Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Pro Bono Pacis
Pro Bono Pacis
O ne day in the year 1274, Giuntino Jacobi appeared at the church of Santo
Stefano in Quarrata. According to the notarial contract in the register of
Ildebrandino d’Accatto, Giuntino was already seething with rage (“irato ani-
mo”) when he arrived at the sanctuary. When he then tried to force his way into
the church, the presbyter Donato refused him access by slamming the door in
his face. There is little doubt that Donato felt threatened, as he very quickly set
about raising the hue and cry by sounding the church bell (“incepit pulsare cam-
panam ad martellum”) and calling out for help. Meanwhile Giuntino, in a ges-
ture portending Khrushchev’s more famous one, took off his shoe and began
pounding on the church door until a group of local men arrived and carted him
away. Donato lost no time in denouncing the shoe-thumping Giuntino to the court
of the podestà. When Giuntino absented himself from court, he was fined 200
fiorini piccoli, declared contumacious, and by order of the General Council ban-
ished from the commune of Florence and its territories.1 Thanks to the institu-
tion of the peace agreement, this story has an unexpected ending. Six months
later, Donato and Giuntino stood before a notary and three witnesses in the church
of Sant’Angelo di Quarrata and reconciled their differences. Their dispute was
settled with the kiss of peace. The written witness—the peace agreement—was
duly registered in the notarial protocol of Ildebrandino d’Accatto.2
Giuntino and Donato’s dispute was just one of many Florentine cases settled
with a peace instrument. Contrary to conventional wisdom, peace settlements were
not just the purview of the rich and powerful magnate class, as urban chroni-
clers interested in creating headlines would have us believe. This essay will show
that chroniclers have passed down to us not portraits of everyday peacemaking
as it existed on the streets of Florence, but the exceptional spectacle, featuring
grandees and cardinal-peacemakers, which has obscured our view of what was
typical practice.3 I will argue that the practice of peacemaking on an ordinary
1
The money of account was the lira or libbra (hereafter £), worth about one silver pound. The
gold florin originally equalled the value of 1 lira. The fiorino piccolo (picciolo), or penny (hereaf-
ter f.p.), was the Florentine equivalent of the denarius (12 f.p. = 1 soldo/solidus, or shilling). As such,
1 lira = 20 soldi/solidi = 240 denari/denarii or fiorini piccoli. See Carlo Cipolla, The Monetary Policy
of Fourteenth Century Florence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), viii–x. The process
of banishment and its relation to peace contracts is discussed below in part 3 of this paper.
2
Ildebrandino d’Accatto, Archivio di Stato di Firenze (hereafter ASF), Notarile Antecosimiano (here-
after Not. Ant.) 11252, fol. 37v. Quarrata (ancient Tizzano—both names are used in the document)
is in the bordering contado of Pistoia.
3
See, for example, Dino Compagni, Cronica, ed. Gino Luzzatto (Turin: Einaudi, 1968) and, in
translation, by Daniel Bornstein, Dino Compagni’s Chronicle of Florence (Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), 66–67.
4
Max Gluckman, “The Peace in the Feud,” Past and Present 8 (1955): 1–14.
5
A representative sample includes: Anna Maria Enriques, “La vendetta nella vita e nella legislazione
fiorentina,” Archivio Storico Italiano 19 (1933): 85–146 and 181–223; Lauro Martines, Violence and
Civil Disorder in Italian Cities, 1200–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972); Jacques
Heers, Parties and Political Life in the Medieval West, trans. David Nicholas (Amsterdam: North
Holland Publishing Co., 1977); Guido Ruggiero, Violence in Early Renaissance Venice (New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press, 1980); Andrea Zorzi, Giustizia e società a Firenze in età comunale (Naples:
Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1988); Osvaldo Raggio, Faide e parentele: Lo stato genovese visto dalla
Fontanabuona (Turin: Einaudi, 1990); Daniel Waley, “A Blood-Feud with a Happy Ending: Siena 1285–
1304,” in Trevor Dean and Chris Wickham, eds., City and Countryside in Late Medieval and
Renaissance Italy: Essays Presented to Philip Jones (London: Hambledon Press, 1990), 45–53; Edward
Muir, Mad Blood Stirring: Vendetta and Factions in Friuli during the Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1993); Trevor Dean and K.J.P. Lowe, eds., Crime, Society and the Law in
Renaissance Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Trevor Dean, “Marriage and
Mutilation: Vendetta in Late Medieval Italy,” Past and Present 157 (1997): 3–36; Christiane
Klapisch-Zuber, “Les soupes de la vengeance: Les rites de l’alliance sociale,” in J. Revel and J.-C. Schmitt,
eds., L’ogre historien. Autour de Jacques Le Goff (Paris: Gallimard, 1998), 259–81; T. Dean, “Violence,
Vendetta and Peacemaking in Late Medieval Bologna,” in Louis A. Knafla, ed., Crime, Gender, and
Sexuality in Criminal Prosecutions (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002): 1–17 and Dean, Crime
and Justice in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 123–32.
