who ask about failed or n o n ex isten t forms o f ed u catio n o r in frastru c
ture by repeatedly linking the state’s ability to give to the p o p u la tio n ’s
self-limiting th ro u g h vasectom y o r tubal lig atio n . T h e o p e ra tio n
becomes p ro o f o f o n e ’s statu s as a resp o n sib le n eo lib eral su b ject,
individually and collectively. U nlike the d ire c t co ercio n o f In d ira
i 88
O p e r a b i l it y
189
Lawrence C ohen
engagem ent with E tienne Baiibar, with reco g n itio n o f my lim its in M arxist
conversation. I choose subsumption to m ark the operative stakes in assem blage
here against, for exam ple, hybridity (G upta 1998). A disjuncture o f orders of
reason an d being appears at slake, and creative efforts to p erfo rm m odern
citizenship in this co n text involve the w ound o f o n e ’s operability an d n o t the
supplem em abie graft o n e m ight associate w ith hybrid technologies.
3. A gam ben draws o n H annah A rendt in fo reg ro u n d in g th e classical
distinction between bios, life within the polis, an d zoe, the b are life all living
m atter lays claim to. T h e m o d ern pred icam ent involves the ex ten sio n of the
zone o f indistinction, w here these two kinds o f life are not distinguishable, to
encom pass m ore and m o re o f the world an d its institutions.
4. Hijras are a staple o f anthropological w riting, including m y own. O ften
self-defined in terms o f an intersexed th ird gender, hijras are far m o re often a set
of com m unities organized aro u n d ritual an d sex work and a secret operation
encom passing castration an d penectom y. T h e explosion of sex research that has
followed the circulation o f global AIDS w elfare capital in In d ia an d Bangladesh
has b o th expanded m ore com plex and subtle classifications o f h ijra identification
and p ro m o ted new tran sgend ered articulations (C ohen n .d .). I use eunuch in ter
changeably with hijra fo r a n u m b er of reasons. First, eunuch is th e prim ary term
of the d o m inant English-language Indian news m edia and, as such, dem ands the
translatability of the position o f the hijra an d its com m ensurability with a dense
assem blage of colonial an d contem porary W estern forensic an d scientific
reference. Second, eunuch is used as a self-referential term by m any hijras, in
effect m arking their p o sid o n in relation to such m ediascapes. I have earlier
taken up som e of the referen d al stakes in th e category of h ijra (C oh en 1995b)
but w ithout sufficient atten tio n to these m etro p o litan dem ands. I m ean the
exchangeability of hijra an d eunuch in this ch ap ter to rep resen t th e social fact o f
these dem ands and n e ith e r an accession to n o r refusal o f them . O n e m ight arg u e
that insistence on the translatability of hijra/eunuch neutralizes its function as a
colonial and postcolonial site o f Indian exceptionality. T hird, an d m ost relevant
to my purpose here, I utilize eunuch as I am arg u ing that the postoperative status
(as op po sed to fem inization in itself) of the rep resen ted hijra m atters to the
articulation of her political will.
8
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P roductivity in t h e M argins
1989), shadow econom ies th a t som etim es surpass nodes o f state power
(N o rd stro m 2001), o r p a ra lle l eco n o m ies th a t u n d e rm in e in tern al
state legitim acy b u t not ju rid ic a l sovereignty (R eno 2001).
O ver th e past decade, A frican states have b een generally depicted
in academ ic research an d m ed ia co m m en tary as “weak states” (M igdal
1988; K ap lan 1994; Z a rtm a n 1995; R e n o 1995), a view o ften in te r
p reted in term s of their fa ilu re to adhere to th e W eberian m odel o f the
rational-legal state. In sh o rt, these kinds o f states are ch aracterized as
having lim ited capacity w ith respect to re so u rc e ex tractio n , social con
trol, an d policy im p lem en tatio n . T hus, th ey lack a u th o rity an d legiti
m acy in th e dom estic re a lm , o ften le a d in g to a loss o f c o n tro l over
territo ries a n d p o p u latio n s. Likewise, a n d follow ing fro m th at depic
tion, A frican political eco n o m ies have b e e n in te rp re te d as increasingly
m arg in alized from the in te rn a tio n a l p o litical econom y (see Callaghy
and R avenhill 1993; B ach 1998; Castells 1998:70-165). T h is portrayal
m aintains, som ew hat tautologically, th at state failure resu lts from the
state’s incapacity to c o n tro l resources, com m ercial an d financial activ
ity, and reg io n al trade.
C o n trary to these acco u n ts, my ex p erien ce in the C h ad Basin was
n o t lacking in testim ony to the strengths o f certain A frican states, such
as C am ero o n , N igeria, a n d C had. T hese states have c ru sh e d rebellions
and o p p o sitio n m o v em en ts n o t only th ro u g h b ru te fo rc e but also
th ro u g h savvy political m an euvering, p ro v in g their respective abilities
to m o n o p o lize the m eans o f violence a n d to com m and cen tral parts o f
the b u reau cratic ap p aratu s. Yet, the efficacy o f these states is also g en
erated o u t o f w hat M ichel F oucault d escrib ed as the cap illary effects o f
state pow er, o r the effective constitution o f th e very field o f “the state”
through fo rm s of pow er th a t exceed the state b u reau cracy o r its central
institutions. O u r in tu itio n is th at states p ro d u c e d th ro u g h highly effec
tive form s o f capillary p o w er are “stro n g ” states, and th o se that resort
to the exercise of pow er th ro u g h “right o f state” and violence are “weak”
states, w hose legitim acy is in question. B u t in th e C had B asin, the em er
gence o f u n re g u la te d e c o n o m ic activities and v io le n t m eth o d s o f
extraction, such as eco n o m ic ap p ro p ria tio n th ro u g h seizure, indicate
that vio len t practices can also be p ro d u ced as a legitim ate m ode of th e
exercisfe o f pow er. T h a t is, violence can b e p a rt o f th e very legibility
o f power.
93
J anet R oitman
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M A K I N G M O N E Y IN T H E CH A D B A S I N
T h e g e n e ra l q u estio n o f productivity in m arg in al spaces o f the
global econom y speaks to the subthem es o f how m arginality is central to
th e gen eratio n o f states o f p o w er and how it is constitutive o f th e very
legibility o f pow er. A lthough o n c e linked to th e international econom y
via first the slave trad e a n d th e n the c o lo n ia l cotton a n d p e a n u t
econom ies, th o se living in th e C h ad Basin now suffer econom ically from
th e fairlv re c e n t collapse o f th e se latter m a rk e ts. F u rth e rm o re , the
reg io n has n o industrial base a n d is n o r ts e n an industrial periphery.
How, then, d o e s o n e m ake m o n e y in the C h a d Basin? H ow d o es one
co n n ect into th e global eco n o m y from the e d g e o f the periphery? How
does one eke o u t a livelihood w hen one has n o recourse to significant
n atu ral resources, a viable in d u strial base, o r even service sector em ploy
m ent? R ecourse to subsistence farm ing is ev id en tly one so lu tio n . Yet
m ost people a re n o t re tu rn in g to their villages, despite th e fact that
p ro sp ects fo r g ain fu l e m p lo y m e n t have d w in d le d in the tow ns and
cities. As in m an y places, th e p ro sp ect o f e c o n o m ic security th ro u g h
fam ily ties and fan n in g does n o t com pete these days with the lu re o f prof
its to be had in regional and ultim ately transnational m arkets. T his shift
is partially d u e to the dem ise o f w orld m arkets fo r certain prim ary prod
ucts and the re c e n t re a rran g e m e n t of industrial p ro d u ctio n th a t privi
leges labor m arkets in S outheast Asia, South Asia, and Latin A m erica.
