Islamic urbanism in eastern Arabia: the case of the al-ʾAyn-al-Buraymī oasis

Author(s): Andrew Petersen

Source: Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 39, Papers from the forty-
second meeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held in London, 24-26 July 2008 (2009),
pp. 307-320
Published by: Archaeopress
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41223990 .
Accessed: 12/11/2013 12:32

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Archaeopress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Proceedings of the
Seminar for Arabian Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ProceedingsoftheSeminar
forArabianStudies39 (2009): 307-320

Islamicurbanism in easternArabia:
thecase oftheal-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasis

Andrew Petersen

Summary
Thispaperdiscussestheevidenceforurbansettlement in easternArabiain thepre-modern period,payingparticular attention to
theal-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasis. The sparsehistorical sourcesfortheoasis indicatethattheregionwas of somesignificance in early
Islamictimesalthoughthesesourcesdo notindicatethenatureofthesettlement. The historical reviewis followedby a reviewof
thearchaeological
evidenceforIslamicsettlement firstin al-cAynon theUAE sideoftheborderandthenin al-Buraymï withinthe
Sultanateof Oman.The mostsignificant pieces of evidence fromal-cAyn are a section offalaj coveredwith a vault of fired
brick
datedto theseventhto eighthcenturies AD, and a smallmosquealso datedto theearlyIslamicperiod.It is suggested, however,
thatthemostpromising area forfuture archaeologicalworkis al-Buraymï wherenineteenth-century historicalaccountsindicate
an urbansettlementcompletewithwalls andmarketplaces.Particular attentionis paid to a 1968 aerialphotograph ofal-cAyn and
al-Buraymï, whichshows a number of significantfeatures includingtwo lines of falaj and a now vanished fort. The conclusion
considersthepotential
forfurther workinthisareaand setsitwithinthecontextofdiscussionsonArabianurbanism.

Keywords:al-cAyn, oasis,urbanism,
al-Buraymi, Islamicperiod
yã/q/,

AlthoughIslam originatedin two urbansettlements in Beforelookingin detail at the al-cAyn-al-Buraymf

Arabia (Mecca and Yathrib[Medina]), the peninsula
itselfhas oftenbeen ignoredin discussionsof Islamic
urbanism, withmostrelevantstudiesconcentrating on
theBilãd al-Shãm(modernSyria,Jordan, Palestine,etc.)
and NorthAfrica(fora bibliography, see Bonineet al.
1994). Notable exceptionsto this generalneglectare
Whitcomb's essayonArabianurbanism inthepre-Islamic
andearlyIslamicperiods(1996), andKenneťsdiscussion
ofJulfar andurbanization in thefifteenthcentury (2003).
Accordingto Kennet,withtheexceptionof Suhãr,there
were few if any townsin easternArabia priorto the
development of Julfarin the fourteenth century(2003:
121). Kennet developed his views based principally on
excavationsat Julfar and thenearbyearliersiteof Kush.
In a morerecentarticle(Kennet2005), he arguesthatthe
late pre-Islamicand earlyIslamicperiodsin theregion
were particularly poverty-strickenor insecureand he
suggeststhatthismayhaveinhibited urbanization.
In thispaper,I will arguethatalthoughevidencefor
theregionaroundJulfar and thenorthern emiratesmay
indicatea lackofurbanization beforethefifteenthcentury,
thereis evidenceofurbandevelopment intheal-cAyn-al-
Buraymïoasis beforethattime.
oasis, it is usefulto outlinesome of thecharacteristics
of urbansettlement. Therehas, of course,been a great
deal ofdebateaboutwhatconstitutes an urbansettlement
(see e.g. Whitcomb1996: 46; Wheatley2001: xiii-xiv)
althougha fewgeneralcharacteristics maybe identified
as follows:
1) Historiansof social and economichistoryagreethat
thesinglemostimportant featureof a townmustbe
a market(suq). Althougha marketon its own with
no settlements would not constitutea town,a town
withouta marketis inconceivable(Swanson 1999:
1-5).
2) The populationof an urbansettlement mustcomprise
a varietyof non-agricultural occupations.Thus,for
example,a largeminingvillage does not constitute
a town (see e.g. Costa 1983: 266-267 on mining
settlements in Oman).
3) An urban centrewould be expected to have a
numberof administrative functions(e.g. payment
etc.) in relationto
of taxation,justice registrations,
its ruralhinterland.A small settlement witha large
hinterland may functionas a towneven thoughits
size is proportionatelysmall,because it is the only

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
308 AndrewPetersen

Figure 1. A mapofeasternArabiashowingtheplaces mentioned

in thetext.

