1

Religion and caste politics in India.

Case study of our election practices
and harmful impact on national
integrity
CHITKARA BUSINESS SCHOOL (BBA-B COM
DEPARTMENT)
(Internal Evaluation for HVHR Module)

Submitted by: Supervised by:

Tamal Dr. Rashmi Aggarwal
1620991315 (Assistant professor)

CHITKARA BUSINESS SCHOOL

CHITKARA UNIVERSITY
2018
 2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

In the accomplishment of this project successfully, many people have best owned
upon me their blessings and the heart pledged support, this time I am utilizing to thank all
the people who have been concerned with this project.

Primarily, I would thank god for being able to complete this project with success.
Then I would like to thank my faculty Dr. Rashmi Aggarwal, whose valuable guidance
has been the ones that helped me patch this project and make it full proof success. Her
suggestions and her instructions have served as the major contributor towards the
completion of the project.

Then I would like to thank my parents and friends who have helped me with their
valuable suggestions and guidance has been very helpful in various phases of the
completion of the project.

Last but not the least I would like to thank my classmates who have helped me a lot.
 3

INDEX

Serial Number Particulars/ Chapters Page No

1. Introduction of the topic 1-8
2. Literature Review 8-10
3. Needs/ Objectives of the 11
study
4. Research Methodology of 12
the study
5. Details of Actual Study of 13-27
the Project
6. Interpretation and 28-33
analysis of the study
7. Conclusions of the study 33-36
8. References of the study 37

CHAPTER-1 INTRODUCTION TO THE RELEGION, CASTE AND

POLITICS IN INDIA AND INDIAN ELECTIONS

India could be a country of Brobdingnagian diversity. Race, language, faith and caste etc.
represent the main types of diversity in India. teams of individuals in India dissent from
 4

one another not solely in physical or demographic characteristics however additionally in

distinctive patterns of behaviour. These patterns of behaviour square measure determined
by social and cultural factors like language, region, faith and caste. Castes square
measure divided into sub-castes, language into dialects, region into sub-regions, and faith
into sects on ethnic lines.
The Indian sub-continent is a museum of different races. It is said that India is a
“Veritable tower of Babel.”.
In the words of A.R. Desai,“India presents a spectacle of Museum of tongues”.

The term Caste is commonly used to refer to two distinct concepts of āti (birth group) and
the Varna (order, class or kind). The term Jāti is used for the units of thousands or
sometimes millions of people with whom one may identify oneself for such purposes as
marriage. There are thousands of titles associated with specific Jātis in different parts of
the country: Rajput, Chamar and Jat these terms have come to be widely recognized. But
these terms are unfamiliar to people outside a limited geographical area. In contrast to
this profusion of Jātis or birth-groups, the concept of Varma involves a scheme with only
four divisions. Thus what would now be called Hindu society is conceived of as being
divisible into four very large units.

Indian politics is usually represented as being feisty, vibrant, colorful, contentious,

debatable, provocative, all of that and additional. It all depends on that aspect of the
spectrum you stand and there's a perspective, always.

In India, a class structure could be a method of inserting individuals in activity teams. it's
pervaded many aspects of Indian society for hundreds of years. stock-still in faith and
supported a division of labor, the class structure, among alternative things, dictates the
sort of occupations someone will pursue and also the social interactions.

Rural communities were long arranged on the basis of castes - the upper and lower castes
almost always lived in segregated colonies, the water wells were not shared, Brahmins
would not accept food or drink from the Shudras, and one could marry only within one's
caste.
 5

This weakened the influence of caste on Indian politics. In present paper reviewed that,
the current situation of politics while concerned with the caste in India.

This trend of politics in Asian country is harmful for national integration, social harmony
and development. National integration is that the awareness of a standard identity
amongst the voters of a rustic. It means although we have a tendency to belong to
completely different castes, religions and regions and speak completely different
languages we have a tendency to acknowledge the very fact that we have a tendency to
area unit all one. this sort of integration is incredibly necessary within the building of a
powerful and prosperous nation.

Unity in our country does not mean the kind of oneness that comes from racial and
cultural similarity. It is unity in spite of great differences, in other words, unity in
diversity. An important historical event in which this unity was displayed was the
freedom movement when all the Indians united against the British rule.

India is a very large country. We have the second largest population in the world and our
land area is about the same size as Europe minus the former Soviet Union. About one
thousand six hundred fifty-two languages and dialects are spoken in our country. From
among these eighteen have been given special recognition by our Constitution as
National languages of our country.

A unique feature of our country is that each one the most important religions of the globe
square measure practiced here like Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Sikhism,
Jainism, and Zoroastrianism. There are nice varieties in costume, food habits, and social
customs. Geographically our land is various and there square measure superb variations
in climate. Despite of these variations Republic of India may be a political entity, each a
part of that is ruled below a similar Constitution. we've to co-exist with one another
peacefully, respect the culture and faith of our fellow Indians.

There are many forces that come in the way of our national integration. Often people
have very strong feelings about their own religion and language and oppose those of
others. Such feelings lead to clashes between different sects. Such occurrences damage
our unity and prove to be a hindrance to our progress.
 6

Communalism is one factor that poses a great danger to our unity. The formation of the
State of Pakistan in 1947 led to terrible communal riots. A very large number of people
lost their lives and their homes and had to undergo a lot of suffering to resettle.

The British had encouraged communalism because a division between Hindus and
Muslims made it easier for them to control our country. Unfortunately, even with the
passage of time these communal feelings have not ended. More than fifty years after
independence communal feelings still exist and riots flare-up even now in different parts
of the country. It is the result of narrow-mindedness, prejudice, and lack of knowledge of
other religions.

This is also because of the exploitation of such feelings by some politicians to further
their interests. If we give more importance to our religion rather than our country we
cannot contribute to its progress and development. We have to develop tolerance and
understanding for other religions and not let such feelings destroy our unity.

Linguistic differences also create problems. Our Constitution has given recognition to
eighteen languages. This is something important in a country such as ours. One’s mother
tongue is dear each and every one. It is also essential to impart education in the mother
tongue for quick and easy learning for the convenience of the people of a State it is also
necessary to carry on official work in it. This also helps a language to develop and grow.
Hindi and English act as link languages between States in our country.

However, sometimes people display hostility towards the language of other people. This
again harms the cause of our national unity. As responsible citizens we must give due
respect to other languages and cultures and realize that they add to the greatness of our
country.

