International Journal of Leadership in Education

Theory and Practice

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Management times as moral regulation in

Argentina. A study at the everyday work of a
secondary school principal

María Cecilia Bocchio & Silvia Mariela Grinberg

To cite this article: María Cecilia Bocchio & Silvia Mariela Grinberg (2019): Management times
as moral regulation in Argentina. A study at the everyday work of a secondary school principal,
International Journal of Leadership in Education, DOI: 10.1080/13603124.2018.1543539

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13603124.2018.1543539

Published online: 01 Mar 2019.

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/13603124.2018.1543539

Management times as moral regulation in Argentina. A study

at the everyday work of a secondary school principal
a,b
María Cecilia Bocchio and Silvia Mariela Grinberga,c
a
National Committee of Science and Technology (CONICET), , Buenos Aires, Argentina; bEducational Policy
and School Legislation, National University of Córdoba, (UNC), Córdoba, Argentina; cSociology of
Education, National University of San Martín, (UNSAM), Argentina

ABSTRACT
Since the 1990s, New Public Management has been a part of
Argentina’s educational policies. Mainly, school-centered manage-
ment and strategic planning are seen as imperative for establishing
and sustaining schools’ efficiency. Delegating commitment and
responsibility to schools is the key of this managerial logic. Here,
we will analyze the dynamics of certain instruments, like manage-
ment by project and plans for organizational improvement, as well as
a set of practices that affect school principals. This article is part of
a large research study on the regulatory processes in educational
policies aimed at ensuring compulsory secondary schooling. We
present a case study of a principal from a school located on the
peripheries of the city of Córdoba. The students who attend this
school are stricken by increasing social pauperization. Within the
framework of governmentality studies in education and on the
basis of our empirical research done at that school, we will discuss
some of the aspects of school life regulation in management times.
We propose that the particular way in which management logic is
taken up in schools has direct effects on the lived experience, the
actions and morality of those who work there.

Introduction
Dear Mr Principal, will you only work if you get the funds for the school project? In
general terms, this is the question through which an official from the Ministry of
Education makes a principal responsible for the enactment of a whole set of programs
aimed at improving the levels of school retention and graduation rates, with or without
the economic resources. In more specific terms, this question is the response that the
principal of a secondary school received when he inquired about getting the resources
the school would need to enact a new program.
In this article, we propose that the official’s response is a ‘moral rhetoric boomerang’
shot straight back at the principal. Management logics make use of a particular combi-
nation of statements linked to, among other things, efficiency, effectiveness, equity,
responsibility, accountability and social commitment. First, the principal requested that

CONTACT María Cecilia Bocchio mcbocchio@gmail.com National Committee of Science and Technology
(CONICET) Humanities Institute, National University of Córdoba, Argentina
© 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
2 M. C. BOCCHIO AND S. M. GRINBERG

the official outline how the program funds were to be used and how much money
would be made available. In this way, conversations about accountability would,
naturally, come later. Nevertheless, the rhetorical question that opens this article gets
at the conditions under which such dialogue is made possible, as well as its effects –
mainly on the principal.
In other words, we will discuss the official’s enunciation as an archaeological ground
(Deleuze, 2014; Foucault, 1972), and the dynamics of school life that it belies. From the
point of view of governmentality studies (Rose, O’Malley, & Valverde, 2006; Dean,
1999; Rose, 1999; Castro Gómez, 2010a; De Marinis, 1999; Grinberg, 2008) and on the
basis of the results of empirical research we performed at a secondary school, we will
discuss some of the aspects of school life regulation in management times. Relatedly, we
will discuss how management logic is assembled in a particular way at schools, meaning
that its instruments act directly on the emotions of those who work there.
It is in this context that, on the basis of the results of our research, we propose
notions that shed light on how school life is regulated in times of management.
Through a rhetoric of participation and commitment, subjects are assigned moral
responsibility for policy enactment at schools. We understand that a school life struc-
tured around notions of self-help and a particular emotional and moral appeal
(Grinberg, 2008) turns into a never-ending relay race which is often cruel for institu-
tions (Moore & Clarke, 2016). If this metaphor holds true in general, it applies
particularly to schools located in contexts of urban poverty, where calls for cooperation
and self-management are a way to make up for the lack of resources.
Latin America, in general, and Argentina, in particular, are imbued with the
dynamics of management (Grinberg, 2008) operative in the current governmentality
of social and school life. As pointed out in a wide array of research reports of different
American countries – such as Apple (2001), Barriga and Espinosa (2001), Popkewitz
(1994) – ; of Oceania – such as Whitty, Power, and Halpin (1998) – ; and of Europe –
such as Ball and Van Zanten (1998), Barroso (2005, 2006), Maroy and Dupriez (2000),
Viñao Frago (2002), educational policies enacted since the ‘80s, which make use of
management tools have had a clear influence on the regulation of educational systems
and on the work of school principals.
In this paper, we will analyze the dynamics and effects of certain instruments
(management by project or plans for organizational improvement) as well as a set of
practices related to New Public Management (NPM) and how they affect school
principals (Ball, Hoskins, Maguire, Braun, & Perryman, 2012). The concept of effects
is particularly important as it allows us to analyze emotional regulation as experienced
in the life of the institution.
Significantly, the crux of this article is the tensions that regulation based on manage-
ment logic imposes on everyday school life. The question that opened this paper was
asked to the principal of a school where we are carrying out research fieldwork with
a focus on the enactment of policies to ensure compulsory secondary schooling, and the
effect of those policies on the work of principals. During an interview, the principal
recounted something that had happened with an official from the Ministry of Education
in the city of Córdoba. In a meeting with all the principals in the city, a ‘new educa-
tional project’ was presented. The project was aimed at raising the levels of grade
promotion, though it was to be funded by the provincial government and no date had
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION 3

