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Record: 1
Doing educational research in a developing country: Reflections on Egypt. By:
Cook, Bradley J.. Compare: A Journal of Comparative Education, Mar1998, Vol. 28
Issue 1, p93, 11p; Abstract: Presents information on an educational research in
developing countries, with reference to the reflections on Egypt. Information on
socio-cultural issues in developing countries; Details on international and
comparative studies in education; Look at the problems associated with doing
educational research in Egypt.; (AN 533667)
Database: Academic Search Premier
Section: RESEARCH REPORT
DOING EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH IN A DEVELOPING COUNTRY:
REFLECTIONS ON EGYPT
Introduction
Researchers, when doing educational research in developing countries, face certain inevitable hazards.
It just goes with the territory. My 'baptism of fire' in this regard came as a result of investigative
research trips to Egypt in the summer of 1996 and winter of 1998. I had been to Egypt several times
before and felt relatively comfortable with life as a tourist or as a professional. But, as a researcher, life
became infinitely more complex. What follows are simply my impressions as a researcher in a
developing country. My intention is to sketch the research climate in Egypt in a way that will have
relevance to conducting research in the broader developing world. Some of the research problems I will
be discussing are peculiar to Egypt, but most are likely to be expected in most developing countries.

By way of clarification, I use the term 'developing country' not to suggest that such countries can or
should be seen as a homogeneous whole, but simply to broadly describe countries who are
characterized by relatively low levels of per capita income, possess limited industrialization and exhibit
a constrained infrastructure (Vulliamy et al., 1990). Of course, even within the category of 'developing
country' there exists a wide range of variation in terms of general receptivity to social science research,
and thus there are inherent risks of over-generalization.

The last few years have seen a number of articles arguing for the use of qualitative research strategies
when investigating socio-cultural issues in developing countries. It is interesting to note, however, that in
light of the vast corpus of research literature on qualitative approaches, qualitative educational research
in the context of developing countries is a subject relatively unexplored. I hope as a researcher in the
sub-disciplines of international and comparative education, I can, in a small way, contribute to the
understanding of the larger forces playing against the non-native researcher in developing countries and
how one may overcome these limitations by employing a particular qualitative research paradigm.

International and Comparative Education

While international and comparative studies in education are among the oldest areas of educational
enquiry, they have often been perceived by educationalists to be 'esoteric', 'arcane' and 'far removed
from the mainstream of educational research' (Crossley & Broadfoot, 1992). The relevance of
international and comparative studies in education has dramatically increased in the last few years due

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to the increased interdependence between countries and the need to improve cross-cultural
understanding. Through the immense value that can be derived from a disciplined study of foreign
systems of education we can, as Michael Sadler (a recognized and revered comparative education
scholar) has said:

find ourselves better to enter into the spirit and tradition of our own national education, more sensitive
to its unwritten ideals, quicker to catch the signs which mark its growing or fading influence, readier 1:o
mark the dangers which threaten it and the subtle workings of hurtful change. The practical value of
studying, in a right spirit and with scholarly accuracy, the working of foreign systems of education is that
it will result in our being better fitted to study and to understand our own. (Sadler, 1900 in Higginson,
1979)

To quickly clarify our terminology, comparative education connotes an examination of two or more
entities looking for similarities and differences between or among them. International education, on the
other hand, while traditionally categorized under the rubric of comparative education, is less concerned
with comparison than with description and analysis of a particular aspect of education in a country other
than the author's own (Postlethwaite, 1988). While both terms have been closely linked, there are
significant differences between the two and each has evolved in different ways. Strictly speaking, my
study more accurately falls within the scope of international education rather than a comparative study.

Problems Associated with Doing Educational Research in Egypt

As the summer of 1996 illustrated to me, one must be prepared for a certain amount of practical
challenges when conducting research in developing countries. Using my experiences in Egypt, I
separate the challenges into the following categories: access, data quality, being an outsider, and
linguistic limitations.