Indian Constitution Our founding fathers were aware that there were threats to our unity
from various forces. Consequently, certain safeguards were placed in our Constitution.
These took the form of certain ideals and principles like Democracy, Secularism, and
Social Equality that are guaranteed under our Fundamental Rights. Thus, our Constitution
is the most important force that promotes national integration.
 7

Secularism India is a secular state. This means that each citizen of our country has the
right to practice his or her religion. The government cannot show preference to one
religion at the expense of another.

Democracy as a democratic states all the citizens of India are equal under the law of the
country. As studied earlier, our Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State
Policy specifically state that each citizen is equal in every way. People cannot be
discriminated against on the basis of differences of caste, religion, language, and culture.

National festivals also act as an important unifying force. Independence Day, Republic
Day, and Gandhi Jayanti are festivals that are celebrated by all Indians and in all parts of
the country, regardless of language, religion or culture. They remind us of our common
nationality.

Interdependence Earlier, we studied how plans for economic development are made for
our country as a whole. The Central and State Governments are working together to
achieve these common objectives. Different regions of the country are dependent on each
other for supplying and consuming various kinds of products that result in their economic
growth. Wheat grown in Punjab may be sold in Tamil Nadu and cotton textiles from
Gujarat may be sold in Bihar. No region is so self-sufficient that it can do without the
other. These factors also bind the country together.

Our National Symbols like the National Flag, the National Anthem, and the National
Emblem also help to remind us that we are all identity. For this reason we stress on the
importance of showing proper respect to these symbols. These act as strong unifying
forces both in times of celebration and adversity.

Other forces like the communication system and the mass media help in the exposure to
all the cultures of different regions of India. Thus, bringing the whole country together as
one nation.

CHAPTER-2: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Integration_Council - cite_note-

MinHome2005-2REVIEW OF LITERATURE
 8

The Indian Caste System is historically one of the main dimensions where people in India
are socially differentiated through class, religion, region, tribe, gender, and language.
Although this or other forms of differentiation exist in all human societies, it becomes a
problem when one or more of these dimensions overlap each other and become the sole
basis of systematic ranking and unequal access to valued resources like wealth, income,
power and prestige

(Deshpande and Kerbo, 2010)

Hindus vs. Muslims Clashes were already commonplace during the colonial period. Ever
since Muslims organized a movement in defence of the Caliphate in the 1920s, the Hindu
majority has felt threatened from within by the presence of a panIslamic fifth column.
Hindu nationalism builds and feeds on this largely irrational perception of vulnerability,
which gained further ground in the 1980s and 1990s, when nourished by the Congress
government’s leniency towards instances of Islamic mobilization. The Shah Bano affair,
conversions of some Untouchables to Islam, and even before that the spectre of the
Iranian Revolution, rekindled feelings of vulnerability among sections of the Hindu
community, emotions that the Hindu nationalist movement skilfully exploited. The
ideology of Hindu nationalism, which equates national identity with Hindu culture,
demands that religious minorities, Christians as well as Muslims, show public allegiance
to the ‘Hindian’ identity – for instance by paying respect to Ram as a national hero – and
that they keep their own religious observances private. The resurgence of Hindu
nationalism was also due to a wave of communal riots which polarized the electorate.
With Hindus voting en masse for Hindu nationalist, their self-appointed ‘defenders’, the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People’s Party) moved from two seats out of 544 in
the People’s Assembly in 1984 to 178 seats in 1998. In that year the BJP formed the
governing coalition and its leader, A.B. Vajpayee, became Prime Minister. Most of the
parties in the coalition, however, did not share the BJP’s Hindu nationalist agenda. The
coalition contract thus barred the government from challenging the status quo in Ayodhya
from the official side(Tagore,2009)

The political assertion of caste The political culture of caste has grown in tandem with the
spread of Hindu nationalism. These two trajectories are less parallel than dialectical, as
 9

they reinforce one another. During the colonial period, and under Nehru’s government
after 1947, the emancipation of the lower castes was promoted through a system of
positive discrimination that the British had devised. The Untouchables benefited from
quotas in the assemblies, the civil service, and in education, which spawned a new elite,
designated by a novel term. In place of administrative euphemisms such as ‘Scheduled
Castes’ and Gandhi’s condescending label ‘Harijan’, the Untouchables chose for
themselves a name, for its shock value, expressing their militant social identity: ‘Dalit’
(the oppressed). Independent India’s first government also took interest in those
categorized just above the Untouchables. Nehru, already in his first speech before the
Constituent Assembly, named them the ‘Other Backward Classes’ (OBC), implying
groups ‘other’ than the ‘Scheduled Castes

(Raut, 2001)

In keeping with these models, the factors influencing voting behaviour include the
allocation of public goods and public services, bureaucratic effi- ciency and
macroeconomic policies (Kramer, 1971; Stigler, 1973; Fair, 1996). Broadening this
model of voter behaviour, we can include identity in the individual voter’s preferences,
thus making the ethnic, religious or racial identity of the candidate or the party an
important factor in elections (Glaeser, 2005; Fearon, 1999). Identity politics and conflict
based on ethnic identity is widespread across the world. Our contribution is to assess the
impact of ethno-religious riots on the results of democratic elections. Investigating this
question provides insights into the direction and magnitude of the effect of ethno-
religious polarisation, or increased salience of ethno-religious identity, on voters’
decisions. Our work is in keeping with an emerging literature that uses economic and
statistical methods to evaluate the role of religion in society (see Iyer, 2016 for an
overview). As well, a much broader literature has been examining the effect of ethnic,
social and armed conflict on economic, demographic, developmental and political
outcomes (Beck and Tolnay, 1990; DiPasquale and Glaeser, 1998; Posner, 2004; Berrebi
and Klor, 2008; Eifert, Miguel and Posner, 2010; Berman, Dinecco and Onoraro, 2015;
Downey and Felter, 2015; Michalopoulos and Papaioannou, 2015; Skaperdas, 2015).
Some of this research examines issues as diverse as ethnicity and geography, race riots,
 10

gang violence, mobs and lynching, terror incidents, warfare, and counter-insurgency
programmes. Our work on religious riots and electoral politics in India is in keeping with
this much broader concern of the different effects of historical conflict, social violence
and inter-group unrest on contemporary economic welfare and political economy

(Sriya Iyer)

CHAPTER-3 NEED OF THE STUDY

 11

 Need to create the awareness in people about different religions emerging in India
and need to abolish the cSaste based system in India so that we can change the
believes of people and can change them accordingly.
 Need to reduce the political fights going on in politics on the name of religions so
that we can able to maintain peace in the country and can able to make them
realize that God is one.
 Need to give respect to all the religions.
 Need to study the harmful impacts of national Integrity and try to remove them by
maintaining peace in the economy.
 Need to study the elections of the country and try to remove the casteism in the
selection of people while making political parties.
 Need to tell them in a country like India all are equal there is no discrimination in
them
 Need to identify the concentration of political leaders and try to give them the
right direction.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY:

 Basic objective is to study the casteism in India and try to abolish that by
establishing peace in the country.
 Objective is to remove the root cause of political fights.
 The one and most important objective is to tell them in a democratic country like
India all are equal and nobody is poor and rich and every- one have equal rights
whether its women or male and this is not only male dominating society.
 Moreover the one and most important objective is to create awareness in people
that these days some special groups are formed which are helping Rural section of
society.