In the C h ad Basin, “e m e rg in g m arkets” re tra c e the trails o f th e old
trans-Saharan a n d east-west S ah elian eco n o m ies, re p ro d u c in g certain
historical fo rm s o f fin an ce a n d d istrib u tio n w hile g e n e ra tin g novel
resources fro m in tern atio n al m arkets. T he e n d o f the cold w ar an d the
dereg u latio n o f b o th world a n d local m arkets, w hich p recip itated the
in creased c irc u la tio n o f sm all arm s, drugs, m ercen aries, a n d private
secu rity p e rs o n n e l on th e A frican c o n tin e n t, have fa c ilita te d this
process. M ore specifically, a rm s flow fro m E astern E u ro p e , C hina,
S o u th A frica, A n g o la, and th e in d e p e n d e n t rep u b lics o f th e fo rm er
Soviet U nion th ro u g h the S u d a n , Libya, C h a d , C am ero o n , N igeria,
1 95
J anet R o i t m a n
196
P roductivity in t h e M argins
C L A IM S T O W E A L T H : “IN C IV IS M E F IS C A L E ”
T h e dism issed , disp o ssessed , dow nsized, an d u n d e r- o r u n e m
ployed w ho have taken to th e b ush, highways, an d b o rd ers are m aking
claim s to w ealth an d even to th e very right to w ealth. M any un em p lo y ed
youths have som e form o f ed u catio n , yet they find them selves obliged
to scavenge fo r m oney. T h e econom y o f th e b u sh provides th e m with
cash an d gives th e m a m ean s to c o u n te r w h at they feel is th e sta te ’s
m onopoly over surpluses. T h ey have aired this sen tim en t consistently
over the last decad e, arguing th a t their activities are a m a n n e r o f exer
cising claim s to w ealth. T hese opinions w ere h e a rd m ost clearly d u rin g
th e 1990s, w hen, ju st after th e legalization o f in d e p e n d e n t political par
ties, a w idespread political m o v em en t to o k h o ld o f th e m ain cities in
C am eroon. In M ay 1991, this m ovem ent cu lm in ated in the O p eratio n
Villes M ortes cam paign. O rg a n iz e d by th e N atio n al C o o rd in a tio n o f
197
J a n et R oitman
99
J anet R o it m a n
A nother m an rep eated the view th a t civil servants, b ein g both the
primary consum ers an d those w ho m ainly buy a b ro a d , are u n d erm in
ing the C am ero o n ian econom y a n d fu elin g u n re g u la te d exchanges:
‘T here is no m arket because th ere is co n trab an d . I b u y m erchandise in
Douala [C am ero o n ], n o t in N ig e ria __ C o n tra b a n d is b reak in g us.
There are a lot o f taxes on us; com m ercial licenses [la patente] are too
expensive. T he state functionaries go to Banki [N igeria] for everything,
even for household item s and food. W ho are we g o in g to sell to?”
On the o th er h a n d , n o t everyone d ep icted th e p o ro u s b o rd er an d
unregulated eco n o m ic activities as p ro b le m s o f sta te . S om e p eo p le
made im m ediate re fe ren c e to “d e m o c ra c y ” as th e fo rc e b e h in d th e
dem onstrations in th e m ark etp lace a n d th e p o p u la tio n ’s new found
refusal to pay taxes. T hus, w hen I asked why people are now willing to
confront the authorities in the m ark etp lace, I was told:
The state m ust function; they [m erchants] have to pay their
droits [taxes and duties]. The problem is Nigeria: the border
is perm eable; the sm ugglers m ust be c o u n te re d . They
[C am eroonian m erchants] c a n ’t sell their p ro d u cts, and
they d o n ’t w ant to pay for a license. They’re selling at a loss.
They’d be willing to pay if the sm ugglers w ere stopped, if
they could sell their own products. They refute th e authori
ties in the m arket because they’re th reaten ed by N igeria,
and they hold the authorities responsible. O r it’s because of
dem ocratization; it’s dem ocratization m isu n d ersto o d [la
democracie mal comprise]—that’s why they live this ambiguity.
A m unicipal ad m in istrato r p u t fo rth this sam e view: “They b u rn e d
the controllers’ po st and the police po st in the m ark etp lace. Now they
say it’s dem ocracy, an d it spills o v er a n d it’s an arch y . Even w hen th e
police whistle, they say they’re free, it’s dem ocracy7. I t’s a n adjustm ent__
People d o n ’t w ant to pay [taxes], they say it’s dem ocracy.”
W hen asked w h at h a p p e n e d ju s t a fte r a v io le n t c o n fro n ta tio n
between security fo rces an d civilians in th e m ain m a rk e tp la c e, o n e
young man rep eated this view, alb eit fro m the p ersp ectiv e o f the o p p o
sition:
The police encircled the city an d the m ark et. People
200
P roductivity in t h e M argins
20 1
J anet R o i t m a n
THE R I G H T TO W E A L T H , T H E R I G H T T O TA X
In C am eroon, the incivism e fiscal m ovem ent was o ften sum m arized
as the refusal to pay la p a te n te , or co m m ercial licenses. T hese w ere
im posed u p o n all m e rc h a n ts ow ning sh o p s an d btisinesses, as well
as petty trad ers selling w ares or pieces o f cloth spread o n the g ro u n d
or on old w’ooden planks set up at the edges of the m arketplace. As a
form of tax, la patente en ters into the general category o f droits, w hich
in French signifies, d ep en d in g on the context, duties, fees, and taxes,
as well as en titlem en ts an d rights o f en try an d access. F ro m my ex
202
P roductivity in the Marg in s
203
J a net R o i t m a n
204
P roductivity in t h e M argins
tax] runs through the m arket. But you tell m e that foreign
ers are the ones who tell, the youth to attack the people from
the M inistry of Finances__Lots of activities take place in the
form o f traffic. Traffic was never the life o f a country [faire
vivre un pays]. And w here that is the case, like in the G am bia,
it was organized by the agents of the state itself. But if you
have houses and cars...an d the state has nothing, w hat can
you do for Maroua? T h e roads must be tarred, public works
are stopped; they m ust continue, but th ere is no m oney....If
you d o n ’t pay taxes, the country will die. T he country is on
its knees because its sons [les fils du pays] d o n ’t pay th e ir
taxes__It’s no use to use a whip, it simply m eans that you are
not free m en.
M any m e rc h a n ts re sp o n d e d th at they w ere n o t o p p o se d to state
regulation o f th e ir econom ic activities, b u t they did object to th e state’s
m anners o f a p p ro p riatio n , as well as the p resu p p o sitio n th a t they were
th e u ltim ate sources o f w ealth , th e fo u n d a tio n s o f the sta te treasury.
Ju st after th e m eeting, o n e sh o p k eep er ex p lain ed to m e,
We are n o t against licenses; before, we paid w ithout force,
w ithout the police. T hey say that if you trade in the m arket,
you n eed a license, at 37,000 CFA....The prefect says it’s not
a political problem . T hey warn us to pay because th e civil
servants d o n ’t have any money. If we pay the licenses, will
th at suffice to pay the civil servants? T he prefect gave
120,000 CFA to 120 policem en to com e m assacre the m ar
ket. If we d o n ’t pay, they close down o u r shops.
An older m an , w ho had a sm all shop, ad d ed ,
B efore, they came to th e m arket to collect m oney— it was
paid in installm ents, an d we got a receipt. They cam e every
M onday. Even if the governm ent sent a crazy m an, we did
w hat they asked. Now, th e people w ho com e are n o t chil
dren; they are big. If you say you have nothing, they close
your sh o p ... .For five years now, they shut us down, chain ou r
stores, and they leave. If they close your store and you stay in
the m arket, they say, “G o steal.”