Access
Egypt is the home of the quintessential bureaucratic state. One only has to go to the Mugamma', the
central building of the government in downtown Cairo, to see what I mean. Even the Egyptians laugh at
themselves in this situation when they joke: 'there are more bodies at rest in the Mugamma' than in all of
the tombs of ancient Egypt.' As a result, Egyptian government bureaucrats, like in most other
developing countries, can create a deterrent maze of bureaucratic red-tape that numbs the mind. The
researcher interested in conducting research in Egypt must be careful what he or she wants to
investigate. Researchers who enjoy the relatively open and free access to information in Western
nations will be in for a possible shock. Firstly, to conduct any research legally in Egypt requires a
research permit issued by the Ministry of Education; a mechanism of government control over
information accessed by outsiders. Certain projects seem to have universal sensitivity in developing
countries: opposition groups, military matters, political power structures and government decision-
making processes, women and family life, religion, refugees, minorities, and social problems which
reflect national image. Authorities will often refuse such research arguing that it constitutes a threat to
state security; which can alternatively mean that state security is equated with their own particular
political survival. These government authorities are not opposed to research as such, but to any
potentially embarrassing or harmful consequences. As far as educational topics in Egypt are
concerned, any contemporary study of the educational system is treated with suspicion at the official

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level. Sensitive subject areas require circumspection and a delicate approach when attempting to obtain
the appropriate authorizations. 'Indeed,' in most cases, as one scholar notes,

the sensitivity arises as much from the personality, approach and technique of the scholar .... A
courteous and open manner, coupled with general awareness and the appropriate authorizations or
endorsements can make a sensitive subject researchable. (Middle East Studies Association Bulletin,
1967)

Therefore, it is essential that a scholar embarking on a research project in Egypt ascertains the
feasibility and the level of sensitivity of the project. Presuming the project is feasible, the permit
proposal must be phrased in terms innocuous enough to not raise alarm.

Gaining affiliation with established research organizations such as the American Research Center in
Egypt (ARCE), Social Science Research Center in Egypt (SSRC), or Fulbright is a great advantage.
Each of these organizations have on-site research offices in Cairo and have official approval of the
Egyptian government. Association with one of these organizations (or others like them) can be a great
help since they assume responsibility for the procurement of the researcher's official authorizations.
However, as I am in the process of finding out, these agencies have their own unique sensitivities that
one must be aware of. Research proposals submitted to these organizations are evaluated by a review
committee who quickly screen out sensitive types of research. Their primary concerns, understandably,
are related to preserving the 'security' of the host country. All of the above agencies try to anticipate the
likely response of the authorities in the host country and judge what research is officially permissible.
Their judgement is not always right. In fact, there is often tendency to err on the side of caution,
preferring to avoid any potential difficulties. Approved proposals are then forwarded to the Ministry of
Education for final official authorization. It is interesting to note that as I reviewed the research topics of
scholars this past summer, I was struck with the array of benign subjects with no immediate application,
i.e. Fatimid architecture, Egyptian musicology, Medieval historical studies, eighteenth century poetry.
Most of these subjects presented little concern to 'state security,' indeed, very few had any
contemporary dimension to them at all.

Unless affiliated with these sorts of organizations, scholars generally submit their proposals via the
Egyptian consulate in their own countries. Obtaining a research permit independently requires the
regular litany of requirements: letters of introduction, copies of passport, credentials, multitudes of
photographs and a copy of the research proposal. Researchers should always phrase proposals in
such a way to reserve greater latitude and maximize access without embarrassing government
censors. Scholars interested in borderline 'sensitive' topics should be wary of giving the government a
false impression of their intentions. I heard of a researcher who had receiver[ permission to do
research in Egypt on 'professional' women at the turn of the century. Once he arrived and began his
research, it was discovered he was in actuality investigating the 'profession' of prostitution at the turn of
the century. His permit was quickly revoked and he was asked to leave the country.

After being in Egypt, I met many researchers who conducted their research without bothering to obtain
any official clearance. The risks are high and if caught the consequences can be quite harsh: arrest,
deportation. For doctoral students who are on a tight budget and time line, a black list would have a
most unfortunate consequence for the completion of a doctoral program. Those choosing to bypass

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the research authorization requirements not only put themselves at risk but also threaten to do harm to
the future research climate. It is instructive to note a recent case where a woman was doing field work
on the Bedouin in the Sinai, and was deported due to not having the proper permits. On deporting her,
the Egyptian authorities immediately went to the American Research Center and threatened to close
them down; even though the Center had nothing to do with her.

