(Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs) Maria Kurpaska - Chinese Language(s) - A Look Through The Prism of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects (2010) PDF

Chinese Language(s)
Trends in Linguistics
Studies and Monographs 215
Editor
Volker Gast
Advisory Editors
Walter Bisang
Hans Henrich Hock
Matthias Schlesewsky
Founding Editor
Werner Winter
De Gruyter Mouton
Chinese Language(s)
A Look through the Prism of
The Great Dictionary
of Modern Chinese Dialects
by
Maria Kurpaska
De Gruyter Mouton
ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2
e-ISBN 978-3-11-021915-9
ISSN 1861-4302
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Kurpaska, Maria, 1977⫺

Chinese language(s) : a look through the prism of The Great
dictionary of modern Chinese dialects / by Maria Kurpaska.
p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics studies and monographs; 215)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2 (alk. paper)
1. Chinese language ⫺ Dialects ⫺ Dictionaries. I. Title.
PL1547.K87 2010
495.11703⫺dc22
2010014948
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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to those, without whose help this book
would not have taken shape. First of all, I want to thank my supervisor,
Professor A.F. Majewicz, who has ignited my interest in the subject and
guided me through this work, supplying me with some of the most impor-
tant materials.
The scholarship at Peking University, in the academic year 2004/2005,
gave me a unique opportunity to gather material for the present book as
well as to take part in courses which brought me closer to the studied sub-
ject. I am greatly particularly indebted to Professor Li Xiaofan, who was
my tutor at that time, and who has served me with his knowledge after my
return home up to this day.
My special thanks go to Professor Xie Liuwen, one of the co-authors of
The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects, whose advice and an-
swers to my questions have been invaluable.
I am also much obliged to Professor Zhu Zhiping and Professor
Romuald Huszcza, who have given me many constructive remarks on my
book, as well as to Professor Werner Winter, whose comments and correc-
tions have allowed the book to take its present shape.
I am also grateful to Professor Moira Yip, who has patiently responded
to my inquiries concerning some phonological problems.
Furthermore, I would like to thank my friends and proof-readers, Anna
and Douglas Harrison, who have helped me correcting my English.
Nevertheless, the responsibility for all errors which may occur in this
book is mine.
As a wife, mother and daughter, I would not have been able to write this
book without the love and encouragement of my whole family. I want to
thank my father for his constant assistance, my mother, for all her time and
patience, and most of all my husband, Radek, who has helped me not only
by solving countless technical problems and drawing the maps, but also
simply by being there for me.
Preface
The Chinese linguistic situation has been for many years subject of debate
between Western and Chinese scholars. The main disagreement concerns
the identity and homogeneity of the Chinese linguistic area: the diversity is
predominantly stressed by probably most Western scholars, whereas the
traditional, deeply ingrained Chinese standpoint is that the language spoken
by the Han nationality creates a substantial unit. Its plentiful varieties are
referred to as ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán, lit. ‘local speech’, customarily translated into
English as ‘dialects’. The common writing system continues to be the sym-
bol of unity of Chinese, bonding the dialects together.
The main aim of this book is to trace the current structuring of the Chi-
nese language(s) on the ground of Chinese linguistics, basing the research
on the newest and most renowned sources, especially The Great Dictionary
of Modern Chinese Dialects˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫ ݌‬Xiandai Hanyu Fang-
yan Da Cidian˅, as well as the Language Atlas of China˄Ё೑䇁㿔ഄ೒
䲚 Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji˅.
There are two main axes of this structuring. One is the territorial
distribution of the language (the main source of its analysis is the Language
Atlas of China). The second axis is diachronic, based on the thesis that the
Middle Chinese language is the common point of origin from which the
miscellaneous varieties of modern Chinese have evolved.
Lexical diversity constitutes the additional dimension. Dialectal vocabu-
lary is not analyzed in reference to Middle Chinese; it is usually studied
through comparisons with the national standard. Generally, it is catalogued
without any systematic etymologizing.
The more precise structuring includes the analysis of phonetics, and
lately also lexical diversity. Grammatical differences still remain rather
unrevealed, although they are now more and more often taken into
consideration.
Many aspects of life in China are at present changing, the country is
going through economic, political and social transformations. This situation
naturally influences the language, even more so due to the strict language
policy, which aims at promoting the national standard called Putonghua.
Thus, Chinese dialectologists face the challenge of preserving as much
information about the current linguistic situation as possible.
x Preface
The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects is one of the greatest

achievements of modern Chinese dialectology and Chinese linguistics in
general. This book tries to reveal the role the Dictionary plays in analyzing
the spectrum of linguistic differentiation and what kind of information it
provides, sketching firstly a background of the development and current
state of Chinese dialectology and dialectal research. The assumption is to
show respect to this unquestionably grand achievement, and also to empha-
size a critical distance to some of the views presented in the Dictionary.
The Dictionary is inseparably bound with the Language Atlas of China
(Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987,
1989), thus the point of view represented in the Atlas is relevant for this
study and constitutes a significant part of this book.
The dialects of Chinese naturally interact with the non-Chinese lan-
guages which are spoken on the territory of the People’s Republic of China.
In order to make the picture of the linguistic situation in China complete,
languages of ethnic minorities are listed in the book (Chapter 2.2.). They
are excluded from the general analysis, though without neglecting their
importance.
Technical notes
The simplified Chinese characters ˄ㅔԧᄫ ji΁nt΃zì˅ have been used

throughout the text, except for few cases when the unsimplified forms ˄㐕
ԧᄫ fánt΃zì˅ had to be applied.
[*] after Chinese characters indicates that the character is used as a
homonym to represent sounds, because the word itself does not have its
own character (for a more detailed explanation see Chapter 7.2.4.1.)
An empty square (‘ƶ’) is used instead of Chinese characters, where a
character which can represent the sound does not exist (see Chapter
7.2.4.1.).
The ∝䇁ᣐ䷇ Hàny· PƯnyƯn (hereafter called pinyin) Romanization
system is used for the transliteration of proper names (for exceptions see
below) as well as for linguistic terms and the like.
The pinyin transcription of titles of books in Chinese has been provided
without the indication of tones.
The IPA transcription is applied for the pronunciation of dialectal words
and sentences, with the following exceptions (according to the rules listed
in Chapter 7.1.5.):
Technical notes xi
– The implosives are written as [!b, !d, !g].

– The aspiration is noted with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘].
– The tone values are noted with numbers according to the five-point
scale, with 1 representing the lowest pitch and 5 the highest. The values
are placed in the upper index following the syllable. The only exception
from this rule is the notation of tones in the descriptions of characteris-
tics of the Jin dialect group, where the method called থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁
(see Chapter 7.1.5.) is used.
– Tone values which change during the occurrence of tone sandhi follow
the original tone values after an arrow (ĺ). E.g. ᠟ Ꮘ ᥠ [su31pa
44ĺ45
tsn0].
– The light (neutral) tone ˄䕏䇗 qƯngdiào˅is marked with a dot on the
left-hand-side of the syllable, e.g., the Beijing syllables Ԣᨁ [ti55 ·ta].
Words or sentences written in Putonghua, are transliterated in pinyin,
not transcribed in IPA.
When in brackets and not in italics, the pronunciation in pinyin is the
equivalent of characters and words as pronounced in Putonghua, while the
pronunciation in respective dialects may be different, e.g. in the description
of lexical characteristics of the Hakka dialect: “For the Beijing pronoun
þ៥ (w΅)ÿ (‘I’), the word þҏ१ (ái)ÿ is used” (see Chapter 6.5.10.).
The modern pronunciation in Putonghua of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· (see
Chapter 4.3.), sixteen ᨘ shè (see Chapter 4.6.2., Chapter 7.1.1.1.), and the
names of particular ᨘ shè, etc., is written in brackets when the terms are
used in the text.
The name of the rising tone (Ϟໄ shàngshƝng) is written down in the
falling tone (51), not in the falling-rising tone (214) (cf. p. 229 note 11).
Underlined tone values imply that the tone is short (e.g. in the Xiamen
dialect 䰇ܹ yángrù – 55).
If not indicated otherwise, English translations of words in Putonghua
have been cited from ⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫∝˄ ݌‬㣅ঠ䇁˅ (Xiandai Hanyu
Cidian [Han-Ying Shuang Yu]) (The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary
[Chinese-English Edition]). (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yan-
jiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002). Longer samples, such as sentences, have
been translated by the author.
English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the
author are written in square brackets. Instances where the English transla-
tion appears in the source book or periodical are indicated by round brack-
ets.
xii Preface
In order to avoid misunderstandings and to simplify the search, both the

surnames and the given names of Chinese authors are given in cross-refer-
ences to References, except in situations, where there are more than one
author. In such cases, only the surnames are written.
Names of Chinese scholars which appear in the book are written in the
text without Chinese characters, except for cases when they are the titles of
subchapters.
The names of Chinese scholars, who have spellings other than pinyin of
their names in English, are written in pinyin. E.g. Ā䍉‫ܗ‬ӏā is written as
“Zhao Yuanren”, not “Yuen Ren Chao”. In the references, the authors can
be found under their pinyin spelling, with cross-references to other spell-
ings. All spellings can be found in the Index of personal names, together
with the Chinese characters.
The place names are accompanied by their respective Chinese charac-
ters, except for the names of provinces, autonomous regions and
municipalities, which are all listed in the appendix (China’s main
administrative units). The names of the forty two dialect localities
described in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are written
without their Chinese characters in chapters where they have already been
mentioned and occur frequently. “Beijing” as a city is also noted down
without characters. In the text, the place names are written without the
notation of tones. All place names can be found in the Index of Chinese
place names, together with their respective characters.
Chinese linguistic terms are noted in the text together with their respec-
tive characters and pinyin spelling in italics, with the notation of tones. The
exceptions are ‘Putonghua’ and ‘pinyin’.
The names of Chinese dialect groups are written without the notation of
tones and characters, except for places where they are described in detail.
The names of the main dialect groups used in the book are mostly pinyin
equivalents of the names in Putonghua, except for ‘Hakka’ ˄ᅶᆊ˅,
established in sinology, and therefore used, rather than ‘Kejia’.
Website addresses referred to in this book are placed on a separate list
which follows the main References. Each entry is labeled with [www X],
where X stands for a consecutive number. This symbol is used throughout
the text as cross-references to the website addresses.
Internal cross-references indicate the number of the chapter and/or
subchapter, e.g. “see Chapter 6.4.” refers to the fourth subchapter
(“Controversial issues”) of the sixth chapter (“The classification of Chinese
dialects according to The Language Atlas of China”).
Technical notes xiii
References to The Language Atlas of China are written as numbers of

the maps and at the same time the accompanying descriptions, e.g. “Atlas:
A2, B14”, etc.
A very brief chronology of Chinese history has been appended. Only the
dates of the reign of respective dynasties are given as reference.
A list of Chinese provinces, autonomous regions, Special Administrative
Regions and municipalities has been appended. The list is complemented
with the notation in Chinese characters and pinyin spelling, Chinese
abbreviations, as well as the names of capitals/seats of government. There
is also an index of personal names and one of Chinese place names.
A Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology used
in the book has been appended at the end of the book.
Contents
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................vii
Preface.........................................................................................................ix
Abbreviations ..........................................................................................xviii
List of tables, diagrams and illustrations...................................................xix
Chapter 1
Defining terminology ................................................................................... 1
1. ‘ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán’ versus ‘dialect’ .......................................................... 1
2. Dialects or languages.......................................................................... 2
3. Conclusions ........................................................................................ 2
Chapter 2
Languages of China...................................................................................... 4
1. Classification of Chinese.................................................................... 4
2. Non-Chinese languages of China ....................................................... 5
3. Alternative classifications .................................................................. 8
Chapter 3
The language policy of the People’s Republic of China regarding the
dialects of Chinese............................................................................ 10
1. The forming of Putonghua ............................................................... 10
2. Language legislation......................................................................... 10
3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua ........................... 12
4. The status of Putonghua................................................................... 13
Chapter 4
Chinese historical phonetics....................................................................... 15
1. The structure of the syllable ............................................................. 15
2. Middle Chinese tones ....................................................................... 16
3. Middle Chinese initials..................................................................... 18
4. Middle Chinese finals....................................................................... 21
5. Fanqie............................................................................................... 22
6. Rhyme books ˄䷉к yùnshǌ˅....................................................... 23
Chapter 5
Classifications of Chinese dialects ............................................................. 25
1. Criteria.............................................................................................. 25
2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century......... 36
xvi Contents
Chapter 6
The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas
of China ............................................................................................ 63
1. The Language Atlas of China ........................................................... 63
2. Classification into smaller units ....................................................... 63
3. The classification.............................................................................. 64
4. Controversial issues.......................................................................... 74
5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups ................ 77
Chapter 7
Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects....................................... 91
1. Phonetics .......................................................................................... 91
2. Vocabulary ..................................................................................... 106
3. Grammar......................................................................................... 121
Chapter 8
Analysis of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects .............. 128
1. Introduction .................................................................................... 128
2. Methods of research for The Great Dictionary of Modern
Chinese Dialects............................................................................. 134
3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Dictionary of
Modern Chinese Dialects ............................................................... 137
4. Background overview of explored places ...................................... 157
Chapter 9
Information gathered from The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese
Dialects........................................................................................... 184
1. Internal diversification ................................................................... 184
2. Phonetics ........................................................................................ 186
3. Vocabulary ..................................................................................... 196
4. Grammar......................................................................................... 201
Chapter 10
Summary and conclusions........................................................................ 203
1. Dialects or languages?.................................................................... 203
2. The language of the majority.......................................................... 204
3. Language policy ............................................................................. 204
4. Criteria............................................................................................ 205
5. Different classifications.................................................................. 205
6. Research methods........................................................................... 206
7. Other aspects of modern dialectology ............................................ 207
8. Chinese abroad ............................................................................... 207
Contents xvii
9. Are the dialects of China endangered? ........................................... 208

10. Tasks of Chinese dialectology........................................................ 208
11. The role of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects ..... 208
A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin Dynasty................. 210
China’s main administrative units ............................................................ 211
Notes ........................................................................................................ 213
References ................................................................................................ 221
Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology ............. 252
Index of personal names........................................................................... 266
Index of Chinese place names .................................................................. 271
Abbreviations
A.R. – Autonomous Region ˄㞾⊏ऎ Zizhiqu˅

Atlas – The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu
Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989)
IPA – International Phonetic Alphabet
S.A.R. – Special Administrative Region ˄ ⡍ ߿ 㸠 ᬓ ऎ Tebiexing
Zhengqu˅
List of tables, diagrams and illustrations
Page:
Table 1. Structure of a syllable 16
Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names 17
Table 3. Tone categories 18
Table 4. The traditional thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· 20
Table 5. ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ 21
Table 6. ಯ੐ sìhǌ 22
Table 7. History of dialect classifications 59–61
Table 8. Development of Middle Chinese syllables in
the ܹໄ rùshƝng into modern Mandarin dia-
lects 89
Table 9. Development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞
quánzhuó initials into modern dialects 90
Table 10. Tones of the Beijing dialect 96
Table 11. Initials of the Beijing dialect 97
Table 12. Finals of the Beijing dialect 97
Table 13. Table of homophonic characters for the [in]
final in the Beijing dialect 98
Table 14. Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan,
yan] finals of the Beijing dialect 99
Table 15. Dialect groups and subgroups and their repre- 138–142
sentatives in The Great Dictionary of Mo-
dern Chinese Dialects
Table 16. Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and
their representatives in The Great Dictionary 146–147
of Modern Chinese Dialects
Table 17. Representatives of dialects in preceding sur-
veys and in The Great Dictionary of Modern 151–154
Chinese Dialects
Table 18. A choice of features of the forty two dialect
localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern 181–183
Chinese Dialects
Table 19. Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the
forty two dialect localities and Putonghua 186–188
xx List of tables, diagrams and illustrations
Page:
Table 20. Tonal categories and their values in the forty
two dialect localities and Putonghua 188–191
Table 21. Opposition between voiced and voiceless
plosive initials; plosive codas; nasal and
nasalized codas in the forty two dialect 192–194
localities and Putonghua
Table 22. Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty
two dialect localities and Putonghua 197–200
Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group

covered by The Great Dictionary of Modern 142
Chinese Dialects
Diagram 2. Percentage of volumes in The Great Diction-
ary of Modern Chinese Dialects against the 149
percentage of speakers of each dialect group
Figure 1. Sixteen ᨘ shè of Guăngyùn 24

Figure 2. Order of the sixteen ᨘ shè in Fangyan 94
Diaocha Zibiao
Figure 3. Order of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· in Fangyan 94–95
Diaocha Zibiao
Figure 4. Symbols of থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁ 106
Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities 144

of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese
Dialects
Map 2. Distribution of the dialect localities of The 145
Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dia-
lects in southern China
Chapter 1
Defining terminology
1. ‘ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán’ versus ‘dialect’
There is slight disagreement between the Chinese perception of the term

ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán and the western term ‘dialect’. The Chinese traditionally
refer to the local forms of their speech as þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ, lit. ‘regional
speech’. This term is customarily translated into English as ‘dialect’,
though it seems that this translation is not fully accurate.
The Chinese definitions of þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ do not take the parameter
of mutual intelligibility into consideration, whereas the western term ‘dia-
lect’ usually applies this criterion as decisive, though not without excep-
tions (cf. Chambers and Trudgill 2003: 3–4; Bussman 2000: 125). This is
probably the main difference between the perception of the Chinese and
western terms.
The concept of regional linguistic varieties appeared in China at the
earliest around the time of the Zhou Dynasty. At that time it was called ⅞
ᮍᓖ䇁 shǌ fƗng yì y· (“different lands and distinct languages”) (cf. Yuan
Jiahua 2003: 1). The term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ was used for the first time
during the reign of the Western Han Dynasty by Yang Xiong in his work
entitled 䔊䔽Փ 㗙㒱 ҷ 䇁䞞 ߿೑ ᮍ 㿔 Youxuan shizhe juedai yu shi
bieguo fangyan (Study of dialect words of other states explained by the
light-carriage messenger), better known by its shortened name ᮍ 㿔
Fangyan (see Liu Junhui et al. 1992; cf. He Gengyong 1984: 1; Zhan Bohui
et al. 2004: 19; Yan, M. M. 2006: 5).
Gao Mingkai and Shi Anshi (2002: 220–221) present the definition of
þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ as: “a branch of the language of a nation, its local
variant. ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán is used by people living in a certain place, belong-
ing to a certain society, and it has characteristics of its own.” You Rujie
(2000: 7) explains that “we talk about dialects ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅ in contrast
to language ˄䇁㿔 y·yán˅. The relationship between dialect and language
is the same as between specific and general. Language is a general term and
dialect a specific term. Dialects are the existent form of language, in every-
day life people use specific dialects, not general languages.”
2 Defining terminology
The term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ can imply either a large dialect group, such
as Mandarin, Yue, Wu, etc., or a tongue used in a small area, such as the
Beijing dialect ˄࣫Ҁᮍ㿔 BČijƯng fƗngyán˅, Shanghai dialect ˄Ϟ⍋ᮍ
㿔 Shàngh΁i fƗngyán˅.
2. Dialects or languages
The debate as to whether or not the varieties of speech used by the Chinese
should be classified as separate languages or dialects of one language is a
difficult one, with reasons on both sides. The main criterion according to
which some scholars tend to use the English term ‘language’ for the varie-
ties of Chinese, is the lack of mutual intelligibility between the various
forms of speech, the fact that the “various ‘Chinese dialects’ are as diverse
as the several Romance languages” (Chomsky 2002: 15). On the other hand,
since there are no extra-linguistic (political, historical, geographical, cul-
tural) reasons to treat these dialects as individual languages, the tradition is
to call them dialects of Chinese (cf. DeFrancis 1984: 54–57; Lin, Yen-Hwei
2007: 1–2, 363–264; Crystal 2003: 287, 314; The Republic of China Year-
book 2000: 40, 41; Norman 1988: 187–188; Gao Ran 1999a; Yan, M. M.
2006: 2–3).
Calling the varieties of Chinese ‘dialects’ ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅ rather than
languages does have a strong political undertone, as it serves the unity of
the Chinese people. If a vast majority of inhabitants speaks one language,
the country is also unified (cf. Chapter 3.1.).
The Chinese writing system is yet another factor which unifies the coun-
try. If the literary language is used to write down a text, then even if the
characters are pronounced differently in various parts of China, they can be
more or less understood by every speaker.
3. Conclusions
Perhaps the term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ is simply untranslatable and the

question will always provoke discussion. Nonetheless, since the Chinese
have been using the term since the time of the Han Dynasty to describe the
speech of the Han people, it maybe should not be changed.
The following words of Zhao Yuanren justify the treatment of Chinese
as one language (Zhao Yuanren 2004b: 965):
Conclusions 3
In the case of the dialects of Chinese, they are phonologically as divergent

from one another as German from Dutch or French from Italian. But the
historical association of the speakers of the dialects has always been main-
tained not only by the use of a common system of writing, but also by the
use of a common classical idiom, based on a common body of literature,
and more recently by the general use of a common modern dialect, usually
called Mandarin, so that there is a linguistic sense, as well as a poli-
tico-geographical sense in which one can speak of the Chinese language.
The choice between the terms ‘dialect’ and ‘language’ is not merely a
political question, but can also interfere in the sense of ethnic identity,
which is not the intention of the author. An analysis of the Chinese identity
and the role of the language as an ethnic flag could be an object for study in
the domain of linguistic anthropology.
Despite all the controversies, the term ‘dialect’ will be applied to de-
scribe the Chinese þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ in this book, as this form is deeply
rooted in the tradition of sinology, though one ought to remember that this
term is more or less a matter of convention.
Chapter 2
Languages of China
China is often regarded as a linguistic monolith, not only by people from

outside the country, but also by the Chinese themselves. This point of view
seems justified when one takes into account the fact that for about 92% of
the population the mother tongue is Chinese. However, if one takes a closer
look at the divergence of the dialects of Chinese, and observes that the
remaining 8% speak (officially) around eighty languages (cf. Zou and You
2001: 4; Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251; Li Rong 1989b; Dao Bu 2004:
67), then one should rather consider China as a vast mosaic of languages
and dialects (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251).
1. Classification of Chinese
Chinese is commonly classified as a sub-branch of the Sino-Tibetan lan-

guage family. However, “the membership and classification of the Sino-
Tibetan family of languages is highly controversial” (Crystal 2003: 312; cf.
Majewicz 1989: 66; Ruhlen 2004). Disregarding all the controversies
around the classification of this language family, it will be applied in this
book as the most popular existing view.
The Sino-Tibetan languages are divided into two branches: Sinitic and
Tibeto-Burman (cf. DeLancey 1987; Crystal 2003: 312–313).1 The Sinitic
branch denotes the Chinese dialects, the Tibeto-Burman – “several hundred
languages spoken from the Tibetan plateau in the north to the Malay Penin-
sula in the south and from northern Pakistan in the west, to northeastern
Vietnam in the east” (DeLancey 1987: 799).
The Chinese language, in all its varieties, is spoken by more than a bil-
lion people, which is more than 20% of the global population, not only in
mainland China and Taiwan, but also throughout South-East Asia, as well
as in other parts of the world, e.g. in the United States (cf. Zou and You
2001: 1; Crystal 2003: 312).
Non-Chinese languages of China 5
2. Non-Chinese languages of China
Fifty six nationalities are officially recognized in China. The Han Chinese
constitute 91.59% of the population, minorities – 8.41% (2000; cf. [www
12]). The Language Atlas of China (A1 [also Li Rong 1989b]; A4; C14)
lists around eighty officially recognized languages used in China2. They
belong to five language families (see also Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu.
Yuyan Wenzi Fence 1988: 523–526):
1. Sino-Tibetan Family ˄∝㮣䇁㋏ Hànzàng Y·xì˅

1.1. Sinitic Group – Chinese ˄∝䇁 Hàny·˅
1.2. Tibeto-Burman Group ˄㮣㓙䇁ᮣ Zàngmi΁n Y·zú˅ (26% of the
population speaking minority languages) (23 languages, spoken in:
Tibetan A.R., Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Hunan,
Hubei Provinces, Guangxi A.R.)
Tibetan ˄㮣䇁 Zàngy·˅
Jiarong (~Gyarung, ~Rgyarung)˄௝២䇁 JiƗróngy·˅
Monba ˄䮼Ꮘ䇁 MénbƗy·˅: Cona Monba ˄䫭䙷䮼Ꮘ䇁 Cuònà
MénbƗy·˅, Cangluo Monba ˄ҧ⋯䮼Ꮘ䇁 CƗngluò MénbƗy·˅
Lhoba (~Lopa) ˄⦲Ꮘ䇁 LuòbƗy·˅: Boga’er Lhoba ˄म௢ᇨ⦲
Ꮘ 䇁 BógƗ’Čr LuòbƗy· ˅ , Yidu Lhoba ˄ Н 䛑 ⦲ Ꮘ 䇁 Yìdǌ
LuòbƗy·˅
Deng ˄‫ڰ‬䇁 Dèngy·˅: Geman Deng ˄Ḑ᳐‫ڰ‬䇁 Gémàn Dèng-
y·˅, Darang Deng ˄䖒䅽‫ڰ‬䇁 Dáràng Dèngy·˅
Jingpo (~Chingpaw, ~Kachin) ˄᱃乛䇁 J΃ngpǀy·˅
Zaiwa (~Jingpo) ˄䕑⪺䇁 Zàiw΁y·˅
Derong (~Tulung, ~Drung) ˄⣀啭䇁 Dúlóngy·˅
Nu ˄ᗦ䇁 Nùy·˅
Qiang ˄㕠䇁 QiƗngy·˅
Primi (~Pumi) ˄᱂㉇䇁 P·m΃y·˅
Yi (~Lolo) ˄ᔱ䇁 Yíy·˅
Hani ˄જሐ䇁 HƗníy·˅
Achang ˄䰓ᯠ䇁 ƖchƗngy·˅
Lahu ˄ᢝ⼰䇁 LƗhùy·˅
Jino ˄෎䇎䇁 JƯnuòy·˅
Lisu ˄ٜ‫ۇ‬䇁 Lìsùy·˅
Naxi (~Moso) ˄㒇㽓䇁 NàxƯy·˅
Bai ˄ⱑ䇁 BƗiy·˅
Tujia (~Tuchia) ˄ೳᆊ䇁 T·jiƗy·˅
6 Languages of China
1.3. Miao-Yao (~Hmong-Mien) Group ˄㢫⩊䇁ᮣ Miáoyáo Y·zú˅

(10.8%) (4 languages) (spoken in: Guizhou Province, Guangxi
A.R., Hunan, Yunnan, Guangdong Provinces)
Miao (~Hmong) ˄㢫䇁 Miáoy·˅
Bunu ˄Ꮧࡾ䇁 Bùn·y·˅
She ˄⭆䇁 ShƝy·˅3
Yao (~Mien) ˄⩊˄࢝˅䇁 Yáo (Mi΁n) y·˅
1.4. Zhuang-Dong Group ˄ ໂ ի 䇁 ᮣ Zhuàng Dòng Y·zú ˅ (14
languages) (spoken in: Guangxi A.R., Guizhou, Yunnan,
Guangdong Provinces)
Zhuang ˄ໂ䇁 Zhuàngy·˅
Bouyei (~Buyei) ˄Ꮧձ䇁 BùyƯy·˅
Dai ˄‫ٷ‬䇁 D΁iy·˅
Lingao ˄Ј催䆱 LíngƗohuà˅
Dong (~Kam)˄ի䇁 Dòngy·˅
Mulam ˄ҿՀ䇁 Mùl΁oy·˅
Sui ˄∈䇁 Shu΃y·˅
Maonan ˄↯फ䇁 Máonány·˅
T’en ˄Ճ‫ڭ‬䆱 Yánghuáng huà˅
Mojia (~Mak) ˄㥿䆱 Mòhuà˅
Lakia ˄ᢝ⦜䇁 LƗjiƗy·˅
Li (~Hlai) ˄咢䇁 Líy·˅
Cun ˄ᴥ䆱 Cǌnhuà˅
Gelao (~Gelo, ~Kelao) ˄ҵՀ䇁 GƝl΁oy·˅
2. Altaic Family ˄䰓ᇨ⋄䇁㋏ Ɩ’Črtài Y·xì˅
2.1. Mongolic Group ˄ 㩭 স 䇁 ᮣ MČngg· Y·zú ˅ (6 languages)
(spoken in: Inner Mongolia A.R., Xinjiang A.R., Gansu, Qinghai,
Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning Provinces)
Mongolian ˄㩭স䇁 MČngg·y·˅
Dongxiang (~Santa) ˄ϰе䇁 DǀngxiƗngy·˅
Tu (~Monguor) ˄ೳᮣ䇁 T·zúy·˅
Daur ˄䖒᭵ᇨ䇁 Dáwò’Čry·˅
Bonan (~Pao’an) ˄ֱᅝ䇁 B΁o’Ɨny·˅
Eastern Yugur ˄ϰ䚼㺩೎䇁 Dǀngbù Yùgùy·˅
2.2. Manchu-Tungusic Group ˄⒵-䗮সᮃ䇁ᮣ M΁n-Tǀngg·sƯ Y·zú˅
(5 languages) (spoken in: Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning Provinces,
Xinjiang A.R.)
Ewenki (~Owenk) ˄䛖⏽‫ܟ‬䇁 ÈwƝnkèy·˅
Xibe ˄䫵ԃ䇁 XƯbóy·˅
Non-Chinese languages of China 7
Manchu (~Man) ˄⒵䇁 M΁ny·˅

Oroqen ˄䛖Ӻ᯹䇁 Èlúnchǌny·˅
Hezhen (~Hoche) ˄䌿૆䇁 Hèzhéy·˅
2.3. Turkic Group ˄さॹ䇁ᮣ Tǌjué Y·zú˅ (8 languages) (spoken in:
Xinjiang A.R., Qinghai, Gansu Provinces)
Uygur ˄㓈਒ᇨ䇁 Wéiwú’Čry·˅
Kazak ˄જ㧼‫ܟ‬䇁 HƗsàkèy·˅
Kirgiz ˄᷃ᇨ‫ܟ‬ᄰ䇁 KƝ’ČrkèzƯy·˅
Salar ˄ᩦᢝ䇁 SƗlƗy·˅
Western Yugur ˄㽓䚼㺩೎䇁 XƯbù Yùgùy·˅
Uzbek ˄Рᄰ߿‫ܟ‬䇁 WǌzƯbiékèy·˅
Tatar ˄ศศᇨ䇁 T΁t΁’Čry·˅
Tuvan ˄೒⪺䇁 Túw΁y·˅
3. Austro-Asiatic Family ˄ फ Ѯ 䇁㋏ Nányà Y·xì ˅ (3 languages)
(spoken in: Yunnan Province)
Mon-Khmer Group ˄ᄳ—催ẝ䇁ᮣ Mèng-GƗomián Y·zú˅
De’ang (~Palaung, ~Shwe) ˄ᖋᯖ䇁 Dé’ángy·˅
Va ˄Ը䇁 W΁y·˅
Blang ˄Ꮧᳫ䇁 Bùl΁ngy·˅
4. Austronesian Family ˄ फ ቯ 䇁㋏ Nánd΁o Y·xì ˅ (12 languages)
(spoken in: Taiwan)
The languages of the Taiwan Gaoshan people ˄催ቅᮣ GƗoshƗnzú˅
belonging to the Indonesian language group ˄ ॄ ᑺ ሐ 㽓 Ѯ 䇁 ᮣ
YìndùníxƯyà Y·zú˅
4.1. Atayalic ˄⋄㘊ᇨ䇁ಶ TàiyƝ’Čr Y·tuán˅:
Atayal ˄⋄㘊ᇨ䇁 TàiyƝ’Čry·˅
Taroko ˄䌯ᖋ䇁 Sàidéy·˅
4.2. Tsouic ˄䚍䇁ಶ Zǀu Y·tuán˅
Tsou ˄䚍䇁 Zǀuy·˅
Kanakanabu ˄व䙷व䙷Ꮧ䇁 K΁nàk΁nàbùy·˅
Saaroa ˄≭䰓剕䰓䇁 ShƗ’Ɨl·’Ɨy·˅
4.3. Paiwanic ˄ᥦ⑒䇁ಶ PáiwƗn Y·tuán˅
Amis (Pangcah) ˄䰓ⳝᮃ䇁 ƖméisƯy·˅
Paiwan ˄ᥦ⑒ PáiwƗn˅
Bunun ˄Ꮧ‫ݰ‬䇁 Bùnóngy·˅
Rukai ˄剕߃䇁 L·k΁iy·˅
Puyuma ˄थफ䇁 BƝinány·˅
Saisiyat ˄㧼ᮃ⡍䇁 SàsƯtèy·˅
Thao ˄䚉䇁 Shàoy·˅
8 Languages of China
4.4. Yami ˄㘊ⳝ䇁 YƝméiy·˅

5. Indo-European Family ˄ ॄ ⃻ 䇁㋏ Yìn’ǀu Y·xì ˅ (2 languages)
(spoken in: Xinjiang A.R., Inner Mongolia A.R.)
Iranian language group ˄Ӟᳫ䇁ᮣ YƯláng Y·zú˅: Tajik ˄ศঢ়
‫ܟ‬䇁 T΁jíkèy·˅
Slavic language group ˄ᮃᢝ໿䇁ᮣ SƯlƗfǌ Y·zú˅: Russian ˄֘
㔫ᮃ䇁 ÉluósƯy·˅
6. Non-defined language family4
Korean ˄ᳱ剰䇁 Cháoxi΁ny·˅
Gin (~Vietnamese) ˄Ҁ䇁 JƯngy·˅
Huihui (~Tsat, ~Cham) ˄ಲ䕝䆱 HuíhuƯhuà˅
3. Alternative classifications
3.1. Li Fanggui ˄ᴢᮍḖ˅
In 1937 Li Fanggui published an article in the Chinese Yearbook (Li Fang-

gui [1937] 1973), in which he described the then current linguistic situation
in China. According to his classification, the languages of China could be
divided into the following families and branches (Li Fanggui 1973: 1):
1. Indo-Chinese (Tibeto-Chinese, Sino-Tibetan, Sinitic)

a. Chinese
b. Kam-Tai
c. Miao-Yao
d. Tibeto-Burman
2. Austro-Asiatic:
a. Mon-Khmer
3. Altaic:
a. Turkish
b. Mongolian
c. Tungus
4. Indo-European
a. Tokharian (extinct)
Alternative classifications 9
3.2. S. Robert Ramsey
Ramsey (1987: 157–291) gives a brief description of the minority lan-

guages of China. He divides the non-Chinese languages of China into two
linguistic areas: the North and the South. “The languages of the North are
almost all ‘Altaic languages’… The languages in the South are an extension
of the Southeast Asian linguistic area…” (Ramsey 1987: 171). Yet, the
author does not include the third linguistic area “formed by Tibet and adja-
cent parts of West China”, nor the island of Taiwan (Ramsey 1987: 172).
He lists and describes the minority languages divided into the following
groups:
The Minorities of North China:

1. Turkic (Ramsey 1987: 179–194)
2. Mongolian (Ramsey 1987: 194–212)
3. Tungus (Ramsey 1987: 212–229)
The Minorities of South China:
4. Tai (Ramsey 1987: 232–248)
5. Tibeto-Burman (Ramsey 1987: 248–278)
6. Miao-Yao (Ramsey 1987: 278–286)
7. Mon Khmer (Ramsey 1987: 286–287)
8. Unclassified or Isolated Languages (Ramsey 1987: 287–291)
3.3. SIL International5
The online version of Ethnologue, “an encyclopaedic reference work

cataloguing all of the world’s 6,909 known living languages” (see [www
2]), presented by SIL International, lists 292 living languages in China,
including 13 dialects of Chinese and Chinese Sign Language (see [www 3])
and 22 languages in Taiwan (including 3 dialects of Chinese and Taiwan
Sign Language) (see [www 4]). This then totals 279 non-Chinese languages
in mainland China, along with 18 in Taiwan (some may be repeated in both
places).
The classification by SIL International differs greatly from the official
one of the People’s Republic of China. The dissimilarities lie mostly in the
problem of recognition of languages as well as the criteria for treating the
varieties as dialects or individual languages.
Chapter 3
The language policy of the People’s Republic of
China regarding the dialects of Chinese6
1. The forming of Putonghua
Because of the diversity of languages and dialects in China, it is natural that

the need to create a linguistic standard, or a national language has come
about. The common language is supposed to become one of the pillars of
unity of the country, the means of communication between the local lan-
guages and dialects, and a means of controlling the inhabitants. The origin
of the Chinese national language goes back as far as to the time of the
Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BC). Its basis has always been the
Northern Dialects ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅. Since the time of the
Ming Dynasty, the standard language has been called ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà, i.e.
Mandarin (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 5–7; You Rujie 2004: 26–28; Lü Jiping
2002: 41–47).
At present, the national standard in China is Putonghua ˄ ᱂ 䗮䆱
P·tǀnghuà˅ (literally ‘common speech’). Putonghua has also been created
on the basis of the Northern Dialects, i.e. Mandarin Dialects. The Beijing
pronunciation was used as the phonetic foundation. “Model works written
in the modern ⱑ䆱 báihuà 7” have been chosen as the grammatical founda-
tion. The process of creating the standard language was a long one. Offi-
cially, Putonghua was declared the common language of the Han people in
1955 (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 107; Song Xinqiao ed. 2004: 13–14; Tan
Dazheng ed. 2000: 181–182; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 43–45). In article 19
of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, legislated in 1982, it
is declared that “The state promotes the nationwide use of Putonghua…”
(see Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 24, 25; cf. Dao Bu 2004:
72).
2. Language legislation
The People’s Republic of China Law of the Country’s Common Language

and Writing (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongyong Yuyan Wenzi
Language legislation 11
Fa ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑೑ᆊ䗮⫼䇁㿔᭛ᄫ⊩) (see Quanguo Renda… 2001:

4–9), which has been valid since 2001, in the second article of the first
section, declares “Putonghua and the standardized Chinese characters the
common language and writing of the People’s Republic of China”. In the
third article it is once again stated that “the country promotes the
popularization of Putonghua and the standardized characters” (see Quan-
guo Renda… 2001: 4). The fourth article of the Constitution of the People’s
Republic of China declares that “all nationalities have the freedom to use
and develop their own spoken and written languages…” (see Zhonghua
Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 14, 15; cf. Dao Bu 2004: 72).
In the Constitution, nothing is said about the protection of the dialects of
Chinese. This has caused some peculiar situations, such as the one de-
scribed by Frank Anshen (2001: 710–711), when the government protects
and encourages the rights of minorities by publishing materials in their
languages, at the same time neglecting the vast groups of speakers of
individual dialects of Chinese, by not providing them with such privileges.
This is one of the ways in which the government wants to unify the Chinese
language.
The two points, i.e. the popularization of Putonghua all over the country,
and the right of the national minorities to use their own languages, are the
main goals of the Chinese language policy.
The rules of when to use dialects are precisely described in article 16 of
the language law (Quanguo Renda… 2001: 6–7, English translation at
[www 15]):
…Local dialects may be used under the following circumstances:

– when State functionaries really need to use them in the performance of
official duties;
– where they are used in broadcasting with the approval of the
broadcasting and television administration under the State Council or of
the broadcasting and television department at the provincial level;
– where they are needed in traditional operas, films and TV programs and
other forms of art; and
– where their use is really required in the publishing, teaching and
research.
As one can see, the possibility of using dialects is quite rigorously re-
stricted by the law. That does not, of course, prohibit the everyday users of
dialects to speak their own variety of the language. It is often repeated in
commentaries to the language law, that “the aim of the promotion of
12 The language policy of the PRC
Putonghua is certainly not to eliminate the dialects, but to remove the

estrangement between various dialects” (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 253;
Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47; 292; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 32–33). Dis-
semination of the common language means that the people who speak dia-
lects should also know the national standard. This standard is to be used in
official circumstances, such as schools, offices, etc. (cf. Quanguo Renda…
2001: 47; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 33). This way, the dialects have in fact
been pushed away to become a marginal part of social life.
The use of the standard language is also widely promoted in all kinds of
media, films, literature. Nevertheless, as it is stated in the third section of
article 16 of the language law, the use of dialects is allowed in some cases.
These cases are local operas, folk ballads, musical storytelling, comic dia-
logues and other forms of folk performing art. The second section of this
article permits some particular use of dialects in radio and television. Al-
though existing local TV and radio stations, which have been transmitting
programs using dialects, did not have to be closed after the law came into
force, it is at the same time not recommended to create new channels and
programs in which dialects would be used. In the areas where dialects
dominate, new channels should be established, which would transmit pro-
grams in Putonghua (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 79).
According to the twelfth article of the law of the educational system, the
usage of Putonghua has become obligatory in schools and institutions of
higher education. An exception has been made for national minorities, in
reference to the above-mentioned article four of the Constitution of the
People’s Republic of China (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 278–279).
In reality, because of the large size of China, the population density, the
big diversity of languages and dialects, as well as the differences in
development between regions, dialects are still often used in education.
Moreover, it happens that dialects are spoken even at government level, and
at various conferences and celebrations. Also, in the judicature, at local TV
stations, or in industry one can find that Putonghua is not yet fully spread
(cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258; Lü Jiping ed. 2002: 83–120).
3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua
The expansion of the standard language in a natural way influences the

local varieties of the language. At the same time, paradoxically, this process
is also reversed. As the standard changes the dialects, so do some dialectal
The status of Putonghua 13
features penetrate the standard. This can most clearly be seen in areas that
are far from the capital. Yet, this mutual interaction, which is a normal reac-
tion to the unification of the language, is not symmetrical. Dialects are far
more influenced by Putonghua, than the other way round (cf. Li Rulong
2003: 7; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47–48; Guo 2004). More and more
differences emerge between the older generations, who speak a conserva-
tive form of their dialects, and the younger generations, who are gradually
surrendering to the power of Putonghua (You Rujie 2004: 27).
Thus, although Putonghua is partially an artificial creation, it has be-
come a living language with all the consequences of being one. The stan-
dard continues to be the standard, and there is only one true language. At
the same time, however, far from the capital, it takes different shapes. That
is how the expression ‘non-standard Putonghua’ ˄ϡᷛ‫ⱘޚ‬᱂䗮䆱 bù
bi΁ozh·n de P·tǀnghuà˅ has come into being. Various degrees of confor-
mity of speech with the national model can be distinguished, depending on
how far it strays away from the origin (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 292).
Here, another new term has emerged: ‘local Putonghua’ ˄ഄᮍ᱂䗮䆱
dìfƗng P·tǀnghuà˅.
The language spoken by people with at least secondary education, who
have studied in Beijing, or people who come from dialectal areas, but
whose speech does not contain the slightest dialectal influence, is consid-
ered the Putonghua of the best quality. The ‘non-standard Putonghua’
means all its local varieties, to a greater or lesser extent different from the
“pure” form (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 110–112).
4. The status of Putonghua
Being the standard language, as well as the language of the educated part of
society, Putonghua is often viewed as the language of the elite.8 This may
encourage the populace to learn this esteemed tongue, which may further
lead to the abandonment by the inhabitants of their home dialects, in order
to speak the language of high society.
One statement seems particularly interesting in this light, i.e. that “one
of the main responsibilities of Chinese dialectology is to help the spread of
Putonghua” (see Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248). One of the achieve-
ments of the dialectologists in this field is making comparisons between the
standard and the dialects, as well as teaching the standard to people in
dialectal areas (cf. Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248).
14 The language policy of the PRC
A national conference on the workings of the national language ˄ܼ೑

䇁㿔᭛ᄫᎹ԰Ӯ䆂 Quanguo Yuyan Wenzi Gongzuo Huiyi˅ was held in
Beijing in 1997. During this conference the main tasks for the first half of
the twenty first century were set. Before 2010, Putonghua is meant to be
“pre-spread” throughout the country. This process is to be completed by
mid-century. As far as dialects are concerned, this “pre-spreading” means
that unintelligibility between dialects should be basically removed. The
total spread indicates that all the communicational barriers between dialects
are to disappear (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258–259; [www 14]).
Chapter 4
Chinese historical phonetics
To study the phonetics of Chinese dialects, one must be familiar to some

extent with Chinese historical phonetics ˄ ∝ 䇁 ䷇ ䷉ ᄺ Hàny·
yƯnyùnxué˅, also known as Chinese traditional phonology, as it is com-
monly applicable while researching the phonetic system of modern dialects
from the diachronic ˄ग़ᯊ lìshí˅ perspective.9
The beginning of ䷇䷉ᄺ yƯnyùnxué dates back to the end of the Eastern
Han Dynasty (25–220 A.D.) and the invention of ডߛ f΁nqiè, the tradi-
tional method of transcribing characters (see Chapter 4.5.). It deals with the
phonetics of different periods in the history of Chinese. For the diachronic
research of modern dialects, the most important era is Middle Chinese ˄Ё
স䷇ zhǀngg·yƯn˅, the time of the Sui, Tang and Song Dynasties.
The diachronic method of researching the phonetics of dialects consists
mainly in comparing the phonetic system of modern dialects with the pho-
netic system of Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅ , a rhyme book which was written
during the time of the Song Dynasty (see Chapter 4.6.2.).
1. The structure of the syllable
According to the traditional partition, a Chinese syllable ˄䷇㡖 yƯnjié˅

consists of three components: the initial (the onset) ˄ໄ↡ shƝngm·˅, the
final ˄䷉↡ yùnm·˅ and the tone ˄ໄ䇗 shƝngdiào˅. The initial is
usually made up of a consonant, except for those cases where the so-called
zero initial ˄䳊ໄ↡ língshƝngm·˅ occurs. The final can be divided into
three parts: the medial (the onglide, head vowel of the final) ˄䷉༈ yùntóu
or ҟ䷇ jièyƯn˅, the nucleus (the essential vowel of the final, the nuclear
vowel) ˄䷉㝍 yùnfù or Џ㽕‫ ䷇ܗ‬zhǎyào yuányƯn˅ and the coda (ending
of the final) ˄䷉ሒ yùnwƟi˅. The coda can be either a vowel (offglide) or
a consonant (a nasal or a voiceless stop). Of all these components, only the
nucleus and the tone are essential in forming a syllable (cf. Lin and Geng
2004: 22–25; Yan, M. M. 2006: 9–10; Wang Li 2004: 18–28; Chen, M. Y.
16 Chinese historical phonetics
2001: 4–5). Thus, the syllable structure can be shown in the following dia-
gram (after Lin and Geng 2004: 23):10
Table 1. Structure of a syllable.11

TONE ໄ䇗 shƝngdiào
FINAL ䷉↡ yùnmǎ
INITIAL MEDIAL NUCLEUS CODA
ໄ↡ ䷉༈ ䷉㝍 ䷉ሒ
shƝngmǎ yùntóu yùnfù yùnwƟi
2. Middle Chinese tones
The tones of modern Chinese dialects are believed to have evolved from
the four tonal categories of Middle Chinese pronunciation ˄ ಯ ໄ
sìshƝng˅, i.e. the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, rising tone ˄Ϟໄ
shàngshƝng or shăngshƝng12˅, falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ and enter-
ing tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 59).
The classification of tones in the modern Chinese dialects is closely re-
lated to voiceless and voiced ˄⏙⌞ qƯngzhuó˅ initials of Middle Chinese
(see Chapter 4.3.). Each of the four classical tones is divided into yƯn
˄䰈˅ and yáng ˄䰇˅ categories ˄䇗㉏ diàolèi˅. The tones deriving
from the syllables with voiceless ˄⏙ qƯng˅ initials are called yƯn ˄䰈˅
(namely: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng, 䰈এ yƯnqù, 䰈ܹ yƯnrù), the ones
deriving from the syllables with voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅ initials – yáng ˄䰇˅
(namely: 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇Ϟ yángshàng, 䰇এ yángqù, 䰇ܹ yángrù) (cf.
Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122; Lin and Geng 2004: 59; Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7–
11) (see Table 2., based on Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 123). The tone values
˄䇗ؐ diàozhí˅ of the respective tone categories ˄䇗㉏ diàolèi˅ are
diverse in different modern dialects. The number of tone categories varies
as well; the tones have split and merged into different tone categories with
different tone values (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7–13; You Rujie 2000: 24, see
also Chapter 9.2.1.2.).
Middle Chinese tones 17
Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names.

Middle Chinese name of Middle Chinese initial Derived tone name
tone
⏙ໄ↡ 䰈ᑇ
ᑇໄ qƯng shƝngmǎ yƯnpíng
píngshƝng voiceless initials
level tone ⌞ໄ↡ 䰇ᑇ
zhuó shƝngmǎ yángpíng
voiced initials
⏙ໄ↡ 䰈Ϟ
Ϟໄ qƯng shƝngmǎ yƯnshàng
shàngshƝng voiceless initials
rising tone ⌞ໄ↡ 䰇Ϟ
zhuó shƝngmǎ yángshàng
voiced initials
⏙ໄ↡ 䰈এ
এໄ qƯng shƝngmǎ yƯnqù
qùshƝng voiceless initials
falling tone ⌞ໄ↡ 䰇এ
zhuó shƝngmǎ yángqù
voiced initials
⏙ໄ↡ 䰈ܹ
ܹໄ qƯng shƝngmǎ yƯnrù
rùshƝng voiceless initials
entering tone ⌞ໄ↡ 䰇ܹ
zhuó shƝngmǎ yángrù
voiced initials
There is also another way of dividing the tones into two categories, namely
the ᑇໄ píngshƝng – level tone and the Ҙໄ zèshƝng – oblique tones. The
former category is represented only by the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅,
while the remaining three tones (i.e. rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅,
falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ and entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ belong
to the latter category.
Syllables are also divided into two classes depending on the type of end-
ing: “short” or “checked” syllables ˄ ֗ ໄ cùshƝng, literally “short
tone” ˅ and “smooth” or “slack” syllables ˄ 㟦 ໄ shǌshƝng, literally
“smooth tone”˅. The checked syllables have an occlusive as the ending,
and only the syllables in the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ belong to this
class. The smooth syllables are either open syllables or ones ending with
nasal stops; syllables in the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, rising tone
˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ and falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ belong to this
class (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 5–6; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 119, 522)
(see Table 3.).
Table 3. Tone categories.