J a n et R oitman
206
P roductivity in t h e Margins
207
J a n e t R oitman
“Are vou trying to insult me? I ’ll say it once m ore: w hen th ere is a
salary at the end, y o u ’re not a thief. Me, I work the ro a d .”
This man w ent on to describe “sm all w ork o p e ra tio n s,” in sistin g
thatw ork involves n o t only attacks on targets o f w ealth fo r the salary b u t
also the clearing o u t o f small g ro u p s o f “thieves” w ho e n c u m b e r th e
roads and prevent the professionals from carrying o u t th e ir “w ork.” As
he said, “I’m sure th a t few people know that th ere are m om ents w hen
we attack other groups to elim inate th e thieves so th a t we can Avork.”
Ultimately, d e b a te about fo u n d a tio n a l term s, su ch as n a tio n a l
w ealth, have o ccasio n ed cross-exam inations o f c e rta in estab lish ed
truths, such as w hat constitutes w ealth and work. P eo p le have in te rro
gated the status o f w ealth p roduced th ro u g h seizure an d raiding p e r
form ed by both ag en ts o f the state an d the local p o p u lace. They have
also probed the statu s o f lim it zones, such as b o rd e rs an d the b u sh ,
w here such wealth is produced. T his cross-exam ination o f established
truths might be th o u g h t o f as a m o m e n t that has e n g e n d e re d su p p le
m entary definitions o f licit wealth an d legitim ate m a n n e rs o f a p p ro p ri
ation. In other wor^ls, contrary to “eco n o m ic crisis” o r “legitim acy
crisis” readings o f such m om ents in m any parts o f A frica, the destabiliz
ing effects of this recognition of th e inconsistent n a tu re o f these seem
ingly invariable re fe re n ts have n o t sim ply led to a loss o f sense a n d
m eaning in the w o rld .8 W ith th e ex p an sio n in th e field o f “th e e c o
nom ic,” so also the fiscal subject has com e to signify new things. T h ese
are engendered th ro u g h a com plex genealogy, w hich c a n n o t be told
here. But what we can see from this sh o rt expose is th a t th e very p re
supposition that citizens are the so u rce o f the state’s w ealth— th a t they
are to pay for access to entitlem ents an d th at the salary constitutes th e
privileged link betw een the state an d its citizens— has b e e n scrutinized.
As a productive m o m en t, incivisme fiscal, o r the process o f q u estio n in g
it entailed, gave rise to transform ations in the discursive field in w hich
“wealth” and “the n a tio n a l” are figured, as well as th e m aterial effects o f
that discursive d o m ain on contem porary practice.
O ne of those effects is the no\>el a rra n g e m e n ts b etw een official
and unofficial form s o f regulatory authority th at have b ecom e in stitu
tionalized in the re g io n . T hese relatio n sh ip s involve m o re th a n th e
establishment of m ono p o lies over new form s o f w ealth; they entail th e
normalization of p articu lar definitions o f licit w ealth an d m an n ers o f
208
P roductivity in t h e M argins
209
J anet R o i t m a n
21 o
P roductivity in the Ma r g in s
211
J anet R o it m a n
2 12
P roductivity in t h e M argins
214
P roductivity in t h e M argins
2*5
J anet R oitman
219
J anet R o jt m a n
220
P roductivity in t h e M argins
22 i
J anet R o i t m a n
N otes
I th an k th e SSRC-M acArthur Foundation P rogram on Peace a n d Security
Fellowship; th e Ciriacy-W antrup Fellow ship of th e University of C alifornia,
Berkeley; an d th e M acA rthur F oun d atio n Program o n Global Security an d
222
P roductivity in the M argins
223
J anet R o i t m a n
taxis enter into officialdom throu g h a new tax called th e impot liheraloire, vehicle
registration, vehicle insurance, an d so forth, and th at they be p ainted yellow.
Drivers are now supposed to w ear helm ets and gloves, n eith er of w hich I have
ever seen.
11. Some m ight argue that although the co n tin u ity o f a regime m ig h t
occur through the appropriation of m odes of w ealth creation established in
transnational networks, the state is im periled by tran snatio n al exchanges that
evade its authority. However, if these networks en ab le the state to p erfo rm its
essential tasks (extraction, enabling productive eco n o m ic sectors, red istrib u tio n ,
financing war), they perpetuate the viability of the state as a political institution
as much as a particular regime.
12. G regoire (1998:95, 101) notes that the T uareg o f H oggar are especially
known as passeurs between A lgeria an d Niger an d th a t the Nigerian arm y often
offers protection for convoys ru n n in g illegal deliveries betw een N iger an d Libya.
13. A good exam ple in C am eroon is the Biya re g im e s tolerance— lest we not
sav sanction— of high military officials’ involvem ent in the arms, drugs, an d
counterfeiting sectors.
14. On the m ultiple m anifestations of the p red ato ry logics of state power,
see Bavart (1989), and on the dedoablement de Vetat in the form of conseils
administrative, for exam ple, see Bavart (1977: esp. 64—67). O n dedouhlement as a
mode of power, see M bembe (1992).
15. For a critique of ihe concept o f moral econom y, see R oitrnan (2000).
224
9
T he Signature o f the State
Veena Das
225
V e e n a D as
226
T he S ignature of the St a t e
TWO EXAMPLES
C o n sid er two d iffe re n t kinds o f d o c u m e n ts that I e n c o u n te re d d u r
ing my w ork am ong survivors o f the 1984 riots after th e assassination o f
Mrs. G an d h i, then p rim e m inister o f In d ia .1 I fo u n d these do cu m en ts
intriguing. T h e first was a typical form o f th e First In fo rm atio n R eport
(FIR) filed in police sta tio n s after th e rio ts h ad b e e n b ro u g h t u n d e r
co ntrol in M angolpuri a n d S ultanpuri, two ad jacen t localities in W est
D elhi w here I w orked w ith survivors. T h e second w ere divorce ag ree
m ents d raw n by th e caste P an ch ay at (literally th e “assem bly o f five,”
re fe rrin g to th e legislative an d ad ju d icato ry pow ers in v ested in caste
o r village eld ers) in th e se localities to fo rm alize “d iv o rc e s” betw een
227
V e e n a D as
228
T he Signature of the State
229
V e e n a D as
230
T he S i g n a t u r e of t h e S t a te
R E A D I N G T H E LAW
Allow m e to loop back to th e devastation o f th e riots in a street in
S ultanpuri. As I have described in my earlier w ork, the spatial distribu
tion of th e rio ts is best u n d e rsto o d in term s o f the a n ch o rin g o f local
hostilities to n atio n al events (D as 1996, 1998), b u t w hat in te re sts m e
h ere is how th e p erp etrato rs evoked the im age o f law. T h e in te rp re ta
tion o f ev en ts was n o t easy fo r th e victims, fo r th e distinction betw een
the legal a n d th e illegal was so b lu rre d in th e ir everyday lives th a t it was
h ard for th e m to read what was h ap p en in g . My field potes d escrib e the
events in o n e street, A /4 , o n N o v em b er 1. C row ds had g a th e re d and
were acco m p an ied by a p o licem an , the station h o u se officer (SH O ) of
that locality. T h e m om ent is fro zen in my m em o ry from th e acco u n ts I
was given— it was described by m any as th e tu rn in g p o in t, w h en vio
lence m oved fro m verbal ab u se a n d pelting w ith stones to killing.
T he crow d gathered o u tsid e th e house o f th e A /4 pradhan (head
m an of th e caste) and ch allen g ed him to com e o u t. T he p ra d h a n cam e
o u t with a g u n . T he SHO o rd e re d him to take th e gun b ack in to the
V een .a D.4S
house. Some o th er Sikhs, h earin g the noise, g ath ered n e a r the scene.