The researcher should embark on his or her research well armed with letters of recommendations and
credentials, and efforts should be made to collaborate with native scholars when possible. Local
scholars can often bridge cultural gaps as well as assist in gaining access to people and areas not
available on one's own. Moreover, the success or failure of designing a research lens is the degree to
which it rings true to natives and experts in the field.

The tedium often associated with the bureaucratic morass and the stress of conducting the actual
research can take its toll on even the most affable of people. The personal disposition of the
researcher plays a large role in how successful a researcher is. A scholar, writing on the research
climate of the Middle East in the late 1960s, offers the following advice that holds remarkably true even
now:

It is difficult to overstress the importance of personality and attitude on the part of the researcher.
Things sometimes move with a slowness which to the Western scholar may seem exasperating or even
an intentional affront.

He goes on to say that a common misconception for the researcher is to mistake the 'painfully time
consuming procedures and a certain casualness of approach for deliberate opposition or footdragging.'
Often, this is only because the 'importance which the scholar attaches to his own research is not
self-evident to the local official or residents ... and frequently blunts his own effectiveness by displays
of impatience or bad temper.' He continues:

An arrogant or patronizing approach will meet with negative results. The local population will not be
hurried, nor will they be bullied or threatened, nor do they have much patience with impatience. They are
good humored, cooperative in their own fashion, and often incredibly hospitable, and it behoves the
visitor to be fully prepared to make the most of the situation as he finds it. (Middle East Studies
Association Bulletin, 1967)

The Egyptians, as a people, are some of the most delightful and cordial in the world. But differing
cultural interpretations of time and effectiveness can often cause frustration for a Westerner. Having
worked professionally for many years in the Middle East, I learned quickly that launching headlong into
'the business at hand' with my Egyptian counterparts--as one might in the West--was not appreciated
and often counterproductive. Business relationships, like personal relationships in the Middle East,
cannot be driven by Western notions of efficiency. Relationships of trust are built by investing time and
connecting on a human level---discussing the weather, family and politics--before ever broaching issues
of business. As one of my staff members good-naturedly advised me,

That's the problem with you Westerners, you are like machines. You don't spend enough time enjoying
the company of others. Everything is business to you.

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What pleasantly surprises one is the courtesy and warm humanity of Egypt. Egyptians are by and large
extremely helpful-in fact, sometimes, too helpful. Egyptians, it seems 'never fail to help' and, as a
generalization, hate to disappoint. Never have I asked for directions in Egypt and not received
assistance. Much of the time, however, my helpful friend could not bring himself to say he did not know,
and then giving elaborate directions to ends unknown. In Egypt, and other developing countries with a
similar hospitality ethic, the problem of obtaining valid responses from research respondents is
obvious.

Data Quality and Reliability

Another barrier to the educational researcher in Egypt is the availability and reliability of data. This is
not a problem unique to Egypt. Educational research remains underfunded in the developing world
generally and receives lower priority than research on agriculture, industry, or the economy. Most
countries are poor and in times of economic crisis, governments are more likely to cut statistics than
other government functions (Puryear, 1995). According to UNESCO the problem stems, not from a
failure to collect and report data, but from the fundamentally flawed collection procedures. 'It is on the
ground,' says one UNESCO staff member, 'where raw statistics are gathered and processed, that the
reliability of existing data is most compromised' (Puryear, 1995). UNESCO reports that five of the nine
largest countries, including Egypt, are considered to have serious flaws in their educational data. If it
were not for the gravity of the problem, it might indeed be humorous. For example in 1982, Brazil
reported 5.1 million new students enrolling in the first year of primary school, despite the fact that there
were only three million new students in the relevant cohort. In 1992, the Ugandan Ministry of Finance
and Ministry of Education provided conflicting figures on how many primary teachers the country
actually has. One reported some 85,000, while the other 140,000. In the mid-1980s, Somalia reported
nearly twice as many teachers to UNESCO than were actually later determined to be present in
schools. Sometimes data quality has caused serious problems for these countries such as Syria, who
recently had 50% more students graduating from high school than was projected (Puryear, 1995).
Therefore, educational research based on data provided by government collecting bodies are often
imprecise, lacking and doctored to meet certain political agendas.