ᑇໄ Ϟໄ এໄ ܹໄ
píngshƝng shàngshƝng qùshƝng rùshƝng
level tone rising tone falling tone entering tone
ᑇໄ Ҙໄ
píngshƝng zèshƝng
level tone oblique tone
㟦ໄ ֗ໄ
shǌshƝng cùshƝng
smooth tone short tone
3. Middle Chinese initials
During the time of the Tang and Song Dynasties the term Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn (liter-
ally: “five sounds”) was used to describe the five points of consonant
articulation. These “five sounds” were:
– ⠭䷇ yáyƯn – “molar teeth sound”, meaning velar sounds
– 㟠䷇ shéyƯn – “lingual sounds”
– ૛䷇ chúnyƯn – labial sounds
– 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn – dental sounds
– ଢ଼䷇ hóuyƯn – laryngeal sounds
Later, two other sounds were added to the list:
– ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn – “half-tongue sounds” – lateral sounds
– ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn – “half-teeth sounds” – dorsal sounds13
In this way the ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn (“seven sounds”) concept came into being.
Shortly thereafter, there occurred a more detailed classification of the
sounds. The ૛䷇ chúnyƯn, 㟠䷇ shéyƯn and 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn underwent further
divisions:
૛䷇ chúnyƯn into:
– 䞡૛䷇ zhòngchúnyƯn – “heavy labial sounds” – bilabial sounds
– 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn – “light labial sounds” – labiodental sounds
Middle Chinese initials 19
㟠䷇ shéyƯn into:
– 㟠༈䷇ shétóuyƯn – middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral sounds
– 㟠Ϟ䷇ shéshàngyƯn – dorsal plosive and nasal sounds
啓䷇ ch΃yƯn into:
– 啓༈䷇ ch΃tóuyƯn – “top-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and fricative
apico-dental sounds
– ℷ啓䷇ zhèngch΃yƯn – “centre-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and frica-
tive dorsal sounds
Altogether ten categories were created, but then the ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn
and ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn were treated as one, and thus the б䷇ ji·yƯn (“nine
sounds”) were established (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 34–36; Lin and Geng
2004: 56–58; Wang Li 2004b: 74–77; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 83–84; Liu
Zhicheng 2004: 49–50).
As to the manner of articulation, consonants were divided into ⏙ qƯng
(voiceless) and ⌞ zhuó (voiced). These were then divided into ܼ⏙ quán-
qƯng, ⃵⏙ cìqƯng, ܼ⌞ quánzhuó and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó. The features of each of
these classes were as follows (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 36–38; Lin and Geng
2004: 57; Wang Li 2004b: 77–79; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 84–86; Liu Zhicheng
2004: 51–52):
ܼ⏙ quánqƯng – voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and frica-
tives
⃵⏙ cìqƯng – voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates
ܼ⌞ quánzhuó – voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives
⃵⌞ cìzhuó – voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels
Another important concept related to the initials of Middle Chinese is ᄫ

↡ zìm· – a character representing an initial consonant. Shou Wen, a monk
who lived at the end of the Tang Dynasty and the beginning of the Five
Dynasties, created a list of thirty ᄫ↡ zìm·. Later, in the time of the Song
Dynasty a further six ᄫ↡ zìm· were added. The traditional list of thirty
six ᄫ↡ zìm· has been used by Chinese phoneticians ever since (cf. Tang
Zuofan 2004: 30–36 Wang Li 2004b: 71–80; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 80–83; Liu
Zhicheng 2004: 43–49).
The thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· can be put into a table showing their phonetic
features (the modern pronunciation in Putonghua is given in pinyin) (after
Tang Zuofan 2004: 33; cf. You Rujie 2004: 87):
Table 4. The traditional thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm·.

ܼ⏙ ⃵⏙ ܼ⌞ ⃵⌞ ܼ⏙ ܼ⌞
quán- cìqƯng quán- cìzhuó quán- quán-
qƯng zhuó qƯng zhuó
⠭䷇ 㾕 ⑾ 㕸 ⭥
yáyƯn jiàn xƯ qún yí
㟠䷇ 㟠༈
shéyƯn ䷇ ッ䗣 ᅮ ⊹
shétóu duƗn tòu dìng ní
yƯn
㟠Ϟ
䷇ ⶹ ᕏ ╘ ࿬
shé- zhƯ chè chéng niáng
shàng-
yƯn
૛䷇ 䞡૛
chún- ䷇ ᐂ ⒖ Ϻ ᯢ
yƯn zhòng- bƗng pƗng bìng míng
chún-
yƯn
䕏૛
䷇ 䴲 ᭋ ༝ ᖂ
qƯng- fƝi fú fèng wƝi
chún-
yƯn
啓䷇ 啓༈
ch΃yƯn ䷇ ㊒ ⏙ Ң ᖗ 䙾
ch΃tóu- jƯng qƯng cóng xƯn xié
yƯn
ℷ啓
䷇ ✻ こ ᑞ ᅵ ⽙
zhèng- zhào chuƗn chuáng shČn chán
ch΃yƯn
ଢ଼䷇ ᕅ ஏ ᰧ ࣷ
hóuyƯn yӿng yù xiӽo xiá
ञ㟠䷇ ᴹ
bànshéyƯn lái
ञ啓䷇ ᮹
bànch΃yƯn rì
Middle Chinese finals 21
4. Middle Chinese finals14
The basic concept in terms of traditional finals is ䷉㉏ yùnlèi. Various

syllables belong to the same ䷉㉏ yùnlèi if their finals are identical, i.e.
when the medial, nucleus and coda as well as the tone are the same (cf. Lin
and Geng 2004: 54).
Syllables belong to the same ䷉ yùn if the ䷉෎ yùnjƯ (i.e. the nucleus
and coda) and the tone are the same. A ䷉ yùn can include one or several ䷉
㉏ yùnlèi (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 54–55).
When the ䷉෎ yùnjƯ is the same, but the tone is not, then they belong to
the same ䷉䚼 yùnbù (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55).
䷉ᨘ yùnshè (or ᨘ shè) is a category which consists of ䷉ yùn which
have the same or a similar nucleus and coda. The number of ䷉ yùn in each
ᨘ shè varies (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 67–69; Zou
Xiaoli 2002: 87–88; Tang Zuofan 2004: 70–71; see also Chapter 4.6.2.).
Depending on the type of medial and nucleus, during the time of the
Song and Yuan Dynasties, syllables were divided into two classes, called ϸ
੐ li΁nghǌ, namely: ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ (or ᓔষ kƗik΅u) – “open” and ড়ষ
੐ hék΅uhǌ (or ড়ষ hék΅u) – “closed”.15 ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ syllables were
ones which did not have the medial nor the nucleus [u], while ড়ষ੐ hé-
k΅uhǌ syllables contained the medial or nucleus [u] (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004:
46, Liu Zhicheng 2004: 54–56; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87) (see Table 5.).
Table 5. ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ.
class: type of final:
ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ without [u]
ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ with [u]
Since the time of the Ming Dynasty, due to changes in the phonetic system,
Chinese syllables have been divided into four classes ˄ಯ੐ sìhǌ˅: ᓔষ
੐ kƗik΅uhǌ – syllables without a medial and with a nucleus other than [i],
[u] or [y] (e.g. [kan]); 唤啓੐ qíchƱhǌ – syllables with the medial or nu-
cleus [i] (e.g. [tÛian]) ; ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ – syllables with the medial or nu-
cleus [u] (e.g. [kuan]); ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ – syllables with the medial or
nucleus [y] (e.g. [tÛyan]) (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 23–24; Wang Li 2004b:
22; Tang Zuofan 2004: 46–47; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87).
Table 6. ಯ੐ sìhǌ.
class: type of final:
ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ without [i], [u], [y]
唤啓੐ qíchƱhǌ with [i]
ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ with [u]
᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ with [y]
The syllables were further divided into four grades – ಯㄝ sì dČng. This
division is also based on different categories of medials and finals. Every
䷉㉏ yùnlèi is ascribed to one of the four grades ˄ㄝ dČng˅. Linguists
have still not reached a consensus as to the rules of grouping finals into the
four grades. What is known is that the categorization is based upon the
presence or absence of [i] as the medial and differences in the openness of
the nucleus. Finals belonging to the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ had [i]
as the medial. It is not clear on which basis the other finals were divided
into respective grades. The first grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ and the second
grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ together are called “vast sound” ˄⋾䷇ hóngyƯn˅;
the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ and the fourth grade ˄ಯㄝ sìdČng˅
together are called “thin sound” ˄㒚䷇ xìyƯn˅. These names denote that
the first two grades were more open than the latter two (cf. Lin and Geng
2004: 55–56).16
5. Fanqie
ডߛ f΁nqiè (also called ড f΁n or ߛ qiè) is a traditional method of

transcription, in which the pronunciation of a character is indicated by the
use of two other characters. The first of these two is called ডߛϞᄫ f΁nqiè
shàngzì, the second one – ড ߛ ϟ ᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì; the character the
pronunciation of which is being described – 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì. The
first character indicates the initial of 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì, and the second
one, the final and tone.
For example, the pronunciation of ‘䛑’ is explained as “ᔧᄸߛ”, mean-
ing that one should take the initial of the character ‘ᔧ’ [ta0] and the final
together with the tone of ‘ᄸ’ [ku11] to get the reading of ‘䛑’ – [tu11] (in
modern Putonghua) (example taken from Tang Zuofan 2004: 19).17
Rhyme books 23
6. Rhyme books 䯴 ䷉к yùnshǌ䯵
Rhyme books are rather like dictionaries which arrange Chinese characters
into rhyme categories and homophones. The rhymes were to help poets
when composing poems. At the same time, the pronunciation of a series of
homophones was written down, using the ডߛ fănqiè method (see Chapter
4.5.), in order to correct the dialectal accents. Rhyme books also give an
explanation of the meaning of the characters used, so they can also serve as
dictionaries (cf. Wang Li 2004: 47). These books show the phonetic system
of Middle Chinese, which is selected to be the starting point for the survey
of the phonetics of modern Chinese dialects. The most important books of
this kind are Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ and Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅.
6.1. Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅
Qieyun is one of the most important Chinese rhyme books. It was compiled
by Lu Fayan in 601 A.D., i.e. during the time of the Sui Dynasty. The origi-
nal has not stood the test of time and only a few remnants exist. It consisted
of five volumes, including altogether 193 ䷉ yùn and around 11500 charac-
ters.18
Although most of the original of Qieyun has perished, it has been the
base of Tangyun ˄૤䷉˅19, which in turn has been the basis for writing
Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅.
6.2. Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅
The full title of Guangyun is ໻ᅟ䞡ׂᑓ䷉ (Dasong Chongxiu Guangyun)

(“The Song Dynasty’s Recompiled Extensive Rhyming Dictionary”). It was
written in 1008 A.D. (during the reign of the Song Dynasty) by Chen Peng-
nian, Qiu Yong and others, on the base of Qieyun and Tangyun and other
rhyme books. It consists of five volumes with 26194 characters divided into
206 ䷉ yùn (rhymes). Since it has been preserved, unlike its predecessors, it
is at present the most important source of knowledge about the phonetic
system of Middle Chinese.
The rhymes are sorted into tones. The five volumes include two vol-
umes for the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅ (28 and 29 rhymes respec-
tively), and one for each of the remaining tones i.e. the rising tone ˄Ϟໄ
shàngshƝng˅ (55 rhymes), the falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ (60 rhymes)
and the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ (34 rhymes) (see Chapter 4.4.).
The 206 rhymes of Guangyun have been divided into sixteen ᨘ shè
(rhyme groups) (see Chapter 4.4.). These are (the modern pronunciation of
the characters in Putonghua is given in pinyin, see also: Lin and Geng 2004:
55; Tang Zuofan 2004: 71; You Rujie 2004: 89–92):
1. 䗮 tǀng 9. ᵰ guԁ
2. ∳ jiƗng 10. ‫ ؛‬jiӽ
3. ℶ zhӿ 11. ᅩ dàng
4. 䘛 yù 12. ṫ gČng
5. 㷍 xiè 13. ᳒ zƝng
6. 㟏 zhƝng 14. ⌕ liú
7. ቅ shƗn 15. ⏅ shƝn
8. ᬜ xiào 16. ઌ xián
Figure 1. Sixteen ᨘ shè of Guangyun.
It is still not clear whether Guangyun is a description of the phonetic sys-

tem of a single form of speech at one point in time, or if it is a synthetic
description of various forms of speech from different regions or from
different historical periods. What is certain is that it has been the model for
the standard written language for centuries (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81).20.
Showing the phonetics of the literary language of Middle Chinese,
Guangyun can serve as the point of reference for the research of modern
dialects. However, it should not be treated as the origin of all the dialects,
as it is evident that dialects had already split before the time of the Song
Dynasty (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81–82, 1996a: 1).
Chapter 5
Classifications of Chinese dialects
1. Criteria
The scholar who passes as the first to present quite clear and methodologi-
cal criteria for the classification of Chinese dialects was Wang Li in 1936
(see Chapter 5.2.5.). The main parameter of division which he used were
Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials in modern pronunciation (cf. Li
Xiaofan 2005: 360).
Nowadays, the classification of Chinese dialects is usually made on the
basis of both diachronic ˄ग़ᯊ lìshí˅ and synchronic ˄݅ᯊ gòngshí˅
criteria. The diachronic features denote the historical changes in the pho-
netic system of the Chinese language since the times of Middle Chinese.
Comparing the phonetic system of Middle Chinese with those of today has
been the most popular method for classifying Chinese dialects in modern
dialectology. It has been applied by many scholars, such as Zhao Yuanren
(see Chapter 5.2.8.), Li Fanggui (see Chapter 5.2.7.), as well as by Li Rong
in the Atlas (see Chapter 6.; Chapter 6.4.) (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347; You
Rujie 2000: 50). The synchronic aspects refer to the differences between
modern dialects as well as to their special features.
1.1. Phonetic characteristics
Traditionally, the phonetic characteristics have been most widely applied

and are still considered the most important parameters for dialect classifica-
tion (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 58–59; Li Rulong 1996b: 20). This chapter
presents the views of some of the scholars on phonetic criteria since the
beginning of the 1980s.
1.1.1. Ding Bangxin ˄ϕ䙺ᮄ˅
In 1982 Ding Bangxin published an article in which he discusses the prob-

lem of the choice of criteria for dialect classification (Ding Bangxin 1998a).
26 Classifications of Chinese dialects
Ding lists the features applied by some of his most renowned predecessors:
Li Fanggui (1937, see Chapter 5.2.7.), R.A.D. Forrest (1973, first published
in 1948, see Chapter 5.2.9.), Dong Tonghe (1953, see Chapter 5.2.10.),
Yuan Jiahua (2003, first published in 1960, see Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bo-
hui (1981, see Chapter 5.1.1.2.). These criteria are as follows (Ding
Bangxin 1998a: 167; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–15):
For initials:
1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials
2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese bilabial plosives before fi-
nals belonging to the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ of ড়ষ੐ hé-
k΅uhǌ
3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu]
4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘
(chéng) initials
5. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-]
6. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ✻ (zhào), こ (chuƗn), ᑞ
(chuáng), ᅵ (shČn) and ⽙ (chán) initials
7. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials
8. Denasalization of Middle Chinese nasal initials
9. Presence or absence of voiced affricates and voiced fricatives
For finals:
10. Differentiation or merging of medials
11. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels
12. Length of vowels
13. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas
14. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas
For tones:
15. Differentiation or merging and number of tonal categories
16. Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅
Both the quality and the number of criteria applied by the scholars are
subjects for discussion. The sets of features are composed on rather
heterogeneous grounds – some are diachronic, some – synchronic, and the
hierarchy is not obvious. Ding tries to find the most thoroughgoing norms.
He proposes the following rule (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168; cf. Yan, M. M.
2006: 15):21
Criteria 27
On the basis of the history of Chinese phonetics, major dialect groups ˄໻

ᮍ㿔 dà fƗngyán˅ are classified according to early historical conditions;
sub-dialects ˄⃵ᮍ㿔 cì fƗngyán˅ are classified according to late histori-
cal conditions; dialect clusters ˄ᇣᮍ㿔 xi΁o fƗngyán˅ are determined
according to synchronic conditions. ‘Early’ and ‘late’ are relative terms; it
may not be possible to indicate the exact times. The weight of the criteria
should be decided upon according to their sequence in time; the earliest
features are most important, the latest ones determine the differences of
synchronic nature.
The criteria can be divided in two ways: either depending on the diachronic
and synchronic nature, or depending on the general and specific nature. The
universal rules are applied to every dialect; specific ones can describe the
characteristics of a single dialect (cf. Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168–169).
On the basis of the following criteria, Ding classifies the Chinese dia-
lects into seven major groups (Mandarin, Wu, Xiang, Gan, Hakka, Min,
Yue) (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 171–172):
General criteria:
1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials [b-, d-,
g-]
2. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas [-p, -t, -k]
Specific criteria:
3. Whether or not Middle Chinese ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) ini-
tials are pronounced as [t, t‘]
4. Whether or not the Middle Chinese ⃵⌞ cìzhuó syllables in the
rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ (such as 偀 (mӽ), ф (mӽi), ⧚
(lӿ), 乚 (lӿng), ᰮ (wӽn)) are at present pronounced in the 䰈ᑇ yƯn-
píng tone
Additional criteria:
5. Evolution of Middle Chinese velar initials [k-, k‘-, x-] in front of
closed front vowels
6. Evolution of the Middle Chinese tonal categories
Ding Bangxin’s article has had a great impact on Chinese dialectologists

up to this day and many scholars hold his views in high esteem (cf. Wang
Futang 2005: 60; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; [www 5]: 10–11; You Rujie
2000: 50–51; Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–16; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53).
1.1.2. Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅
In 1981 Zhan Bohui presented the following characteristics of the Chinese

dialects (Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46; see also Chapter 5.1.1.1.):
1. Retention and change in the place of articulation of Middle Chi-
nese velars
2. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
initials
3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu]
4. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-]
5. Different developments of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the
ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ) and ✻ (zhào)
9. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese plosive codas
10. Evolution of the Middle Chinese four tones
In ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha), the

work of which Zhan Bohui was the chief editor (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004,
first edition published in 1991), Zhan lists the following features as most
commonly referred to by Chinese dialectologists (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
53):
1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials
belonging to the following ᄫ↡ zìm·: Ϻ (bìng), ᅮ (dìng), 㕸
(qún)
2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn ini-
tials
3. Modern continuants of the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·:
ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng)
4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ✻ (zhào), こ (chuƗn), ᑞ
(chuáng), ᅵ (shČn), ⽙ (chán) initials
5. Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái)
initials
6. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials
8. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas
Criteria 29
9. Differentiation and merging of Middle Chinese level tone ˄ᑇໄ