The SHO o rdered all Siglikars to go back in to th e ir houses an d th reat
ened that otherw ise they w ould be h a u le d o ff to the p o lice station.
Frightened and som ew hat confused, they w ent back to th e ir houses.
When the pradhan cam e o u t again, this tim e accom panied by his two
adult sons, the crowd started hu rlin g abuses at him . 1 am n o t very clear
as to the precise statem ents m ade at this tim e, b u t it seem s th at abuses
and insults w ere a m ix tu re o f fragm ents fro m d ifferen t k in d s o f dis
courses. T here was co n tin u in g an g er at th e Siglikars having m ad e good
and the adm onishm ent th at now they w ould pay the price for having
been so arro g an t about th e ir w ealth. T h e ch arg e referred to the fact
that as craftsm en, som e Siglikars had secu red jobs in th e M iddle East
and were w ealthier than th e ir neighbors w ho belonged to th e C hainar
(previously untouchable) caste. But the eroded hurled o th e r abuses at
the pradhan.
Frequent challenges (lalkars) ln u led by th e crowd w ere “Khun ka
badla khun" (“Blood m ust be avenged with blood") and “Tumne ham m i
mo ko mam hai” (‘Ton have killed ou r m o th e r").' Crowds that had gath
ered outside the hospital w here Mrs. G a n d h i’s body lay on O cto b er 31
had occasionally shouted these slogans, an d they gained in intensity for
the next few days while h e r body lay in state at the N ehru M useum . As
pictures of h er body and trib u tes paid to h e r were telecast, o n e could
hear these sam e slogans in th e background, ^t appears th at in this local
ity, at the m om ent of violence, a certain “nationalist" discourse, picked
up from im ages on television, began to speak th ro u g h the body o f the
crowd gathered there. T h e p rad h an and his sons were badly b eaten ,
the crowd asking him to seek forgiveness, to apologize. A pologize for
what? he asked repeatedly. F or having ab ro g ated privileges beyond the
status of the Siglikars, fo r having killed “o u r m o th e r.” T h e m o re he
tried to fight, th e m ore the crow d beat him with lathis (sticks). Flis sons
tried to com e to his aid an d w ere also b eaten . Eventually, th e leaders of
the crowd, assisted by constables, poured k ero sen e over his b eaten and
bruised body and set fire to him . His two sons were killed in a sim ilar
manner. His wife, w ho was h id in g in sid e, co u ld nor. c o n ta in h e rse lf
when she heard h er sons calling out to her. T h e crowd th re a te n e d and
warned her to stay inside, b u t she insisted on com ing to h e r sons and
was similarly killed. All the w hile, the bodies w ere b u rn in g , th e dying
232
T he Signature of the S tate
2 33
V e e n a D as
I T S I N T E R N A L LIFE
T h e exam ples I have given m ig h t suggest th a t I am m aking a sh arp
d istin ctio n betw een the fu n ctio n aries of the state a n d the m em b ers o f a
com m u n ity to w hom the state is illegible. In fact, it is my a rg u m e n t th at
m an y o f the fu n ctio n aries of th e state them selves find the p ractices o f
th e state to be illegible. I was n o t able to interview th e SH O a b o u t his
ow n role in the carn ag e, so I tu rn to o th e r scenes.5
‘
^ 34
T he Signature of the State
the world will come to an end, but you will survive”]. W ien 1
was standing on the terrace of a house in the street giving
cover and bullets were com ing from all directions, one grazed
my headgear, and I thought o f the Pancjit. (my translation)
This vignette shows in a sm all way how p o lic e officers m ay be
charged with im plem enting the rules and reg u latio n s o f the state, b u t
thev do not cease being m em bers o f local w orlds with their ow n cus
toms and habits. T h e weekly visit o f the astrologer to th e police statio n
in the m iddle o f extrem ely risky operations, th o u g h described w ith a
sense of the absurd, points to these lines of co n n ectio n . T he n ex t ex am
ple, however, shows how the local im peratives w ith in which th e ra tio
nality of the state is em bedded led Tej Singh to ex p erien ce h im se lf as
the direct em b o d im en t o f these contradictory discourses that in c lu d e d
reference to locality and caste. In this interview, h e reflects on th e m ili
tant m ovem ent an d his own sense o f being a police officer b elo n g in g to
a previously “u n to u ch ab le” caste:8
We know these boys— we know there are som e to whom
Khalistan [the imagined hom eland of the Sikh militant dis
course] m eans som ething and others for w hom it is an occa
sion to indulge in liquor, drugs—we also know who are the
big m en who are using the young m en to carry their own
ambitions. The genuine leaders o f the m ovem ent trust m e,
although we are on opposite sides. But these other kind—
they really fear me. So they have been after my blood [this
phrase was spoken in English]. So one day, as my driver and
I are going on a high road at night, this truck bears down on
us at high speed. The truck driver fled after hitting us— my
driver was in a coma. I know who those buggers— excuse my
language— were. My driver was in hospital for two m onths,
but he recovered. By som e m iracle I escaped. T hen, three
m onths later, I was sleeping on the lawn o f my house. My
subordinate officer came and whispered to m e that the m an
who had arranged for my “accident” was caught in an
encounter. Now I know that the correct thing is to hand him
over to the law, but I also know these buggers— they have
bought the law. I told my subordinate n o t to wait till the
2 36
T he S ignature of t h e S t a te
237
V e e n a D as
lo u tin e, and it w ould have been restored to him after he was cleai ed of
any charges. H ow ever, for som e in ex p licab le reaso n , S u k k h a co m
pletely lost his cool. H e resp o n d ed angrily, “N o o n e asks Sukkha Singh
to hand over his w eapon," and he p u lled th e trigger, first k illin g Tej
Singh and th en him self. T hose p resen t w ere certain that the sh o t was
n o t intended for Tej, Sukkha’s senior and frien d , b u t that Tej h ad got
ten in the way an d was accidentally sh o t d e a d . Tej s last w ords w ere
“Sukkha tu?”{“Sukkha— even ywvD* So th ere was confusion, the police
officer told m e. Perhaps Tej Singh died with th e th o u g h t th at Sukkha
Singh had been b o u g h t over by the m ilitants after all.
T he version o f the story I relate h ere did n o t a p p e a r in the new spa
p ers o r official accounts. T he police officer w ho told m e this story did
n o t treat it as exceptional. H e insisted th at this kind o f m isreading h ap
p e n e d m ore often than could be adm itted. T hus, the illegibility o f the
rules, and th e h u m an actions th at em body th ese rules, ap p ears to be
p a rt o f the way th at rules are im p lem en ted . It is n o t that the m o d e of
sociality to be fo u n d in the institutions of the state is based o n clarity- of
rules and regulations and that these becom e illegible to the p o o r o r the
illiterate, but th a t the very p erso n s ch arg ed w ith im p lem en tin g rules
m ig h t also have to struggle with how to read the rules and regulations.
In the n ex t section, I w ant to address the p ro b lem of th e re la tio n
sh ip between law and regulation in the co n tex t o f th e illegibility7 o f the
state, draw ing from som e w ork o n th e N ational E m ergency in In d ia in
1975, when d raco n ian m easures w ere taken b o th to reduce th e p o p u la
tio n and to clean u p cities by rem oving slum dw ellers to the periphery.