6
See particularly Andrea Zorzi, “Ius erat in armis: Faide e conflitti tra pratiche sociali e pratiche
di governo,” in Giorgio Chittolini, Anthony Molho, and Pierangelo Schiera, eds., Origini dello stato:
Processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994),
609–29; Zorzi, “Negoziazione penale, legittimazione giuridica e poteri urbani nell’Italia comunale,”
in M. Bellabarba, G. Schwerhoff, and A. Zorzi, eds., Criminalità e giustizia in Germania e in Italia:
Pratiche giudiziarie e linguaggi giuridici tra tardomedioevo ed età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001),
13–34; Zorzi, “La cultura della vendetta nel conflitto politico in età comunale,” in Roberto Delle
Donne and Andrea Zorzi, eds., Le storie e la memoria: In onore di Arnold Esch (Florence: Reti me-
dievali, 2002), e-book Reading-1, http://fermi.univr.it/rm/ebook/festesch.html#Formati, 135–70 (con-
sulted 18 May 2011); Zorzi, “Diritto e giustizia nelle città dell’Italia comunale (secoli XIII–XIV),” in
Pierre Monnet and Otto Gerhard Oexle, eds., Stadt und Rechtim Mittelalter/La ville et le droit au
moyen âge (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), 197–214; Zorzi, “Pluralismo giudiziario e
documentazione: Il caso di Firenze in età comunale,” in J. Chiffoleau, C. Gauvard, and A. Zorzi,
eds., Pratiques sociales et politiques judiciaires dans les villes de l’Occident à la fin du moyen âge
(Rome: École française de Rome, 2007), 125–87; Zorzi, “La legittimazione delle pratiche della ven-
detta nell’Italia comunale,” in I. Alfonso, ed., Cultura, lenguaje y prácticas políticas en las so-
ciedades medieval,” in e-Spania: Revue électronique d’études hispaniques médiévales 4 (2007), http://
e-spania.revues.org/document2043.html (consulted 18 May 2011); Zorzi, “Fracta est civitas magna
in tres partes: Conflitto e costituzione nell’Italia comunale,” Scienza e politica: Per una storia delle
dottrine politiche 39 (2008): 61–87, and most recently, Zorzi, “I conflitti nell’Italia comunale:
Reflessioni sullo stato degli studi e sulle prospettive di ricerca,” in A. Zorzi, ed., Conflitti, paci
e vendetta nell’Italia comunale (Florence: Reti medievali-Firenze University Press, 2009), http://
fermi.univr.it/rm/e-book/titoli/zorzi.htm 7–42 (consulted 18 May 2011).
7
Stephen White, “Pactum … legem vincit et amor judicium: The Settlement of Disputes by
Compromise in Eleventh-Century Western France,” Journal of American Legal History 22 (1978):
281–308, now collected in White, Feuding and Peace-Making in Eleventh-Century France (Burlington:
Ashgate, 2005) chap. 5; John Bossy, ed., Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the
West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre, eds., The
Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); S.
White, “Feuding and Peace-Making in the Touraine Around the Year 1100,” Traditio 42 (1986):
195–263, now collected in White, Feuding and Peace-Making, chap. 1; William Miller, Bloodtaking
and Peacemaking: Feud, Society, and Law in Saga Iceland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1990); Geoffrey Koziol, “Monks, Feuds, and the Making of Peace in Eleventh-Century Flanders,” in
Thomas Head and Richard Landes, eds., The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response
in France around the Year 1000 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 238–58; Patrick Geary,
“Extra-Judicial Means of Conflict Resolution,” in La giustizia nell’alto medioevo (secc. v–viii),
Settimane di studio 42 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1995), 569–605; Geary,
“Moral Obligations and Peer Pressure: Conflict Resolution in the Medieval Aristocracy,” in Claude
Duhamel Amado and Guy Lobrichon, eds., Georges Duby: L’écriture de l’histoire (Brussels: De Boeck
Université, 1996), 217–22; Gerd Althoff, “Satisfaction: Peculiarities of the Amicable Settlements of
Conflicts in the Middle Ages,” in Bernhard Jussen, ed., Ordering Medieval Society: Perspectives on
Intellectual and Practical Modes of Shaping Social Relations, trans. Pamela E. Selwyn (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 270–84; Steven D. White, “From Peace to Power: The Study
of Disputes in Medieval France,” in Esther Cohen and Mayke B. de Jong, eds., Medieval
Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context (Leiden: Brill, 2001): 203–18, now collected in
White, Feuding and Peacemaking, chap. 8; Warren C. Brown and Piotr Górecki, “What Conflict
Means: The Making of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States, 1970–2000,” in Brown and
Górecki, eds., Conflict in Medieval Europe: Changing Perspectives on Society and Culture (Burlington:
Ashgate, 2003), 1–36, and, in the same volume, Brown and Górecki, “Where Conflict Leads: On the
Present and Future of Medieval Conflict Studies in the United States,” 265–85; Paul Hyams, Rancor
and Reconcilation in Medieval England (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003); and a number of
the essays in Feud, Violence and Practice: Essays in Medieval Studies in Honor of Stephen D. White
(Burlington: Ashgate, 2010).