Gathering statistics on one's own to compensate for these shortcomings is also fraught with difficulties.
For example, the wide use of formal written questionnaires as a tool for attitudinal measurements is
heavily frowned upon in many developing countries, as it is in Egypt. Survey research does occur in
Egypt, but rarely by individual researchers. Most survey research is done by research teams or
organizations who are sanctioned and monitored by the central government. Individual field
researchers, including Egyptians, using quantitative methods to measure aspects of Egyptian society,
work under severe constraints and must usually be content with less than perfect samples. It is also
difficult to obtain an accurate representative sampling due to difficulties arising from the respondents'
fear of state surveillance, and to the previously mentioned tradition of hospitality that results in invalid
responses to surveys administered by outsiders (Sell, 1990). There are also, of course, the inherent
challenges of biased responses from a population unaccustomed to outsiders soliciting and recording
individual opinion. People who are more extroverted are willing to lend themselves to observation, while
quiet personalities tend to avoid the researcher, particularly if they are encountered by an enthusiastic
Westerner (Stephens, 1900).

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Being an Outsider
Observing any society as an outsider has inherent limitations. Suspicion and mistrust of non-native
observers in Egypt is common, but being a young, white, Christian, male, American--like myself--
creates additional challenges. It mystifies some in Egypt that, I, as a Westerner, would be interested in
Egyptian education. The implication seems to be that there must obviously be motives other than
purely academic. Even the best of my Egyptian friends have wondered at some point if I were some
sort of CIA operative. While humorous on one level, this illustrates one of my primary concerns as a
non-native researcher. Can I, as an outsider, gain access to the field? Is it possible for a non-Muslim to
understand the multilayered nuances of Islamic culture? Can I perform research with limited attention
drawn to myself, thereby minimizing respondent bias?

As an outside observer, I encountered a certain resentment when talking to some Egyptian educators
about doing research in their country. The premium on saving face in Egyptian culture makes it difficult
for some to honestly discuss social problems objectively with outsiders. There is a sense of frustration
by some, as illustrated by my discussion with one Egyptian professor,

we know we have problems, we don't need any more attention drawn to our faults. There is only so
much we can do with our educational system when we have limited budgets, massive infrastructural
problems, overcrowding, etc. We are doing the best we can under the circumstances.

The literature on educational development, by definition, emphasizes the weaknesses found in

educational systems, in order to reform and enhance them. What is often overlooked by outside
researchers, however, are the many things that might be right with an educational system. Fixating
exclusively on the problems and obstacles, while not recognizing those aspects that are laudable, does
not accurately reflect the committed, diligent efforts of many educators in spite of the formidable
challenges facing them.

Being a male outsider also poses some additional challenges when it comes to accessing female
respondents for observation. The cultural sensitivity of male/female interaction excludes me from a
significant segment of the population. While there are many women in Egypt who have no objection to
discussing ideas with a Western male, a good many more will shy away as it is culturally unacceptable.
Again, this is illustrative, of the skewed sampling often intrinsic in developing countries to include only
those who are willing to participate in the study.

Linguistic Limitations
A final problem concerns language. My efforts to learn Arabic have been substantial, but I still feel
grossly inadequate. Arabic is a language that is intensely rich, but also extremely difficult to master.
There are in essence two types of Arabic, a formal written Arabic (fusha) used in the media, and
informal colloquial dialects ('ammiya) of the masses in each of the regions of the Arabic speaking world
(i.e. Maghrabi, Gulf, Egyptian, Levantine, etc.) which are often radically different from each other. A
Moroccan, for example, would have a very difficult time communicating with a Saudi in their respective
dialects and would likely revert to a modified version of fusha, if they were educated enough to do so.
So, in order to facilitate Arabic as an effective medium of communication, one must in essence learn
two form,; of Arabic--'ammiya to communicate verbally with the local population, and fusha to
effectively read and research journal articles, newspapers and scholarly works. To do effective

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research in Egypt, one must have facility of both. This poses another concern for me as a researcher
who is still uncomfortable with the language. The tendency one would have in this situation might be to
interact with only bilinguals. This would certainly limit my study.