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IslamicurbanismineasternArabia: thecase oftheal- Ayn-al-Buraymï
oasis 309

place wherecertaintransactions can be carriedout. plain,and thosethatare builtup aroundthemouthof a

This conditionmayhave particular relevanceto the wadi.Itis possiblethatalthough thesesettlements didnot
al-cAyn-al-Buraymï areawheresettlement was spread individuallyconstitute towns,collectivelytheyformed
overa numberofoases. partof an urbanizedarea as definedby mediaevalArab
4) In pre-modern timesthe possessionof a townwall geographers (Wheatley2001: 172-180). The secondform
is oftenregardedas an indicationof urbanstatus.In of coastal settlement developedaroundthe mouthsof
additionto possible defensivepurposes,walls also wadis,creeks,and inletsand is associatedwiththerocky
serveas a boundaryto the administrative area of a mountainous eastcoastofthepeninsulawheresettlement
town,reflecting itscollectiveabilityto producesuch is concentrated alonga narrowstripoflandbecausethere
a largestructureand displaying itsidentity.
Although is limitedspace wheremountains meetthesea.
theyarenota sinequa nonofpre-modern towns,their Settlements on theGulfcoastoftheUAE can also be
presencedoes indicatea certainlevel of wealththat seen as a thirdcategory:wherethegenerallyflatterrain
is normallyassociatedwithan urbandevelopment. and scarcityof freshwaterled to thedevelopment of a
Examplesof walled townsincludemediaevalJulfar small numberof nucleatedsettlements. Examples of
(Ra3s al-Khaymah)and Burj Dubai, now withinthe mediaevaltowns includeJumayrah/Dubai, Julfar,and
modernUAE. Sharjah,althoughAbu Dhabi townis almostcertainly a
5) Althoughmosturbanhistorians place thepopulation modernsettlement datingfromafter1700(Carter2000).
levelofa settlementfairlylow in theirlistofcriteria, Accordingto Costa's scheme,oasis towns of the
in popularconsciousnessit is oftenregardedas the interior occurwherethereis a good sourceoffreshwater
mainfactorin defining its statusas a town.One of and fertileagricultural land. Examples of pre-modern
themainproblemsis defining a minimum size foran townswithinOman includeIzki, Nizwa, Ibra,Rustaq,
urbanpopulationas any definition differsaccording and BahlãD.Costa foundthatthebest locationforsuch
totimeandplace. settlements is atthebase ofa mountain rangewherewater
6) Mediaevalcitiesin Europeand theMiddleEast often collectsin wadis. However,problemsof flashflooding
had a highdensityof occupation,manywithmulti- and the constricted space withinwadis has meantthat
storeydwellings.However,in some areas of the settlements are oftenbuilt at a considerabledistance
Middle East such as Khurasan,mediaevalArabic fromthemwithwaterfed to the fieldsand gardensof
geographers devisedthemodelof an urbanizedzone the settlements via underground waterchannels(aflãj,
withdispersedsettlement, withurbanfunctions spread sg.falaj). Within the area of the modern UAE theonly
overa largearea,as intheBätinahcoastofOman. significant inland settlement which appearsto relateto
this group is the al-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasis. However,
Withtheseconceptsin mind,itis possibleto identify unlikeitsmorefamousmediaevalcounterparts in Oman,
a number ofmediaevalandearlyIslamictownsineastern verylittleis knownaboutitsearlyandmediaevalIslamic
Arabia,mostofwhicharestillfunctioning (Fig. 1). Paulo settlement. This is partlya resultof the recentrapid
Costapublishedthefirst ofa
part long-term project on the development of thearea,whichhas erasedmanytraces
and
origin development of settlement
traditional in Oman of the past, and partlybecauseofthedispersednatureof
(1983) but did not includethe UAE in his analysis. In recent settlement.
hisinitialarticle,Costaoutlinedtwomainformsofurban
development in theregion,oasis settlement and coastal The al-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasis
settlement.
Coastal townslistedby Costa includeKhasab, Sur The al-cAyn-al-BuraymI oasis covers an area of
al-Sãhil,Qalhat,Muscat,Mutrah,Suhär, and Zafar (al- approximately 6 km by km and includesa number
9
Balïd). These settlementson theBätinah coast are thebest of settlements with historicalassociations,including
example of the continuous development of the coastal Hamasa, al-Buraymï,al-cAyn,Sacra,Hili, Qatarra,al-
plainwhere, with the of
exception Suhãr, there is a built-up Jimi,al-Muctarad, al-Jahilï,and Muwaijï (Figs 2 & 3).
areastretching fornearly300 kmalongthecoastadjacent The gardensoftheoasis aresuppliedwithwaterfromthe
to a similarly unbrokenline of cultivation 20 km wide. nearbyHajar mountains by twelveaflãjwithan average
Coastalsettlements may be furtherdivided into those that length of 7 km (al-Tikriti 2002). The oasis is locatedat
formpartof a continuous development along the coastal the western end of Wadï Jizïwhichformsone ofthemain

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
3 10 AndrewPetersen

Figure2. A mapofal-cAyn
and al-BuraymJ showingthelocationoftheoases, theprincipalwadis,
and theearlyIslamicfalaj.

passesthrough theHajarmountains to Suhar(Wilkinson additionto the current

1964:344).
Todaythearea is dividedin twoby theOman-UAE
border, withtheeasternportionof thearea includingal-
Buraymïand Hamasa in Oman and therestwithinthe
easternregionoftheAbu Dhabi Emirate.Littleis known
of its historybeforethe nineteenthcenturydespiteits
strategicposition,forthe oasis formsone of the key
locationson theroutesbetweenthenorthern emiratesand
thetownsof innerOmansuchas Dank,cIbrï,andNizwa
(fora listof routes,see Potts1999: 58, 66-67, 68). In
namesfordifferentpartsof the
oasis,therearea numberofnamesforeitherall orpartof
theareawhichwereinuse in antiquity,
including Tucam,
Jaw,and Jawf(fora discussionof theplace names,see
Rentz& Mulligan1960; Wilkinson1964; Yäqüt 1955-
1957,v: 188).
History
An earlymigration to theoasis in historicaltimestook
place in the secondcentury AD and was led by Malik