8
In addition to some of the work on peacemaking mentioned in notes 3–5, see Gino Masi, ed.,
Collectio chartarum pacis privatae medii aevii ad regionem Tusciae pertinentium (Milan: Vita e pen-
siero, 1943); Antonio Padoa Schioppa, “Delitto e pace privata nel pensiero dei legisti bolognesi: Brevi
note,” Studia Gratiana 20 (1976): 271–87; Schioppa, “Delitto e pace privata nel diritto lombardo,”
in, Diritto comune e diritti locali nella storia dell’Europa (Milan: Giuffrè, 1980), 555–78; Thomas
1. Background
Kuehn, “Dispute Processing in the Renaissance,” in his Law, Family, and Women: Towards a Legal
Anthropology of Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Shona Kelly Wray,
“Reconciliation after Violence: Peace Contracts in the Libri memoriali of Fourteenth-Century Bologna,”
conference paper delivered at Fordham University conference, “Violence in the Middle Ages,” 16
April 1994, for which I am grateful to the late author for generously sharing it with me; Massimo
Vallerani, “Liti private e soluzioni legali: Note sul libro di Th. Kuehn e sui sistemi di composizione
di conflitti nella società tardomedievale,” Quaderni Storici, n.s. 89 (1995): 546–57; Ulrich Meier,
“Pax et tranquillitas: Friedensidee, Friedenswahrung und Staatsbildung im spätmittelalterlichen
Florenz,” in Johannes Fried, ed., Träger und Instrumentarien des Friedens im hohen und späten
Mittelalter (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1996), 489–523; M. Vallerani, “Pace e processo nel sistema
giudiziario del comune di Perugia,” Quaderni Storici, n.s. 101 (1999): 315–53; Mario Sensi, “Per
una inchiesta sulle paci private alla fine del medio evo,” in Mauro Donnini and Enrico Menestò,
eds., Studi sull’Umbria medievale et umanistica in ricordo di Olga Marinelli, Pier Lorenzo Meloni,
Ugolino Nicolini (Perugia: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 2000), 526–58; Otto Gerhard
Oexle, “Peace through Conspiracy,” in Jussen, Ordering Medieval Society, 285–322; Marco Bellabarba,
“Pace pubblica e pace private,” in Bellabarba, Schwerhoff, and Zorzi, Criminalità e giustizia in
Germania e in Italia, 189–213; Chris Wickham, Courts and Conflict in Twelfth-Century Tuscany
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Katherine L. Jansen, “Peacemaking in the Oltrarno, 1287–
1297,” in Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger, and Constance M. Rousseau, eds., Pope, Church, and
Society: Essays in Honour of Brenda M. Bolton (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 327–44; Glen Kumhera, “Making
Peace in Medieval Siena: Instruments of Peace, 1280–1400” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2005);
Shona Kelly Wray, “Instruments of Concord: Making Peace and Settling Disputes through a Notary
in the City and Condado of Late Medieval Bologna,” Journal of Social History 42.3 (Spring 2009):
733–60; Emanuela Porta Casucci, “Le paci fra privati nelle parrochie fiorentine di S. Felice in Piazza
e S. Frediano: Un regesto per gli anni 1335–1365,” Annali di storia di Firenze 4 (2009): 195–241;
Casucci, “La pacificazione dei conflitti a Firenze a metà Trecento nella pratica del notariato,” in Zorzi,
Conflitti, paci e vendetta nell’Italia comunale, 193–218; and Alberto M. Onori, Pace privata e rego-
lamentazione della vendetta in Valdinievole, in ibid., 219–35.
9
Schioppa, “Delitto e pace privata nel pensiero dei legisti bolognese,” 271–72.
10
Geary, “Extra-Judicial Means of Conflict Resolution,” 575.
11
Peace instruments were not, however, divorced from the judicial system. They were a comple-
mentary part of it. They were often made after the conflict had been reported to the iudex mallorum
by the local cappellano. Alternatively, peace contracts were used to suspend a legal case already
underway or as a settlement as a result of official adjudication. Disputes about land, however, ordi-
narily required an arbitrator and produced a different type of legal document called a laudum. If the
land dispute ended in violence, a peace contract would also be required. For arbitration and lauda,
see Thomas Kuehn, “Arbitration and Law in Renaissance Florence,” Renaissance and Reformation,
n.s. 11 (1987): 289–319, collected in his Law, Family, and Women in Renaissance Italy (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1991), 19–74.
12
Laurie Nussdorfer, Brokers of Public Trust: Notaries in Early Modern Rome (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2009). For the process by which notarial registers became archives, see
Andreas Meyer, “Hereditary Laws and City Topography: On the Development of the Italian Notarial
Archives in the Late Middle Ages,” in Albrecht Classen, ed., Urban Space in the Middle Ages and
the Early Modern Age (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2009), 225–43.
13
Chap. 6 in Rolandino dei Passaggieri, Summa artis notarie (Lyons, 1537). It is unfortunate that
the Florentine Formularium does not include an example of a peace contract: Formularium Florentinum
artis notariae (1200–1242), ed. Gino Masi (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1943). For notarial practice in
medieval Florence, see Santi Calleri, L’arte dei giudici e notai di Firenze nell’età comunale e nel suo
statuto del 1344 (Milan: Giuffrè, 1966) and Calleri, Il notaio nella civiltà fiorentina, secoli xiii–xvi,
Mostra nella Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, 1 October–10 November 1984 (Florence:
Vallecchi, 1984).
14
Here I am indebted to Nussdorfer’s concise discussion in Brokers of Public Trust, 18–19.
15
The oldest notarial protocol housed in the archive dates from 1237–38. For the edition, see
Palmerio di Corbizo da Uglione, fl. 1213–1238: Imbreviature, 1237–1238, ed. Luciana Mosiici and
Franek Sznura (Florence: Olschki, 1982). Palmerio’s register is the only exemplar that dates from the
first half of the thirteenth century. It contains no peace contracts.
16
For an account of this period when the courts were moving from an accusatorial to an inquisi-
torial system, see Massimo Vallerani, La giustizia pubblica medievale (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005).
17
Since Florence’s judicial archives only begin in 1343, my study of peace in the communal age
will make it possible to have a basis for comparison should future scholars wish to further investi-
gate this subject in the courts of the post-plague period.
