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Abstract This paper provides a review of research and debate in the held
of chronic illness, it lirstoutlincs some gerscral features of a
st)cit>logicai approach, and then goes on to use recent empirical
studies of chronic illness to illustrate sotnc of the main stages
involved. These include: onset and the problems ot explanation
and legitimation, the impact of treatment, and the development
of adaptive responses. An attempt is made todisttngutsh the use
of the terms 'copmg'. 'strategy' and 'style' in describing
adaptation. The paper argues that a sociological approach needs
to recognise the positive actions people take, as well as the
problems they face. In this way. diversity iti managing chrome
illness, and the continuing need for a person-baseti approaeh to
sociological work, are underlined
Introduction
Some years ago the Anierican soeioiogist. Herberl Blumer. made the
comment, often repeated since, that sociological interest in soeial problems
follows in the wake of soeietal definitions. What he might have added is
that sociologists also tetid to be more interested tn problems than in
people's responses to tackling them. In the field of ehronic illness, the
doeumentation of problems faced by patients, and !i) a lesser extent their
families, has usually dominated the research agenda, including sociological
research, fiighlighting the hidden burden of work and social relationships
(Blaxter 1976) for example, or the extent of poverty associated with
disabling illness (Townsend U?79) has. of course, been an important
corrective to a narrow medical view preoccupied by disease and its elinical
(or, at best, functional) sequelae, flowever, the emphasis on sueh
diffieulties and disadvantages has been at the ex|K-nse of studying the
responses and positive actions of those aftectcd.
Alongside descriptions of the burden of chronic illness, however,
research iindings have alstt appeared documenting the steps people take to
Soctology of Health Si Illness Voi /.? No. 4 1991 ISS,\ ONI - 98S9
452 Michael Bur\
manage, mitigate, or iuhipt to it, am) the meanings attached to these
actions. Part of this change in emphasis has ct)ftie about through the
development and application of more theoretically inforiiiecl approaches to
chronic illness. Interpretive soci(i!ogy, in particular, has tieveliipett a view
of people as agents, rathei than being nserely ihe products of the contexts
in which they live, interaetionist and phenonienological models of illness
have been explicated, as a tiieans of understanding belter the social basis ot"
the meanings of symptoms, and the negotiated reality actors fashion in
response to them (Gerhardt \'-W>).
Moreover, a series of empirical stutlies has emerged, more or less
explicitly employing such approaches. Larlier disquiet about the wisdom
of, or justilication Tor. sociologists studying specific medical complaints,
has given way to an aceumulali<in of studies of the lived reality of chtonic
illness. Though broad surveysof disability and morbidity remain imp(irtant,
especially to policy considerations (eg Martin ei a! i98M, [iiaxter i99())
qualitative research has been able to explore the diversity of everyday
experience which lies behind such aggregate data.
I'his paper reviews some of ihese theoretical and empirical developments.
In doing so. however, it also argues for greater conceptual consistency in
the employment of some ot the theoretical arguments, especially in the use
of terms such as Y'oping", "strategy" and 'style', in the analysis of adaptation
to chronic illness. Though these terms are impottant. they have been used
in ways which often confuse as much as clarify. Whilst there has been some
debate recently about methotiological issues in qualitative leseareh in
chronic Illness (eg West 1940. Scambler and Hopkins IM'-Xl) there has been
less consideration of key concepts and terms, important th<High these are
to methodological development. This paper attempts to redress this
imbalance, and invite further discussion on the issue.
Disrupted biographies
Kelly 1986) may create an urgent need to reduce any possible negative
impact of the diagnosis. Kelly, for example, calls for the physician to
recognise the element of grief involved in cancer diagnosis and curative
surgery, and for communication with the patient around such feelings,
Bardiey (1988} suggests that doctors should adopt a strategy of working fo
impart a sense of strength U) eancer patients. !n other eonditions. such as
rheumatoid arthritis. (Bury 19S2) and multiple sclerosis {Robinson l'->88)
the early recognition and naming of the condition may. albeit temporarily,
help to clear the air' and reduce uncertainty. Initial diagtiosis may thus
both enable and eonstrain responses, (or example, helping some negotiations
within the family, hindermg others. However, as a condition develops, a
new set of issues to do with explanation and legitimation present
themselves.
Onec the initial onset and impact of a condition have (tecurred. individuals
begin to face the longer-term implications of their altered circumstances.
Information about a medieal condition may be gatherccL in terms of both
its aetiology and its progn(»sis, in order to answer tlic questions of why me.
why now? Frequently, of course, the answers arc less than wholly
satisfactory, so that more realist or fatalist response of "well, why not me',''
may ensue. Whilst medical knowledge may be important to patients in
their management of symptoms, several studies have shown that its
"explanatory coverage' is often less than satisfactory. In his study of
rheumatoid arthritis Williams found that medieal explanations of the
condition may be supplemented by "narrative reconstructions" which
attempt to place such inft)rmation within a more meaningful biographical
context (G. Williams 1984). Following Blaxter (1976). Seambler (1989)
emphasises the tendency towards rationalisation, as individuals with
epilepsy try to bring into line limited medical knowledge about, and
explanations of. aetiology and their paitieular experiences, Robinson
(1990) distinguishes the 'personal narratives' or stories individuals may
come to construct and communicate around their experience of ilhiess.
from biomedicat knowledge about the unfolding character of the disease
from whieh they are sulfering. Similarly, in a study of childhood leukemia,
Comaroff and Maguire (1981) found that parents went beyond the
explanations on offer within the medical eneounter (o establish a wider
picture of the condition and its possible aetiology, Hazards in the
environment, including, most notably, the possible role of nuclear energy,
have continued to figure in the lives of patients and parents living with this
condition.
Part of what is going on here concerns the questitni of legitimation.
Individuals not onlv wish to nain a measure oi control over their condition
45(1 Michael Eiury
by finding explanations that make sense in terms of their lite circumstances
and biographies, but they also wish to establish a proper sense of
perspective about the condition, and re-establish credibility in the face of
the assault on scit-hood which is involved. The term 'legitimation', here,
refers to the process ol attemptmg to repair disruption, and establish an
acceptable and legitimate place for the condition within the pcrst)n's life.
in the wider sociological literature the temi "legitimation' is used to denote
the processes through which authority is made credible. In the present
context the term retains these associations, but in a much more focused
manner, pointing to the individual's attempt to maintain a sense of
personal integrity, and reduce the threat to social status, in the face of
radically altered circumstances.
Robinsctn (1988) reports lor example, that people may use the diagnosis
of multiple sclerosis to overcome the feelings of being regarded as
depressive or mentally ill. A diagnosis may represent an official validation
of the condition. Yet, it is also clear that knowledge about the disease
does not guarantee success ui trying to legitimate change, and may
continue to elash with others' perceptions in everyday settmgs. Personal
goals tiiay also differ eonsiderabty from medical ones even in the health
eare setting, when doctor and patient are ostensibly communicating about
the same problem. Sufferers may disagree about the significance of
symptoms, for example by being resistant to the permanent use of a
wheelchair long after the appropriate point on the 'medical trajectorv' has
been reached (Robinson 1990, see also Zola 1MS2). Here, again,
negotiations will be necessary, in order to produce stabiliiy.
The visibility of symptoms has long been noted as important m this
context. The disjunction beiweeii 'definitions tif the situation' held by self
and others may be sharp in conditions where physical deterioration or
impairment is becoming obvious, but where no explanation can be offered.
Other conditions, however, itiay produce sympt<tnis. which because of
their widespread occurrence in milder forms, among the normal i^xipulation.
make legitimation extremely difficult. In a recent study of chronic
obstructive airways disease (COAD) Williams has underlined the specific
problems of conditions which are neither of great medical interest or
widely publically reci^gniscd. The image of a whee/ing, coughing, yet not
apparently disabled older man elicits little sympathy or understanding,
particularly if it is thought to be self-induced (for example, as the result of
smoking). The various categories and labels linked to the eondition do
little to establish legitimacy among others. Whilst a respiratory condition
such as cystic fibrosis, occurring earher in the lite course, has hecotne the
centre of considerable scientific, medical and public concern, sufferers
from COAD continue to suffer in silence (S, Williams I99ff, S. Wiiliant, &.
Bury 1989a). The c(tntinuing moral dimension of beliefs and practices
surrounding different health states is thus underlined (Blaxter 1990).
One other issue ought to be mentioned in this connection. The problems
TIR' soemlogv of chronic illness 457
The issue oi treatment, and its place m the experience of chronic illness,
has only recently begun lo receive the atteniion it dcsetves. though Strauss
and (ilaser (1975) drew attention to it in their earlier w<irk, (jcrhardt
(1990) has made the point that new and effeetive lorms of treatment have
transformed the medical selfing with respect lo chronic conditions,
cxpaitding the role of medicine to alfecl fhe qualitv of life as well as elinical
outeomes. F^peelations ol medieine can ihus be raisetL paraiioxieailv. in a
context which is often perceived as one where medicine is often of only
limited effectiveness. In fact, the expansion of treatment m a wide number
of areas may be associated with the reduction <if fatal outcomes and the
increase in ihe prevalence of chronic illness. Patient's searching for a stable
set of meanings which teeoncile thcir specific experience of illness with the
general eourse of the disease ean lead them into 'a medical merry-go-
round' (Robinson I98S: 2199, ,li>bl!ni: 1988) as they search tor information
and treatment that make sense, Onee on the inerry-go-iound, expectations
of what ean be offered to alleviate symptoms ma\ rise and iail.
In Comaioff and Maguire's (l<>8i) studv of childhood leukemia, for
example, (he promise of nuHlern scientifie advaitces in understanding the
disease. understandabK raised parents' hopes. Rather than sec the
condition as inexctrablv piogiessivc and fatal, a picture ol relapse and
4^K Michael Bury
remission emerges. Parents therefore inform themselves about treatments
and their possible cffeets, and place eonsiderable hope in specialist care.
However, modern treatments may still be limited m whaf they can achieve
in altering the fundatnental course of the disease, and may cause in their
wake unpleasant side effects, leading to a new set of problems, to which
responses have to be fashioned. Parents may go back over their
experiences, feeling that indecisiveness, poor communication and lack ot
information, especially by the general practitioner at an earlier stage, are
to blame. Mope and frustration alternate. Interactions with fellow parents
are equally risky, as these may reveal the character of different trajectories
individual children are following. Comparisons with others may be a
source of comfort, but they may also be a source of worry if the resulting
contrasts in managing the effects of treatment regmiens prove unfavourable.
More positively, in a condition stich as multiple sclerosis, or arthritis,
considerable initial difficulties in communicating about symptoms and their
implications may diminish when the merry-go-round slows down, fhe
ritual of consultation, of the individual often repeating versions of their
story to different doctors, may be accompanied by a growing confidence
about the nature of the condition and its treatment. Patients may become
expert, for example, about the drug therapies on offer. Whilst, say,
steroids, or anti-intlammatory drugs offer the possibility of reducing the
length and severity of altacks of MS, or rheumatoid arthritis, patients
become knowledgeable, not only about their immediate effects but also
about the differing medical views of their long-term usage. Patients weigh
up in their own minds, as do doctors, from a medical viewpoint, the costs
and benefits of such treatments. Both participants may have difficulty at
any one time knowing what the effects really arc, but patients may pursue a
'careful pattern of experimentation" and eome to isolate what they think
are the actual benefits of treatment (Robinson 1988: 86, Scambler 1989:
35).
It is clear, from a number of studies, that expectations of treatment
change at different points in an illness trajectory. For example. In a study
of patient views of chronic low back pain and its treatment, groups of
sufferers were identitied at different stages of their biography and patient
'career', with different views of what they expected and wanted from a
specialist clinic (Fit/patrick et id 19S7). Though many of the respondents
had long been travelling on the medical merry-go-round, they had different
outlooks on what they wanted. Younger patients with milder levels of
disability were looking for a more instrumental' style of intervention, and
for information about tests and treatments. Older, more severely affected
patients, on the other hand, were more concerned to communicate with
the doctor about their personal and family circumstances, and the wider
impact of their condition.
Whatever the combination of instrumental and affective needs the
person may have, making sense of the effects of treatment and medical
'1 he socioU>|.;\ ot chritnic illness 459
Recent sociological work on chronic illness has done more than simply
document the problems of uncertainty, doctor-patient conflicts and
difticulties in managing symptoms and their treatment. Important though
these issues are, an interpretive approach to illness brings Into view changes
over time and the positive actions people adopt to counter fhe effects of
symptoms and treatment, fhough firmly wedded to a person oriented
approaeh, this approach also recognises the range of resources drawn upon
in ad.iptation. including medical resources, in order to improve the quality
of life.
In considering long term adaptation to chronic illness, i would like to
suggest that the terms "copinii*. 'strategy' and 'style' be distinguished more
dearly, at least for analytic purposes, even though they may be illfficult to
distinguish empirically, "fhe problem is that these terms are sometimes
used synonymously, and at other times they are used In a combined form.
For example, "coping' may be used to refer to the overall process of
adaptation, or as a way of describing particular practices, as in "coping
strategies'. Whilst this overlap ui usage is perhaps Inevitable. I would like
to suggest that the terms be used, where possible, to direct our attention to
different dimensions <if experience.
"Coping', as it is used in the chronic illness literature, refers (or, perhaps,
should be restricted to refer) lo the cognitive processes whereby the
individual learns how to lolerate or put up with the effects of illness.
"Copitig', in the sense of maintaining a feeling of personal worth and a
"sense of coherence' in the face of disruption, has been seen to be an
important buffer against the stress i^f chtonic illness (Cierhardt 1989: 286).
fhis psychological dimensitm has been conceptualised by Ben-Sira (1985),
following Antonovsky (1979) as a sense of "potency". A 'sense of
coherence" and "potency' refer to a feeling of confidence that the "internal
and external environments' arc predictable ('fotman 1990: L51).
"Normalisation", from this viewpoint a form of coping, may refer to the
psychological "bracketing oft" of the Impact of the illness, so that its effects
on fhe person's identity remain relatively slight. On the other hand
fhe socu'k^gy ot chronic illness 461
The use ot the term "style' in managing chronic illness h;is been given
particular attention recently by Radley (1988, 1489) in his study of chronic
heart disease, Ditlerent forms ot s<Kial practice and cummunieution aboul
symptoms and their effects are distinguished by contrastmg "accomodation"
and "active-tleniai" styles. 'Accoinodation' occurs where roles are more
llexihle and where choiees about how symptoms are to be presented can be
developed through "elaborated* communieation wiih others. "Active-
denial" strategies involve the adoption of a style where ilhiess is opposed
'through inereased engagement in everyday aetivities'. and where eom-
munication is more 'restricted" in eharacter. Following Bourdieu (1984),
Radiey shows thai such difterenees in style are embedded in discourses
ahoul the body and self. Middle-elass values towards the body and health
may be expressed in more abstract terms, particularly aboul the self, as a
means of eommunicating social distance or •distinction' from instrumental
roles, whereas working class accounts may stress more practical values in
terms of being able to carry out tasks and roles, though the dangers of a
reductionist approach to style, class anti coinnumicalion is ree<ignisecl- The
importance of attention to the question of style lies in its suggestion that
"adjustment to chronic illness is ntit atiaptive in principle, in the sense that
it rest(ires an equilibrium or status qu<)\ but an "ongoing discourse and a set
of related practlees" (Radley 1989: 24K).
This approach let chronic iMness may help, in partieular. to evaluate
those studies which give particular emphasis !o the role of narratives in
people's responses and acc(Hints. The narratives and persitnal stories in
studies sueh as those of Williams (19S4) and Robinson {1990), may
therefore be seen in the light oi the links between soeial eiass. soeial
praeliees and style. The willingness to provide elaborate narratives may be
part of a speeifically middle class (and, perhaps, relatively youthful) style
of discourse, and a relleetion of lhe socially patterned character of
repetoires. The differentia! ability (and desire) to "tlisctnirse on health" may
itself be an important limitation to lhe view thai sufferers act in a uniformly
rational manner (Young I')S1).
I'onclusion
Acknowledgement
I would particularly like io fhank Jon (-.ihc tor hi^ lidptu! <ommcnls in the
preparation of this paper.
Note
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