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Islamicurbanismin easternArabia: thecase oftheal- Ayn-al-BuraymJ
oasis 3 11

oasis. (Takenon 26 March1968).

oftheal-cAyn-al-Buraymi
Figure3. Anaerialphotograph

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
3 12 AndrewPetersen

ibn Fahmwho withan armyof 6000 men established In AD 893 Tucamwas again the scene of fierce
his camp at Jawffromwherehe launcheda successful fighting betweenan AbbasidarmyfromBahrainand the
campaignagainst the Sasanid at
Persiansbased Suhär(al- cIbaçlïforces,whichapparently destroyeda largepart
Rawas 2000: 28-29; Miles 1966: 20). AfterthisTucam of the settlement and damagedits irrigation worksand
becameestablishedas theArabs' internalcentrewhilst gardens(al-Rawas 2000: 193; Wilkinson1979: 90; al-
Dibbä was theirtradingport(Yãqut 1955-1957,ii: 54; Salimï1997,i: 179).
Wilkinson1964:344). Fromthe ninthcenturyonwardsthereis verylittle
In pre-Islamictimes,theoasis was settledby tribal information aboutTucamingeneralhistorical sourcesand
migrations fromYemenprobablyafterthecollapseofthe it is not mentionedagain untilthe seventeenth century
Ma3ribdaminAD 570 (al-Rawas2000: 28). Themajority whentheBanï Yãs attackedthetownof al-Buraymïin
of the tribeswere part of the Ä1 Azd confederation 1633. The Banï Yäs wererepelledand thecIbaçiïimam
includingthe Bam Kamam (2000: 31), althoughnon- orderedthedestruction of all thefortsin theoasis,with
Azd tribessuchas theSamahibnLuayyibnGhalibalso theexceptionofthefortbelongingtothecIbaçlïgovernor
settledalongsidetheAzd (al-Bakrï1876-1877: 32; al- (Heard-Bey2004: 47, 432 n. 7).
Istakhrï 1961:27; al-Muqaddasï1906:92). In 1737,al-Buraymï was occupiedbythePersianruler
SometimebetweenAD 628 and AD 632, Prophet NadirShãh,who had beeninvitedby one of thesidesin
Muhammad'srepresentative, cAmribn al-cÃs,stopped a disputeoverwhowouldsucceedas imam.The Persian
at Tucamen routeto Suhärto persuadethe Sasanian occupationdid notlastlongbutthetownstillhad a key
governor Moksanto convertto Islam.AlthoughMoksan positionwithintheregion.Duringthe earlynineteenth
refusedto acceptthenew faith,a meetingof theArab century, therewere severalattempts by different forces
sheikhsat Nizwa agreedto acceptIslam and eventually to gainholdof al-Buraymi. Thus,in 1800 theWahhabis
theSasanianswereexpelledfromtheoasis (Miles 1966: seizedthetownandestablished a fortinthemiddleofthe
36). Theareanextappearsinhistorical sourcesinrelation oasis. In 1824therulerofSharjahrelinquished controlof
to theeventsfollowingthedeathof Muhammadin AD partsof theoasis and agreedto destroyall thefortsthat
632 whentherewas a rebellionagainstMuslimruleled he had establishedwithintheimam'sterritory (Lorimer
bya faction centred on Dibba (al-Rawas2000: 41^48). In 1908,i: 764-772; Heard-Bey2004: 48).
response, AbuBakrsentanarmytoOman,whichmarched
overlandto arriveat Tucamfromwherearrangements The archaeologyofal-cAyn(UAE)
weremade to assemblea Muslimarmyat Suhãrwhich
wenton to defeattherebelsat Dibba (al-Tabari1960, The prehistoric archaeologyof theal-cAynoasis is well
iii: 314). Tucamis nextmentioned in Muslimhistorical known,forit is one of therichestplaces in theUAE in
sourcesovera century laterinAD 750 whentheAbbasid termsofprehistoric sites(Fig. 2). The best-known siteis
generalShaybän was killed by cIbaçiïforcesat a battle the Bronze Age settlement and cemetery of Hili which
somewherein thevicinityof thetown.Fromthispoint is locatedat thenorth-eastern side of theoasis nextto
on Omanbecamean cIbadïstate,althoughitappearsthat the escarpment.Althoughit is arguablewhetherthe
SuhärandTucambecamecentresforotherMuslimsects settlement canbe definedas an urbanentity inprehistoric
the
including Muctazalites, and
Qadarites, Muracjites (al- times, monumental tombs may well reflect a complex
Salimï1997,i: 81; al-Rawas2000: 159). socialorganization, andimported artefacts
indicatelong-
In the mid-ninth century, membersof the Manda distancetradewithwhatwas likelyto havebeena major
dynasty triedto the
regain authority theyhad lostto the settlement. By the IronAge thereis stilla significant
cIbadïsby seizingTucamand killingthegovernorAbu settlement atHilias wellas a largesettlement atRumeilah
al-Waddah.The cIba<jïimam,al-Muhannaibn Jayfar (r. slightlyfurthersouth. The Rumeilah settlement includesa
AD 840-851), respondedto thisrebellionby sendinga largepublicbuildingintheformofa pillaredhallas well
largearmyfromSuhãrto Tucamwhichincludeda large as numerousprivatedwellingsand a rangeof artefacts
detachment of Indiansundertheirown commander, al- thatindicatelong-distance trade,all ofwhichindicatean
Mattaral-Hindï.The Julandaswere decisivelydefeated urbansettlement (Magee 2003).
by theforcesof theimam,whichdestroyed thehouses Precociousdevelopmentof this area may well be
and settlements of therebels.Followingthisvictory, the due to theextraction of copperfromJabalHafïtand the
imamplaced a permanent garrisonin Tucam and other nearbyHajar mountains and thereare indicationsthat
towns(al-Salimï1997,i: 81; al-Rawas2000: 161). thisindustry continued intotheIslamicperiod.However,