Assault
As noted earlier, peace contracts were flexible: they could cover a multitude of
sins, some of which we shall now examine. The category for which the majority
of peace instruments were executed was minor assault. A good 44 percent of ex-
tant peace settlements were made to reconcile parties who had engaged in as-
sault. Of those, over 81 percent are dispute resolutions for unarmed assault, typ-
ically public brawling between two people.19 Most of these cases were violent
scuffles, some the result of arguments, insults, or threats that we might classify
as “assault speech.” Indeed, more than 12 percent of peace instruments mention
some sort of assault speech.20 Habuerunt verba simul was the notary’s stock phrase
for an argument. While “injurious words” and “insults” were frequently cited
as provocations or catalysts to violence, the offending words themselves were very
rarely recorded. Blasphemy is a rarity in these documents, but cursing with ma-
lis verbis was not uncommon.21 It is not difficult to imagine Giuntino cursing
and shouting out insults as he banged on the church door with his shoe. Because
the exact nature of the insult was not necessary to validate the peace contract,
they are rarely spelled out. But if records from the Umbrian city of Todi can be
18
Although I read my way through all the notarial registers extant for the thirteenth century and
from them culled 97 agreements, doing so for the fourteenth century, when the documentary evi-
dence grows exponentially, is not possible. Therefore I have sampled those registers from all the de-
cades of the period under review, ensuring that all sestieri and their jurisdictional territories were
included in the sample. Franek Sznura, expert on the notarile antecosimiano, has estimated that what
remains of the fourteenth-century protocols may represent the work of only 8–9 percent of those
matriculated in the guild. Much was destroyed during the floods of 1333 and 1557. See Sznura, “Per
la storia del notariato fiorentino: I più antichi elenchi superstiti dei giudici e dei notai fiorentini (anni
1291 e 1338),” in T. de Robertis and G. Savino, eds., Tra libri e carte: Studi in onore di Luciana
Mosiici (Florence: F. Cesati, 1998), 437–515. For the thirteenth-century registers, see Luciana Mosiici,
“Note sul più antico protocollo notarile del territorio fiorentino e su altri registri di imbreviature del
secolo XIII,” in Il Notariato nella civiltà toscana: Atti di un convegno (May 1981) (Rome: Consiglio
nazionale del notariato, 1985), 174–238, at 178, where she estimates there are about 40 extant no-
tarial registers (“circa una quarantina”).
19
Out of the total sample of peace agreements, 275/514 represent cases dealing with assault (44
percent). Of those 224/275 (81 percent) are cases of simple assault, here stipulated as a violent crime
committed against another person with manibus vacuibus.
20
What I am calling “assault speech” is mentioned in 65/275 assault cases (24 percent).
21
There are rare mentions of assault by verbo hostioso. See, for example, Buonsignore di Ser
Rimberto de Rostolena, ASF, Not. Ant. 3792, fol. 31v. On the same folio, but in a different case, he
also mentions blasphemy.
22
Daniel Lesnick, “Insults and Threats in Medieval Todi,” Journal of Medieval History 17 (1991):
71–89, at 76. In Lesnick’s study of Todi in the years between 1275–80, four categories of insult are
predominant in criminal condemnations: (1) those that impugn legitimacy or sexual fidelity, i.e., “bas-
tard,” “whore,” “adulteress”; (2) “thief”; (3) “ass”; and (4) “shit.” For a colorful list from fourteenth-
century Savona, see Trevor Dean, Crime and Justice, 113–32. For a comparative context, see R.H.
Helmholz, Select Cases on Defamation to 1600 (London: Seldon Society, 1985); Peter Burke, “Insult
and Blasphemy in Early Modern Italy,” in his The Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy:
Essays on Perception and Communication (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 95–109;
Michael Toch, “Schimpfwörter im Dorf des Spätmittelalters,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Öster-
reichische Geschichtsforschung 101 (1993): 310–27; and Daniel Lord Smail, “Hatred as a Social
Institution in Late-Medieval Society,” Speculum 76, no. 1 (2001): 90–126.
23
Peace was made months later, at the end of April 1295. Giovanni Cartepecchi, ASF, Not. Ant.
4111, fol. 155r: “Guerruççus debuit spingere dictum Andream 7 sibi dicere quod amputaret sibi na-
sum vel quod occideret unde fuit facta quaedam inquisitio contra dictam Guerruççum.”
24
Ricevuto d’Andrea, ASF, Not. Ant. 17869, fol. 7r: “veniendo versus ipsum Guccium cum quadam
aççetta in manu volendo eum percutere iurando eum interficere 7 ei extrahere coratam de corpore.”
25
Dean, Crime and Justice, 168.
26
Andrea di Lapo, ASF, Not. Ant. 439, fol. 50r.
27
Earlier statutes, such as those of 1285, were inserted into the Constitutum potestatis. By the end
of the thirteenth century there was also an ample body of legal commentary on the statutes by such
jurists as Alberto Gandino, who had served as one of the foreign judges in the court of the podestà
in Florence: see Robert Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 8 vols., trans. Giovanni Battista Klein (Florence:
Sansoni, 1962), 5:130–31. For the statutes regulating assault, see Romolo Caggese, ed., Statuti della
Repubblica Fiorentina, 2 vols., 2nd edition, ed. Giuliano Pinto, Francesco Salvestrini, and Andrea
Zorzi (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1999), vol. 2: Podestà, bk. 3, chap. 45, De puniendo qui studiose
percusserit aliquem, 188–93.
28
Charles-M. de la Roncière, Prix et salaires à Florence au XIVe siècle (1280–1380) (Rome: École
française de Rome, 1982), 280.
29
Caggese, Statuti, bk. 3, chap. 22, De puniendo qui ruperit pacem, 2:176–77.
30
Andrea di Lapo, ASF, Not. Ant. 439, fol. 154r.
31
Ibid., fol. 71r. By 1290 there were three criminal courts with jurisdictions as follows: Oltrarno
and Porta San Pancrazio; Borgo and San Piero Scheraggio; and Porta del Duomo and San Pier
Maggiore. Flanked by their notaries, the judges sat at banchi located in the cortile of the Palazzo del
Podestà (now the Bargello): Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 5:581–82. The matriculation list of 1338
reveals that there were 63 judges inscribed in the Arte dei Giudici e Notai (Guild of Judges and
Notaries): see Sznura, “Per la storia del notariato fiorentino,” 9.