been set for the transfer of the funds. In spite of that, the official devoted his time to
explain the ways principals had to account for the spending of the found that had yet.
In this context, the principal asked a simple question: If we still don’t know exactly
what we are expected to do and have not yet received the funds, how can we account for
what has been done and for how the funds have been used? The response he received
was Dear Mr Principal, will you only work if you get the funds for the project?
The official’s rhetorical question placed the school principal’s work at the center of
the school organization. Thus, the principal becomes responsible for the enactment of
educational policies, with or without the economic resources.
We propose, as the hypothesis guiding the discussion in this paper, that ‘success’ in
the job of directing a public school is the result of a set of moral principles that shape
the principal’s work. Those moral principles are added to a logic that combines a social
commitment and responsibility delegated to schools with efficiency in public
education.1
First, we review some of the features of the management rationalities taken up in the
educational field. Second, we present the methodological approach. Third, we charac-
terize the work of the school principal trying to differentiate and characterize the tasks
she is asked to manage. Finally, we develop some conclusive notes about the work of
this principal who is considered successful by her colleagues.

Management times in schools

NPM emerge as a formula to respond to the state’s crisis assessments, encouraging the
delegation of responsibilities to enact at a local level, public policies. Specifically, in the
educational field, NPM appears as ‘school-based management’, and it focuses on
generating margins of school autonomy.
Management appears in opposition to the ‘old’ administration, understood as the
provision of resources to achieve a goal, which leads a team to reach a certain objective.
In this way, the school, ‘freed from the bonds’ of the old bureaucracy, seems to gain in
capacity to respond to the demands of its environment. Management goes a step
further, transforming resources into an object of planning. This means, working
throughout the process, as managing does not only involve having the resources but
also generating them (Grinberg, 2013). Responses to students’ demands end up being
solved in and around the conditions and resources acquired by school subjects them-
selves. Changing the top-down scheme is based on commitment and responsibility
being delegated to schools.
For Ball (2013), this new public paradigm, fosterd educational policies reflecting
a ‘generic global policy ensemble’ whose construction is based on a common set of
political technologies. These technologies are a market form, management and
performativity. They respond to the ‘one-size-fits-all’ model and are based on
a particular way of understanding the modernization and transformation of
a public sector organization.
That said, it is worth pointing out that these three technologies function in a very
special way in Argentina, as competition among schools, merit pay systems, and other
managerial strategies have not yet been implemented. However, performance and
management run through our country’s school life.
4 M. C. BOCCHIO AND S. M. GRINBERG

As to the context of these discussions, we understand that the government of Others

is promoted through the work of the principal, articulating regulatory instruments in
particular ways that demand a new analysis of how school government is reconfigured
in management times. We believe that management has become the rationality of our
time, presented as a way of self-building in contemporary societies, where self-
management operates as a manifestation of veracity. Therefore, far from the hypotheses
related to the absence of the government and/or the State, we find different behavior-
guiding instruments through which the government of Others results from the govern-
ment of Self (Grinberg, 2015). In this way, the empowerment of school principals is
promoted through educational policies, giving her autonomy, and making them
become subjects and objects of the Self. In other words, self-management is promoted
for school government, for multiple social and educational demands.
This context is favorable to putting into practice what Rose (1999) called ‘the
government through the community’, a technology that involves a variety of strategies
to create and to put into practice different dimensions of loyalty between individuals
and the community. According to this author, the ethics of subjects are granted an
active relationship with their State, in terms of their strategies and self-management
capabilities. The converse is the individuals’ rejection of the community and of the self-
responsibility that their work demands. Finally, refusing to accept these responsibilities
also speaks to certain levels of perceived ineptitude.
In the words of the authors cited, we find technologies such as management and
performativity (Ball); self-management (Grinberg); and government through the com-
munity and new ethics (Rose). All of them let us understand how NPM is affecting the
regulation of principals’ work and the reconfiguration of what being a principal means.
In the next section, we present a methodological characterization of the fieldwork
done at the selected school.