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Islamicurbanismin easternArabia: thecase oftheal- Ayn-al-Buraymì
oasis 313

verylittlearchaeologicalevidenceforsettlement in the brick)duringtheearlyIslamicperiod.

early Islamic periodshas yet been discovered,despite Nexttothefalaj a smallmud-brick mosque(8x4.5 m)
historical recordsthatindicatean important settlement in was discovered.The mosque compriseda prayerroom
thearea. So far,theonlyrathertantalizing evidencefor witha concavemihrab,a rectangular courtyard(8X5 m),
settlement andcultivation oftheareaintheIslamicperiod and a smallrectangular cistern.A smallamountof early
is fromexcavationsundertaken byWalidYasinal-Tikriti Islamicpottery was reported fromtheexcavationof the
in theAud al-Toubaarea of al-cAyn(2002: 119-137) mosque, althoughthe presenceof a concave mihrab
whichrevealeda sectionoffalaj tunnel(falaj maidãnal- suggeststhatit was builtafterthe earlyeighthcentury
ihtafalãt)overa distanceof 175 m at a depthof 2-3 m whenrecessedmihrabswerefirstintroduced byal-Walïd
belowthepresentgroundsurface(see Fig. 2). Although at Medina(Creswell1989: 46). The isolatedpositionof
aflãjarea characteristic featureofmanyvillagesinOman themosquesuggeststhatit mayhave been locatedin a
and easternArabia,themajority of theseare eitheropen gardenarea and thattheremayhave been a numberof
channelsorveryclosetothesurface{qanãtal-mahfurah). similarstructures elsewherein residentialareasthathave
However,thefalaj investigated by al-Tikriti
is of a more yetto be discovered.
complextypeknownas qanãt al-jawfiyah, requiringa The only otherpublishedarchaeologicalevidence
higherdegreeof skill and social organization whichis forthe Islamicperiodall relatesto thepost-mediaeval
morecharacteristic ofan urbansociety(Wilkinson1983: period.A surveyof al-cAyncarriedout duringthe late
178). 1960s and early1970s priorto massivedevelopment of
This falaj tunnelwas dug into the alluvial clay thecity,identified fourareas of Islamicsettlement. The
groundsurfaceand coveredwitha simplevaultmadeof surveyproducedceramicssimilarto thosefoundat Kash
rectangular firedbricks(21x40x7 cm) and bondedwith Nadir in Ra3s al-Khaymahwithnothingdatablebefore
mudplaster.The upperpartof thewalls of thechannel thesixteenth century (Cleuzio 1978: 11).
thatsupported thearchwas madeoffourcoursesoffired The otherpotential sourceofarchaeological evidence
brickon each side.In totalmorethan10,000firedbricks for the Islamic period is in the forts.Seven of the
wereused in this 175 m sectionoffalaj (i.e. sixty-two survivingfortsbelongingto theal-Nahyanfamilyhave
bricksper metre)and it is likelythatthebrick-vaulted been extensivelyrestoredand theirhistoryhas been
falaj extendedsome distancebeyondthe area so far documented, althoughthereis no evidencethatany of
investigated. The sourceof thesebricksis not known; thesepredatesthenineteenth century(Naboodah2006).
theycould have eitherbeen producedon site, which Againstthisbackgroundseveralgaps are noticeable
would implya significant industrial enterprise;or they in thehistoricaland archaeologicalrecord.In particular
couldhavebeenbrought fromelsewhere.The mostlikely twoquestionsarise:
sourceof thesefiredbricksis the cityof Suhãrwhich 1. Whereshouldone look fortheremainsof theearly
exportedbricksas faras Manda on the NorthKenya Islamic settlementthat existed accordingto the
coast(Chittick1984: 13-15). If thebrickswerebrought historicalsourcesand theextantslimarchaeological
overlandfromSuhãrthrough Wadï Jizïthisalso suggests evidence?
significant social organizationmorecharacteristic of an 2. Whyare thereno archaeologicalremainsor historical
urbaneconomy.Thefalaj was datedby C14techniques referencesto a settlementduringthe mediaeval
on samplesof vegetationthatwas extractedfromtwo Islamicperiod(c. AD 1000-1500)? Indeedthereis
unfired mudbricksretrieved frominsidethewall of the verylittlehistoricalor archaeologicalevidencefor
falaj. The C14sampleswere datedby the Radiocarbon easternArabiagenerallyforthisperiod(see e.g. al-
Laboratory at Christian-
Albrechts University of Kiel in Hasã3,Bahrain).
Germany, givingresultsof620 ±25 and770±25 (i.e. early Theanswertothefirst questionmaywellhelptosolve
seventh tolateeighthcentury AD) (KIA 11538=1330 BP thesecondquestion.
± 25 andKIA 11537 = 1180 BP ± 25 where1950 is used
to denotethepresent).In additionsome sherdsof blue- The archaeologyofal-Buraymï(Sultanateof
glazedpottery datedto theUmayyador Abbasidperiod Oman)
werealso recovered frominsidethefalaj (al-Tikriti 2002:
134,fig.84).Although limitedinextent, theseexcavations Therehasbeenfairlyintensearchaeological investigation
showtheconstruction ofmajorinfrastructure (Wilkinson withinthearea of modernal-cAyn (UAE) and thusit is
1983: 178) usingsophisticated buildingmaterials(fired likelythatanytracesofa majorarchaeologicalsiteofthe