I follow that w ith exam ples o f how sim ilar processes are o p erativ e in
low -incom e n e ig h b o rh o o d s in a variety o f c o n te x ts, even w h en th e
p o litical situ atio n seem s “n o rm a l.” A lth o u g h this discussion m ig h t
seem like a digression, I w ant to suggest th at riots do not b rin g som e
th in g entirely new in to existence. T h e p erip h eral colonies, in w hich the
p o o r have com e to be “resettled ,” a re scenes o f th e arbitrary n a tu re of
state regulations, so the everyday ex p erien ce o f th e state is m ark ed by-
all kinds of neg o tiatio n s betw een th e local fu n ctio n aries an d th e resi
dents. T he policies on h o u sin g an d sterilization cam e to be lin k ed , of
co u rse, d u e to th e special d isp e n sa tio n o f th e E m ergency, a n d they
w ere applied with special rig o r in D elh i in 1975. T hey constitute an ear
lier link in the lives o f the u rb an p o o r in th eir relation to th e state, and
238
T he S ignature of the S t a te
though these policies are n o t linked an y m o re, o ne can see certain con
tinuities in th e m ode o f surveillance th at I ex p lo re later. In th e p o p u lar
im agination, th e E m ergency was know n as the tim e o f nasbandi (steril
izatio n ). T h is p erio d show s w ith stark clarity how the p o litic s o f the
body lies at th e in tersectio n betw een law a n d regulation.
T H E N A T IO N A L E M E R G E N C Y A S T H E T IM E
OF NASBAN D I
E m m a T arlo (2000) offers an ex cellen t analysis of th e m a n n e r in
w hich two adm inistrative schem es that w ere p a rt o f the sta te ’s norm al
h o u sin g p o licies an d fam ily -p lan n in g services for th e p o o r— the
R esettlem en t S chem e a n d th e Family P la n n in g S chem e— cam e to be
im p lem en ted d u rin g th e N ational E m ergency. T h e c e n te r o f gravity in
h e r analysis is th e everyday eco logy o f fe a r an d greed th ro u g h w hich
the p o o r e n d e d up as p a rtn e rs in the coercive program s o f th e state.
T h e E m ergency was a p erio d w hen all fu n d am en tal rig h ts w ere sus
p en d ed on gro u n d s th a t th e country was in d a n g e r o f falling in to anar
chy. It was also a p e rio d o f g re a t p re ssu re to obtain re su lts in the
fam ily-planning p ro g ram , w hose target.w as prim arily th e u rb a n poor.
T h o u g h n u m erical ta rg e ts h a d always b e e n p a rt o f fam ily -p lan n in g
policies in India, the E m ergency was w idely reg ard ed as a p e rio d o f cri
sis in w hich th e g o v ern m en t was able to exercise u n b rid led c o n tro l over
the im p le m e n ta tio n o f th e se policies (D ayal and B ose 1997; Shah
C om m ission 1978). As w ith m ost coercive a n d ill-p lan n ed program s,
there was pressure at every level o f the b u reau cratic h ierarch y to pro
duce results, b u t it was th e low er echelons o f the bureaucracy th at bore
th e b ru n t o f this p re ssu re to m eet ta rg e ts a n d p ro d u c e resu lts. T he
au th o ritarian ism o f M rs. G a n d h i’s rule in this period an d th e destruc
tion o f in stitu tio n s m a d e it im perative fo r th e b u reau cracy to im ple
m en t the policies o f th e go v ern m en t, n o t in accordance w ith rules and
regulations b u t in acco rd an ce with b u re a u c ra ts’ reading o f th e wishes
of th e ir su p erio rs. T h e state was literally seen to be e m b o d ie d in the
p erso n o f M rs. G an d h i a n d h e r y o u n g e r so n , Sanjay G a n d h i, w ho
becam e, as was widely acknow ledged, th e ex traco n stitu tio n al c en ter of
pow er (M ehta 1978). It was com m on know ledge that in stead o f w ritten
o rd ers, th e b u re a u c ra ts receiv ed o ral o rd e rs to im p le m e n t policies
(Shah C om m ission 1978). R um ors a b o u t th e fate o f those w ho defied
239
V e e n a D as
240
T he Signature of the S tate
241
V eena D as
242
T he S ignature of t h e S tate
243
V eena D as
LEGITIMACY A N D T H E Q U E S T I O N O F S I G N A T U R E
I hope the iterability of u tteran ces an d actions in w hich the signa
ture of the state can detach itself fro m its origin an d b e grafted to o th e r
structures and o th e r chains o f significadon is clear. H ow does the state
then claim legitim acy in th e face o f obvious fo rg e rie s, c o rru p tio n
within its own procedures, and th e m im esis o f its structures? To u n d e r
stand this, I turn to the realm o f excuses— a classical subject in A u stin ’s
(1962) analysis o f language b u t n o t o ften used in u n d e rsta n d in g th e
realm of politics, alth o u g h it has b e e n used in legal literatu re in th e
battered-woman d efen se and th e cu ltu ra l-d e fen se a rg u m e n t (see
Kelman 1994 an d W alker 1999).
In Austin’s u n d erstanding, excuses p o in t to th e realm o f infelicities
when perform ative utterances fail. U tterances w ith illocutionary force
are felicitous w hen the context is in place and o u r tru st in conventions
is secure. It is then we can say th at accuracy and m orality are on th e side
of saying that “my w ord is my b o n d ” (Cavell 1994). However, my claim
in this chapter is th at fragility o f c o n te x t is built in to th e situation in
which signature c a n n o t be tied to w h at o ne m ig h t th in k o f as th e
notion of u tteran ces an d actions o f th e state. It is this fragility th a t
accounts for the oscillation o f th e state betw een th e rational an d th e
244
T he S ignature of the S ta te
P A N IC A N D B U R E A U C R A T I C R A T I O N A L I T Y
T he c o n c e p t o fp a n ic to signify' the n a tu re o f the collectivity to be
m anaged by a rational b u reau cracy finds an in terestin g genealogy in
245
V e e na D as
246
T he S ig n a t u r e of the S tate
247
V eena D as
2 48
T he S ignature of the S ta te
COMPARATIVE OBSERVATIONS
From th e d escrip tio n s a n d exam ples I have u sed in this ch ap ter,
o n e m ight be tem p ted to c o n clu d e that the state becom es illegible in
non-W estern co u n tries because it i$ an im p o rt fro m th e W est. I w ant to
argue, on the o th e r hand, th a t it is part of th e logic o f the state th at it
constructs itself as an in co m p lete project, because th ere are always m ar
gins on w hich p e o p le have to b e educated to b eco m e p ro p e r subjects of
th e state. I w o u ld th en like to o ffer a dig ressio n , shifting m y gaze to
re c e n t developm ents in cultural-defense arg u m en ts used in US courts
o n b eh alf o f A sian im m igrants, to give us an insight in to this issue.
L eti V olpp (1994) has a rg u e d th a t th e assu m p tio n b e h in d th e
cultural-defense arg u m en t in US courts is th a t im m igrants are n o t fully
in teg rated in to th e nation: h e n c e , a person is n o t fully c o n stru cted as
a n ag en t resp o n sib le for his o r h e r actions in th e eyes o f th e law. T hus,
re c e n t im m igrants are d istin g u ish ed from earlier im m igrants, w ho are
seen as fully in te g ra te d in to A m erican cu ltu re. In h e r analysis o f The
Peoplev, Dong H u Chen, in w hich D o n g H u was accused o f killing his wife
because he su sp ected h er o f h av in g a relatio n sh ip w ith a n o th e r m an,
V olpp shows how the case co n stru cts the im m ig ran t as the average p er
son belonging to a particular cu ltu re, versus a reasonable p erso n w ho is
seen to be universal. T h e d efen se lawyer in this case h ad cited th e hold
o f C hinese c u ltu re o n the d e fe n d a n t as c o n stitu tin g a tte n u a tin g cir
cum stances fo r th e act. T he c o u rt h ad called fo r ex p e rt testim ony from
249
V e e na D as
CONCLUDING T H O U G H T S
I have suggested in th is ch ap ter th a t th e co n cep t o f sig n a tu re is
im portant for und erstan d in g the presence o f the state in th e life o f the
community, both as a b e a re r of rules a n d regulations an d as a spectral
250
T he Si g n a t u r e of the S tate
1. For earlier acco u n ts o f this w ork, see Das (1995, 1996, 1998).
2. A m ong the various reports p ro d u c e d by civil rights organizations, see
especially P U D R /P U C L (1984) and C itiz en ’s Com m ission (1984) for evidence o f
the com plicity of various politicians an d th e police in the riots.