píngshƝng˅, rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ and falling tone
˄এໄ qùshƝng˅
10. Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅
11. Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ of
the 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝ (fèng) and ᰧ (xiӽo), ࣷ (xiá) initials
14. Length of vowels
Most of the above mentioned criteria are those reflecting historical

changes in the phonetic system. Although the method of diachronic
comparison has been widely accepted, it does have disadvantages. Due to
the fact that the amount of data about the dialects is constantly growing, the
discrepancy between the established knowledge and linguistic reality is
becoming clearer (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347–348).
1.1.3. Li Rulong ˄ᴢབ啭˅
Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui suggest that it is not enough to describe the
phonetic system of isolated syllables, but they should be put into context.
Thus, features like tone sandhi, mutation, the neutral tone ˄䕏ໄ qƯng-
shƝng˅, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), diminutives, the literary and
colloquial variant pronunciations ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ (see Chapter
7.1.4.4.) should also be taken into consideration as relevant parameters for
dialect classification (cf. [www 5]: 9, 10; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; Zhan
Bohui et al. 2004: 56–57).
In accordance with the postulate of Ding Bangxin that more general
criteria are to be used for the classification of dialects into major dialect
groups while more specific criteria define the inner boundaries (cf. Chapter
5.1.1.1.), Li Rulong draws up a list of the following features (Li Rulong
2003a: 36–37):
General criteria:
1. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive and
affricate initials ˄ᄫ↡ zìm· Ϻ (bìng), ᅮ (dìng), 㕸 (qún), Ң
(cóng), ╘ (chéng)˅: Whether or not they have devoiced, if so,
then whether they are aspirated or not; if there are both aspirated
and unaspirated initials, then what are the rules which determine
the changes?
2. Differentiation vs. merging of the Middle Chinese ㊒ (jƯng), ᑘ
(zhuƗng), ⶹ (zhƯ), ゴ (zhƗng) initials: If ⶹ (zhƯ) has merged with
ッ (duƗn) or with ゴ (zhƗng); if the 㒚䷇ xìyƯn of initials belonging
to the ㊒ (jƯng) group have merged with 㾕 (jiàn); how many sets
of affricate initials are there at present?
3. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the 䴲
(fƝi) group: If 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝ (fèng) initials are pronounced the
same way as ᐂ (bƗng), ⒖ (pƗng), Ϻ (bìng); if ᖂ (wƝi) has
merged with ᯢ (míng); if the phenomenon of 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn
being read as 䞡૛䷇ zhòngchúnyƯn exists, then how many charac-
ters22 are concerned, have the ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ of ᰧ (xiӽo) and ࣷ
(xiá) merged with the [f-] initial?
4. Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in
the 䰇 yáng tones: How many types of nasal codas are there; does
the phenomenon of nasalization or denasalization exist; if part of
the syllables have developed into those with nasalized codas or
with the disappearance of nasals, then what are the rules for it?
5. Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in
the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅: How many types of plosive
codas are there; whether or not they have developed into glottal
stops, or if the plosive codas have also disappeared; if some of the
changes have occurred, then what are the rules?
6. Evolution of the four grades ˄ಯㄝ sì dČng˅ of Middle Chinese
ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ and ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ: Whether or not the sylla-
bles of the Middle Chinese first and second grade ˄ϔѠㄝ yƯ, ér
dČng˅ are today pronounced as 㒚䷇ xìyƯn, whether or not Middle
Chinese third and fourth grade ˄ϝಯㄝ sƗn, sì dČng˅ syllables
are pronounced as ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn; if there are Middle Chinese ᓔষ
੐ kƗik΅uhǌ syllables which are now pronounced as ড়ষ੐ hé-
k΅uhǌ and Middle Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ syllables which are
now pronounced as ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ; if there are ᪂ষ੐ cuǀ-
kǂuhǌ finals?
7. Modern tones of the Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone
˄ ܹ ໄ rùshƝng ˅ : Whether or not the ܹ ໄ rùshƝng exists
independently; if so, if it is divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng catego-
ries; whether or not it is pronounced as a short tone; if there are
Criteria 31
three types of ܹໄ rùshƝng or if there are 㟦ໄ shǌshƝng syllables

which are pronounced in the ܹໄ rùshƝng?
8. Whether or not the distinction between the literary and colloquial
pronunciation ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ exists; is it a widespread
phenomenon?
9. Whether or not in polysyllabic words the mutation of initials, finals
or tones occurs; if so, does it concern individual syllables or bigger
units; what types do the rules for the changes belong to?
10. Whether or not the neutral tone ˄䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng˅, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà,
or phonetic changes of diminutives ˄ ᇣ ⿄ ব ䷇ xi΁ochéng
biànyƯn˅ occur (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), if so, does it concern a
small number of characters or is it a large scale phenomenon?
Specific criteria:
1. Does the opposition between long and short vowels exist, or does
the ܹໄ rùshƝng divide into long and short? (e.g. in the Yue dia-
lect).
2. If there are Middle Chinese syllables with voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅ ini-
tials pronounced in the rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ which
have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone; if there is a
distinction between syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ܼ⌞
quánzhuó and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials? (e.g. in the Hakka dialect).
3. Are there 㟠༈ ䷇ shétóuyƯn which are pronounced as 㟠Ϟ ䷇
shéshàngyƯn; are characters belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ࣷ (xiá)
pronounced the same way as those belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· 㕸
(qún), if so, how many such characters are there? (e.g. in the Min
dialect).
4. Are the ᑇໄ píngshƝng or the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng not divided into
䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories? (e.g. in the Mandarin dialect, etc.).
5. What kind of specific changes have syllables belonging to the fol-
lowing Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·: ⊹ (ní), ᮹ (rì) and ᴹ (lái),
undergone, e.g. ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) initials are not distinguished; ᴹ
(lái) initials are pronounced as [s-] or [t-], ᮹ (rì) initials are pro-
nounced as [n-] or [h-] or have merged with ᕅ (yӿng) initials and
are pronounced with a zero initial.
6. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables with fricative initials, be-
longing to the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·: ᖗ (xƯn), 䙾
(xié) к (shǌ), ⽙ (chán) are today pronounced with affricate ini-
tials, if so, how many characters of this kind are there?
7. Whether or not the Middle Chinese finals have merged on a large

scale: ℠ (gƝ) with ῵ (mó), ℠ (gƝ) with 䈾 (háo), ᇸᑑ (yǀu) with
㧻ᆉ (xiƗo), ૤ (táng) with ϰ (dǀng)?
8. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables belonging to the ᄫ↡
zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have merged with other ᄫ↡ zìm· ˄⊹ (ní), ⭥
(yí)˅?
9. Whether or not initials of Middle Chinese syllables belonging to
the ⶹ (zhƯ) and ゴ (zhƗng) groups have specific modern
pronunciation, such as [k-, k‘-], [pf-, pf‘-], [t-, t‘-]?
10. Whether or not there is tone-aspiration division ˄ 䗕 ⇨ ߚ 䇗
sòngqì fƝndiào˅23; if so, is it a common phenomenon or does it af-
fect only a small number of characters?
1.2. Lexical characteristics and grammatical differences
With the development of research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar,

phonetic characteristics are no longer viewed as the only criteria for dialect
classification. Some scholars prove that lexical and grammatical parameters
are as important as phonetic (cf. [www 5]: 9–10; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
57).
The methods of research of lexical and grammatical characteristics are
similar to those of the research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar in
general (see Chapter 7.2.; Chapter 7.3.).
1.2.1. Lexical criteria
“Specific dialectal words” ˄ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshǌ cíy· or ᮍ㿔⡍

ᕕ䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí˅ are the most important factor for the classifica-
tion of dialects. They are extracted through comparison of dialectal vocabu-
lary of various places (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 37–39 Zhan Bohui 2002: 348–
349; see also Chapter 7.2.3.5.).
Because the variation of vocabulary is extensive, and the influence of
other dialects is quite strong, there are few words which are uniform in the
area in question and salient in comparison with other areas. Some words
can be specific to a few dialect groups at the same time, while they are not
found in other dialects. This is also one of the characteristics (cf. Li Rulong
2003a: 37).
Criteria 33
1.2.2. Grammatical parameters
Grammatical characteristics are found through the comparison of some

features, such as morphological changes, the use of function words, some
sentence patterns (cf. Li Rulong 2003 a: 39–40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 57;
see also Chapter 7.3.).
Due to the fact that grammatical features are not easy to find and that
this aspect of Chinese dialects is still not fully explored, they are seldom
applied when making classifications of dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349).
1.2.3. Jerry Norman’s classification
“Without rejecting the traditional scheme”, Jerry Norman proposes “a new

set of criteria or diagnostic features which will provide a framework that
both has greater historical depth and shows more clearly the internal
relationships which obtain among the various subgroups” (Norman 1988:
181–182). He is the first to choose at the same time phonological, lexical
and grammatical features for the classification of Chinese dialects. His
criteria are the following (Norman 1988: 182):
1. The third-person pronoun is tƗ [Ҫ] or cognate to it.
2. The subordinative particle is de (di) [ⱘ] or cognate to it.
3. The ordinary negative is bù [ϡ] or cognate to it.
4. The gender marker for animals is prefixed, as in the word for ‘hen’
m·jƯ [↡叵].
5. There is a register distinction only in the píng [ᑇ] tonal category.
6. Velars are palatalized before i.
7. Zhàn [キ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to stand’.
8. Z΅u [䍄] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to walk’.
9. Érzi [‫ܓ‬ᄤ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘son’.
10. Fángzi [᠓ᄤ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘house’.
1.3. Mutual intelligibility
The criterion of mutual intelligibility between Chinese dialects is not a

popular means for dialect classification. So far, no satisfactory method for
using this criterion has been found (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349; You Rujie
2000: 52–53).
To use mutual intelligibility as the only criterion can cause much confu-
sion. Because the degree of mutual intelligibility between Yue or Min and
the other dialects is very low, some people tend to call them separate lan-
guages. This idea is rejected by most scholars, as “the prerequisite of the
classification of Chinese dialects is: they are all dialects of Chinese” (Zhan
Bohui 2002: 349). The feeling for language of the inhabitants of a certain
dialectal region, their ability (or the lack of it) to communicate with people
of surrounding areas can, however, serve as a supplement for the other
criteria (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349–350).
1.4. Compartmentalizing and regrouping
The classification of dialects can be divided into two steps. The first is to
compartmentalize the dialects into large dialect groups and subgroups.24
The second is to regroup the dialects of individual places into appropriate
groups (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 344–345; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357–360).
The issue is to choose the criteria which can best synthesize the dialectal
diversification and to apply an adequate number of them. Some scholars
argue that the fewer features are taken into consideration the better, one
being the ideal, especially for compartmentalizing (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005:
360–361). Others state that an entire set of criteria should be applied (cf.
[www 5]: 9–10; Wang Futang 2005: 61–63). The parameters applied for
each level of gradation should be the same (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357, see
also Chapter 6.4.1.).
The areas which cannot easily be regrouped into appropriate dialect
groups are called “intermediate (transitional) dialect areas” ˄ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ
fƗngyán guòdùqǌ˅ or “mixed dialect areas” ˄⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ hùnhé fƗng-
yánqǌ˅ (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 358; Gao Ran 1999b: 17–19).
1.5. Conclusions
All the classifications summarized above refer to selected phonological

features as the most basic ground for dialect differentiations. However,
lexical and grammatical parameters begin to be appreciated.
Middle Chinese is generally treated as the point of origin for the modern
dialects (cf. Chapter 4.) and its phonetic system constitutes the referential
frame and the core for dialect classifications.
Criteria 35
The most salient feature appears to be the evolution of Middle Chinese

ܼ⌞ quánzhuó (especially plosive) initials. Li Xiaofan (2005: 362) sug-
gests even that this criterion is so far the most adequate for dialect
classification, and uses it to compartmentalize the Chinese dialects into six
main groups (Wu, Xiang, Hakka-Gan, Min, Yue, Mandarin). The same
criterion is also mentioned by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui, Li Rulong, as
well as by all the authors enumerated by Ding (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.; cf.
Ding Bangxin 1998a: 167).
The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas is the second general
feature applied by Ding Bangxin along with all the predecessors he refers
to, as well as by Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. Another parameter relating to
the finals which seems relevant is the evolution of Middle Chinese nasal
codas; both Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui list it. Ding Bangxin does not use
this feature in his classification, in opposition to do all the authors men-
tioned by him (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.).
The evolution of Middle Chinese tones is one more important
characteristic referred to by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. It is
the second of the so-called “additional criteria” employed by Ding. He
explains that this feature is added because the remaining criteria include
those relating to both initials and finals, therefore a need is brought up to
take the tones into consideration as well (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 173).
Regarding the evolution of Middle Chinese tones, one more parameter
is significant for the course of this book, i.e. the evolution of the Middle
Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅. It is listed by Zhan Bohui and Li
Rulong. It is also included in the list prepared by Ding Bangxin (1998a:
167). Of all the five authors enumerated by Ding, only Forrest does not
refer to this feature. Li Rong (1985a) applies this criterion to classify the
Mandarin dialects into eight subordinated units (see Chapter 6.4.; Chapter
6.5.11.). The preservation of the ܹໄ rùshƝng is also the main reason for
separating the Jin dialect from the Mandarin supergroup (see also Chapter
6.4.1.).
Jerry Norman (1988: 182) is the only author of the above-mentioned,
who does not treat Middle Chinese as the referential frame for his division.
Generally, he applies the classification “employed by Yuan Jiahua in his
1961 standard handbook…” (Norman 1988: 181; cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003, see
also Chapter 5.2.14.), which is based on the comparisons of modern Chi-
nese dialects with the phonetic system of Middle Chinese. Yet Norman
employs his own criteria to categorize the seven dialects into three groups
(see Chapter 5.2.17.). Moreover, among the ten “diagnostic features” listed
by Norman, only two (fifth and sixth) relate to phonology.
Traditionally, the phonetic system was analysed without its broader con-
text. Such are the criteria cited by Ding Bangxin (1998a: 167) and Zhan
Bohui (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53), as well as those applied by them (Ding
Bangxin 1998a: 171–172; Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46). Yet, as the investiga-
tion of modern dialects is progressing, it is not only the isolated syllables
that are now taken into consideration. Other features, such as the opposition
between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ˄ ᭛ ⱑ ᓖ 䇏 wénbái
yìdú˅, tone sandhi, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà, etc. are to be examined for the sake of
dialect classification.
Lexical and grammatical characteristics begin to play an important role
in finding differences between dialects. For example, the most evident
dissimilarities between the Gan and Hakka dialects are in the field of
vocabulary (cf. Yan Sen 1986: 24). More thoroughgoing studies of this
aspect may be helpful in solving the controversies around the grouping of
Chinese dialects (see Chapter 5.2.18.).
A tendency towards the unification and hierarchization of adequate
criteria is also visible, especially since the article of Ding Bangxin (1998a).
Universal features should be used for dividing the dialects into large groups,
later specific parameters divide the dialects into subordinated units. The
significance of criteria should be respected and those of equal importance
are to be used at every level of classification. Nonetheless, the question of
which criteria to use is still an unsettled matter among scholars (cf. Chapter
5.2.18.; Chapter 6.4.).
2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century
Many attempts have been made to categorize the varieties of Chinese in

modern times by both Chinese and Western scholars. Some of the attempts
have been based upon quite scientific analysis, some do not meet the
requirements. Nevertheless, undoubtedly up to this moment this is still a
matter of debate with roots in the inquiries of nineteenth century linguistics.
This survey presents in chronological order the ideas of a selection of au-
thors.
A historical overview 37
2.1. Paul Georg von Möllendorf
The harbinger of modern dialectal classifications of the Chinese language

was the German linguist and diplomat Paul Georg von Möllendorf (known
in China as Mu Linde). In 1896, in the China Mission Handbook˄Ё೑Ӵ
ᬭџᎹᑈ᡹ Zhongguo Chuanjiaoshi Gongnianbao˅ (American Presbyte-
rian Mission ed. 1896), he divided the dialects of China into four groups (cf.
You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12):25
1. Cantonese ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ (the dialect of Guangdong ˄ᑓϰ䆱
Gu΁ngdǀnghuà˅ and Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅)
2. Fukien dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (the dialects of Zhangzhou ˄┇
Ꮂ˅, Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅, Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅)
3. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ (the dialects of Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅,
Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅, Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅)
4. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅
2.2. Zhang Binglin ˄ゴ⚇味˅
In 1900, Zhang Binglin (also known as Zhang Taiyan) presented his pro-
posal for the arrangement of Chinese dialects. In his work 㿘к Qiushu
[Words of urgency] (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 1–348), he divides the dialects
into ten groups (see Zhang Taiyan 1984: 205–206; cf. Zhan Bohui et al ed.
2004: 58, Li Rong 1989a: 241–242):
1. From north of the Yellow River up to the region north of the Great
Wall, including Zhili Province ˄Ⳉ䲊˅ (modern day Hebei Prov-
ince), Shandong, Shanxi Provinces, as well as Zhangde˄ᕄᖋ˅,
Weihui˄ि䕝˅, Huaiqing˄ᗔᑚ˅cities in Henan Province
2. Shaanxi and Gansu Provinces
3. Henan from west of Kaifeng˄ᓔᇕ˅, as well as Runing ˄∱
ᅕ˅, Nanfang ˄फ䰆˅ and other places, along with the area
along the Yangtze River of Hubei Province up to Zhenjiang ˄䬛
∳˅
4. Hunan Province
5. Fujian Province
6. Guangdong Province
7. The area east of Kaifeng ˄ᓔᇕ˅ and around Caozhou ˄᳍Ꮂ˅

and Yizhou ˄≖Ꮂ˅ in Shandong Province up to the region be-
tween the Yangtze River and Huai River ˄⏂⊇ Huai He˅
8. The area south of the Yangtze River, Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Songjiang
˄ᵒ∳˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅, Taicang ˄໾ҧ˅, together with
Huzhou ˄ ␪ Ꮂ ˅ , Jiaxing ˄ ௝ ݈ ˅ , Hangzhou ˄ ᵁ Ꮂ ˅ ,
Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ and Shaoxing ˄㒡݈˅ in Zhejiang Province
9. The area around Huizhou ˄ᖑᎲ˅ and Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅ (Jin-
hua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou ˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅ in Zhejiang
Province as well as Guangxin ˄ᑓֵ˅, Raozhou ˄佊Ꮂ˅ in
Jiangxi Province were also included in this group)
10. Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi Provinces
In 1915, in his work Ẕ䆎 Jianlun (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 349–628),