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
314 AndrewPetersen

earlyIslamicormediaevalperiodwouldeitherhavebeen facingthesuq anda rectangular residentialblockadjacent

discoveredby now or lies beneathmodernbuildings. to theentranceon theinterior. The history of thefortis
However, the area of al-Buraymï within the Sultanate of not well known although it is possiblethat thisis Qasr
Omanhasnotbeenintensively investigated andmoreover al-Subbarah, builtand occupiedby the Wahhabi leader
is theolderofthetwomodernsettlements. {nďib' between1800 and 1818 (Heard-Bey2004: 303,
A usefulwayofinvestigating thehistoric archaeology 479 n. 66). In any case, thearchitecture of thefortand
of al-Buraymïis to workback fromthe layoutof the itscentralpositionin thepresent-day townareconsistent
present-day townand existingknownancientstructures, withthisinterpretation.
usingtechniques ofplananalysisfirst developedbyConzen Thesecondfort, Qasral-Khandaq("palace"or"fort of
forinvestigating theoriginsof historictownsin Britain themoat"),appearstobe considerably older,bothbecause
(Lilley 2000). Formsof evidencethatcan be utilized of itspositionand itsarchitecture. The fortis locatedto
include historicaldescriptions,standingmonuments, thesouthof theal-Buraymïoasis and appearsto relate
aerialphotographs, fieldsurvey, andexcavation. to some earliersettlement pattern.The architecture of
The earliestEuropeandescription of al-Buraymïis the fortis complexand suggestsdevelopmentover a
provided byCaptainAtkinsHamerton, theBritish Political considerableperiodof time,withthelatestconstruction
Agent,who visitedtheoasis in 1839. He describedal- datingto 1808 and 1813 (Hamertonin Kelly 1965: 45).
Buraymïas follows:"Buraimiis a townof considerable Although heavilyrestored, each ofthefourroundtowers
size builtof sun-dried bricks,and surrounded by a wall hasa different design:twowithvertical wallsandtwowith
constructed of similarmaterial,but the greaterpartof a pronounced batteredprofile.Moresignificantly a moat
thetownis represented to be in a dilapidatedstate,and arounda fortis rarelyfoundinArabiaand is particularly
thewall is a perfect ruin"(1955). Hamerton's description rare in post-mediaevalfortifications. Prag (2006: 296)
clearlyindicatesthatal-Buraymï was a largetownand arguesthatafterthesiegeof Constantinople inAD 1453
thatin formertimes it had been considerablylarger. defensiveditcheswerenotused in theOttomanEmpire
Anotherearlyvisitorto the oasis was S.B. Miles, the as theywereregardedas ineffective againstartillery.For
BritishPoliticalAgentatMuscat,whovisitedal-Buraymï example,thefortress at al-Hasãin easternArabiahas no
in 1875 and commented on thestrategic significance of defensive ditch.In IranPierreBrunhasnotedtheabsence
thefortin relationto thetown(1877). Othervisitorsto ofdefensive ditchesatthepost-mediaeval fortificationsof
the oasis in thenineteenth and earlytwentieth century BairamAli (2005). Supportforthisviewcomesfromthe
confirmed the significance of al-Buraymïas an urban fewexamplesof moatedfortification in easternArabia,
settlementcomplete with manufacturing(pottery, including thewallsofJulfar builtbeforethemid-fifteenth
weaving, and ironworking), trade (camel trappings, century (Piacentini& Velde 2009, thisvolume)and the
and
pottery), agriculture (dates, alfalfa, sweet and sour Arad fort inBahrain,whichalso datestothemid-fifteenth
oranges,mangoes, and root vegetables) (Heard-Bey century.
2004: 190-197). In additionto the two fortsand the watchtower
The present-day settlement of al-Buraymïcontains describedabove, thereare a large numberof ruined
two forts,at least one watchtower, and areas of ruined buildingson the southbank of Wadï Salïmï,mostof
mud-brick housingadjacent to the wadi (Fig. 4). The whicharegradually beingcoveredbyshifting sandsfrom
watchtower (24° 14' 36.40" N/55° 45' 54.98" E) is an an area of dunes located to the south-west between the
isolatedcylindricalconstruction witha solid base and oasis andtheOman/UAEborder(Fig. 8). Althoughsome
an entrance approximately 6 m above groundlevel (see of thesestructures appearto have been inhabitedin the
Fig. 7). It is located on the south side of Wadï Salïmï early twentieth century, it is likelythatsome of these
and overlooksthe ruinedmud-brickhouses and the buildingsare considerablyolder and theymay extend
westernpartof theal-Buraymï oasis. It is unlikelythat somewaybeneaththeshifting sands(cf.Wilkinson1964:
thetoweris morethan100 yearsold and it is similarto 348 n. 7).
othertowersin theal-cAyn-al-Buraymï regionthatwere An examinationof verticalaerial photographs of
builtto guardthefalaj systemat strategic points (Iddison the oasis taken by the RAF in 1968 gives an idea of the
2001). The twofortsareknownrespectively as al-Hillah layoutof thetownpriorto themassivedevelopment of
(inthecentreofthetownnexttothesuq) andal-Khandaq the area and may well revealany potentialforfurther
(to the south-west). Al-Hillah fortcomprisesa large archaeologicalinvestigation (see Fig. 3). Of particular
rectangular enclosurewitha gatewayon the east side interest are twolinesof moundsrepresenting thecourse