Our research in context: some methodological notes

The research we present here has been underway since 2015 in a secondary school in
Córdoba. The school is located in one of the public housing neighborhoods (‘ciudades-
barrios’) built in response to a reestablishment of slums,2 which are housing groups
characterized by extreme precariousness and built-in areas recurrently affected by
climatic events such as floods. The ‘ciudades-barrios’ resulted from a housing policy
financed with a loan from the Inter-American Development Bank.3 Specifically, this city
quarter is located on the city peripheries, and it was inaugurated in October 2005 to
reallocate seven slums. It included 359 homes, a high school (where this fieldwork took
place), a primary school, a kindergarten and a primary health-care center.
For this paper, we used data from interviews with the school principal done during the
2015 and 2016 school years. The questions that guided the interviews were linked to the
enactment of various socio-educational policies, to the work with teachers and to the daily
work of the principal in coordination with families and the school environment.
It is important to note that this school is often seen as a school that ‘works well’ or as
a successful school by teachers and principals, as well as by ministry officials. The
school building was moved and relocated 7 km away from its original location. The
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION 5

reopening was in October 2005. The current principal describes transformations that
happened in this school as follows:

In October 2005, the building moved and, because of that, we lost many students. In 2006,
we had only six graduates; currently, we have thirty. It is a process; we hope we will have
50 or 60 in ten years. (Interview with the principal, 2015)

Nine years later, the school has about 385 students. It also has teachers, a psycho-
pedagogical cabinet and preceptors with relative stability over time. In Argentina,
secondary school teachers generally do not work in a single school; they usually work
in an average of three to four institutions. As a result, part of their work day (not paid)
involves travel between schools. That is why, without euphemisms, they are often called
‘taxi teachers.’ As we will discuss below, this is not a minor detail for the daily work of
the school and of teacher teams. Exceptionally, in this school, teachers could have the
opportunity of concentrating hours there, thus generating better working conditions.
Consequently, school officials and teachers gradually raised the level of school retention
and grade promotion in the context of a new school building under good conditions.
The principal described it like this:

About 2015, we retained 90% of the students. Currently, we have enough students to fill
two classrooms with twenty students at the fifth year level. This is very positive. Last year,
there were only 14 students, so we have made a big improvement. (Interview with the
principal, 2016)

As the principal pointed out, good results have transformed the school into an
‘unproblematic’ one that has the support of the ministry on district. It is important
to point out that this school receives students from families of a low socioeconomic
level, characterized by being (in a large percentage) single-parent families, usually
headed by mothers who benefit from social plans.
In the principal’s words, the school manages to include, retain and make graduation
possible (in most cases) to the first generation in the family to finish secondary school.
Notions such as we ‘have improved a lot’ or ‘we could change’ are those that, according
to the school description offered by the principal, serve as the soil in which this school
grows. These notions enable us to present in the following section the work that this
‘successful’ principal has developing in this school.

The principal and everyday management

Management at the school level is realized by a set of beliefs and instruments associated
with the reform of the State and of its administration, and in policies associated with
the reduction of State involvement. These dynamics and principles, for this school are
primarily realized as the delegation of greater degrees of responsibility to the principal
regarding the resourcing and organization of everyday school processes. Perhaps that is
why the principals’ figure is so essential, for whom being successful often presupposes
devoting her life to the job.
In the next section, we discuss two themes of the daily work of the principal: writing
and rewriting plans and self-management activities.
6 M. C. BOCCHIO AND S. M. GRINBERG

Writing and rewriting an improvement plan: a relay race

One of the main actions promoted as a national policy, since 2006, is the Institutional
Improvement Plan (IIP). This involves all of the country’s secondary schools.
According to the enrollment in each school, IIP allows principals dedicate hours for
institutional development activities and budget for these activities. Therefore, through
this Plan, the State permits the payment of the teachers’ salaries after-school tutoring,
and it gives schools the resources to organize trips and visits, to acquire teaching
materials, tools, computer supplies and others materials. The director describes the
process of receiving this policy as follows:
First it was other projects, now it is called IIP. There is a nation´s referee here in Córdoba;
in fact there are several of them, each referent is assigned to a group of schools. They are
called Territorial Technical Assistants (TTA). The school creates a project, an improve-
ment plan, and it presents it to the TTA. The TTA presents the plan at the nation, after
having reviewed by the supervisory body. If it is approved, there are funds for operating
costs. (Interview with the principal, 2015)