3. I thank P eter G eschiere for this p o in t. For details o f th e caste com posi
tion in these n eigh b o rh o o ds, See Das 1996.
4. T he use o f this term is in terestin g because it locates th e act in a structu re
2 5 1
V e e na D as
25 2
io
Contesting Displacement in Colombia
253
Victoria S anford
are the grid streets of B arranca. Beyond the grid , th e horizon holds the
n u m e ro u s u n p a v e d b arrio s o f th e city’s p o o r and w o rk in g people.
D uring my stay, m usic from discos floated u p in to the n ig h t, an d the
streets w ere filled with traffic a n d n ig h tlife, d esp ite th e fact th at for
m o re th an two m onths, at least two bom bs h a d exploded each week.
Ju st beyond th e street cafes a n d discos, th e tow n abruptly stops at the
river to th e rig h t. O n the o th e r side o f th e river and dow n its banks,
FARC (R ev o lu tio n ary A rm ed Forces of C o lo m b ia) g u errillas control
th e territory.1
O n m y first day, I trav eled across in te rn a l fro n tiers o f th e state,
d em arcated in B arranca by arm y checkpoints, to one o f th e p o o r bar
rios. My g u id e was E sm eralda, a local le a d e r o f displaced com m unities
now p recario u sly resettled in th e p e rip h e ra l barrios. O u r taxi driver
h ad been assigned to us by th e P opular F em in in e O rganization (O FP),
a local N G O w orking with displaced w om en in p o o r barrios. O u r driver
was de confianza (trustw orthy) a n d was d ire c te d by an O F P lead er to
“stay with th e m at all tim es a n d b rin g them b ack safely.” We traveled out
to the b arrio s to m eet with displaced w om en an d visit O FP b arrio pro
jects.2 A t o n e project, a local youth lead er said, “O u r w ork is difficult.
We open a sp ace h ere so th a t youths have a p lace to distract them selves
from th e v io len ce th at su rro u n d s us. We h o p e th at this vio len ce will
end. We stru g g le for life” (a u th o r’s interview O cto b er 2000).
As we left h e r barrio, we cam e u p o n tw enty-four professional sol
d iers at a m ilitary c h e c k p o in t. T h e e x a c t status of this c h e c k p o in t
within a legal-adm inistrative fram ew ork was unclear. O n th e o n e hand,
these spaces are set up presum ably to p ro te c t citizens against threats o f
terror, b u t o n th e o th er h a n d , th e m ilitary o r param ilitary p erso n n el at
these ch eck p o in ts may u n leash violence o n p eo p le they co n sid er “sus
p ect” (see also Jeganath'an in this volum e). T h e barrio ch eck p o in t that
stopped us is o n e o f the m any frontiers th a t crisscross B arran ca and the
rest o f th e country. T h ree vehicles were sto p p e d ahead o f us. T h e bicy
cles an d m o p e d s o f five y o u th s w ere strew n over the stre e t. O n o u r
right, fo u r o f th e youths h a d th e ir h an d s o n a wall an d sto o d spread-
eagled as fo u r soldiers frisked them roughly. Two o th er so ld iers pushed
a n o th e r y o u th tow ard the wall as they took his schoolbag. T h ey laughed
as they e m p tie d th e b a g ’s c o n ten ts o n to th e street. T h e soldiers
a p p e a re d to b e p u sh in g th e youths in to th e wall as they asked them
254
C o n testin g D isplacement in Colombia
255
Vi ct o r i a S a n f o r d
256
C o n testing D isplacement in C olom bia
257
V i c t o r i a S anford
2 5s
C ontesting D is p l a c e m e n t in C olombia
THE P E A C E C O M M U N I T Y OF C AC AR IC A
My e x p e rie n c e in C o lo m b ian P eace C o m m u n ities b e g a n in
O cto b er 2000 w hen I p articip ated in the U N H C R -coordinated accom pa
n im e n t o f th e displaced resid en ts o f C acarica o n th eir re tu rn to th e ir
village. Param ilitaries h a d displaced th e resid en ts in February 1999. In
ad dition to th e U N H C R , th e displaced w ere also accom panied by rep
resentatives o f Peace B rigades In tern atio n al, Justicia y Paz (Justice and
P eace), H um an id ad V igente (Vigilant H u m an ity ), the Ministry o f H ealth,
th e M inistry o f th e In te rio r, th e vice p re s id e n t’s office, th e D efen so r
Publico, th e H um an R ights O m budsm an, a n d th e Red de S olidaridad
Social (Social Solidarity N etw ork, also a g o v ern m en t organization).
C a c a ric a is a P eace C om m unity. P e ace C o m m u n ities a re sm all,
m ostly ru ra l river villages th a t have o rg a n iz e d to assert th e ir n eu tral,
n o n v io len t stance in th e face o f the surveillance, control, a n d ex trem e
violence o f th e army, param ilitaries, an d guerrillas. By d eclarin g th eir
259
Victoria S anford
260
C o n t e s t in g D isplacement in Colombia
261
V i ctori a S a n f o r d
2 62
C o n testin g D isplacement in Colombia
263
V ictoria Sanford
264
C o n testin g D isplacement in C olombia
N E W S I T E S OF S T A T E L E G I B I L I T Y
B etw een 1997 a n d 1998, Justicia y Paz sought s u p p o rt from inter
n a tio n a l h u m an -rig h ts N G O s an d fo re ig n em bassies to p ressu re the
C o lo m b ian g o v ern m en t to b ro k er th e safe re tu rn o f th e displaced resi
den ts o f C acarica to th e ir hom es. W ith su p p o rt from th e U N H C R and
in te rn a tio n a l an d n a tio n a l N GOs, th e d isp laced were a b le to form alize
th e ir efforts in D ecem b er 1999 in ag re e m e n ts with th e C olo m b ian gov
e rn m e n t th a t allow ed th e ir safe r e tu r n to th e ir la n d s as Peace
C o m m u n itie s. T h ese a g re e m e n ts c o n ta in e d several k ey g u aran tees
from th e g o v ern m en t p e rta in in g to th e security, p ro te c tio n , education,
h e a lth c a re , an d d o c u m e n ta tio n (in c lu d in g land titles a n d personal
id en tificatio n ) o f th e disp laced p eo p le fro m Cacarica.