Description of Research and Proposed Approaches

Having just described the investigative climate in Egypt, what do I propose to do? And how do I
propose to steer clear of the landmines inherent in doing research in Egypt? The process of defining
my research interest has been far from linear. Having lived in Egypt and having read quite a bit of
secondary source material, I knew I wanted to do something on the relationship between religion and
education. I also knew I wanted to be involved in a study which sought to describe and understand in a
naturalistic, or qualitative way, rather than in a potentially sterile, number-crunching, quantifiable way
(which, in all honesty, I do not think I have the knowledge., or skills to do anyway). Capturing a clearly
defined research topic is not an easy thing to do. I found myself, and still do to some extent, giving
different answers to the question, 'so, what are you researching?' I suppose this reflects the evolving
nature of research projects in general as one refines a topic and matures as a researcher.

I came to the conclusion that I wanted to investigate the dialectic between Islam and modernity within
the context of Egyptian education. As you can imagine with such a study, I have made my life more
difficult by writing on a topic that is both contemporary and potentially political. How do I propose to get
access to the field in order to research these questions?

Triangulation
Given the difficulties of conducting survey research in developing countries, and the generally tenuous
results it provides, a qualitative, constructivist strategy, or 'holism,' is sometimes more effective.
Constructivists claim that traditional methods of social science research, grounded in quantitative or
positivist models, are not capable of describing the complex, overlapping layers involved in the study of
human behavior--a point that has both ethical and validity implications (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Positivism is broadly defined as an approach to social science research which emphasizes the
methods of the natural sciences. The observer 'adopts the position of the objective researcher, who
collects 'facts' about the social world and then builds up an explanation of social life by arranging such
facts in a chain of causality, in the hope that this will uncover general laws about how the society works'
(Finch, 1986). Certain researchers consider the positivist research paradigm in developing countries as
being not only unrealistic, but also imperialistic (Puryear, 1995). By contrast constructivism (also
termed 'interpretive,' 'naturalistic,' or 'phenomenological') argues that there is a 'fundamental difference
between the study of natural objects and human beings, in that the latter themselves interpret situations
and give meaning to them' (Crossley & Vulliamy, 1997). Certain constructivists argue that any
worthwhile sociological examination must be integrated to the actual ways in which groups themselves
interpret their environments. This requires the researcher to try and see the world from the eyes of the
research subjects because 'the actor acts toward that world on the basis of how he sees it and not on
the basis of how that world appears to '~he outside observer' (Blumer, 1971). To achieve this, methods
of data collection are predisposed towards participant observation, field work, interviews and a variety
of other techniques which 'enrich the thinking and discourse of education ... through the systematic and
reflective documentation of experience' (Stephens, 1990). Constructivists are more interested in a
holistic understanding of human experience than they are with empirical data collection and analysis. To

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achieve this, the conventional constructivist might move constantly between multiple modes of enquiry
such as: contextual analysis, participant observation and interviews (Stephens, 1990). By such
triangulation, a researcher can compensate for the inadequacies of each of these methods if taken
alone. Triangulation provides the advantage of minimizing the incidence of bias and filling gaps in the
data (Louisy, 1997).

Contextual Analysis
The first, and prerequisite, leg in triangulating educational issues in a developing country is to
understand the contextual factors influencing its evolution (Singleton, 1967; Diesing, 1972; Denzin,
1978; Warwick, 1980; Pomponio & Lancy, 1986). It is difficult to understand how education in Egypt,
for example, is influenced by Islam unless one understands how the system of education is constructed
and how it has historically evolved. Ideally, primary historical sources should be used, but due to the
time constraints involved in extensive archival work, many of us must rely upon secondary historical
works. Fortunately, there exists a plentiful collection of secondary literature, both in English and Arabic,
on the history of education in Egypt (Galt, 1936; Heyworth-Dunne 1939; Hyde, 1978; Cochran, 1986;
Williamson, 1987; Toronto, 1992). Through this literature I have been able to identify certain key
phases in Egypt's educational history that have influenced its present form. It has also been critical to
study the beginnings of Islamic education and Islamic educational theory in order to understand the
platforms upon which modem Muslims construct their arguments for reform.

It is also essential to consider contemporary materials to understand and appreciate the forces and
attitudes, governing educational policy makers (Kandel, 1933). Analysis of public documents such as
policy papers, academic position papers, and official publications can give insight to the consciousness
guiding national education. For example, I have decided to analyze Egypt's National Project for
Developing Education until the Year 2000 (al-Mashru 'al-Qawmi li-Misr Hatta 'Amm Alfain; Mashru
'Tatawwur al-Ta'lim; Arab Republic of Egypt (1995)), an official policy document outlining Egypt's
educational goals. This document and others like it, has been extremely helpful in understanding the role
of religion in education on an official level.