Zhang revised the classification into nine groups (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 486–
487), collapsing groups three and four into one (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 52–
53; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 58).
Zhang’s classification is not based on any field investigations, he uses
his instinctive feel for the language as the criterion (cf. Wang Futang 2004:
514–515). Although Zhang enumerates the phonetic characteristics and the
reason of the development of some of the dialects, his classification is
mainly based on geographical factors. This kind of division belongs to the
traditional way of thinking and it is not recognized as scientific according
to modern-day rules (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 54).
2.3. The Christian Occupation of China
In 1922 another classification made by western linguists was published. In

the work entitled The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of
the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian
Forces in China (see Stauffer, Wong and Tewksbury 1922), Chinese dia-
lects were classified into two major groups, which were then further di-
vided (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232–233; Wang Futang 2005: 54;
Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12):26
I. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅:
1. Mandarin proper, divided into Northern Mandarin ˄࣫䚼ᅬ䆱
BČibù GuƗnhuà ˅ , Southern Mandarin ˄ फ 䚼 ᅬ 䆱 Nánbù
GuƗnhuà˅and Western Mandarin ˄㽓䚼ᅬ䆱 XƯbù GuƗn-

huà˅
2. Hakka dialect˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅
3. Hangzhou dialect ˄ᵁᎲ䆱 Hángzhǀuhuà˅
4. Mandarin of Hainan Island ˄⍋फᅬ䆱 H΁inán GuƗnhuà˅
5. Others
II. Coastal dialects ˄⊓⍋ᮍ㿔 Yánh΁i FƗngyán˅:
1. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅:
– Suzhou dialect ˄㢣Ꮂ䆱 Sǌzhǀuhuà˅
– Shanghai dialect ˄Ϟ⍋䆱 Shàngh΁ihuà˅
– Ningbo dialect ˄ᅕ⊶䆱 Níngbǀhuà˅
– Taizhou dialect ˄ৄᎲ䆱 TƗizhǀuhuà˅
– Jinhua dialect ˄䞥ढ䆱 JƯnhuáhuà˅
– Wenzhou dialect ˄⏽Ꮂ䆱 WƝnzhǀuhuà˅
– Others
2. Fukien dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅:
– Jianyang dialect ˄ᓎ䰇䆱 Jiànyánghuà˅
– Jianning dialect ˄ᓎᅕ䆱 Jiànnínghuà˅
– Shaowu dialect ˄䚉℺䆱 Shàow·huà˅
– Fuzhou dialect ˄⽣Ꮂ䆱 Fúzhǀuhuà˅
– Tingzhou dialect ˄∔Ꮂ䆱 TƯngzhǀuhuà˅
– Xinghua dialect ˄݈࣪䆱 XƯnghuáhuà˅
– Xiamen dialect ˄ॺ䮼䆱 Xiàménhuà˅
– Hainan dialect ˄⍋फ䆱 H΁inánhuà˅
– Others
3. Cantonese ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅:
– Shantou dialect ˄∩༈䆱 Shàntóuhuà˅
– Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅
– Sanjiang dialect (~Samkong)˄ϝ∳䆱 SƗnjiƗnghuà˅
– Guangzhou dialect ˄ᑓᎲ䆱 Gu΁ngzhǀuhuà˅
– Others
It is not clear why the Hakka dialect was classified as a subgroup of two
different dialect groups: Mandarin as well as Cantonese. The classification
of the dialect of Shantou ˄∩༈˅ which, according to the list is classified
as belonging to the Cantonese subgroup, also raises a problem. In another
place in the book, the author writes that it is similar to the Fukien dialect (cf.
You Rujie 2002: 25–26, 2004: 233).
The classifications made by non-Chinese scholars, i.e. by Möllendorf
and the one in The Christian Occupation of China, had no significant im-
pact on Chinese dialectologists at that time. However, it was later discov-

ered that they were much more scientific than the contemporary Chinese
classifications, and practically all later classifications took these two into
consideration (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi
2004: 12).
2.4. Li Jinxi ˄咢䫺❭˅
In 1934, Li Jinxi published his book ೑䇁䖤ࡼ৆㒆 Guoyu Yundong Shi-

gang (The history of the National Language Movement). In this work he
classifies the Chinese dialects into 12 groups, and names them after the
river and water systems (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 53–54; Zhan Bohui et al ed.
2004: 59; Yan, M. M. 2006: 8; Wang Futang 2004: 515):
1. Hebei group ˄⊇࣫㋏ HébČixì˅: Zhili Province ˄Ⳉ䲊˅, Shan-
dong Province, the northern part of Henan Province
2. Henan group ˄⊇फ㋏ Hénánxì˅: the central part of Henan Prov-
ince, southern part of Shanxi Province, Jiangsu, Anhui Provinces,
the area north of the Huai River ˄⏂࣫ Huái BČi˅
3. Hexi group ˄⊇㽓㋏ HéxƯxì˅: Shaanxi, Gansu, Xinjiang Prov-
inces
4. Jianghuai group ˄∳⏂㋏ JiƗnghuáixì˅: the northern part of
Jiangsu Province, and Nanjing ˄फҀ˅, Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ in
the western part of Jiangsu Province, as well as Anqing ˄ᅝᑚ˅,
Wuhu ˄㡰␪˅ in central Anhui Province and Jiujiang ˄б∳˅
in Jiangxi Province
5. Jianghan group ˄∳∝㋏ JiƗnghànxì˅: the southern part of He-
nan Province together with Hubei Province
6. Jianghu group ˄∳␪㋏ JiƗnghúxì˅: the eastern part of Hunan
Province, the southeastern corner of Hubei Province, and the
southern part of Jiangxi Province
7. Jinsha group ˄䞥≭㋏ JƯnshƗxì˅: Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou
Provinces, the northern part of Guangxi Province, western part of
Hunan Province
8. Taihu group ˄໾␪㋏ Tàihúxì˅: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Songjiang
˄ᵒ∳˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅ along with Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅,
Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅ in Zhejiang Province
9. Zheyuan group ˄⌭⑤㋏ Zhèyuánxì˅: Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou

˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅ in eastern Zhejiang Province, to-
gether with the eastern part of Jiangxi Province
10. Ouhai group ˄⫃⍋㋏ ƿuh΁ixì˅: the southern part of Zhejiang
Province, close to the sea
11. Minhai group ˄䯑⍋㋏ M΃nh΁ixì˅: Fujian Province
12. Yuehai group ˄㉸⍋㋏ Yuèh΁ixì˅: Guangdong Province
Li Jinxi quite evidently uses linguistic factors in his classification, as the

dividing lines do not simply follow the borders of provinces. Although the
first step towards a scientific classification has been made, Li did not break
completely free from the traditional geographical method of classification
(cf. Zhan Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 59; Wang Futang 2005: 54; Wang Futang
2004: 515).
2.5. Wang Li ˄⥟࡯˅
In 1936, in his work entitled Ё೑䷇䷉ᄺ Zhongguo Yinyunxue27 (Wang Li

1936), Wang Li introduced a new classification of the Chinese dialects. On
the basis of phonetic criteria he divided the Chinese dialects into 5 groups,
similar to the ones in The Christian Occupation of China (see Chapter
5.2.3.). Not only does he give a detailed description, but he also lists the
characteristics of each group and selects cities, each with its phonetic sys-
tem regarded as representative for each of the groups. Wang himself states,
that “until scientific research has been carried out throughout the country,
we are not able to say exactly how many dialects of Chinese there are;
however, the dialects can be roughly divided into five big phonetic groups”
(Wang Li 1982: 563) in the following way:28
1. Mandarin group ˄ᅬ䆱䷇㋏ GuƗnhuà yƯnxì˅, including Hebei,

Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, Shandong, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan,
Yunnan, Guizhou, Anhui Provinces, as well as the northern part of
Jiangsu, the northern part of Jiangxi and the northern part of
Guangxi Provinces
2. Wu group ˄ਈ䷇㋏ Wú yƯnxì˅, including: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅,
Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅, Wuxi ˄᮴䫵˅, Changshu ˄ᐌ❳˅, Kun-
shan ˄ᯚቅ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, Songjiang ˄ᵒ∳˅, Yixing
˄ᅰ݈˅, Liyang ˄⑻䰇˅, Jintan ˄䞥യ˅, Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅,
Jiangyin ˄∳䰈˅ and other places in Jiangsu Province, as well as

Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅, Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅, Hang-
zhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅, Zhuji ˄䇌ᱼ˅, Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou ˄㸶
Ꮂ˅, Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ and other places in Zhejiang Province
3. Min group ˄䯑䷇㋏ M΃n yƯnxì˅, including the major part of Fu-
jian Province and places like Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅, Shantou ˄∩
༈˅ and Hainan. Outside of China, it is most influential in the
Malaysian Peninsula, Singapore, Sumatra, Siam, Philippines and
other places
4. Yue group ˄㉸䷇㋏ Yuè yƯnxì˅, including the greatest part of
Guangdong Province and the southern part of Guangxi Province.
Outside of China it is most widespread in America (especially San
Francisco)
5. Hakka group ˄ᅶᆊ䷇㋏ KèjiƗ yƯnxì˅, including Meixian ˄ṙ
ও˅, Dabu ˄໻ඨ˅, Huiyang ˄ᚴ䰇˅, Xingning ˄݈ᅕ˅
and other places in Guangdong Province, as well as Tingzhou ˄∔
Ꮂ˅ in Fujian Province and the southern part of Jiangxi Province.
It has also penetrated through to the area around Gaozhou ˄催
Ꮂ˅, Qinzhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅ and Lianzhou ˄ᒝᎲ˅ in southern
Guangdong Province and to the southern part of Guangxi Province.
Outside of China, it is most influential in Indonesia (especially
Bangka)
(Wang Li 1982: 563–564)
The main phonetic characteristics of the groups are:29

1. Mandarin group ˄ᅬ䆱䷇㋏ GuƗnhuà yƯnxì˅:
– It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z]
– It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k]
– It has up to six tonal categories
2. Wu group ˄ਈ䷇㋏ Wú yƯnxì˅:
– It does have the voiced initials [b‘], [d‘], [g‘], [v], [z], which
correspond to the voiced initials in Middle Chinese
– It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k]
– It has more than six tonal categories; it has two kinds of the fal-
ling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅
3. Min group ˄䯑䷇㋏ M΃n yƯnxì˅:
– Most of the Middle Chinese syllables in the level tone ˄ᑇໄ
píngshƝng˅ with voiced initials have become unaspirated
– Some of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ) ᕏ (chè) ╘ (chéng) have pre-

served the plosive sounds [t], [t‘]
– It does not have the labiodentals [f], [v]
– It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k]
– It has more than seven tonal categories, not all of them corre-
spond to the tones in Middle Chinese
4. Yue group ˄㉸䷇㋏ Yuè yƯnxì˅:
– It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z]
– It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k]
– It has more than seven tonal categories, which in general corre-
spond to the ones in Middle Chinese
5. Hakka group ˄ᅶᆊ䷇㋏ KèjiƗ yƯnxì˅:
– It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [z]
– Middle Chinese voiced initials, regardless of being pronounced
in the level ˄ᑇ píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅ tones, are now all
pronounced as aspirated
– Except for the following (iv), (v) features, the finals are gener-
ally similar to those of the Mandarin group
– It has the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k]
– It does not have the ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ
– The Ϟໄ shàngshƝng and the এໄ qùshƝng only have one cate-
gory each, the ᑇໄ píngshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng both have two
categories
(Wang Li 1982: 564–565)
In his book entitled Ё೑䇁᭛ὖ䆎 Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun30 (Wang Li

1939), Wang Li divides the five dialect groups into various subgroups (see
Wang Li 2002b: 9–11):
1. Mandarin Dialect ˄ ᅬ 䆱 ᮍ 㿔 GuƗnhuà FƗngyán ˅ , meaning
Northern China Dialect ˄ढ࣫ᮍ㿔 HuábČi FƗngyán˅, Lower
Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᮍ㿔 XiàjiƗng FƗngyán˅, Southwest
China Dialect ˄㽓फᮍ㿔 XƯnán FƗngyán˅:
– Ji-Lu Group ˄‫ݔ‬剕㋏ Jì-L· Xì˅: Hebei, Shandong Provinces
and the Northeast China ˄ϰ࣫ DǀngbČi˅, and other places
– Jin-Shan Group ˄ᰟ䰩㋏ Jìn-Sh΁n Xi˅: Shanxi, Shaanxi,
Gansu Provinces, and other places
– Yu-E Group ˄䈿䛖㋏ Yù-È Xì˅: Henan, Hubei Provinces
– Xiang-Gan Group ˄␬䌷㋏ XiƗng-Gàn Xì˅: eastern Hunan,
western Jiangxi Provinces
– Hui-Ning Group ˄ᖑᅕ㋏ HuƯ-Níng Xì˅: Huizhou ˄ᖑᎲ˅,

Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅, and other places
– Jiang-Huai Group ˄∳⏂㋏ JiƗng-Huái Xì˅: Yangzhou ˄ᡀ
Ꮂ˅, Nanjing ˄फҀ˅, Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, Anqing, ˄ᅝ
ᑚ˅, Wuhu ˄㡰␪˅, Jiujiang ˄б∳˅, and other places
– Chuan-Dian Group ˄Ꮁ⒛㋏ ChuƗn-DiƗn Xì˅: Sichuan, Yun-
nan, Guizhou Provinces, northern Guangxi Province, western
Hunan Province
2. Wu Dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅:
– Su-Hu Group ˄㢣≾㋏ Sǌ-Hù Xì˅: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Shang-
hai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, Wuxi ˄᮴䫵˅, Kunshan ˄ᯚቅ˅, Changzhou
˄ᐌᎲ˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅, Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, and other
places
– Hang-Shao Group ˄ᵁ㒡㋏ Háng-Shào Xì˅: Hangzhou ˄ᵁ
Ꮂ˅, Shaoxing ˄㒡݈˅, Yuyao ˄ԭྮ˅, Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅,
and other places
– Jin-Qu Group ˄ 䞥㸶㋏ JƯn-Qú Xì ˅ : Jinhua ˄ 䞥 ढ ˅ ,
Quzhou ˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅, and other places
– Wen-Tai Group ˄⏽ৄ㋏ WƝn-Tái Xì˅: Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅,
Taizhou ˄ৄᎲ˅, Chuzhou ˄໘Ꮂ˅, and other places
3. Min Dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅:
– Minhai Group ˄ 䯑 ⍋ ㋏ M΃nh΁i Xì ˅ : Fuzhou ˄ ⽣ Ꮂ ˅ ,
Gutian ˄স⬄˅, and other places
– Xia-Zhang Group ˄ॺ┇㋏ Xià ZhƗng Xì˅: Xiamen ˄ॺ
䮼˅, Zhangzhou ˄┇Ꮂ˅, and other places
– Chao-Shan Group ˄╂∩㋏ Cháo-Shàn Xì˅: Chaozhou ˄╂
Ꮂ˅, Shantou ˄∩༈˅, and other places
– Qiongya Group ˄⨐ዪ㋏ Qióngyá Xì˅: Qiongzhou ˄⨐Ꮂ˅,
Wenchang ˄᭛ᯠ˅, and other places
– Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Min dialect spoken
by Chinese abroad, in Singapore, Siam, the Malaysian Penin-
sula, and other places
4. Yue Dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅:
– Yuehai Group ˄㉸⍋㋏ Yuèh΁i Xì˅: Panyu ˄⬾⾎˅, Nanhai
˄फ⍋˅, Shunde ˄乎ᖋ˅, Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅, Xinhui
˄ᮄӮ˅, Zhongshan ˄Ёቅ˅, and other places
– Tai-Kai Group ˄ৄᓔ㋏ Tái-KƗi Xì˅: Taishan ˄ৄቅ˅,
Kaiping ˄ᓔᑇ˅, Enping ˄ᘽᑇ˅, and other places
– Xijiang Group ˄㽓∳㋏ XƯjiƗng Xì˅: Gaoyao ˄催㽕˅, Luo-