F o r security, a C asa d e Ju sticia (lo cal h o u se o f ju s tic e o r sm all
c o u rt) was to be e sta b lish e d , w ith a civ ilian re p re se n ta tiv e from the
n atio n al governm ent rein fo rcin g th e co m m u n ity ’s p o sitio n o f neutral
ity w jth th e arm ed acto rs, including th e param ilitaries, guerrillas, and
265
V ic t o r ia Sanford
266
C o n testin g , D isplacement in C olombia
267
V i c t o r i a Sa n f o r d
268
C o n testing D isplacement in C olombia
269
V i c t o r i a Sa n f o r d
270
C ontesting D isplacement in C olombia
271
Vic t o r ia San fo rd
273
Vi c t o r i a Sa n f o r d
E P IL O G U E
In August 2002, Alvaro U ribe Velez was in au g u rated as p resid en t o f
C olom bia. U ribe ran his election cam paign as a re fe re n d u m ag ain st
terrorism . Yet, his first actions after taking office only served to fu rth e r
institutionalize th e m ilitarization o f th e C olom bian state. A m ong his
key strategies fo r “dem ocratic security,” U ribe has (1) invoked e m e r
gency powers an d declared a “state o f internal u n re st” that allows him
to ru le by decree in areas o f ex trem e conflict th a t h e has d esig n ated
“R eh ab ilitatio n a n d C o n so lid atio n Z ones,” severely lim iting o u tsid e
co n tact to Chilian populations in these areas; (2) b eg u n training p a rt
274
C o n te s t in g D isplacement in C olombia
275
Vi c t o r i a S a n fo r d
N otes
T his c h a p te r draws o n research in the U raba-C hoco region o f Colom bia in
O ctober 2000 an d fieldwork co n d u c ted on the E cuadorian-C olom bian border
with A sale A ngel-Ajani and N o tre D am e stu d en ts M ariela R odriguez, Jessica
Scanlan, K risti G reen, and K aren Callan in May a n d Ju n e 2001. D u rin g July and
August 2001, Dr. Angel-Ajani, K im berly T h eid o n , an d I co n d u c ted field research
and acco m p an ied the Peace C om m unities o f U raba-C hoco. I am grateful to the
Institute fo r Scholarship in th e L iberal Arts, U n d erg rad u ate R esearch
O p p o rtu n ity Program , G rad u ate S tudent Proposal W riting Fellow ship, and Strake
Fellow ship at th e University o f N o tre Dam e, as well as the In stitu te for H um an
Rights Policy an d Practice, fo r su p p o rtin g collaborative work w ith m y students
and colleagu es o n this project. I especially th a n k V eena Das a n d D eb o rah Poole
for in c lu d in g m e in the SAR advanced sem inar “T h e State at Its M argins,” which
helped m e b e tte r problem atize th e m argins o f th e state. M ichael Bosia carefully
analyzed several drafts of this c h a p te r with a political scientist’s eye to u n derstan d
ing the state. Asale Angel-Ajani, L eon A rred o n d o, Shannon S p eed , an d Scott
Appleby o ffere d extrem ely th o u g h tfu l com m entary on this w ork-in-progress. I
especially th a n k L eon A rred o n d o fo r his very close read of this c h a p te r and
insightful co m m en ts about th e historical conceptualization o f th ese frontiers
within th e C olom bian im aginary. Scott Appleby a n d H al C u lb ertson gave me a
welcom e o p p o rtu n ity to p re se n t a draft o f this c h a p te r to my colleagu es at the
Kroc In stitu te. R oberta C u lb ertso n gave me a q u iet, supportive sp ace in which to
write a n d invited m e to p re se n t this work at an intern atio nal sym posium on vio
lence a t th e V irginia F o u n d atio n fo r the H um anities. This research project would
n o t have b e e n possible w ith o u t th e kind collaboration of Leyla L im a an d Maria
Paz B erm ejo o f th e U nited N atio n s H igh C om m issioner for R efugees, who m ade
possible my participation in th e accom panim ent. Finally, I b e n e fite d from su pp o rt
o f the d io cese o f Apartado,—th e accom p an im en t team s, and th e P eace C om m unity
m em bers them selves. Unless otherw ise specified, all interviews w ere conducted
u n d er th e co n d itio n that J re sp e c t the in fo rm an t’s anonymity. A ny erro rs are, of
course, m y own. 1
276
C o n testin g D isplacement in C olombia
277
11
Where Are the Margins o f the State?
Talal Asad
279
T a l a l A s ad
280
W h e r e A re the M argins of the State?
282
W h e r e A re the M argins of t h e State?
283
T alal A s ad
284
W h e r e A re the Margins of t h e State?
285
T a l a l A sad
286
W h e r e A re the M argins of the State?
N otes
1. T h e com m ents th at follow rely on Q uentin Skinner (1978).
2. See M aschino (2002). T h e m inistry subsequently stopped m entioning the
country o f origin o f unsuccessful applicants.
3. “It is n o t unusual for clerks to ask personal questions d esigned to detect
‘fo reig n ness.’ A barrister o f N o rth African origin was asked how m any tim es she
ate couscous, w hether she o ften visited M orocco, w hat nationality h e r friends
287
T a l al A s ad
were and w hich new spapers she read. A Tunisian was asked why h e h ad twice
m ade the pilgrim age to Mecca. A Serbian academ ic, w hose children w ere
preparing fo r the entrance exam for F rance’s top teach er training college, was
asked w hich language she spoke at hom e. Clerks even query levels o f education.
Small details influ en ce the decision and an ap p licatio n may be a d jo u rn e d because
the p erson is too openly foreign (that headscarf), has family ties o u tsid e France,
o r seem s ‘fu n d am en talist’” (M aschino 2002).
4. I draw this interpretation o f Locke's views o n toleration fro m A shcraft
(1992), D u n n (1984), M endus (1989), and M cC lure (1990).
288
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3 20
Index
321
I ndex
al-Azhar University (Egypt), 95, 101, Catholic Church, and displaced com m u
115n4 nities in Colombia, 258, 262
Cavell, Stanley, 32-33n8
B aldw in, Peter, 26 Central African Republic, and inform al
Balibar, Etienne, 78, 79, 80n6, 189n2 economy of Chad Basin, 213, 218—19
Banco M etropolitano (Guatemala), 134 Centro de Conciliacion (APENAC),
Basadre, Jorge, 61 55-56
Bataille, Georges, 31 n3 Chad: informal economy and reconstitu
Bayart, Jean-Fran^ois, 224nl4 tion of state power on margins of,
Benjam in, Walter, 11, 12. 2-25, 244, 256, 20-21, 191-222; refugees and border
257 crossing between Sudan and, 102
Bentham , Jeremy, 62nl checkpoints: and border crossings in
Bhabha, Homi, 122 Africa, 110; and boundaries of state
Bhengu, Ruth, 162n5 in Sri Lanka, 67—79; and military vio
bioavailability, and organ transplantation lence in Colombia, 254—55, 257—58,
in India, 168—72, 179 261-63, 272, 277nl0
biopolitics: and bioavailabilitv at margins China, and im m igrants to U.S., 249—50
of state in India, 172; concept of in citizenship: and A gam ben’s theory of sov
anthropological discussions ofjState ereignty', 12—13; displacem ent and
and margins, 10; and ethnographic state sovereignty at margins in
literature on state and margins, Colombia, 253—76; and informal
25—30; and m anagem ent of popula economy of Chad Basin, 204—205,
tions and territory in Sierra Leone. 206: and margins of state in Sierra
81-114 Leone, 81 —114. See also exclusion/
Biya, Paul, 203,J224nl3 inclusion; populations
body: concept of m argins and production class, and citizenship in Sierra Leone, 108
of biopolitical, 10; and legal concept Clastres, Pierre, 5, 31 n3
of habeas corpus, 12; and m anage Clinton, Bill, 183
m ent of life as object of politics, Cohen, Lawrence, 18, 24, 27, 28-29
28—29; and politics in postwar Cojti Cuxil, Dem etrio, 120
Guatemala, 137—38 Colombia: citizenship and state sovereign
borders: and biopolitical m anagem ent of ty at (margins of, 14, 18, 21, 27,
populations in Sierra Leone, 81-114; 253-76; and regional networks of
exclusion and docum entary practices wealth and power, 221
of state, 17-18; an d relationship of colonialism: and arbitrariness of law in
checkpoints to state in Sri Lanka, 75 Sierra Leone, 83—86; and form ation
British Nationality Act (1948), 103—106, of Peruvian state, 39—40, 63n5—6; his
112 torical legacy of in African politics,
81; and im m igration policy in U.K.,
C am ero n , Edwin, I62n5 105; and rethinking of concept of
Cam eroon: and carnival as m etaphor for state in anthropology, 6. See also post
postcolonial state, 188; and reconsti colonialism
tution of state pow er in Chad Basin, Comaroff, Jo h n L., 86
191-222 Commonwealth Im migrants Act (U.K.),
Canada, and Peace Com m unities in 104-105
Colombia, 268 com m unication: rum or as subaltern form
carnivals: in Guatemala, 122, 124—25, 138; of, 24—2,5; writing and theory of,
and postcolonial state in Cam eroon, 226-27
188. See also sideshow community: and concepts of equality and
Carrel, Alexis, 168 sovereignty, 78; and illegibility of state
Castario,' Carlos, 262 in India, 230—31; and judicial system
322
I ndex
in Peru, 57—59, 64nl 1; role of women state, 35-36, 38, 59-62, 62-63n2,
in Peruvian, 64nl2; and social impact 63-64n8; national identity and theo
of AIDS in South Africa, 153, 157, ries of sovereignty, 15—19, 32—33n8,
158-60, 161 284—85; and state control of popula
Conciliation Centers (P eru), 53 tions and territories, 111; and tax
constitution, of Peru, 40-41 receipts in Sierra Leone, 94. See also
COP-MAGUA (Guatem ala), 132-33 citizenship; exclusion/inclusion;
Coronil, Fernando, 226 immigration; national identity
corruption: and privatization of power in dom estic violence, and judicial system in
Peru, 62nl; and rethinking of politi Peru, 55, 64nl0
cal theory of state in Africa, 81 drift, and image of Peruvian state, 42, 48,
Costa Rica, and Mayan rights movement, 60, 62-63n2
132 Dumezil, Georges, 32n6
Cover, Robert, 50 duplicity and duping, and state in post
creativity, margins as spaces of, 19-25, war Guatemala, 117—39
33 nl0
culture: and cultural defense arguments E conom ics and econom y: and indige
in U.S. courts, 249-50, 252n9; and nous peoples in G uatem ala, 127-28:
cultural-rights m ovem ent of Maya in margins and conceptual boundaries
G uatem ala, 125, 133—34 of, 20—21; and organ transplant scan
dal in India, 181—82; and Peace
D as, Veena, 14-15, 23, 24, 27, 126, 279, Communities in Colombia, 260; and
287 social impact of AIDS in South .Africa.