Thus, this management rationality by projects calls for schools to perform activities
such as planning a project, completing a wide series of forms that must be approved by
the school inspectors and finally receiving the funds originally ‘promised.’ The IIP
finances the tutoring hours that teachers devote to students whose academic perfor-
mance is not satisfactory. This means working hours for the tutors, who receive an extra
salary. The principal said,
This allows students to come after school time. Overcrowding is a recurrent familiar
situation, so the school library is open from the morning until the evening as a solution.
(Interview to the principal, 2015)

The tutoring space is viewed as a good ‘quality’ strategy, allowing teachers to work
closely on the students’ issues in order to raise school promotion figures. To plan and to
write this project involves many hours. As the principal noted,
The initial Institutional Improvement Plan was rewritten several times, and we changed
several assistants. We did not agree with the Territorial Technical Assistants, so I asked
him: ‘What do you want me to put?’ Then, I just changed the form according to his
suggestions. (Interview with the principal, 2015)

As the principal explained, rewriting the plan is not the result of discussions and/or
improvements that the institution needs. As a working conditions, this promotes beha-
viors such as ‘doing whatever necessary to get the approval,’ in order to get the funds. In
summary, improving schooling conditions depends on rewriting project, plans receiving
the funds and accepting any and all government changes that could cause to discontinue
the Plan. This is the way the principal refers to the political situation affecting the plan,
after the last national government change in December of 2015:
Everything continues, but, we actually don’t know how. We need to renew an IIP tutor’s
contract, but we still have not been able to start. The students are asking us for tutoring
spaces. (Interview with the principal, 2016)

The good results that the tutorial system seems to produce are not enough to ensure its
continuity. The fragility of this type of plan means that when there is a government
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION 7

transition, to depend on the will of the incoming official. It also generates a permanent
state of insecurity at school. Not knowing how to continue is a constant state that the
management by project promotes. At risk is the end of all labor contracts. This means
that the plan and the tutoring space could disappear. As a consequence, the manage-
ment of an inclusion program linked to projects is like a relay race, with an uncertain
end for schools and their personal.

Self-management activities
Self-management is fundamental to the management rationalities. Schools are encour-
aged to become the developers of their own destination. In this section, we present two
self-management activities that the principal coordinates.

Cooperativism reloaded
At the beginning of the 2016 school year, the principal enthusiastically talked about
a new entrepreneurship that they were finally going to attempt, that included student
participation. He said,
What is new is the school cooperative, we encouraged ourselves to make this decision and
it’s almost ready. Sancor is our sponsor and some people from the Ministry will help us
too. We are going to collect plastic bottles and sell the plastic. Probably in the future we
could produce something with those bottles, not only sell them. We’ll generate resources to
satisfy the students’ demands, such as the books they need. (Interview with the principal,
2016)

The new philanthropy as noted by Ball and Olmedo (2013) proposes a direct relation-
ship between charity and results. In this case, Sancor, a dairy mass-production company
from Argentina, in coordination with the Ministry of Education and Solidarity,
proposes a ‘reedition of cooperatives’, which includes the presence of a private enter-
prise at school. Even though Sancor provides the school with a small amount of money,
it works as a benefactor of the school and its projects.
A school that has been showing a commitment to the environment for a long time
while attending to the different needs of its students, adds a business profile to its ‘social
solidarity profile.’ These profiles let the principal and the teachers involve themselves in
the coordination of this new venture, envisioning the possibility of producing some
object themselves in the short term, instead only recycling the bottles. Business logic,
linked to the search for new financing and strategies of working with the students, gets
to the imagination of the school community and proposes one more task in which the
principal and a group of teachers must invest part of their energy. It is also necessary to
highlight that the principal and the teachers who ‘are voluntarily committed’ to this
entrepreneurship also have to write a new project.

Parent–Teacher Association (PTA) or do you believe in Santa Claus?

In Argentina, the education budget is mainly intended to pay teachers’ salaries.
Consequently, the school is responsible for preserving the school building, such as
8 M. C. BOCCHIO AND S. M. GRINBERG

glasses, desks and bathrooms. Public funds are scarce and they are called ‘repair funds.’
The principal described them as follows:

The reparations fund was not received by any school in 2014. We wrote some notes with
other principals and we got some money by the end of the year, only $250 per month, to
be used only for a specific reason. All I can do is fill fire extinguishers and keep a small
amount for the PTA. (Interview with the principal, 2015)

In the principal’s narrative, the PTA appears as a central agent for financing the school,
the PTA is mainly volunteer parents. The PTA undertakes different activities in order to
get money, such as the sale of meals and the hosting of a variety of events; they even pay
the cell phone line, the Internet service and the building repairs. Despite being
a necessary factor for obtaining financial resources, managing the PTA is another job
for the principal. This work is necessary, because the school does not get enough money
from the State: The principal said,

Three years ago, the IIP gave us 5000 pesos. That amount was not enough, especially when
it remains the same for three years. (Interview with the principal, 2015)

This is the point here: The principal was asked if he wanted work only if he receives the
funds, without considering the exhausting project management work and the tedious
accountability processes it involves. The situation becomes more delicate and cruel if we
pay attention to the ridiculous and small amount of money schools receive even after
completing all this work. In fact, the cruelty of the official’s question is not in vain: The
principles of NPM are shaping the principals’ work and making them responsible for
educational processes and their results, beyond the economic resources they receive.
Management-by-project has succeeded in putting principals and teachers to work
and to think in a certain way. Going back to the official’s question with which we
opened this paper, the question itself explicitly says something about what who walk the
path of state management of schools already know: schools work because of their
principals’ and teachers’ efforts. At this point, to believe that schools depend on
a plan, a program, or project funding to work, or to think that the principal just sits
down to wait for governmental resources, is like believing in Santa Claus.

The costs of being a successful principal

Extra work is an everyday aspect of the work that principals must carry out in response
to the administrative demands that the management-by-project requires. Strategies
must be generated by each school according to the resources they have, those allotted
to them by educational policies, and those who can be self-managed (Bocchio, 2016).
Thus, the principal and the teachers must become an expert at finding a way around the
adverse situations that are part of everyday school life, for schools from the peripheries.
Managing a state school with few resources and achieving effectiveness or obtaining
good results on compulsory schooling place the principal in a position of a model
manager and agent of good management practices. Thus, school life is nestled among
discourses of inclusion that are presented as modes of management, framing to the
performance of the principal and operating through moral regulation. It’s evident in
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION 9

phrases like ‘If students do not get this opportunity at school, they are not going to get
anywhere. I do this for my students.’
The management rationality produces the kind of principal who becomes an
emblematic model for effectiveness in the public schools. These principals are the
ones who usually appear in newspapers and on television. Ethics and social commit-
ment become central in the narrative that justifies their work. NPM involves moral
regulation and, at the same time, appeals to the ethic of self-help (Grinberg, 2008).
Therefore, everyday management, such as requesting classrooms, writing educational
projects, or founding a school cooperative, becomes an individual issue where self-
management creates the conditions to ensure compulsory secondary schooling.
Ensuring compulsory education in this way is at least cheap, and it only requires
the transformation of the political and financial commitment to education into
a moral issue or the principal’s responsibility. We usually say that the regulatory
processes of educational policies are complex; it would be important to add that they
are also heartless.

Notes
1. This analysis takes place following the work of other researches (Moore & Clarke, 2016;
Hodgson, 2016; Wilkins, 2015; Eacot, 2011; Luengo Navas & Saura Casanova, 2012;
Rockwell, 2013) that discuss the effects of these policies on institutions and subjects. We
have also based our work on a set of studies developed by us that enable to describe the
effects that policies have on the principal’s work, and how they shape such work perfor-
mance (Bocchio, Grinberg & Villagran, 2016; Bocchio & Lamfri, 2013, 2015; Grinberg,
2008, 2015).
2. Córdoba city is the second most populous in Argentina, after Buenos Aires.
3. This policy consisted in the building of 12,000 houses, grouped in 14 ‘ciudades-barrios’
(public housing neighbourhoods) to include 7479 families.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors
María Cecilia Bocchio is Researcher at CONICET. Doctor in Education. Doctorate in Politics
and Educational Administration. Lisbon University . The developed studies prioritize a qualita-
tive research perspective and focus on the analysis from a socio-political approach of the
regulation processes of educational policies in secondary schools
Silvia Mariela Grinberg is Researcher at CONICET. Director of the Center for Contemporary
Pedagogical Studies (CEPEC) The developed studies focuses on educational inequality and,
specifically, the processes of subjectivation in relation to the ways in which local, regional and
global dynamics are assembled in school life. This within the framework of Government studies,
Biopolitics and Education.

ORCID
María Cecilia Bocchio http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3915-6857
10 M. C. BOCCHIO AND S. M. GRINBERG

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