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 oasis
Islamicurbanismin easternArabia: thecase oftheal-cAyn-al-BuraymJ 3 15

i
Figure4. A sketchplan ofal-BuraymJ showingthelocationofthefortsand aflaj
(based on a 1968 aerialphotograph).

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
3 16 AndrewPetersen

Figure 6. Potteryrecoveredfromthe
vicinityof thefalaj.

Figure5. A sketchplan ofthedestroyed fort

to thesouthoftheal-Buraymi oasis
(based on a 1968 aerialphotograph).

oftwofalaj entering theareaofthetown.One oftheaflaj

leads north-west acrossthewadi towardsal-Hillahfort,
whilsta secondfalaj leadsdirectly intothemiddleofthe
areanowcoveredbyshifting sands.Fieldexamination of
thefirst falaj showed that
the channel lies approximately
4 m below thecurrent groundsurface.Surfacepottery
aroundtheentrance ofthefalaj was predominantly oflate
Islamictypes,including mottled yellowish-brown glazed
"Bahlaware",as well as buff,combed,incisedware(see
Fig. 6).
The othernotablefeatureon the aerial photograph Figure 7. Thefalaj toweral-Buraymi.
is whatappearsto be the outlineof a rectangular fort
(40x50 m) with fourroundcornertowers,a central parthas been coveredby themainroad connecting al-
or
rectangular square building (16x16 m), and an Buraymïtoal-cAyn (24° 14' 20.18" N/55°46'13.08"E).
irregularly shapedenclosureon thenorthside (see Fig. The plan of thefortis reminiscent of Sasanianand
5). It is evidentfromthephotographs thatthisbuilding earlyIslamicfortsin Mesopotamia(Finster& Schmidt
was no longerstanding by 1968 and was merelyvisible 1976),althoughsimilarlayoutsappearin easternArabia
as surfacefeature. Todaymost of the area occupiedbythe as earlyas thethirdcentury AD intheAreaС andAreaF
fortis set withina privateenclosure,whilsttheeastern fortsat ed-Dur(Lecomte1993; Kennet2005: 112-115).

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IslamicurbanismineasternArabia: thecase oftheal-cAyn-al-Buraymi
oasis 317

Figure8. Al-Buraymi:
ruinedbuildingsinshifting
sandsnextto thewadi,lookingnorth.

The locationoftheforton thesouthside ofWadï Salïmï whenthemodernreconstruction ofthetownbeganthere