De Alwis, Malathi, 80n3 153-154; state pow er in Chad Basin
death, and social impact of AIDS in and informal, 192—93, 195-211; and
South Africa, 152—56. See also mor structural adjustm ent in Sierra
tality rates Leone, 93-94. See also labor; privati
de Bocck, Filip, 223n2 zation; taxation
Deleuze, Giles, 31n3, 82, 89, 100, 113, Ecuador, and param ilitaries, 277n4
115n2 Egypt, and refugees or migrants from
democracy: and AIDS epidem ic in South Sierra Leone, 95—96, 101, 103,
Africa, 157—61; regulatory authority 106-107, 112, 114, 115n4
of state and economy o f Chad Basin, encomienda» and colonialism in Peru,
200. See also politics 39-40
Derrida, Jacques, 226-27, 257 engano, and the state in Guatemala, 117,
Desrosieres, Alain, 282 118, 129-31
developm ent, and m odernization in England. See United Kingdom
India, 166 epidem ics, literature o n state formation
Devi, Asha, 187 and, 26-27. See also AIDS; public
Dhareshwar, Vivek, 80n5 health
discourses, and use of term state, 280 equality: of citizens in liberal theory, 30,
divorce agreem ents, in India, 227—28, 282-83; and concepts of citizenship
229-30 and sovereignty, 78
Doctors without Borders, 262 essentialism, and social/cultural identity
docum entary practices: and illegibility of in Sri Lanka, 77
state in India, 245; an d immigration ethics, bioavailability an d organ trans
policy in U.K., 103-106, 112; and plantation in India, 176
im m igration policy in U.S., 100-102, ethnography: and im ages of duplicity in
115n5; and international traffic in postwar Guatemala, 121; impact of
visas and passports, 99, 109, 115nfi; war and violence on conduct of work
and justice on margins of Peruvian in, 11; and problem of origin of law,
323
I ndex
326
I ndex
3 27
I ndex
328
I ndex
slavery, and British colonialism in Sierra Leone, 82, 86, 110, 111-14; and
Leone, 84 indigenous peoples of Guatemala,
Sm ith, Carol, 127 123-24, 125-26. See also state
social cleansing, and hum an-rights viola stereotypes, of indigenous peoples in
tions in Colombia, 263—65 Guatemala, 122, 124, 127-
South Africa, AIDS epidem ic and suspi sterilization, and population control in
cions of witchcraft in post-apartheid, India, 167. See also family planning
21-22, 24-25, 27, 141-61 stigma, of AJDS in South Africa, 155,
sovereignty: displaced populations and 156-57
m argins of state in Colombia, 253—76; Strathern, Marilyn, 14
and equality of citizens, 78; figure of Structural A djustm ent Programs (SAPs),
Homo sacer in A gam ben’s theory of, 93-94
111—13; and Foucault’s theory of subaltern theory: and Peace Com m unities
biopower, 26; im agination of and rel in Colombia, 266—67, 269; and
ative position of center and periph rethinking of concept of state in
ery, 29-30; and judicial system in anthropology, 6; and rum or as form
Peru, 41; language of popular in of com m unication, 24-25
Peruvian constitution, 40—41; nation subjection and subjectivity: and citizen
al identity and theories of, 15—19; and ship in Sierra Leone, 114; and check
relationship between Peruvian state points in Sri Lanka, 75, 78—79
and margins, 51; and suspension of Sudan, and m igrant labor, 102-103
law, 87-88. See also power; state Sweden, and Peace Communities in
space and spatial models: biopolitical Colombia, 275
body and concept of margins, 10; and
concepts of state and margins, 33nI0; T anzania, and refugees, 91
language and concept of territorial Tarlo, Emma, 239-41, 251
m argin, 37-38, 41 Taussig, Michael, 32n6, 227
Spain: and colonial history of Peru, taxation: and concept of price, 223n6;
39—40; and Peace Com m unities in and docum entary practices in Sierra
Colombia, 275 Leone, 94, I15n3; and informal econ
Srikrishna Commission (India), 247—48 omy of C had Basin, 202—11
Sri Lanka, checkpoints and political iden tem porary protected status (TPS), 98—99,
tity in, 17, 67—79 100, 111, 115n5
state: abstraction and concept of in con Thackeray, Bal, 184, 187
tem porary thought, 29—30, 281—83; thanatopolitics, and biopolitics, 25
and recent anthropological work on T heidon, Kimberly, 271
law, margins, and exception, 11—19; Tiruchelvam, N eelan, 68
recent anthropological literature on Tiwari, M adhu, 186—87
reconfiguration of at margins, 19-25; Toledo, Alejandro, 52
an d recent ethnographical literature traditional healers, and AIDS in South
on biopolitics and margins, 25—30; Africa, 149-52, 153, 154, 157, 158,
School of American Research 162n9
advanced seminar on margins and, Transplantation of H um an Organs Act of
3—11; and social uncertainties of mar 1994 (India), 173, 178
gins, 279-87. See also anthropology; truth: Colombian state and production
Chad; Colombia; democracy; ethnog of, 273—74; political conflicts and con
raphy; Guatemala; India; legibility/ cept of certainty, 286
illegibility; politics; Peru; shadow Tsing, Anna, 32n5, 33nl0
states; Sierra Leone; South Africa; tuberculosis, and AIDS epidemic in South
sovereignty; Sri Lanka; state effect Africa, 149-50
state effect: and citizenship in Sierra
329
I ndex
33°
Photo by Katrina Lasko