ding ˄㔫ᅮ˅, Yunfu ˄ѥ⍂˅, Yunan ˄䚕फ˅, and other
places
– Gao-Lei Group ˄催䳋㋏ GƗo-Léi Xì˅: Gaozhou ˄催Ꮂ˅,
Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅, and other places
– Qin-Lian Group ˄䩺ᒝ㋏ QƯn-Lián Xì˅: Qinzhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅,
Lianzhou ˄ᒝᎲ˅, and other places
– Guinan Group ˄Ḗफ㋏ Guìnán Xì˅: Wuzhou ˄ṻᎲ˅,
Rongxian ˄ᆍও˅, Guixian ˄䌉ও˅, Yulin ˄䚕ᵫ˅, Bo-
bai ˄मⱑ˅, and other places
– Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Yue dialect spoken
by Chinese abroad, in America, Singapore, Vietnam, in areas
south beyond the South China Sea ˄फ⋟㕸ቯ Nanyang Qun-
dao˅, and other places
5. Hakka Dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅:
– Jia-Hui Group ˄௝ᚴ㋏ JiƗ-Huì Xì˅: Meixian ˄ṙও˅,
Huiyang ˄ᚴ䰇˅, Dabu ˄໻ඨ˅, Xingning ˄݈ᅕ˅, Wu-
hua ˄Ѩढ˅, Jiaoling ˄㬝ኁ˅, Fengshun ˄Є乎˅, Long-
chuan ˄啭Ꮁ˅, Heyuan ˄⊇⑤˅, and other places
– Yuenan (“Southern Guangdong”) Group ˄㉸फ㋏ Yuènán Xì˅:
spread over the area around Taishan ˄ৄቅ˅, Dianbai ˄⬉
ⱑ˅, Huaxian ˄࣪ও˅, and other places
– Yuebei (“Northern Guangdong”) Group ˄㉸࣫㋏ YuèbČi Xì˅:
spread over the area around Qujiang ˄᳆∳˅, Ruyuan ˄ч
⑤˅, Lianxian ˄䖲ও˅
– Gannan (“Southern Jiangxi”) Group ˄䌷फ㋏ Gànnán Xì˅: in
the southern part of Jiangxi Province
– Minxi (“Western Fujian”) Group ˄䯑㽓㋏ M΃nxƯ Xì˅: spread
over the area of northwestern Fujian Province
– Guangxi Group ˄ᑓ㽓㋏ Gu΁ngxƯ Xì˅: spread over counties
in the area of eastern and southern Guangxi Province
– Chuan-Xiang Group ˄Ꮁ␬㋏ ChuƗn-XiƗng Xì˅: spread over
the area of Sichuan, Hunan Provinces, and other places
– Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Hakka dialect spo-
ken by Chinese abroad, mostly in areas south beyond the South
China Sea, Indonesia
What follows this classification is a comment, that the “boundaries of

each of the five big groups are rather clear”, though with an annotation:
“yet, some people classify the Xiang dialect as a separate group” (Wang Li
2002b: 11).
The problem of whether or not to classify the Xiang dialect as a separate
group seems to be solved by Wang Li in his ∝䇁⌙䇜 Hanyu Qiantan,
published for the first time in 1964 (Wang Li 2002a). In the third chapter,
“The dialects of Chinese” ˄“∝䇁ⱘᮍ㿔” Hanyude Fangyan˅ (Wang Li
2002a: 19–32), Wang discusses the criteria of dialectal classification. He
says: “Up to now, linguists usually [classify dialects] according to
phonological criteria. For example, one of the criteria of the Wu dialect is
that it has preserved the ܼ⌞䷇ quánzhuóyƯn of Middle Chinese. Although
the Xiang dialect also generally has the ܼ⌞䷇ quánzhuóyƯn, the method of
articulation is not the same as that of the Wu dialect…, that is why the
Xiang dialect should be considered to be a separate dialect group.” (Wang
Li 2002a: 19).
The author presents his new classification into six dialect groups:
1. Mandarin Dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán, lit. “Northern
Dialect”˅:
It covers the largest area. Although it is called “Northern Dialect”,
in reality it extends from the northeast down to the southwest,
including the area north of the Yangtze River, the area above
Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ and below Jiujiang ˄б∳˅ south of the
Yangtze River, Hubei Province (except for the southeastern corner),
Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces; the northwestern corner of
Hunan Province and the northern part of Guangxi Province.
2. Wu Dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅:
Most of the area in Jiangsu Province south of the Yangtze River
and east of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, as well as the whole of Zhejiang
Province.
3. Xiang Dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅:
Hunan Province (except for the northeastern part).
4. Gan-Hakka Dialect ˄䌷ᅶᮍ㿔 Gàn-Kè FƗngyán˅:
This group can be divided into the Gan Dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn
FƗngyán˅ and Hakka Dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅.
The Gan dialect includes most of Jiangxi Province and the
southeastern corner of Hubei Province.
The Hakka dialect is spread over Guangdong, Guangxi, Fujian,
Jiangxi and other Provinces (or autonomous regions). There are
also minorities which speak Hakka in Hunan and Sichuan Prov-
inces.
5. Min Dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅:

This includes most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, the area around
Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅ and Shantou ˄∩༈˅ in Guangdong Province,
as well as Hainan Island.
The Min dialect can be further divided into Northern Min ˄䯑࣫
䆱 M΃nbČihuà˅ and Southern Min ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnánhuà˅. The
representative dialect of Northern Min is that of Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅,
of Southern Min – Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅.
6. Yue Dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅:
It includes the central, western and southern part of Guangdong
Province, as well as the southern, eastern and western part of
Guangxi Province.
(Wang Li 2002a: 20)
2.6. Academia Sinica surveys
Between 1928 and 1946 the Institute of History and Philology of Academia
Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Ё༂ⷨお䰶ग़৆䇁
㿔ⷨお᠔˅ dispatched a team of linguists to conduct dialect surveys in
several provinces. The team was led by Zhao Yuanren and included Ding
Shengshu, Yang Shifeng, Wu Zongji, Dong Tonghe, Bai Dizhou among
other scholars. Eight large-scale surveys were accomplished during that
time, i.e. in Guangxi and Guangdong, as well as Hainan (1928–1929, 1930);
Central Shaanxi (1933); southern Anhui (1934); Jiangxi (1935); Hunan
(1935); Hubei (1936); Yunnan (1940); Sichuan (1941–1946). In addition,
Zhao Yuanren had carried out his own survey of the Wu dialect (on which
basis he published ⦄ҷਈ䇁ⷨお Xiandai Wuyu Yanjiu – Studies in the
Modern Wu Dialects in 1928). (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 55; Yan, M. M.
2006: 21–23).
On the basis of the information gathered during the surveys, several
classifications of the dialects were made. The classifications appeared in
the Ёढ⇥೑ᮄഄ೒ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng
1934) and in Ё೑ߚⳕᮄ೒ Zhongguo Fensheng Xin Tu (a concise version
of Ёढ⇥೑ᮄഄ೒ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng
1939, 1948). The maps were not accompanied by any explanation (cf.
Wang Futang 2005: 55; Wang Futang 2004: 515; Li Rong 1989a: 242, 243;
Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
In 1934 the dialects were divided into 7 groups:

1. Northern China Mandarin ˄ढ࣫ᅬ䆱 HuábČi GuƗnhuà˅
2. Southern China Mandarin ˄ढफᅬ䆱 Huánán GuƗnhuà˅
3. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅
4. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅
5. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅
6. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅
7. Hainan dialect ˄⍋फᮍ㿔 H΁inán FƗngyán˅
Compared with Wang Li’s classification, the Mandarin dialect was di-
vided into North-China Mandarin and South-China Mandarin, and the
Hainan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue
Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
In 1939 the dialects were reclassified into 9 groups:
1. Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅
2. Upper Yangtze Mandarin ˄Ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 ShàngjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅
3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅
8. Anhui dialect ˄ⱪᮍ㿔 W΁n FƗngyán˅
9. Chaoshan dialect ˄╂∩ᮍ㿔 Cháoshàn FƗngyán˅
South-China Mandarin was further divided into upper Yangtze Manda-
rin, lower Yangtze Mandarin and the Anhui dialect. At the same time, the
Chaoshan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue
Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
In 1948 a reclassification into 11 groups took place:
2. Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅
3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin (Xiajiang Mandarin)˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 Xià-
jiƗng GuƗnhuà˅
4. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅
5. Gan dialect ˄䌷䇁 Gàny·˅
6. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅
7. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䇁 KèjiƗy·˅
8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅
9. Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䇁 M΃nnány·˅
10. Northern Min dialect˄䯑࣫䇁 M΃nbČiy·˅
11. Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅
The Xiang dialect was extracted from the upper Yangtze Mandarin and
the Gan dialect from the lower Yangtze Mandarin. The Min dialect was
divided into Northern and Southern Min. The Anhui dialect ˄ⱪᮍ㿔 W΁n
FƗngyán˅ was renamed Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅
(cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
2.7. Li Fanggui ˄ᴢᮍḖ˅
In 1937 Li Fanggui in his article “Languages and dialects” (see Li Fanggui

1973) proposed a classification of Chinese dialects into 9 groups. These
groups were (see Li Fanggui 1973: 3–5; cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang
Futang 2004: 515; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi
Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13):
1. Northern Mandarin [࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà]
2. Eastern Mandarin [ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà]
3. Southwestern Mandarin [㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà]
4. Wu ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅
5. Gan-Hakka ˄䌷ᅶᆊ Gàn-KèjiƗ˅
6. Min ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (divided into Northern and Southern sub-
groups)
7. Cantonese or Yue ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅
8. Xiang ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅
9. Certain isolated groups
The differences between his and the classification into 11 groups by

Zhao Yuanren and others in 1948 were that Southern and Northern Min
were treated as one group, Hakka and Gan were also treated as one group,
Huizhou dialect was not a separate dialect group. Li’s article was reprinted
in 1973 in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics and was very influential over-
seas (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
Jerry Norman (1988: 181) says “Li’s scheme has been widely accepted and
has become one of the main foundations on which Chinese dialectological
research has been based; it is essentially the classification employed by
Yuan Jiahua in his 1961 standard handbook Hanyu fangyan gaiyao [An
outline of Chinese dialects].”
2.8. Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅
In 1948 in the Mandarin Primer (Zhao Yuanren 1948)31 , Zhao Yuanren

divided the Chinese dialects 9 groups (see Zhao Yuanren 1985: 189–190; cf.
Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 515):
4. Yue ˄㉸ Yuè˅
5. Gan-Hakka ˄䌷ᅶ Gàn-Kè˅
6. Southern Min˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅
7. Northern Min˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅
8. Wu ˄ਈ Wú˅
9. Xiang ˄␬ XiƗng˅
2.9. R.A.D. Forrest
R.A.D. Forrest, in his book The Chinese Language (Forrest 1973), pub-
lished for the first time in 1948, presents his classification of the Chinese
dialects (Forrest 1973: 217–218):
1. Northern Chinese ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅
2. Chin ˄ᰟ Jìn˅32
3. Cantonese
4. Wu
5. Min
6. Hakka
2.10. Dong Tonghe ˄㨷ৠ啶˅
In 1953 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) (1953) grouped the dialects into 9
groups. Contrary to Zhao Yuanren, he separated the Gan and Hakka dialects
and treated the Min dialects as one. His classification was as follows:
6. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅

7. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅
9. Min dialect˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅
(cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62–63)
2.11. Ding Shengshu ˄ϕໄᷥ˅ and Li Rong ˄ᴢ㤷˅
In 1955 Ding Shengshu and Li Rong presented a new classification at the

Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese ˄⦄ҷ∝
䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂 Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi˅, held
in Beijing (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56).33 Not having enough data from field
investigations, they reclassified the Academia Sinica 11 dialect groups of
1948. They put the Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅,
Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅ and lower Yangtze
Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ into one dialect group called
the Mandarin dialect ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅. At the same time, they decided to
cancel the Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅. This way
they obtained eight dialect groups (see Ding and Li 1956; cf. Li Rong
1989a: 243; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004:
13; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62; Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004:
519):
5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅
6. Northern Min dialect˄䯑࣫䆱 M΃nbČihuà˅
7. Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnánhuà˅
2.12. Luo Changpei ˄㔫ᐌ෍˅ and Lü Shuxiang ˄৩⎥␬˅
In a report which was also presented at the Technical Conference on the

Standardization of Modern Chinese, Luo Changpei and Lü Shuxiang deliv-
ered their classification of the dialects (see [www 6]; cf. DeFrancis 1967:
142; DeFrancis 1984: 57–58):
1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍ䆱 BČifƗnghuà˅

2. Jiangsu-Zhejiang dialect (Wu) ˄∳⌭䆱 JiƗng-Zhè huà˅
3. Hunan dialect (Xiang) ˄␪फ䆱 Húnán huà˅
4. Jiangxi dialect (Gan) ˄∳㽓䆱 JiƗngxƯ huà˅
5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗ huà˅
6. Northern Min dialect ˄䯑࣫䆱 M΃nbČi huà˅
7. Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnán huà˅
8. Guangdong dialect (Yue) ˄ᑓϰ䆱 Gu΁ngdǀng huà˅
2.13. Pan Maoding ˄┬㣖哢˅ et al.
The Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese ad-

vised the Chinese Academy of Sciences ˄Ё೑⾥ᄺ䰶 Zhongguo Kexue-
yuan ˅ , the Ministry of Higher Education ˄ 催ㄝ ᬭ 㚆䚼 Gaodeng
Jiaoyubu ˅ and the Ministry of Education ˄ ᬭ 㚆䚼 Jiaoyubu ˅ “to
jointly map out a draft plan in order to make an initial general investigation
of the Chinese dialects in two years’ time” (see [www 9]). Following the
advice, in the years 1956–1958, 1849 out of the 2298 planned localities
were investigated (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56, Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22).
Thanks to this, the dialectal situation began to be seen in a new perspective.
As an outcome of the surveys, Pan Maoding, Li Rulong, Liang Yuzhang,
Zhang Shengyu and Chen Zhangtai published an article in 1963 entitled ⽣
ᓎ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ߚऎ⬹䇈 (Fujian Hanyu fangyan fenqu lüeshuo) (Pan Mao-
ding et al. 1963). The authors cancelled the division of the Min dialects into
two big groups of Southern Min and Northern Min, but considered them as
one big dialectal group. However, this group is highly diversified and can
be divided into five smaller groups: Eastern Min ˄䯑ϰ M΃ndǀng˅,
Southern Min ˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅, Central Min ˄䯑Ё M΃nzhǀng˅, North-
ern Min ˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅ and Puxian ˄㥚ҭ PúxiƗn˅ (cf. Wang Futang
2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 519–520).
This new way of looking at the Min dialects brought about a new
classification of the Chinese dialects in general, obtaining the following
seven groups (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 520):
3. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅

2.14. Yuan Jiahua ˄㹕ᆊ偙˅
In 1960, under the leadership of Yuan Jiahua, who held a course in Chinese
dialectology at Peking University ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺ Beijing Daxue˅, a hand-
book for the course was published – ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕 (Hanyu Fangyan Gai-
yao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003, first edition in 1960). The book was re-edited in
1980 and reprinted several times and it still remains one of the most impor-
tant modern works on Chinese dialects.34
The compilation of the book was made possible by the results of the
1956–1958 surveys (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22). In the second edition, the
contents of the article by Pan Maoding et al. (see Chapter 5.2.13.) were
taken into consideration, and the dialects were classified into the following
seven groups35 (the numbers in brackets indicate the estimated percentage
of speakers of the dialect in question) (see Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22):
1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ (70%)
2. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ (8.5%)
3. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ (5%)
4. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ (2.5%)
5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ (4%)
6. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ (5%)
7. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ (4%)
The geographical distribution of the dialects is as follows:

1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅
Mandarin dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003:
24):
– Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅
– Northwestern Mandarin ˄㽓࣫ᮍ㿔 XƯbČi FƗngyán˅
– Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᮍ㿔 XƯnán FƗngyán˅
– Jianghuai Mandarin ˄∳⏂ᮍ㿔 JiƗnghuái FƗngyán˅
The Mandarin dialects are spread over the area north of the Yangtze
River, the strip of land along the south bank of the Yangtze River
east of Jiujiang ˄б∳˅ and west of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, Hubei
Province (excluding the southeastern corner), Sichuan, Yunnan,
Guizhou Provinces, the northwestern part of Guangxi A.R., the

northwestern corner of Hunan Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 23).
In Jiangsu Province: over the area south of the Yangtze River and
east of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ (excluding Zhenjiang itself), Chong-
ming Island ˄ዛᯢቯ Chongming Dao˅, north of the Yangtze
River in Nantong ˄फ䗮˅ (its eastern suburbs), Haimen ˄⍋
䮼˅, Qidong ˄ਃϰ˅, Jingjiang ˄䴪∳˅, as well as most of
Zhejiang Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 57).
3. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅
Depending on the presence or absence of voiced initials, the Xiang
dialect can be divided into New Xiang ˄ᮄ␬ XƯn XiƗng˅ and
Old Xiang ˄স␬ G· XiƗng˅. Because the differences between
the Old and the New Xiang are very big, and because the New
Xiang is very influenced by Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱
XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅, some people tend to include the New Xiang
into the Southwestern Mandarin group. The author stated however,
that this classification lacks a historical basis (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003:
101).
The Xiang dialects are spread over the major part of Hunan Prov-
ince, as well as in northern Guangxi A.R. in Quanzhou ˄ܼᎲ˅,
Guanyang ˄☠䰇˅, Ziyuan ˄䌘⑤˅, Xing’an ˄݈ᅝ˅ (cf.
Yuan Jiahua 2003: 101).
The central and northern part of Jiangxi Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua
2003: 126).
Eastern and northern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Prov-
ince, southern Jiangxi Province, as well as parts of Taiwan,
Guangxi A.R., Hunan, Sichuan Provinces (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003:
146).
Central and southeastern Guangdong Province, southeastern
Guangxi A.R. It is also spoken by Chinese living abroad, mostly in
southeast Asia and North America (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 177).
The Min dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003:
235):
– Eastern Min ˄䯑ϰ M΃ndǀng˅
– Puxian ˄㥚ҭ PúxiƗn˅