indicatesthatitmayrelatetobuildingsburiedinthesand were dilapidatedremainsof houses and mosquesfrom
tothewest.Surfaceexamination oftheareaproducedno the eighteenth to the nineteenth centuriessporadically
diagnostic material withtheexceptionofa smallfragment covering thesitebut there was no evidence
archaeological
of sgraffiato ware (orange-pink fabric,whiteslip with ofanyoccupationfrompre-Islamic times"(1997: 774).
incisedmarkscoveredin a greenishglaze) comparable Itis probablethat,as inearliertimes,therewerestrong
withmaterialfoundat Ra^s al-Hadd and at othersites trading connections betweentheal-cAyn-al-Buraymï area
in easternArabiaand datableto theeleventhor twelfth andSuhãr,less than100 kmthrough Wadï JizT.Thisidea
centuries (see e.g. Carter2000). Whilstobviouslythisis is supported bythefactthatwhenJulfar was experiencing
notenoughtoprovidea dateforthisburiedfeature, itdoes its economicboom in thefifteenth century(cf. Kennet
keep alive the idea of mediaeval or occupationin
earlier 2003), neitherSuhãr nor al-Buraymïseem to have been
thisarea. particularly prosperous; thus "not one single piece of
pottery imported from China has been foundat Suhãrin
Conclusion the levels corresponding to theperiodof the 14th- 17th
centuries" (Kervran 1997: 775).
FromthisbriefreviewoftheIslamicperiodarchaeology In termsofurbanlayoutandarchaeological potential,
of theal-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasis it is evidentthatmore some possible analogies are to be foundin the sites
excavationand surveyis requiredin orderto define identified byWhitcomb in hisstudyofArabianurbanism
a possibleearlyIslamicor mediaevaltown.At present mentionedat the beginningof this paper. Whitcomb
thearchaeologicalevidenceis fragmentary and it is not suggeststhata tribalsettlement based arounda number
possibleto definethenature,extent, or date of theearly of towers(ãtãm) dispersedover a wide area (e.g. al-
town(Kervran2004) althoughit is interesting to repeat Mabiyät)mightconstitute an earlyformofArabiantown
Monique Kervran's remarks on Suhär which may well 42
(1996: fig. 3, 44; see also Akbar1989).Anotherearly
reflecta similarsituationin al-Buraymï:"Until 1980, formof Arabiantownis represented by Umm al-Jimäl

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
3 18 AndrewPetersen

where dense settlement is characterizedby its non- associatedmosque.Whateverelse, thereis potentialfor

orthogonalplan and lack of centralspace. Whitcomb
furthersuggeststhat an innovation of theIslamicperiod
was theintroduction of an orthogonal walledunitwhich
functionedbothas a placeofworshipandas theresidence
of a governor(e.g. Site 401, al-Rabadah).However,
Whitcomb's examplesareall fromwestern Arabiaandal-
Hijäz,whichmeansthattheexcavationofanearlyIslamic
settlementintheal-cAyn-al-Buraymï oasiswouldprovide
a valuablenewdimension to thisdebatedespitea lackof
detailedcontemporary historicalsources,and shedlight
on thehistory of a community whichused thefalaj and
moreworkonthemediaevalandearlyIslamicoccupation
oftheoasis.
Acknowledgements
I wouldliketo thankPeterSheehanandWalidYasinal-
Tikritifordiscussionson the historicalarchaeologyof
al-cAynand thepotentialforworkin al-Buraymï. Derek
Kennetgave some veryhelpfulcomments on an earlier
versionofthistext,buttheconclusionsandanyerrors are
ofcoursemyownresponsibility.

References

AkbarJ.
1989. KhattaandtheterritorialstructureofearlyMuslimtowns.Muqarnas6: 22-32.
Abu cUbaydAllahibncAbdal-cAzïz/ed. F. Wüstenfeld
al-Bakrï,
1876-1877. Kitãbmucjamma istďjam.Göttingen: Deuerlich'sche Paris:Maisonneuve.
Buchhandlung/
BonineM.F.,EhlersE., KraftT. & StöberG. (eds).
1994. The MiddleEasternCityand Islamic UrbanismiAn Annotated Bibliographyof Western
Literature.
(BonnerGeographische Abhanlungen, 91). Bonn:Ferd.Dümlers.
BrunP.
2005. Fromarrowsto bullets;thefortificationsofAbdullahKhanKala (MervTurkmenistan). 79:
Antiquity
616-624.
CarterR.
2000. New evidenceforthemedievaloccupationofAbu Dhabi. Tribulus10/1: 10-11.
(JhittickN.
1984. MandaExcavationsat an IslandPorton theKenyaCoast.Nairobi:BritishInstitute in EasternAfrica.
CleuzioS. (ed.)
1978. Archaeology in theUnitedArabEmirates.Abu Dhabi: Department ofTourismandArchaeology.
CostaP.
1983. Noteson traditional settlement in Oman.JournalofOmanStudies6/2:247-268.
patterns
CreswellK.A.C.
1989. A ShortAccountofEarlyMuslimArchitecture. Revisedand enlargedbyJ.W.Allan.Aldershot: Scolar
Press.
FinsterВ. & SchmidtJ.
1976. SasanidischeundFrüislamischeRuinenimIraq-BaghdaderMitteilungen, viii.Berlin:Mann.
Hamerton A.
1955. CaptainHamerton's at Sharjah,ByreemeeandSahor.Pages 91-95 in TheBuraimiMemo-
proceedings
rials. {TheBritishMemorials2/37,AnnexB). London:BritishGovernment Publications.[Reprinted
Cambridge:Cambridge ArchiveEditions,1987].
Heard-BeyF.
2004. FromTrucialStatesto UnitedArabEmirates.London/Dubai: Motivate.
IddisonP.
2001. DiscoveringAl Ain's falaj watchtowers in each oasis. EmiratesNaturalHistoryGroupNewsletter.
1 02.htm
http://www.enhg.org/alain/newsFeb200

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 oasis
Islamicurbanismin easternArabia: thecase oftheal- Ayn-al-Buraymï 3 19