CHAPTER-4: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH

DESIGN

Secondary Data Source:

 12

It was collected from internal sources. The secondary data was collected on the basis of
newspapers. Magazine, management books, websites, essays, and Wikipedia, and other
reviews of people on the topics which has been given to me which I found on Internet.

Sampling Plan:

Since it is not possible to study whole universe, so it becomes necessary to take the
sample from the universe to know about its characteristics of the given project:

Religion and caste politics in India case study of our Election practices and harmful
Impacts on national Integrity.

 Research Instrument: Essays, Wikipedia, and other sites having details

regarding the topic

 Contact Method: Read the reviews of the people on Internet.

 Types of Research: Secondary Research

CHAPTER-5

DETAILS OF AN ACTUAL STUDY:

Caste:
 13

Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary

transmission of a lifestyle which often includes an occupation, status in a hierarchy, and
customary social interaction and exclusion. Although caste systems exist in various
regions, its paradigmatic ethnographic example is the division of Indian society into rigid
social groups, with roots in India's ancient history and persisting until today. However,
the economic significance of the caste system in India has been declining as a result of
urbanization and affirmative action programs. A subject of much scholarship by
sociologists and anthropologists, the Indian caste system is sometimes used as an
analogical basis for the study of caste-like social divisions existing outside India. In
biology, the term is applied to role stratification in eusocial animals like ants and termites,
though the analogy is imperfect as these also involve extremely stratified reproduction.

Concepts of Caste:

 Varna:

Varna literally means type, order, colour or class and was a framework for grouping
people into classes, first used in Vedic Indian society. It is referred to frequently in the
ancient Indian texts. The four classes were the Brahmins (priestly people),
the Kshatriyas (also called Rajanyas, who were rulers, administrators and warriors),
the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, tradesmen and farmers), and Shudras (labouring
classes).[21] The varna categorization implicitly had a fifth element, being those people
deemed to be entirely outside its scope, such as tribal people and the untouchables

 Jati:

Jati, meaning birth, is mentioned much less often in ancient texts, where it is clearly
distinguished from varna. There are four varnas but thousands of jatis. The jatis are
complex social groups that lack universally applicable definition or characteristic, and
have been more flexible and diverse than was previously often assumed.

Some scholars of caste have considered jati to have its basis in religion, assuming that in
India the sacred elements of life envelop the secular aspects; for example, the
anthropologist Louis Dumont described the ritual rankings that exist within
 14

the jati system as being based on the concepts of religious purity and pollution. This view
has been disputed by other scholars, who believe it to be a secular social phenomenon
driven by the necessities of economics, politics, and sometimes also geography. Jeaneane
Fowler says that although some people consider jati to be occupational segregation, in
reality the jati framework does not preclude or prevent a member of one caste from
working in another occupation. A feature of jatis has been endogamy, in Susan Bayly's
words, that "both in the past and for many though not all Indians in more modern times,
those born into a given caste would normally expect to find marriage partner" within his
or her jati.

Jatis have existed in India among Hindus, Muslims, Christians and tribal people, and
there is no clear linear order among them.

Caste System of India:

Broadly speaking, a caste system is a process of placing people in occupational groups. It

has pervaded several aspects of Indian society for centuries. Rooted in religion and based
on a division of labour, the caste system, among other things, dictates the type of
occupations a person can pursue and the social interactions that she may have. Castes are
an aspect of Hindu religion. Other religions in India do not follow this system.

Castes are ranked in hierarchical order (originally, the system wasn’t to have a hierarchy
based on occupation or birth but purely on personality; this has been skewed somehow
over time), which determines the behaviour of one member of society over another. Even
in a modern business setting, where caste isn’t openly acknowledged, there may be subtle
observances of village or family-style ranking. For instance, a young official may address
a senior person, not necessarily his superior, as chachaji, a respectful term for a paternal
uncle.

 Brahmana (now more commonly spelled Brahmin): Consist of those engaged

in scriptural education and teaching, essential for the continuation of knowledge.

 Kshatriya: Take on all forms of public service, including administration,

maintenance of law and order, and defense.
 15

 Vaishya: Engage in commercial activity as businessmen.

 Shudra: Work as semi-skilled and unskilled labourers.

Religion:

Religion is any cultural system of designated behaviors and practices, world

views, texts, sanctified places, ethics, or organizations, that relate humanity to
the supernatural or transcendental. Religions relate humanity to what
anthropologist Clifford Geertz has referred to as a cosmic "order of existence". However,
there is no scholarly consensus over what precisely constitutes a religion.

Different religions may or may not contain various elements ranging from
the divine, sacred things, faith, a supernatural being or supernatural beings or "some sort
of ultimacy and transcendence that will provide norms and power for the rest of life".
Religious practices may include rituals, sermons, commemoration or veneration
(of deities), sacrifices, festivals, feasts, trances, initiations, funerary service, matrimonial-
services, meditation, prayer, music, art, dance, public service, or other aspects of
human culture. Religions have sacred histories and narratives, which may be preserved in
sacred scriptures, and symbols and holy places, that aim mostly to give a meaning to life.
Religions may contain symbolic stories, which are sometimes said by followers to be
true, that have the side purpose of explaining the origin of life, the Universe and other
things. Traditionally, faith, in addition to reason, has been considered a source
of religious beliefs.

There are an estimated 10,000 distinct religions worldwide, but about 84% of the world's
population is affiliated with one of the five largest religions,
namely Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism or forms of religion. The religiously
unaffiliated demographic includes those who do not identify with any particular
religion, atheists and agnostics. While the religiously unaffiliated have grown globally,
many of the religiously unaffiliated still have various religious beliefs.
 16

The study of religion encompasses a wide variety of academic disciplines,

including theology, comparative religion and social scientific studies. Theories of
religion offer various explanations for the origins and workings of religion.

Beginning with Francis Bacon's writings, and solidifying since the Enlightenment and its
concomitant prioritizing of reason over religion, religion has lost its primacy as an
epistemological method in most of the world.

Politics:

Politics is the process of making decisions that apply to members of a group. More
narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance — organized
control over a human community, particularly a state. Furthermore, politics is the study or
practice of the distribution of power and resources within a given community (this is
usually a hierarchically organized population) as well as the interrelationship(s) between
communities.

In most countries, people have formed political parties to put forward their ideas. There is
usually some disagreement between people within a party, but they work together
because they feel that they agree on enough things, and they will have more power if they
join together. They agree to take the same position on many issues, and agree to support
the same changes to law and the same leaders. An election is usually a competition
between different parties. Some examples of political parties are the Liberal party, the
Labour party, the Greens and the Conservative party.

Politics is a multifaceted word. It has a set of fairly specific meanings that are descriptive
and non-judgmental (such as “the art or science of government” and "political
principles"), but it can and often does carry a negative meaning closely related to these
(“political activities characterized by artful and often dishonest practices”). The negative
sense of politics, as seen in the phrase "play politics", for example, has been in use since
at least 1853, when abolitionist Wendell Phillips declared: “We do not play politics; anti-
slavery is no half-jest with us.
 17

A variety of methods are deployed in politics, which include promoting or forcing one's
own political views among people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws,
and exercising force, including warfare against adversaries. Politics is exercised on a
wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through
modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to
the international level.

It is very often said that politics is about power. A political system is a framework which
defines acceptable political methods within a given society. History of political
thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such
as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and the works of Confucius.

Relationship between Religion and Politics:

The relation between religion and politics continues to be an important theme in political
philosophy, despite the emergent consensus (both among political theorists and in
practical political contexts, such as the United Nations) on the right to freedom of
conscience and on the need for some sort of separation between church and state. One
reason for the importance of this topic is that religions often make strong claims on
people’s allegiance, and universal religions make these claims on all people, rather than
just a particular community. For example, Islam has traditionally held that all people owe
obedience to Allah’s will.

There are various ways in which religion and politics may intersect. The first two main
sections are devoted to topics that have been important in previous eras, especially the
early modern era, although in both sections there is discussion of analogs to these topics
that are more pressing for contemporary political thought:

1. Establishment and Separation of Church and State.

2. Toleration and Accommodation of Religious Belief and Practice.

3. Liberalism and Its Demands on Private Self-Understanding.

 18

4. Religious Reasons in Public Deliberation.

JAT RESERVATION AGITATION:

The Jat Reservation Agitation was a series of protests in February 2016 by Jat
people of North India, especially those in the state of Haryana, which "paralysed
the State for 10 days." The protesters sought inclusion of their caste in the Other
Backward Class (OBC) category, which would make them eligible for affirmative
action benefits. Besides Haryana, the protests also spread to the neighbouring states, such
as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and also the National Capital Region.

Police and onlookers describes the initial phase of the protests as "peaceful". Starting on
12 February, the Jats organized non-violent protests for reservation by blocking railway
lines and roads, while non-Jats opposed to their demands organized counter-protests. On
18 February, a group of non-Jats protesters clashed violently with a group of lawyers
protesting against 2016 JNU sedition controversy, mistaking the lawyers for Jats. Later
on, they also came into conflict with the Jat students. On the same day, the police
allegedly beat up some Jat students in Rohtak, while trying to open a blockade. Police
also raided a Boy's hostel, and reportedly assaulted the Jat students, an occurrence which
was "captured on camera and circulated over social media".

The government of Haryana had approved the Haryana Backward Classes (Reservation
in Services and Admission in Educational Institutions) Bill on March 29, 2016, and
notified the Act on May 13, 2016. The enacted Bill enlists the Jats
of Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam faiths, Bishnois, Tyagis, and Rors in the recently
sculpted Backward Classes (C) category, making them eligible for 10% reservation in
class 3 and 4, and 6% reservation in class 1 and 2 jobs. On May 26, 2016, the Punjab and
Haryana High Court ruled out against the Bill.
 19

The Jat people are a traditionally agricultural community in Northern India. In 2016, the
total Jat population in India was estimated to be around 82.5 million (8.25 crore). In
Haryana, they form 29% of the state's population. As of 2016, 7 out of state's 10 chief
ministers had been Jats. In Punjab, Rajasthan and Delhi, they constitute 25%, 15% and
10% of the total populace, respectively. In Uttar Pradesh, the Jats form 8.6% of the
population, however, their concentration in Western Uttar Pradesh makes them an
important vote bank in more than 50 assembly seats.

The Central Government of India as well as the various State Governments categorize
certain socially backward castes as Other Backward Classes (OBC). The castes listed in
this category have been eligible for affirmative action benefits since 1991. Collectively,
these castes have reserved quotas in government jobs, admissions to educational
institutes, scholarships and other areas. The communities which are included in OBC are
different in different states. The OBCs have 27% reservation; in addition, there are other
classes which enjoy reservation benefits: the Scheduled Castes (15%) and the Scheduled
Tribes (7.5%). In all, 49.5% of the seats are reserved for these three groups. Some state
governments have tried to create additional reservation quotas, but the Supreme Court of
India has ruled that the reservation cannot exceed 50%.

Like many other castes, the Jats have sought to get themselves included in the OBC
category in order to get the reservation benefits. Before the 2016 protests, they had
already been given OBC status in 7 states: Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Himachal
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. However, Jats were
not included in the Central Government's list of OBC castes. Also, in Punjab and
Haryana, the Jats did not enjoy any reservation benefits. In Rajasthan, the Jats
from Bharatpur and Dholpur districts were excluded from the OBC list, as the former
kingdoms of Bharatpur and Dholpur had been ruled by Jats.

Central OBC quota

According to the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) guidelines, to be

classified as OBC, a caste has to satisfy the following criteria.
 20

1. Social: The caste should be considered as socially backward by other castes

2. Educational: The caste's school non-enrolment rate should be at least 25% above
the state average

3. Economic: The assets of the average caste family should be at least 25% below
the state average

In 1997, the NCBC reviewed a demand to include Jats from Delhi, Haryana, Madhya
Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh in the Central OBC list. It agreed to include the
Rajasthan Jats (except those from the former Jat-ruled princely states of Bharatpur and
Dholpur) in the Central OBC list. In a report dated 28 November 1997, it recommended
against including other Jats in the OBC list, arguing that they were socially advanced.
This recommendation was supplemented by an Indian Institute of Public
Administration (IIPA) report. On 27 October 1999, the BJP-led NDA government
implemented the recommendation to include the Rajasthan Jats (except those from
Bharatpur and Dholpur) in the Central OBC list. Later, on 1 January 2000, the Bharatpur
and Dholpur Jats were also included in the list.

In July and September 2010, the Akhil Bhartiya Jat Arakshan Samiti organized protests in
Delhi and Haryana seeking OBC status for Jats. One person was killed in this agitation.
In 2011, the protesters blocked railway tracks in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. In March
2011, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) amended rules to allow
NCBC to reconsider its earlier rulings. Subsequently, in July 2011, the NCBC suggested
that the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) conduct a survey in 6 states
to analyze the socio-economic status of Jats. The original plan involved a comprehensive
survey, but this was later reduced to a sample survey, to be supplemented with data from
the Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011 (SECC).

In February 2012, the Jats resumed their protests, during which one person was killed. In
August 2013, the government constituted a special Group of Ministers (GoM) to "engage
with representatives of the Jat community". On 19 December 2013, the Union Cabinet
asked NCBC to expediate the process and make a decision based on existing material. It
 21

also requested that Bihar be included in the study. As a result, the NCBC dropped the
sample survey plan, and the ICSSR then undertook a month-long literature survey.

The ICSSR report concluded that:

 In Haryana, the Jats were educationally backward, although they were financially
well-off and well-represented in government posts

 In Delhi, the Jats were socially and educationally more backward than Gujjars

 In Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, the Jats were
educationally backward and under-represented in Government services.

Rajasthan OBC quota

Rajasthan was the first state to give the OBC status to the Jats. On 3 November 1999,
the Indian National Congress state government in Rajasthan, led by Ashok Gehlot,
included Jats (except those from Bharatpur and Dholpur) in the Rajasthan state OBC list.

A year later, on 10 January 2000, the state government extended the OBC quota to Jats
from these two districts as well, bowing to political pressure. 15 years later, on 10 August
2015, the Rajasthan High Court quashed this decision.

Haryana SBC quota

In 1991, the Gurnam Singh Commission report recommended including Jats of Haryana
in the state's OBC list. However, the Bhajan Lal-led Congress State Government did not
implement these recommendations. Two subsequent OBC commissions did not include
Jats in their list of castes to be classified as OBC.

In 2004, the Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda promised the Jats of Haryana a
reserved quota, while campaigning for the 2005 State Assembly elections. The Congress
won the 2005 election, as well as the 2009 election in Haryana. A survey conducted in
2012 concluded that the condition of Jats in Haryana was indicative of an upper caste
status. Nevertheless, before the 2014 election, the Hooda-led Congress government
included Jats (including Sikh Jats) and three other castes (Ror, Tyagi and Bishnoi) in a
 22

new "Specially Backward Classes" (SBC) category, and granted them an additional 10%
quota in government jobs and educational institutes.

Before the 2014 Indian general elections, BJP had a limited presence in the Haryana
state, where the Jats play the dominant political role. In the 2014 general elections, BJP
won 7 of the 10 Lok Sabha seats in Haryana. In October 2014, the BJP also won the 2014
Haryana state elections. The BJP rode on a strong anti-incumbency wave against the
ruling Congress and the voters' disillusionment with INLD.Both Congress and INLD
were led by Jat leaders in Haryana. In both these elections, the INLD got majority of the
Jat vote. The BJP won only 19% of the Jat vote in the general elections, and only 17% of
the Jat vote in the state assembly elections. The consolidation of non-Jat votes was a
factor in BJP's electoral victory. 72% of the BJP's seats were from north and south
Haryana, where non-Jats outnumber the Jats; the party won relatively few seats in the Jat-
dominated central region.

After coming to power, the BJP appointed Manohar Lal Khattar, a non-Jat, as the
state's chief minister became the first non-Jat chief minister of the state in 18 years,
since Bhajan Lal Anil Vij, his second most prominent colleague, was also a non-Jat. The
new Director General of Police and the Chief Secretary were also non-Jats, as were many
others in key positions.BJP MP Raj Kumar Saini openly opposed the Jats' efforts to get
included in the OBC category, despite party's warnings not to do so. In September 2015,
Hawa Singh Sangwan, a leader of the Jat reservation movement, called Khattar a
"Pakistani," averring that "the Khattar [led] government did not understand the plight of
actual natives of the state. Sangwan was criticized by BJP, Congress and INLD leaders,
but refused to apologize for his remarks.

In March 2015, days after the Supreme Court scrapped a proposal for Jat reservation, BJP
leader Subramanian Swamy asked the government to bring an ordinance to provide quota
for them.

Ayodhya Ram Mandir Dispute:

The Ayodhya dispute is a political, historical and socio-religious debate in India, centred
on a plot of land in the city of Ayodhya, located in Faizabad district, Uttar Pradesh. The
main issues revolve around access to a site traditionally regarded among Hindus to be the
 23

birthplace of the Hindu deity Rama, the history and location of the Babri Mosque at the
site, and whether a previous Hindu temple was demolished or modified to create the
mosque.

The Babri Mosque was destroyed during a political rally which turned into a riot on 6
December 1992. A subsequent land title case was lodged in the Allahabad High Court,
the verdict of which was pronounced on 30 September 2010. In the landmark hearing, the
three judges of The Allahabad High Court ruled that the 2.77 acres (1.12 ha) of Ayodhya
land be divided into 3 parts, with 1/3 going to the Ram Lalla or Infant Rama represented
by the Hindu Maha Sabha for the construction of the Ram temple, 1/3 going to the
Islamic Sunni Waqf Board and the remaining 1/3 going to a Hindu religious
denomination Nirmohi Akhara. While the three-judge bench was not unanimous that the
disputed structure was constructed after demolition of a temple, it did agree that a temple
or a temple structure predated the mosque at the same site. The excavations by
the Archaeological Survey of India were heavily used as evidence by the court that the
predating structure was a massive Hindu religious building.

Religious Background:

 Ram Janm-bhoomi:

The Ayodhya debate centres around the land known today as Ram Janmabhoomi, on
which the Babri Mosque was built in 1528. In the Ramayana, Ayodhya is the birthplace
of the god-king Rama, the son of Dasharatha, the ruler of Ayodhya, and his
queen Kausalya. He is worshiped by many Hindus as an Avatar, or incarnation,
of Vishnu.

 Babri Masjid:

In 1525, the Mughal king Babur invaded north India, and conquered a substantial part of
northern India. One of his generals, Mir Baqi came to Ayodhya in 1528 and after
reportedly destroying a pre-existing temple of Rama at the site, built a mosque, which has
come to be called masjid-i-janmasthan (mosque at the birthplace) as well as Babri
Masjid(Babur's mosque). The Babri Mosque was one of the largest mosques in Uttar
Pradesh, a state in India with considerable Muslim population.
 24

Beginnings of Disputes:

The first recorded instances of religious violence in Ayodhya occurred in the 1850s over a
nearby mosque at Hanuman Garhi. The Babri mosque was attacked by Hindus in the
process. Since then, local Hindu groups made occasional demands that they should have
the possession of the site and that they should be allowed to build a temple on the site, all
of which were denied by the colonial government.. In 1949, Sant Digvijay
Nath of Gorakhnath Math joined the ABRM and organised a 9-day continuous recitation
of Ramcharit Manas, at the end of which the Hindu activists broke into the mosque and
placed idols of Rama and Sita inside. People were led to believe that the idols had
'miraculously' appeared inside the mosque. The date of the event was 22 December 1949.

Jawaharlal Nehru insisted that the idols should be removed. However, the local official K.
K. K. Nair, known for his Hindu nationalist connections, refused to carry out orders,
claiming that it would lead to communal riots. The police locked the gates so that the
public (Hindus as well as Muslims) could not enter. However, the idols remained inside
and priests were allowed entry to perform daily worship. So, the mosque had been
converted into a de facto temple. Both the Sunni Wakf Board and the ABRM filed civil
suits in a local court staking their respective claims to the site. The land was declared to
be under dispute, and the gates remained locked.

National Integration

National Integration is the feeling of togetherness or oneness towards one’s own country
irrespective of their individual differences with regard to religion, region, culture or
caste.India is a multi-racial and multilingual country. These diversities are the feature of
India.But the culture of India makes her people feel that they are the children of mother
India. India is an excellent example of ‘Unity in Diversity‘. Foreign invasions and
conquests from time to time, could not crush the spirit of unity of culture.

In ancient times, India was divided in many small Kingdoms and the kings of these
Kingdoms were engaged in fighting with each other for political power. But there was not
the issue of religion. In the last century when British was ruling over India and the Indian
people began their movement against the British ruler for the freedom of their
 25

motherland. The ruler tried to disturb the national integration of our country by applying
the ‘divide and rule’ policy to curb the movement. In pursuance of that policy they began
to show their favor alternatively to this community or that. In this way they had sown the
seeds of misunderstanding and jealousy in the minds of the people.

Presently, in many parts of India, people are continuing their demand for division on the
basis of language and religion. In the root of these agitations we can see that the poverty
and illiteracy of the general people make them agitated and their agitations are coloured
as the freedom movement. If the Indian economy develops sufficiently and if the general
people can pass their lives happily the agitations will stop automatically.

Harmful Impacts of National Integrity:

Diversity of Constituents:

India is a heterogeneous society. It is made of a number of diverse groups. The first

potential threat to the Indian nation state lies in this plurality. The Indian society was and
is divided in terms of religion, caste, language and ethnic origin.

The British were able to somewhat control the diverse groups by following the policy of
pitting one group against the other. But the divisive tendencies were sharply manifested
even during the nationalist movement when different groups apparently united to remove
the British rule from India.

One of the more serious challenges that Indian national leaders in India face even now is
how to integrate the interests of the divergent group. Each of them has its own distinctive
aspirations, history, and way of life. Attempts to minimize confrontation between
conflicting groups do not always succeed. As we have already seen, the adoption of an
egalitarian model of society is one important strategy to contain the divisive tendencies. It
is, of course, necessary that these divisions are not allowed to threaten the nation – state.

Regionalism and Cultural Identities:

 26

Regionalism is also a threat to national integration. Some of the social elements having
their separate cultural identity want to preserve it even at a political level and for this
purpose some of these segments want further reorganization of the states.’

We find that national politics in our country is still marked by emergence of regional
nationalities. This is quite evident in the formation of States on linguistic basis. It is also
evident in demands by some regional identities such as the Gorkha for Gorkhaland, for
example.Creation of Jharkhand State is the outcome of the demands by some tribals.
Similarly, the Gorkha hill Council-was created in 1988.Despite the early gains of
consolidation of the nation – state, diverse cultural identities asserted themselves. One
example of this is the opposition in the Southern States to Hindi as the national language.

Casteism:

Casteism has always played a dirty role in matters of politics and reservation policy and
has created a wide gulf between different segments of society. Unfortunately, the caste
system has been recognized by the framers of the Constitution by providing a protective
discrimination to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Though the reservation was
made for a limited period, it is being extended from time to time. The reservation of seats
in the educational institutions and jobs on the caste basis has strengthened the caste
feeling and resulted in the possibilities of new types of inequalities and caste conflict.

Linguistic:

Due to linguistic and regional loyalties the national feeling gradually erodes. Linguistic
tensions are manifested in the borders which are bilingual. For example, Goans are
divided on the basis of Konkani and Marathi Languages. There is also conflict between
Marathi and Kannada-speaking people in Belgaum.

Language has become, especially since Independence, a powerful source of political

articulation. For instance in the South, particularly in Tamil Nadu, language sentiments
have been propagated among the people for getting power within State politics.
 27

The people of different linguistic groups who are concentrated in a State seem to think
only in terms of interests of their own States. This undermines consideration of national
issues and causes parochial feelings. The erosion of national feeling due to linguistic
loyalties threatens the sovereignty of our country.

Communalism:

Broadly defined, communalism refers to the tendency of any socio-religious group to

maximize its economic, political and social strength at the cost of other groups. This
tendency runs counter to the notion of the secular nation – state that India purports to be.
Secularism in the Indian context is defined as the peaceful co-existence of all religions
without State patronage to any of them. The State is to treat all of them equally. Yet, in a
secular State like India, we very often hear, see and read about communal conflicts.
While making conscious efforts towards the goals of democracy and socialism, the India
national State has not been free of communal clashes.

Social Inequalities:
In every society there is a system of social stratification. Social stratification refers to
inequality in society based on unequal distribution of goods, services, wealth, power,
prestige, duties, rights, obligations and privileges. Take for example, the social
inequalities created by the caste system.

Being a hereditary and endogamous system, the scope for social mobility is very little.
Social privileges and financial and educational benefits are by and large accessible to
only to upper caste groups. Social inequalities have a disintegrating effect on the process
of nation-building.

Regional Disparities:
The unequal development of different regions of India has negatively affected the
character of national integration. The unequal development has become the major cause
of many social movements after the independence. For instance, the Jharkhand
movements which involved tribal groups from Bihar, M.P. Bengal and Orissa stresses the
backwardness of the region among other issues. While demanding a separate State,
 28

people, involved in this movement argue that the rich natural resources of the area have
been drained out to benefit others.

The dissatisfaction caused by the perceived and / or actual threat of material deprivation
has led people to think that the socio-economic development of their region is not
possible if they continue to be a part of the Indian Union. Thus the regional disparities in
terms of socioeconomic development have at times proved to be a threat to the concept of
united nation-state

CHAPTER-6: INTERPRETATIONS AND ANALYSIS OF THE

STUDY:

Religion Has Overtaken Caste In Indian Politics And The Result Could Be Dire:

"Aata hai abhi dekhiye kya kya mere aage."—Mirza Ghalib

Everyone knows that Indian politics runs largely on caste and religion.

Before the advent of Modi, caste was more important than religion since Independence in
1947. While Muslims were usually united when it came to voting, Hindus were divided
on caste lines, usually voting for parties representing their castes.

Since no single caste was usually above 15% of the population in a state, you had to get
your caste combination correct to win an election (also treating the Muslims as a caste).
But now a radical change has taken place. Though caste is still important, religion has
overtaken it in importance.
“If the bulk of Hindus vote for the BJP it will keep winning elections. For this, it is
necessary for the BJP to keep the communal heat on.”
Almost 80% of India is Hindu. So if the bulk of Hindus vote for the BJP it will keep
winning elections. For this, it is necessary for the BJP to keep the communal heat on.
Which means communal riots and communal incidents—such as over alleged cow
slaughter by Muslims— must be instigated by the BJP through agent provocateurs all
over India.
 29

This means that bad days have come for Muslims in India. They will be demonised,
branded as terrorists, and they and their properties and places of worship often attacked
on various pretexts.
The inevitable consequence of this will be "spontaneous" retaliatory attacks on the Hindu
minorities in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Also, many Indian Muslims, who were earlier
good and peace-loving, will be turned into terrorists by such attacks. A chain reaction
may well ensue, which may even result in war.
A new event in this connection is the death sentence on an Indian, Kulbhushan Jadhav, by
the Pakistan army authorities on charges of spying and sabotage.
The decision to hang Kulbhushan Jadhav was clearly taken by the Pakistan authorities
after cool deliberation since executing him is bound to considerably increase hatred of
Muslims in India; there may then soon be attacks on Muslims and mosques in many parts
of India. These will of course be described as "spontaneous" by the Indian government,
just as attacks on Jews during Kristallnacht in November 1938 in Germany were
described as "spontaneous" by the Nazis.

These attacks on Muslims and mosques in India will inevitably result in attacks on the
small Hindu community in Pakistan (and possibly even Bangladesh ) and on Hindu
temples.
There will then be further attacks on Muslims and mosques in India, and retaliatory
attacks on Hindus and their temples in Pakistan.

Whether this sequence of events will at all happen, and if it does for how long will this
see saw go on, and whether this heightened tension will escalate into a war between India
and Pakistan, is yet to be seen
And, of course, vested interests in both India and Pakistan, who thrive on communal
hatred, will gloat over this scenario.

In NEW DELHI, days before the Election Commission announces the dates for polling in
five states, the Supreme Court on Monday ruled that seeking of votes in the name of
caste, creed or religion would amount to ‘corrupt practice’.
The landmark verdict is expected to have a significant impact on states like Uttar Pradesh
 30

and Punjab where religion and caste play a major role in elections. Construction of Ram
Temple in Ayodhya is one of the key issues used often to woo voters in Uttar Pradesh.

Four out of the seven-judge constitution bench, headed by Chief Justice TS Thakur, said
elections would be declared void if votes were sought on the basis of caste, creed or
religion.

“Freedom to follow religion has nothing to do with the secular nature of the State. The
relationship between man and god is an individual choice and State is forbidden to have
allegiance to such an activity,” they said.

Three judges—justices Adarsh Kumar Goel, U.U. Lalit and D.Y. Chandrachud—
dissented with the majority opinion and said that the matter must be left to Parliament to
decide. “Discussion on caste, creed, religion is constitutionally protected within and
outside elections and this cannot be restricted,” justice Chandrachud held, writing the
minority opinion.

The dissenting judges also said that such a decision could be seen as prohibiting people
from articulating legitimate concerns and reducing “democracy to an abstraction”. “No
government is perfect. The law doesn’t prohibit dialogue or discussion of a matter which
is a concern to the voters,” they said. “Candidates might have to speak about genuine,
legitimate concerns of citizens on the basis of religion, caste language etc and holding
them guilty of electoral malpractice for the same will hit at the idea of democracy.

ANALYSIS OF JATT ANDOLAN:

Jat riots: Parkash Singh Committee report points at 'negligence' by officials

The Parkash Singh Committee, probing the role of police and civil administration
officials during the Jat reservation stir, on Friday submitted its report to Haryana
government, pointing towards "negligence" on the part of certain officials in controlling
the situation.
 31

The committee submitted its report to the Manohar Lal Khattar government, official
sources said, adding, it pointed to "negligence" on part of certain officials and "concerted
efforts" to control the situation by others in the report.

The Jat stir held in February this year resulted in blockades of roads, including national
highways, violence and extensive damage to public and private properties in many
districts, including Sonipat, Rohtak and Jhajjar.

Former police official Prakash Singh is understood to have done a thorough study of
existing structures, procedures and systems for maintenance of law and order in the state
and suggested such improvements in these, as he deems necessary, to prevent recurrence
of such incidents in future.

Singh, now retired, was Member, National Security Advisory Board during 2013-14 and
is one of the foremost experts of the country on Internal Security.

At present, he is Associate Fellow of the Joint Special Operations University (US) and
President, Indian Police Foundation and Member, Advisory Board of Vivekananda
International Foundation.

Understanding the Caste Politics behind the Jat Agitation

In Chandigarh, the political and social might of the Jat community in Haryana is evident
in the manner in which they brought the state and adjoining areas to a halt, creating
mayhem, blackmailing and defying the government with impunity, in their quest for
reservation in government jobs and educational institutions under the other backward
class (OBC) category.

Haryana’s political leadership has scurried for cover and even the Jat leaders of the ruling
BJP are unable to exert any influence over the khaps who are leading the agitation. The
family of state Finance Minister Captain Abhimanyu Singh, Chief Minister Manohar Lal
Khattar’s second-in-command, was airlifted to safety from a burning Rohtak town,
without any consideration for the property and belongings of hundreds of hapless people
left to face anger of marauding mobs on their own.
 32

Indeed, the message from the Jat community is that in Haryana, where they have always
called the shots, they will not be trifled with, with the rampage and destruction proof of
what they are capable of if made to play second fiddle to other communities.

Caste politics: Jats vs non Jats:

The seeds for the present confrontation were sown when the BJP government led by
Khattar, a Punjabi, took charge in the state. The party’s decision to install a non Jat as the
chief minister rankled the community, including those from the party who assumed they
had a natural claim to the post. But it also allowed for attempts by Khattar and his
supporters within the government and party to to restore the balance in favour of non Jats,
who were largely instrumental in bringing the BJP to power for the first time on its own
strength in the state.

Recent comments by Raj Kumar Saini, the BJP MP from Kurukshetra, against Jats
demanding reservation was an articulation of the fears of his own community and others,
such as the Ahirs, Gujjars and Lodhas, who currently enjoy a 27% reservation in
government jobs and educational institutions, and are unwilling to share their quota with
the numerically and politically powerful Jats. There is therefore more to the quota
mayhem in Haryana than merely reservations.

Analysis for Overcoming the Problem of National Integration in India:

1. Changing focus and dimensions of political policies by making it more attuned to

general rather than sect oral claims government need to shed complacency in
delivering to genuine claims so that general people could feel some
correspondence with the nation.
 33

2. Ensuring favorable conditions under which every section of the society could
enjoy or share larger benefits of the society. This could be done by ensuring
balanced economic development, strengthening transport and communication,
increasing employment and alike.

3. National viability should be the criteria on which regional issues must be dealt.

4. Promoting secular ethos through civil society institutions, intellectuals and the mass
media by giving financial assistance to hold seminars, symposium, cultural contacts etc.

5. Dealing firmly with subversive and anti-national forces so that people would feel
a kind of ‘awe’ towards the nation.

6. Institute mechanisms to ensure secularism, achieve social justice and discourage

populism by activating different wings of the society.

These measures notwithstanding, it must be realized, as Dr. Radhakrishnan observed

“national integration is not like a building that could be accomplished through bricks.
Integration is related to moral power of people.

So it is necessary that this message must reach their hearts”. Though eventualities and
exigencies help strengthen the nation, the institutions of civil society and political
leadership are expected to deliver to the task of national integration. But, it does not seem
to be case.

CHAPTER-7: CONCLUSION OF THE STUDY

As casteism continues, it furthers the fragmentation of Indian society. In fact, you could
say that it has practically killed harmonious society and has brought about the numerous
 34

divisions and social quarrels that we now find in India. Even amongst the Hindus alone,
there has been fighting along caste, ethnic and sectarian lines for hundreds of years. This
is one of the main reasons why the country has been weakened to such a degree that they
could not properly defend themselves in a unified way from the invasions and modern
fundamentalism. This sort of fragmentation was also a factor that helped force Indians to
endure two centuries of British persecutions. social disharmony, Ethnic intolerance is on
the rise in many parts of India.

Caste discrimination violates all human rights norms on that United Nations instruments
square measure supported. In its application, Caste has LED to sub-human treatment of a
colossal population. Presently, India's Dalits represent around terrorist organization of the
population. With alternative minorities, like social group peoples, Sikhs and Muslims,
minorities in India represent roughly 85%; the overwhelming majority. to the present day,
the extent of violence against Dalits and alternative 'lower' Castes is atrocious. Social
degradation perpetuated underneath the class structure has only a few parallels in human
history. Such treatment continues to the present day. Discrimination is extended to all or
any aspects of life: whether or not employed, education, health, land holding, security,
and every one aspects of women's rights. The psychological effects on 'inferior' Castes
represent gross human rights abuse and a seamless cruelty.

A Caste will exist solely among a system of Castes. boxed in|an indoor|an inside|an
interior|an internal} unit known as a Caste has no which means if it doesn't exist within
the thick of different enclosed units. The class structure is one during which doors and
windows to different Castes square measure closed. To open or to interrupt the doors can't
be a call of only 1 Caste. it's to be a call by agreement. The breaking of Caste boundaries
involves AN exit similarly AN entrance. while one Caste could build a call to exit from
its boundaries, moving into boundaries control by others needs their consent. once the
foremost socially and politically powerful Castes need to stay fenced, lower Castes'
selections to interrupt open will have very little result. once higher Castes rules of
internal discipline need strict observance of enclosure, revolts by lower Castes will build
little progress.
 35

Emancipation lies in destroying Caste enclosure. In different words, creating it open.

nonetheless in Republic of India, once many thousand years of enclosure follow, breaking
open has tried close to not possible, despite several mammoth efforts. The unfold
ofeducation would bring higher awareness among the downtrodden lots and would equip
them with the mandatory ways in which and suggests that to hunt their freeing. Besides,
education successively would empower them to higher their economic and social
conditions.

No other system of human differentiation based on religion has endured for so long a
time. Now it’s in our hands to change like obama says believe in the change, yes we can
do it because it’s us who is going to teach the next generation.

National integration in India is a crying need of the day. The Government of our country
has founded the Council of National Integration. It is hoped that the people of India will
co-operate with it in all its programmes.

Elections are a complex, multi-dimensional social and political event which can be
captured only through a variety of methods.

Limitations of the study:

One will regret that studies of Indian elections, by all disciplines, tend to focus
completely on the vote, that definitely may be a climactic moment of the electoral
method, however by no suggests that the sole fascinating one.

The complementarities of various approaches area unit here glaring: ethnographical work
is far required to grasp the implications of the very fact that ‘over the years there's a
 36

gentle increase within the range of individuals WHO participated in election campaign
activity.

Suggestions:
One desires conjointly that social science studies of future elections deal not solely with
the normal parts of selection (the campaign procession, the inking of the finger etc.),
however conjointly with newer parts of the process: what has been the impact of the
model code of conduct, or of the increasing use of SMS and web within the campaign, on
electoral rituals? What regarding the collective looking of TV shows that specialize in
elections, each before and once the results area unit known?

Finally, at a time once election surveys have nonheritable associate unprecedented

visibility, because of their relationship with the mass media, one will solely lament the
absence of rigorous studies on the role of the media, each print and audio-visual, in
funding, shaping and business enterprise election studies.
 37

CHAPTER-8: REFRENCES OF THE STUDY

 https://www.scribd.com/mobile/document/110869208/Challenges-to-National-
Integrity

 http://www.shareyouressays.com/knowledge/6-measures-suggestions-for-
overcoming-the-problem-of-national-integration-in-india/113252

 http://rajapandiansp.blogspot.in/2009/05/casteism-conclusion.html?m=1

 Wikipedia source

 India today news source

 Religion Has Overtaken Caste In Indian Politics And The Result Could Be
Direwww.huffingtonpost.in

 analysis of caste in politics - Google Searchwww.google.co.in

 Caste, Religion and Ethnicity in Indian Politics www.civilserviceindia.com

 38

 Prakash Singh Committee Report on Jat reservation protest - Abhishek Kadyan |

Government Of India | Politics www.scribd.com

 analytical report of jaat andolan - Google Search www.google.co.in