32
John M. Najemy, “Governments and Governance,” in Najemy, ed., Italy in the Age of the
Renaissance, 1300–1500 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 184–207, at 196.
33
See, for example, Benintendi di Guittone, ASF, Not. Ant. 2354, fol. 148v and Giovanni di
Buoninsegna da Rignano, ASF, Not. Ant. 9491, fol. 105r.
34
For a discussion on misperceptions about the use of arms in medieval Italy, see Dean, Crime and
Justice, 168.
35
Bartolo Amici, ASF, Not. Ant. 363, fol. 40v.
36
I have found a total of 22 settlements in which theft, robbery, or burglary was the source of the
dispute. This figure represents 4 percent of the total cases and 9 percent of the non-assault cases.
Abduction
Theft was not restricted to clothing, of course. Weapons were among the items
coveted by thieves, but so were cows, oxen, and horses, which were also re-
ported as stolen property in dispute records. So were people: they were the ob-
jects of abduction and involuntary detention, concerning which I have found a
small number of agreements making peace for this crime.43
37
Aldobrandino di Albizzo, ASF, Not. Ant. 251, fol. 148r. We can presume from the evidence of
other contracts that Piero repaid the money before making peace; the contract, however, is silent on
this issue.
38
That is, 15/22 cases.
39
An imbreviatura of Andrea di Lapo reports a stolen wardrobe in which the colors and fabrics
are painstakingly described: “una tunicha et una guarnacchia foderata de sindone vermiglio; unum
mantellum de panno d’irlanda garofonato fodertatum de sindone sanguineo; una tunica et una guar-
nacchia panni lanii gharofonati; una alia tunica garofonata panni laney; unum mantellum garofona-
tum; una guarnacchia rossechina mistichiata; una guarnacchia vermiglia; una guarnacchia panni san-
guineii; una tunica panni mistichiati; 2 guarnacchie panni romandioli; una tunica panni viridis bruni
et una altera nova alba”: ASF, Not. Ant. 439, fols. 121v–122v.
40
Aldobrandino di Albizzo, ASF, Not. Ant. 251, fol. 117r.
41
See, for example, Arrigho di Benintendi, ASF, Not. Ant. 950, fol. 67r and Giovanni di Buoninsegna
da Rignano, ASF, Not. Ant. 9491, fols. 113v–114r.
42
Iacopo di Geri, ASF, Not. Ant. 11108, fol. 76r. The red lily, of course, was the symbol of
Guelf-ruled Florence. Was his hat part of a uniform? A political statement? Was the theft then some
sort of a Guelf critique? Or was it a crime akin to contemporary theft of expensive sports shoes, an
expression of desire for the most fashionable and up-to-date wardrobe? Our documents remain stub-
bornly silent on these issues.
43
I have found 6 agreements in which abduction was the source of the dispute. Abduction is fre-
quently used in rape cases, though for this study, I have maintained rape as a separate category. I
have found only one dispute settlement for rape that began with abduction: Francesco Orlandini,
ASF, Not. Ant. 15681. See Casucci, Le paci fra private, 207–8, who gives a synthesis of the case.
44
Aldobrandino di Albizzo, ASF, Not. Ant. 251, fols. 12v–13r.
45
“… pensate deliberate dyabolico spiritu instigate.” For this expression, see Samuel K. Cohn,
Women in the Streets: Essays on Sex and Power in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1996), 201 n. 38.
46
For a study of medieval prisons, including Le Stinche, see Guy Geltner, The Medieval Prison: A
Social History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), 51–52. Geltner notes that debt was the
most common reason for a stint in prison.
47
I have found 36 agreements, representing 7 percent of the entire sample.
48
Enriques, “La vendetta nella vita e nella legislazione fiorentina,” 183.
49
Dean, “Marriage and Mutilation,” 15. In addition to the literature cited at note 4, see Susanna
A. Throop and Paul R. Hyams, eds., Vengeance in the Middle Ages: Emotion, Religion and Feud
(Burlington: Ashgate, 2009).
50
Dante Alighieri, Inferno 29.
51
For mundualdi, see Thomas Kuehn, “Cum consensu mundualdi: Legal Guardianship of Women
in Quattrocento Florence,” Viator 13 (1982): 309–31; reprinted in his Law, Family, and Women,
212–37.
52
Giovanni di Buto, ASF, Not. Ant. 9493, fol. 87r: “ipsorum et illorum heredibus, consanguineis,
nepotibus, consobrinis, amicis, conplicibus, sequacibus, descendentibus et ascendentibus ex utraque
linea.” The penalty for breaking this agreement was 500 f.p., for which fideiussores were brought
forward to swear to pay the penalty should the peace be broken.
53
Bartolo Amici, ASF, Not. Ant. 365, fol. 23r.
54
Caggese, Statuti, bk. 3, chap. 45, 2:190–93, as a remedy for vendetta—“usque in quartum
gradum”—and their use in peace instruments.
55
Benintendi Guittoni, ASF, Not. Ant. 2358, fols. 104r–104v. Santo Stefano a Campoli was a pieve
in the commune of San Casciano in Val di Pesa, about 15 km south of Florence.
56
I have found 22/36 cases in this category (61 percent) where homicide is mentioned; 17 (47 per-
cent) of those cases seem to be agreements in which there is an attempt to prevent or put an end to
a vendetta or feud, while the remaining 5 cases (14 percent) do not show any telltale signs of being
part of a vendetta or feud. This of course does not mean that they were not, only that the usual
clues—the mention of gangs of men, of formulae that refer to extended kinship relations, and of
high financial penalties—are not present in these contracts. Homicidium is the term used in the
settlements.
57
See, for example, Arrigho di Benintendi, ASF, Not. Ant. 950, fols. 161v–162r.
58
Matteo di Beliotto, ASF, Not. Ant. 13364, fol. 96r: “Et quia dictus Monaldus minor erat vigin-
tique annorum maior tamquam quartadecimi ut asservit, iuravit ad sancta dei evangelia sponte super
dicto contractu tactis scripturis predicta omnia et singula observare perpetuo et non contra facere vel
venire ratione minoris etatis vel alia ratione.”
59
Ibid., fol. 95v: “pro se suisque futuris filiis et descendentibus in perpetuum ex una parte.”
60
Giovanni Cartapecchi, ASF, Not. Ant. 4111, fols. 174v–175r.
61
Florence took control of these towns in 1293. They are now part of the province of Arezzo.
62
Landino di Fortino, ASF, Not. Ant. 11383, fols. 2v–3r: “occisionibus, captoribus hominum, ca-
valcatis, combustionibus, incendiis, dampnis vastis, rapinis.” The penalty for breaking the peace was
steep, set at 2,000 f.p.
63
For the ban in Florence, see Anthony M.C. Mooney, “The Legal Ban in Florentine Statutory
Law and the De bannitis of Nello da San Gemignano” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Los
Angeles, 1976). The ban, exile, and confinement in Florence are discussed in Fabrizio Ricciardelli,
The Politics of Exclusion in Early Renaissance Florence (Turnholt: Brepols, 2007). More generally,
see Desiderio Cavalca, Il bando nella prassi e giuridica a medievale (Milan: A. Giuffrè, 1978). For
local studies, see Peter R. Pazzaglini, The Criminal Ban of the Sienese Commune, 1225–1310 (Milan:
A. Giuffrè 1979) and Giuliano Milani, L’esclusione dal commune: Conflitti e bandi politici a Bologna
e in altre città italiane tra XII e XIV secolo (Rome: Instituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2003).
For a comparative dimension on the subject, see Jason P. Coy, Strangers and Misfits: Banishment,
Social Control, and Authority in Early Modern Germany (Boston: Brill, 2008).
64
Mooney, The Legal Ban, 173.
65
Ibid., 22. I have compressed Mooney’s four stages to three.
66
For procedure, see ibid., 64–66.
67
Ibid., 114–20.
68
Ibid., 119. Mooney says pounds but the denomination is in fiorini piccoli.
69
Ibid., 120.
70
Ibid., 172: “Forging a notarized document, treason in the custody of any land, camp or loca-
tion, sodomy, exacting tolls in Florentine territory without communal authority, highway robbery,
damages to immoveable property, houses or goods, attacks on the food supplies to the city, being an
assassin or hiring one, breaking a notarized peace settlement, practicing vendetta on any person other
than the primary offender, corruption in public office (baratteria), and any offense from which the
death of the victim resulted.”
71
Of 290 agreements (the total after simple assault contracts have been elimated from the sam-
ple), there are 71 (25 percent) in which the sentence of the judicial ban plays a role.
72
See note 15.
73
That is, more than two people were involved and weapons are cited. These account for 41/71
cases involving banniti (58 percent).
74
See Fig. 2 for an image of a tavallaccio.
75
Andrea di Lapo, ASF, Not. Ant. 439, fol. 58r.
76
Bartolo Amici, ASF, Not. Ant. 364, fol. 41v.
77
For a discussion of debt and imprisonment at Le Stinche, see Geltner, The Medieval Prison, 51–52.
78
Caggese, Statuti, bk. 3, chap. 101, LXXXXIIIIL de exbannitis, 2:226.
79
Their ancient lineage and domination of the area are mentioned by Dante in Paradiso 16.
80
See Fig. 2 for an image.
81
Matteo di Beliotto, ASF, Not. Ant. 13364, fol. 22r.
82
Giovanni di Buoninsegna da Rignano, ASF, Not. Ant. 9491, fols. 113v–114r.
83
See note 85. Nevertheless, Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, 5:590, indicates that peace instruments
were the precondition “per ogni amnistia in caso di omicidi, ferimenti, percosse e offese verbali, si
era che la parte lesa o i suoi eredi di diritto concedessero la ‘pace.’”
84
Bartolo di Giuntino, ASF, Not. Ant. 1712, fols. 105v–107r.
85
Caggese, Statuti, bk. 3, chap. 45, De puniendo, 2:192.
86
Matteo di Beliotto, ASF, Not. Ant. 13364, fols. 95v–96r: “Et de omni processu banno et con-
dempnationis ex inde secutis. Et de omni eo quod in dictis banno et condempnationibus continentur
quam pacem oris osculo firmaverunt remictentes inter se vicissim et ad invicem omnia et singula
supradicta.”
87
Benintendi Guitoni, ASF, Not. Ant. 2362, fols. 26v–28r. I have found a similar situation in a
peace contract recorded in 1325 in which a homicide had been committed one and a half years ear-
lier. The perpetrators of the homicide had been sentenced to death, but one of their henchmen was
making peace with the relatives of the victim for his accessory role in the crime: see Jacopo Dandi,
ASF, Not. Ant. 6019, fols. 32r–34r.
88
Zorzi, “Negoziazione penale,” 8.
89
Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine, 1969).
90
Philippe Buc, The Dangers of Ritual (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). It should be
noted that Buc’s critique is centered mainly on ritual as a narrative construct in the sources. He ar-
gues that authors could frame it as effective or not, depending on the writer’s point of view. It is
important to note that our notarial sources record only the formula without commentary on it, thus
rendering it purely as an act without judgment.
91
Yannick Carré, Le baiser sur la bouche au moyen âge: Rites, symbols, mentalités, à travers les
texts et les images, XIe–XVe siècles (Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, 1992); Klaus Schreiner, “‘Gerechtigkeit
und Frieden haben sich geküsst’ (Ps. 84: 11): Friedensstiftung durch symbolische Handeln,” in Fried,
Träger und Instrumentarien des Friedens, 37–86 and Kiril Petkov, The Kiss of Peace: Ritual, Self,
and Society in the High and Late Medieval West (Leiden: Brill, 2003).
Fig. 1. The kiss of peace. Italian missal (possibly from Abruzzo or Bologna), fourteenth
century. New York, Morgan Library, MS G16.
92
Ildebrandino di Benvenuto, ASF, Not. Ant. 11250, fol. 134v.
93
Michael Philip Penn, Kissing Christians: Ritual and Community in the Late Antique Church
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 43. Penn argues that there are very few
Greco-Roman antecedents for this meaning of the kiss.
94
Penn, Kissing Christians, 45. My thanks to Colum Hourihane for referring me to this image
(Fig. 1).
95
Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 74–
90, 204–205; Penn, Kissing Christians, 17.
96
Nathan D. Mitchell, The Mystery of the Rosary: Marian Devotion and the Reinvention
of Catholicism (New York: New York University Press, 2009), 88. The term is Mitchell’s, but it
should be noted that much of his discussion is based on Virginia Reinburg, “Liturgy and the Laity
in Late Medieval and Reformation France,” The Sixteenth-Century Journal 23, no. 3 (Autumn 1992):
526–47.
97
For gestures, see Jean-Claude Schmitt, La raison des gestes dans l’Occident médiéval (Paris:
Gallimard, 1990) and Schmitt, Le corps, les rites, les rêves, le temps: Essais d’anthropologie médiévale
(Paris: Gallimard, 2001).
98
Mitchell, The Mystery of the Rosary, 222.
99
Baldus de Ubaldis, Commentaria, 8 vols. (Venice: Giunti, 1599), vol. 7, fol. 55v, quoted in
Nussdorfer, Brokers of Public Trust, 15.
Fig. 2. Kiss of Peace, Barna da Siena, c.1320. Predella detail from the mystic marriage of
St. Catherine. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Sarah Wyman Whitman Fund, 15.1145.
tells us that Arico di Neri Arighetti commissioned the panel, and most scholars
believe that Arico is one of the two figures depicted.100
Theorists have taught us that ritual enactments can in themselves construct or
constitute social reality. The sociologist Joachim Knuf argues for the efficacy of
ritual performances by its enactors thus: “From the point of view of the enactor
of a ritual, a ritual has a distinctively performative character and serves to bring
about changes in the world.… Participation in a ritual is tantamount to a
100
For the iconography of the panel, see Louis Drewer, “Margaret of Antioch the Demon-Slayer,
East and West: The Iconography of the Predella of the Boston Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine,”
Gesta 32, no. 1 (1993): 11–20. For the iconography of peace in general: Enzo Carli, “La pace nella
pittura senese,” and Adriano Prandi, “La pace nei temi iconografici del trecento,” both in La pace
nel pensiero nella politica negli ideali del trecento, Convegno XV del Centro di studi sulla spiritual-
ità medievale (Todi: L’Accademia Tudertina, 1975), 227–42 and 245–59, respectively; Klaus Arnold,
“Bilder des Krieges—Bilder des Friedens,” in Fried, Träger und Instrumentarien des Friedens, 561–86.
101
Joachim Knuf, “Where Cultures Meet: Ritual Code and Organizational Boundary Management,”
Research on Language and Social Interaction 23 (1989–90): 109–38, at 115, quoted in Penn, Kissing
Christians, 37.
102
Randolph Starn, Contrary Commonwealth: The Theme of Exile in Medieval and Renaissance
Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). His book, however, deals with the theme of
political exile, a punishment—not the judicial ban that was the end result of legal procedure for
contumacia.
103
Charles Petit-Dutaillis, Les communes françaises: Caractères et évolution des origines au XVIIIe
siècle (Paris: Albin Michel, 1947), 91–92. For a recent application of Weberian theory to the Italian
communes, see Stephen J. Milner, “Rhetorics of Transcendence: Conflict and Intercession in Communal
Italy, 1300–1500,” in Katherine L. Jansen and Miri Rubin, eds., Charisma and Religious Authority:
Jewish, Christian and Muslim Preaching, 1200–1500 (Turnholt: Brepols, 2010), 235–51.
104
Paolo Prodi, Il sacramento del potere: Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale
dell’Occidente (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1992) and Diego Quaglioni, “Civitas: Appunti per una rifles-
sione sull’idea di città nel pensiero politico dei giuristi medievali,” in Vittorio Conti, ed., Le ideolo-
gie della città europea dall’umanesimo al romanticismo (Florence: Olschki, 1993), 59–76.
105
Edward Coleman, “Cities and Communes,” in David Abulafia, ed., Italy in the Central Middle
Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 27–57, at 37.
Fig. 3. Buon Governo, Ambrogio Lorenzetti. Detail: Concord, holding the carpenter’s plane,
dispenses her bonds, which bind Sienese citizens in harmony to each other and ultimately
with the commune. Sala dei Nove, Palazzo Pubblico, Siena, 1338–1340.
an encomium on his native city conflated the ideas of peace and pactum when
he wrote that “golden peace firmly unites the citizens; poor and rich alike coex-
ist in the peace association.” 106 The communal association, then, was a self-
created sphere of law and peace, bound together by the bonds of concord that,
according to Thomas Aquinas, signified a consensus of wills.107
There is no better visual representation from the mid-fourteenth century than
Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s vision of the buon governo in the Sala dei Nove of Siena’s
Palazzo Pubblico (Fig. 3). Here the allegorical figure of Concord receives the cords
of harmony from the scales of Justice and hands them on to the twenty-four cit-
izen representatives of the Sienese popolani, who in turn deliver them to the per-
sonification of the commune of Siena, the embodiment of the idea of buon gov-
erno. Concord holds a carpenter’s plane that has been interpreted in various ways.
One reading holds that she is using the plane to smooth away discord among
106
Oexle, “Peace through Conspiracy,” 288.
107
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, IIa, IIae, q. 29, a. 1: “Whether Peace is the same as Con-
cord” in Opera Omnia (Rome: Leonine Ed., 1895) vol. 8, 236. Discussed in Elsa Marmursztejn,
“Guerre juste et paix chez les scolastiques,” in Rosa Maria Dessì, ed., Prêcher la paix et discipliner
la société: Italie, France, Angleterre (XIIIe–XVe siècles) (Turnholt: Brepols, 2005), 123–40.
***
Florence was on the cusp of a political transition that by the end of the cen-
tury would transform the governing structures of the commune. In the second
half of the fourteenth century the associative forms of communal government—
characterized especially by local parish and neighborhood organs—slowly dis-
appeared and were replaced by a state apparatus, most notably the Otto di
Guardia, a magistracy whose charge was to maintain public order.110 Another
108
The frescoes have invited commentary from a host of distinguished scholars, a number of whom
have revisited the debate more than once: among them, see Nicolai Rubinstein, “Political Ideas in Sienese
Art: The Frescoes by Ambrogio Lorenzetti and Taddeo di Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico,” Journal of
the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 22, no. 3/4 (1958): 179–207; Quentin Skinner, “The Artist as
Political Philosopher,” Proceedings of the British Academy 72 (1986): 1–56; Randolph Starn, “The
Republican Regime of the ‘Room of Peace’ in Siena, 1338–40,” Representations 18 (1987): 1–33; Jack
Greenstein, “The Vision of Peace: Meaning and Representation in Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Sala della
Pace Cityscapes,” Art History 11, no. 4 (1988): 492–510; Randolph Starn and Loren Partridge, Arts
of Power: Three Halls of State in Italy, 1300–1600 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992);
Randolph Starn, Ambrogio Lorenzetti: The Palazzo Pubblico, Siena (New York: George Braziller, 1994);
Nicolai Rubinstein, “Le allegorie di Ambrogio Lorenzetti nella Sala della Pace e il pensiero politico del
suo tempo,” Rivista Storica Italiana 109 (1997): 781–802; Robert Gibbs, “In Search of Ambrogio
Lorenzetti’s Allegory of Justice: Changes to the Frescoes in the Palazzo Pubblico,” Apollo 149, no. 477
(1999): 11–16; and Quentin Skinner, “Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Buon Governo Frescoes: Two Old
Questions, Two New Answers,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 62 (1999): 1–28.
109
This formula comes from the protocols of Benintendi Guittone, ASF, Not. Ant. 234, fols. 168r–
169v. Other phrases, such as in bona voluntate, pax et concordia, amiciter amicitia, and amor pacis,
punctuate the otherwise “legalese” language in which the documents are written. Perhaps belying
their roots in Lombard convenientiae, the instrumenta pacis are suffused in the language of concord,
good will, love, and friendship. See Geary, “Extra-Judicial Means of Conflict Resolution,” 577.
110
The Otto di Guardia was a committee formed by the Signoria of the city in 1378 after the Ciompi
rebellion for the purpose of maintaining public order. Neighborhood watches and militias had been
discredited after many of them sided with the rebels. In essence, the Otto di Guardia was a summary
court presided over by noble Florentine citizens; by the mid-fifteenth century it had become the dom-
inant criminal tribunal in Florence, and its surveillance apparatus replaced the parish watch: see A.
Zorzi, “The Judicial System in Renaissance Florence,” in Dean and Lowe, Crime, Society and the
Law in Renaissance Italy, 40–58, at 50. For the later period, see John K. Brackett, Criminal Justice
and Crime in Late Renaissance Florence, 1537–1609 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
111
Zorzi, “The Judicial System in Renaissance Florence,” 45–46.
112
Samuel Kline Cohn Jr., The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic
Press, 1980), 199. Cohn dates this fine to 1374–75.
113
For cost and efficiency, see Jansen, “Peacemaking in the Oltrarno.”
114
For the importance of peace and protection in very different contexts, see T.B. Lambert and
David Rollason, eds., Peace and Protection in the Middle Ages (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of
Mediaeval Studies, 2009).
115
Focusing on sermons and treatises, this theme will be the first chapter of my book, The Practice
of Peace in Late Medieval Italy. See Rosa Maria Dessì, “Pratiques de la parole de paix dans l’histoire
de l’Italie urbaine,” in Dessì, Prêcher la paix et discipliner la société, 245–78.
116
Published in Emilio Panella, “Dal bene comune al bene del comune,” Memorie domenicane 16
(1985): 169–83.
117
Massimo Vallerani, “Mouvements de paix dans une commune de Popolo: Les Flagellants à
Pérouse en 1260,” in Dessì, Prêcher la paix et discipliner la société, 313–55.
118
Bornstein, Dino Compagni’s Chronicle of Florence, 65–66 and Matteo di Beliotto, ASF, Not.
Ant. 13364, fols. 88v–89r.