Abu Ishãq Ibrahimb. Muhammad

al-Istakhrï,
1961. Al-masãlikwa al-mamãlik. Cairo:cAbd al-Hinf.
Kelly J.B.
1965. MehmetcAli'sExpeditionto thePersianGulf1837-1840. Part2. MiddleEasternStudies2/1: 3 1-65.
KennetD.
2003. Julfar andtheUrbanisation ofsouth-east Arabia.ArabianArchaeology and Epigraphy14: 103-125.
2005. On theeve ofIslam:archaeologicalevidencefromEasternArabia.Antiquity 79/303:107-118.
KervranM.
1997. Suhär.Pages 774-776 in TheEncyclopaediaofIslam(New edition),ix. Leiden:Brill.
2004. Archaeological researchat Suhär1980-1986.JournalofOmanStudies13: 263-381.
LecomteO.
1993. Ed-Dur,les occupationsdes 3eet 4e s. ap. J.-C: Contextedes trouvailleset matérieldiagnostique.
Pages 195-217inU. Finkbeiner (ed.), MaterialienzurArchäologiederSeleukiden-und im
Partherzeit
südlichenBabylonienundimGolfgebeit. Tübingen:E. Wasmuth.
LilleyK.D.
2000. Mappingthemedievalcity:plananalysisandurbanhistory. UrbanHistory27: 5-30.
LorimerJ.G.
1908. GazetteerofthePersianGulfcOmanand centralArabia.Calcutta:Government Printing.
Magee P.
2003. ColumnedHalls, Powerand legitimization in thesoutheastArabianIronAge. Pages 181-191 in D.
Potts,H. Naboodah& P. Hellyer(eds), Archaeologyof the UnitedArab Emirates.London:Trident
Press.
Miles S.B.
1877. On theroutebetweenSoharand el-Bureymi in Oman.Journalof theAsiaticSocietyof Bengal 46:
41-60.
1966. TheCountriesand TribesofthePersianGulf(Second edition).London:FrankCass.
al-Muqaddasï,Shamsal-DinMuhammadb. Ahmad/ed. MJ. De Goeje
1906. Ahsanal-taqasJmfì macrifaial-aqãlJm.(Second edition).Leiden:Brill.
NaboodahH.
2006. The fortsandtowersofal-cAyn. Pages 223-237 in S. Damulji(ed.), TheArchitecture oftheUAE. Lon-
don:Garnet.
PiacentiniV. & VeldeC.
2009. The battleofJulfar AD 1475.ProceedingsoftheSeminarforArabianStudies39: 321-336.
PottsD.
1999. Trans- Arabianroutesofthepre-Islamic period.Pages 45-80 in F.E. Peeters(ed.), TheArabsandAra-
bia on theEve ofIslam.Aldershot: Ashgate.
PragK.
2006. Defensiveditchesin Ottomanfortifications in Bilad al-Sham.Pages 295-306 in H. Kennedy(ed.),
MuslimMilitary Architecturein GreaterSyria,fromtheComingofIslam to theOttoman Period.(His-
toryofWarfare, 35). Leiden:Brill.
al-RawasI.
2000. OmaninEarlyIslamicHistory.Reading:Ithaca.
RentzG. & MulliganW.E.
1960. Buraymi.Pages 1313-1314in TheEncyclopaediaofIslam.(New edition),i. Leiden:Brill.
al-Sãliml,cAbdAllahb. Humayd
1997. Tuhfat al-acyãnahi cumãn.Muscat:Maktabatal-Istiqamah.
SwansonH.
1999. MedievalBritishTowns.Basingstoke:Palgrove.

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
320 AndrewPetersen

al-Tabarï,Muhammadb. Jarïr
1960. TarJkh al-rusulwa-D-l-muluk.
Cairo:Dar al-Thaqafahal-cArabiyyah.
al-Tikriti
W.Y.
2002. Al-aflajßdawlatal-imãrãtal-carabiyyah al-mutahhadah [al-Aflajin theUnitedArabEmirates].Abu
Dhabi:KhalidaTajariyaPublishers.
WheatleyP.
2001. Places WhereMenPray Together; CitiesinIslamicLands,Sevenththrough theTenthCenturies.Chi-
cago: ChicagoUniversityPress.
Whitcomb D.
1996. UrbanisminArabia.ArabianArchaeology and Epigraphy7: 38-5 1.
Wilkinson J.C.
1964. A sketchon thehistoricalgeography ofTrucialOmandownto thebeginning ofthesixteenth
century.
GeographicalJournal130/3:337-349.
1979. Sourcesfortheearlyhistory of Oman.Pages 89-95 in A.R. Ansary(ed.), Sourcesfor theHistoryoj
Arabia,ill. Riyadh:RiyadhUniversityPress.
1983. The OriginsoftheAflajofOman.JournalofOmanStudies6/1:177-194.
Yaqut,Abu cAbdAllahal-Hamawï
1955-1957. Mucjamal-buldan.(5 volumes).Beirut:Dar al-Turath.

Author
's address
Dr AndrewPetersen, ofArchaeology,
Department ofWales,Lampeter,
University SA48 7ED, UK.
e-maila.petersen@lamp.ac.uk

This content downloaded from 59.180.234.69 on Tue, 12 Nov 2013 12:32:27 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions