25 Cultural Psychology of Racial Ideology in Historical Perspective: An Analytic Approach to Understanding Racialized Societies and Their Psychological Effects on Lives Cynthia E. Winston and Michael R. Winston Abstract Race as abel and idea has developed over time as part of scence. philosophy psychology. and other areas of scholarship. es socal uses have been notable—and often notorious—leading to treating race as aching” Such ideologial use of race as a"thing" has been discredited in our century. Nevertheless. che residual reais is that socially destructive ideological concepts of race have been embedded in raclized societies to varying degrees through social economic, and politcal instittione and ther practices. The reality has psychological consequences for human personality development identity formation, and lives Varied cultural historia! conditions have buteressed systematic an institucionalized agents of power, ‘This has motivated, manufactured, and sustained new forms of racial thinking and ideology The goal of this chapter isto develop an analyc framework for cultural psychology that penetrates the historical surfaces of racilized societies so thatthe interactions among race, culture, and racist ideologies may be understood asa dynamic, rather than sate, multidimensional system that varies ever time and place Although modern scholarship on race across the disciplines is vast and more than 2 century old che ‘Winston Framework provides a new orginzation and synthesis of cultural psychological concepts that ‘operace at multiple systems and interindividual levels across time and different racilized systems of ‘domination leis proposed that a cultural historical psychology of race analytically requires a synthesie ‘of race concepts appropriately placed in their historical context including the dynamics of individuals institutions, and societies. Keywords: race. racialized societies, racial ideology, identity master narratives cultural Nstorica, cultural psychology, comparative Contemporary biological and social sciences recognize that human beings ate a single spe cies and that observable physical differentiations among them ate not markers for tits, abilities, fr intelligence. Moreover, genomic rescatch has found chat all humans are approximately 99.9% the same genetically (Collins, Green, Guttmacher, '& Guyer, 2003). Since the end of World War I an international scientific consensus has dismissed the idea of superior and For more than 200 years, however, such ideas were a dominant although often challenged ideology, rion races as a myth 558 especially in Butope and in che Americas, In those societies in which dominant and subordinate groups were classified racially, economic and social institutions were structured to maintain the exist ing disparities in power, wealth, and social devel opment. Those aspects of the social structure in curn shaped patterns of behavior, forming cultures of dominance and subordination. Within such societies, behavior coded and regulated by race and or color became an integral component af the psychological development af dominant as well as subordinate groups.Tn this chapter, we propose an analytic frame- work for penetrating the historical surfaces of racialized societies for euleral psychology Ie would enable searchers to view interactions berween race, culture, and racist ideologies as a dynamic, rather than static system chat varies overtime and place. A cultural psychology of race concepruaizes culture as central o che psychological meaning of race. Races meaning is both constited by and constituive of culture. A cultural psychology of race fuses sx tems and identity development dynamies through mechanisms that are polities, socal, economic: and personal. Ie includes history asa cool to specify empirically the psychological mechanisms of domi- pation, subordination, and equality “There ate several fctos that distinguish or ana Ipc framework from others within the field of py chology and other social scices. Our framework allows for comparative analysis of racial systems across colsres and socal types in diferent eountees—auch as the United States, South Affi, che Dominican Republic, and Brasil As such, i allows fr very spe- cic facots to be compared across systems and cul cures. For cxsmple, the date of emancipation varie across che Brish colonies (1834), che United Sates (1865), and Bra (1888). In some instanes, emanc- pation precipitated a search for ather racial sources of Inbor, atin the eat of the British Empire, where Asian (Chinese and Indian) contac abor was imported to replace local Black labor. The racial-culeural dynamic ‘was thus made only more complicated but acwally faxcilated colonial exploitation by the British system of “divide and rule” In other insanees, such as Baz color and class replaced the legal sats of slavery as markers for socal and economic subordination. In such asystem,theculural dimensions of cass became ‘major component ofthe system of racial subordina- tion, enabling supporters af the system to argue that it was ot based on race at former slave status, but das. ‘Another example of « comparability measure is the degree of urbanization and proximicy to seaports (eg. coastal versus interior [AMtia, Latin America, Caribbean). For example, in pre- industrial societies, seaporte were “zones of racial juxtaporition” hecause they attracted popula- tions involved in various aspects of teade. ‘These included slaves, textiles, spices, tobacco, and other commodities in teade bewween seopical ates, Europe, and the America. As cities grew in the coastal areas of the Americas, England, Europe, Africa, and Asia, work and commercial opporta- nity ateracted populations tha were highly difer- cntiated racially “The Winston Framework alo allows for empirical daa to be interpreted within a dynamic and sealable ramowork referting to linked eoncepts and phenom- cna that vary in dhe expression and intensity fom society t0 society. The Winston Framework identi- fics such concepts at color coding, technology, and raster narratives of race at being mutwally relevant (ee Fig. 25.1). Therefore, empirical data on the race Figure 25.1 The Winwon Framework for the Caltural Pybology of Rac in istered Paspectve (2010) winstoN, winston | 559and or color and status or tole of a particular racial sroup in a technical field may be examined as par of. 8 socio-cultural system, rather than isolated demo- graphic and employment data, Tewas the pattern in racialized societies, for example, for newly emerging technical fields of scientific importance or socal pres= tige 10 exclude racially rargeted groups. Aerospace programs, organ transplant programs in their eatly development, and militarily significant research pro- grams (auch as the development of nuclear weapons) ate all examples of ehis phenomenon. Limiting the access of targeted groups to the relevant education and waining is also, of cours, a part of the institu- tional means for making some fields more exclusive, prestigious, and Whiter than others. Race As a Biological and Historical Phenomenon The Basic Dualism of Race The term race has been used for centuries to cate- gorize human groups. IFit were no more than a con- venience for generalizations about human variations then it would have had no more historical or social significance than different classification systems in botany and zoology. Analysis of race is often marred by confused rea- soning caused by the tendency in some academic disciplines, and in certain aspects of public policy to discuss race as if it were a concrete “thing.” On one level of analysis, “race” isa label with no universal definitions or intrinsic substance. On another level, race is implicated in a vast system of social and eco- nomi control and subordination. An understand ing ofthese two aspects of race necessarily involves the history of how the use of the term race evolved and how it became mote than a neuttal label. In fact, i became a major social, poltieal, and eultural force. The key distinction is beoween what race “is” objectively and what race “means” in diferent cul- tures and periods of hisory. Just as there isa basie dualism in the concept of race, a8 label and a “ting” there is alo a fundamen tal dualism in the hisory of race, On the one hand, race as a label, as a means of classifying humans has continued to evolve over centuries in both s ence and scholarship. On the other hand, race has evolved as a component of vatious ideologie— some explicitly racist, others more nationalistic fr cultural but with a strong racial element—for example, American White Supremacy, Fredrickson, 1981, pp. 136-179), Russian Slavophilism, {Riasanovsky, 1963, pp. 401~404), German Vokish 560 | CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY OF RACIAL IDEOLOGY IN HIsTORTE idcology—the transcendental, unique esence ofthe German soul (Mosse, 1964, pp. 3-30); and Yamato rminzokuism—the Japanese as the pure “leading race” (Dower, 1986, pp. 204-207), The ideological use of race asa “thing” has been discredited in scence and scholarship. The ideologi- cal manipulation of race, however, bas often adapted to new social and political conditions, sometimes ‘sing poltially potent proxies for race such a reli- gion or immigeation satus. Despite che steadily nar- rowing appeal of over racism since World War I, a residual, insticusionalized realty continues co exert significant psychological influence on lives. Ideas, ativudes, and values now known co be erroneous have an embedded life inthe economic and eultural patterns that continue to shape the interactions of people of differen rail identifications in what che ‘Winston Framework conceptualizes as “racalized” societies. This has psychological consequences for individual petsonalcy development (Winston, in press a) and for che study and understanding of lives affected by subsurface social ideologies from earlier periods of history (Drake, 1987). Origins of Racial and Racist Thinking “The physical dilferenees among humans noted in carly civilizations were variously explained by exe- ation myths and legends. Claims to superiority were tsually ooted in a belief that a given civilization oF ‘eukure was superior o al others (¢., Greece and Chin), which were characterized as “barbarian” but not because of the physical differences themselves As ealy asthe time of Aristorle (384-322 B.C), physical and temperamental differences were some- times explained naturalstically a6 result of climate and culture (Aristotle, Polite, Book X 13270) When Christianity emerged as a syoeretisie relic gion of the Roman Empire, uanseending rbal and scetarian traditions, it acknowledged human differ- ‘ences but emphasized St. Paul's statement that God “hath made of one blood all nations in the eath co dwell” (ets of the Apostles 17:26). Laer i te eatly fifth cencury, St. Augustine argued (in The City of Gad) that differences in color ot “quality of navuse” sid noc mean chat human beings did not all devive fiom the same divine source (Gossett, 965, p. 9). “The spread of explicitly racist views is linked historieally to the European conquest of large cer- ritoris inhabited by non-White populations. Ic was observed initially in the Spanish conquest of Peru and Mexico in the sixteenth cencury, when. Indians were enslaved co provide fie labor tor