Newspapers are another source of insight too often ignored by researchers and can offset the 'policy'
line that official documents proffer (Harber, 1997). Newspapers in Egypt extensively cover educational
issues and provide important understanding into public attitudes in general. However, just as policy
papers are not always representative of what happens on the ground, newspapers must also be treated
with caution since accuracy of information is sometimes left wanting. By reading official documents
supplemented with newspaper accounts, I have detected a clear split in Egyptian opinion as to the role
of Islam in public education. Just how is Islam influencing public education in Egypt?

Participant Observation
This question might be better answered by a second leg of our triangulation strategy. Employing
participant observation as another research lens, for instance, could provide more insight on what is
happening at the microlevel. Observing interactions in the daily context of education can reveal the
'hidden curriculum' embedded in the culture of specific schools (Omokhodion, 1989). Observing
interactions between the educational community (i.e. students, teachers, administrators, parents),
textbook selection, and how classes are conducted can reveal the prevailing ethos in certain

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institutions. Observing non-verbal clues such as graffiti, gender interaction, and body language can also
provide insight. 'Participant observation,' as Guba and Lincoln observe:

maximizes the inquirer's ability to grasp motives beliefs, concerns, interests, unconscious behaviors,
customs, and the like; observation ... allows the inquirer to see the world as his subjects see it, to live in
their time frames, to capture the phenomenon in and on its own terms, and to grasp the culture in its
own natural, ongoing Environment. (Guba & Lincoln, 1981)

Structured Conversation
The third and final leg of my suggested triangulation is accessing attitudes by way of unstructured
interviews, or better described as 'structured conversation' (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1967). Since
distributing questionnaires is often an impossibility in some developing countries, as it is in Egypt, one
must obtain attitudinal 'snapshots' through more discreet methods. Ethically the respondent needs to be
aware that he or she is being interviewed and how the resultant information will be used. To keep the
setting as natural as possible, it is suggested that one should have memorized the relevant questions
and ask them in the normal course of conversation. Tape recorders or even taking notes during the
conversation may have a tendency to make the respondent more guarded and inhibited about what
they say, especially in a heavy police state like Egypt. Immediately following the conversation,
impressions and answers should be written clown so as to provide for as much accuracy as possible
(Vulliamy, 1990). Structured conversations should be administered to as wide a spectrum as possible--
students, faculty and administrators, religious leaders, policy makers, etc. For my particular study I am
interested in such questions as: Do you think Islam should play a larger role in the educational
process?; How would a university with a more Islamic orientation influence your education?; Would it
be positive or negative? These .conversations can provide valuable observations and insights into
important social issues and as long as results are treated with the appropriate tentativeness,
non-random samples are not irrelevant (Sell, 1990). Hence, this sort of study is mostly content with, as
Margaret Mead would say, 'a different kind of sampling, in which the validity of the sample depends not
so much upon the number of cases but upon the proper specification of the informant so that he or she
can be properly placed' (Mead, 1953). Once again, however, using this technique alone is insufficient to
be completely representative. Balanced by the other legs of the triangulation strategy, the researcher
can gain a progressively clearer picture of the issue at hand.

Conclusions
Considering the challenges involved in gathering data in developing country settings, triangulation has
the important advantage of utilizing multiple techniques to counterbalance the shortcomings of single
research strategies. The holistic strategy alluded to here encourages the use of contextual analysis,
participant observation and structured conversations. Having an operational plan that is both
comprehensive, flexible and able to take readings from a variety of sources, can go a long way in
facilitating a substantial piece of research in developing countries.

It is true that research often takes longer in developing countries than it might in environments with less
logistical constraints and administrative delays. And, large doses of patience and persistence are
usually important prerequisites. However, the challenge and the unpredictability of research in
developing countries more often than not make for an interesting and rewarding experience.

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Correspondence: Bradley J. Cook, 655 North Seven Peaks Blvd 2, Provo, UT 84606, USA.

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By BRADLEY J. COOK, St Antony's College, Oxford

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