– Southern Min ˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅
– Central Min ˄䯑Ё M΃nzhǀng˅
– Northern Min ˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅
The Min dialects are spread over most of Fujian Province as well
as the Chaoshan ˄╂∩˅ area and the area around Haikang ˄⍋
ᒋ˅ and Xuwen ˄ᕤ䯏˅ on Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋Ꮂञቯ Lei-
zhou Bandao˅ in Guangdong Province, most of Hainan, in south-
ern Zhejiang the area around Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ and the Zhoushan
Archipelago ˄㟳ቅ㕸ቯ Zhoushan Qundao˅, most of Taiwan (cf.
Yuan Jiahua 2003: 235).
2.15. Zhou Zhenhe ˄਼ᤃ吸˅ and You Rujie ˄␌བᵄ˅
Zhou Zhenhe and You Rujie (1986) divide the Chinese language into seven
groups (the numbers in brackets denote the estimated percentage of speak-
ers of the dialect in question) (Zhou and You 1986: 8):
1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ (70%)
2. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ (8%)
3. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ (2%)
4. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ (4%)
5. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ (5%)
6. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ (4%)
7. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ (5%)
Concerning the Xiang dialect, there is a remark that it is traditionally di-

vided into Old and New Xiang. Yet, the authors claim that the New Xiang
can be classified as a part of the Southwestern Mandarin, whereas only the
Old Xiang should be treated as the Xiang dialect (cf. Zhou and You 1986: 8;
Künstler 2000: 252, see also Chapter 5.2.14.).36
2.16. Li Rong ˄ᴢ㤷˅
In 1987, with the publication of The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo

Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989, hence-
forth called Atlas), a new classification was introduced by Li Rong. He
extracted the Jin dialect ˄ᰟ䇁 Jìny·˅ out of the Mandarin dialect and
added the Hui ˄ᖑ䇁 HuƯy·˅, and Pinghua ˄ᑇ䆱 Pínghuà˅ dialects,
obtaining thus 10 groups of Chinese dialects (the numbers in brackets show
the percentage of speakers of each dialect group out of 977,270,000 speak-
ers of Chinese) (see Li Rong 1989a: 241; Atlas: A2):37
1. Mandarin dialect ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅ (67.8%)
2. Jin dialect ˄ᰟ䇁 Jìny·˅ (4.7%)
3. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ (7.1%)
4. Hui dialect ˄ᖑ䇁 HuƯy·˅ (0.3%)
5. Gan dialect ˄䌷䇁 Gàny·˅ (3.2%)
6. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅ (3.2%)
7. Min dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (5.6%)
8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ (4.1%)
9. Pinghua dialect ˄ᑇ䆱 Pínghuà˅ (0.2%)
10. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ (3.6%)
The new classification caused a lot of discussions on the topic, which

have continued to this day. The most controversial problem is the separa-
tion of the Jin dialect from Mandarin. Prof. Li Rong, in his article ᅬ䆱ᮍ
㿔ⱘߚऎ (Guanhua fangyande fenqu) (Li Rong 1985a), advocates this
division. The arguments for considering Pinghua and Hui as separate dia-
lect groups are also rejected by some scholars (see Chapter 5.2.18.; see also
Chapter 6.4.).
2.17. Jerry Norman
In his book Chinese (1988), Jerry Norman examines the seven dialectal
groups as classified by Yuan Jiahua (2003), proposing “a new set of criteria
or diagnostic features” for classifying the Chinese dialects (see Norman
1988: 181–183; see also Chapter 5.1.2.3.). On the basis of these features, he
classifies the existing seven dialects into three groups (see Norman 1988:
182–183):
1. Northern group – the Mandarin group
2. Southern group:
– Kejia (Hakka)
– Yue
– Min
3. Central group:
– Wu
– Gan
– Xiang
2.18. Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅
In 2008 a project under the leadership of Professor Cao Zhiyun of the Bei-
jing Language and Culture University ˄࣫Ҁ䇁㿔໻ᄺ Beijing Yuyan
Daxue˅ ̢ the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008),
was published. It contains 510 maps divided into three volumes (Phonetics,
Lexicon and Grammar).
The Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects does not draw the borders be-
tween dialects, the maps picture the distribution of dialect characteristics.
However, the 930 survey sites which have been selected for the project, are
classified into the ten dialect groups as presented in The Language Atlas of
China, without any comments or discussions on the topic (Cao Zhiyun ed.
2008: Phonetics vol., p. 9).
2.19. Conclusions: How many dialect groups are there?
At present, two classifications are the most popular. The division into seven
dialect groups seems to be more widely, though not fully, accepted while
the classification into ten dialects causes more controversies. The issues at
question are the following:
1. Whether the Min dialect should be classified as one group or divided
into Northern and Southern Min? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 63–64;
Li Rong 1989a: 252–254)
2. Into how many groups should the Mandarin dialects be classified? (cf.
Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 64–65; Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; Ding
Bangxin 1998b: 212–216)
3. Should the Gan and Hakka dialects be treated as one group or as two
separate groups? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65; Atlas: B8; Li Rong
1989a: 249–252; Wang Futang 1998; Wang Futang 2005: 67–77; Li
Rulong 2003a: 40–42; Yan Sen 1986: 24)
4. Whether or not the Jin dialect should be separated from the Mandarin
dialects? (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Ding Bangxin 1998b: 213; Wang
Futang 2004: 530–531; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wen Duanzheng 1998;
Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Hou Jingyi 1999a: 1–2; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357;
Wang Futang 2005: 100–108; Li Rulong 2003a: 42–43; Li Rong 1989a:
245; Li Rong 1985a: 2–3; see also Chapter 6.4.1.)
5. Should Pinghua be treated as an independent group? (cf. Zhan Bohui
2002: 351; Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wu Wei
2001; Wang Futang 2005: 117–118; Li Rulong 2003a: 43; Li Rong
1989a: 249; see also Chapter 6.4.3.)
6. Should the Hui dialect be treated as an independent group? (Zhan Bo-
hui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2005: 84–87; Li Rong 1989a: 248, see
also Chapter 6.4.2.)
The classification into seven major dialect groups, i.e. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱
GuƗnhuà˅, Wu ˄ਈ Wú˅, Xiang ˄␬ XiƗng˅, Gan ˄䌷 Gàn˅,
Hakka ˄ᅶᆊ KèjiƗ˅, Yue ˄㉸ Yuè˅, Min ˄䯑 M΃n˅, has been the
standard since the article of Pan Maoding (Pan Maoding et al. 1963) and it
has been applied in many authoritative works, such as Yuan Jiahua’s second
edition of ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕 (Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003; see
Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bohui’s ⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔 (Xiandai Hanyu fangyan)
(1981) as well as Zhan Bohui et al. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha
˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ˅ (2004), Zhou Zhenhe’s and You Rujie’s ᮍ㿔Ϣ
Ё೑᭛࣪ (Fangyan yu Zhongguo wenhua) (1986), Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼк:·䇁㿔
᭛ᄫ (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi) (1988), Huang Jinghu’s
∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺ (Hanyu Fangyanxue) (1987), etc. This classification is also
popular among scholars in Taiwan (cf. Ding Bangxin 1989a) and overseas
(cf. Norman 1988: 181, see also Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65–66).
The classification made by Li Rong in the Atlas is applied in The Great
Dictionary..., as well as in ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫( ݌‬Hanyu Fangyan Dacidian)
(Xu and Miyata ed. 2000). It is also assumed as obvious in the Linguistic
Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008).
There are also classifications which reject one or more of the controver-
sial groups. For example, in the work edited by Hou Jingyi (2002), Xiandai
Hanyu Fangyan Gailun ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ䆎˅, nine dialect groups are
described, omitting the Pinghua dialect.
Table 7. (on the following pages) summarizes the history of dialect
classifications.
Generally, a tendency towards gradually dividing the dialects into an in-

creasing number of groups is visible. However, this trend is at present
changing, and Chinese linguists incline rather towards classifying the
groups into larger entities (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).
As the research of Chinese dialects is in constant progress, the
classification may be changing. One more big undertaking is carried out at
present: a new edition of the Language Atlas of China, by the scholars of
the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and
the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶⇥ᮣᄺϢҎ㉏ᄺⷨお᠔ Zhongguo
Shehui Kexueyuan Minzuxue yu Renleixue Yanjiusuo ˅ (cf. “Xin bian
Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji yu fangyan fenqu taolun de gaoyue” 2005). It is
already known that this new edition will keep the division into 10 dialect
groups, though with slight alterations (cf. Xiong and Zhang 2008).
Nevertheless, this project is awaited with great expectation by
dialectologists and it may cast a new light upon the classification of
Chinese dialects.
Chapter 6
The classification of Chinese dialects according to
The Language Atlas of China39
The classification proposed by Li Rong and others in The Language Atlas

of China is applied in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects;
therefore it will be described here in detail.
1. The Language Atlas of China
The Atlas is a result of cooperation between Chinese and Australian scien-

tists. It appeared in two parts, both of which had an English and a Chinese
edition. It consists of 35 maps altogether, divided into three sections. Sec-
tion A includes general maps, B – maps of Chinese dialects, C – maps of
minority languages. Each of the maps is accompanied by a description (cf.
Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji chuban 1988; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 241; Atlas:
[preface]; [www 1]).
2. Classification into smaller units
There exist two sets of terminology for the division of Chinese dialects into
smaller units. The genetic one is (cf. You Rujie 2004: 1, Li Rulong 2003a:
1):
1. Dialect ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅
2. Sub-dialect ˄⃵ᮍ㿔 cì fƗngyán˅
3. Vernacular (Patois) ˄ೳ䇁 t·y·˅
4. Accent (Sub-patois) ˄㜨 qiƗng / ⃵ೳ䇁 cì t·y·˅
The geographical hierarchy of division, as applied in the Atlas is as fol-

lows (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 243; You Rujie 2004: 1–2):
1. Supergroup ˄໻ऎ dàqǌ˅
2. Group ˄ऎ qǌ˅
3. Subgroup ˄⠛ piàn˅
4. Cluster ˄ᇣ⠛ xi΁opiàn˅
64 Classification according to The Language Atlas
5. Local dialect, dialect locality ˄⚍ di΁n˅

Among these, group and subgroup are the basic concepts. Groups are
usually divided into subgroups, which are sometimes further divided into
clusters. Some groups can be brought together into a supergroup. The “lo-
cal dialects” denote the dialect points which have been examined (cf. Li
Rong 1985b: 81–82; Li Rong 1989a: 243–244).
3. The classification
3.1. Mandarin supergroup ˄ᅬ䆱໻ऎ GuƗnhuà dàqǌ˅40
3.1.1. Northeastern Mandarin group 䯴 ϰ ࣫ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ DǀngbČi

GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B1)
Distribution:41 The whole of Heilongjiang Province, Jilin Province, most of

Liaoning Province, part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R.
1. Jishen subgroup ˄ঢ়≜⠛ JíshČn piàn˅
a. Jiaoning cluster ˄㲳ᅕᇣ⠛ JiƗoníng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Tongxi cluster ˄䗮⑾ᇣ⠛ TǀngxƯ xi΁opiàn˅
c. Yanji cluster ˄ᓊঢ়ᇣ⠛ Yánjí xi΁opiàn˅
2. Hafu subgroup ˄જ䯰⠛ HƗfù piàn˅
a. Zhaofu cluster ˄㙛ᡊᇣ⠛ Zhàofú xi΁opiàn˅
b. Changjin cluster ˄䭓䫺ᇣ⠛ Chángj΃n xi΁opiàn˅
3. Heisong subgroup ˄咥ᵒ⠛ HƝisǀng piàn˅
a. Nenke cluster ˄Ⴝ‫ܟ‬ᇣ⠛ Nènkè xi΁opiàn˅
b. Jiafu cluster ˄Շᆠᇣ⠛ JiƗfù xi΁opiàn˅
c. Zhanhua cluster ˄キ䆱ᇣ⠛ Zhànhuà xi΁opiàn˅
3.1.2. Beijing Mandarin group 䯴 ࣫Ҁᅬ䆱ऎ BČijƯng GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf.

Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B2, B5)
Distribution: Beijing Municipality area, a small part of Tianjin Municipality,

the eastern part of Hebei Province, the western part of Liaoning Province, a
small part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R., the northern part of Xinjiang
A.R.
1. Jingshi subgroup ˄ҀᏜ⠛ JƯngshƯ piàn˅
2. Huaicheng subgroup ˄ᗔᡓ⠛ Huáichég piàn˅
The classification 65
3. Chaofeng subgroup ˄ᳱዄ⠛ CháofƝng piàn˅

4. Shike subgroup ˄⷇‫ܟ‬⠛ Shíkè piàn˅
3.1.3. Jilu Mandarin group 䯴 ‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎ Jìl· GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong

1989a: 255–256; Atlas: B2, B3)
The group is also called ࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà.

Distribution: Southern part of Hebei Province, northern part of Shandong
Province, most of Tianjin Municipality ˄໽⋹Ꮦ TiƗnjƯn Shì˅.
1. Baotang subgroup ˄ֱ૤⠛ B΁otáng piàn˅
a. Laifu cluster ˄⍲䯰ᇣ⠛ Láifù xi΁opiàn˅
b. Dingba cluster ˄ᅮ䴌ᇣ⠛ Dìngbà xi΁opiàn˅
c. Tianjin cluster ˄໽⋹ᇣ⠛ TiƗnjƯn xi΁opiàn˅
d. Jizun cluster ˄㪳䙉ᇣ⠛ Jìzǌn xi΁opiàn˅
e. Luanchang cluster ˄Ⓔᯠᇣ⠛ LuánchƗng xi΁opiàn˅
f. Fulong cluster ˄ᡊ啭ᇣ⠛ Fúlóng xi΁opiàn˅
2. Shiji subgroup ˄⷇⌢⠛ Shíj΃ piàn˅
a. Zhaoshen cluster ˄䍉⏅ᇣ⠛ ZhàoshƝn xi΁opiàn˅
b. Xingheng cluster ˄䙶㸵ᇣ⠛ Xínghéng xi΁opiàn˅
c. Liaotai cluster ˄㘞⋄ᇣ⠛ Liáotài xi΁opiàn˅
3. Canghui subgroup ˄≻ᚴ⠛ CƗnghuì piàn˅
a. Huangle cluster ˄咘Фᇣ⠛ Huánglè xi΁opiàn˅
b. Yangshou cluster ˄䰇ᇓᇣ⠛ Yángshòu xi΁opiàn˅
c. Juzhao cluster ˄㥦✻ᇣ⠛ J·zhào xi΁opiàn˅
d. Zhanghuan cluster ˄ゴḧᇣ⠛ ZhƗnghuán xi΁opiàn˅
3.1.4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group 䯴㛊䖑ᅬ䆱ऎ JiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf.

Li Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B3, B1)
Distribution: Jiaozhou Peninsula in Shandong Province, Liaodong Penin-

sula in Liaoning Province.
1. Qingzhou subgroup ˄䴦Ꮂ⠛ QƯngzhǀu piàn˅
2. Denglian subgroup ˄ⱏ䖲⠛ DƝnglián piàn˅
3. Gaihuan subgroup ˄Ⲫḧ⠛ Gàihuán piàn˅
3.1.5. Central Plains Mandarin group 䯴 Ё ॳ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ Zhǀngyuán

GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256, Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7)
Distribution: Most of Henan and Shaanxi Provinces, southern Shandong

Province, western corner of Jiangsu Province, western Anhui Province,
southern Shanxi Province, southern Ningxia A.R., eastern corner of Qing-
hai Province, a small part in western Gansu Province, central and south-
western Xinjiang A.R.
1. Zhengcao subgroup ˄䚥᳍⠛ Zhèngcáo piàn˅
2. Cailu subgroup ˄㫵剕⠛ Càil· piàn˅
3. Luoxu subgroup ˄⋯ᕤ⠛ Luòxú piàn˅
4. Xinbeng subgroup ˄ֵ㱠⠛ Xìnbèng piàn˅
5. Fenhe subgroup ˄≒⊇⠛ Fénhé piàn˅
a. Pingyang cluster ˄ᑇ䰇ᇣ⠛ Píngyáng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Jiangzhou cluster ˄㒯Ꮂᇣ⠛ Jiàngzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
c. Xiezhou cluster ˄㾷Ꮂᇣ⠛ Xièzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
6. Guanzhong subgroup ˄݇Ё⠛ GuƗnzhǀng piàn˅
7. Qinlong subgroup ˄⾺䰛⠛ Qínl΅ng piàn˅
8. Longzhong subgroup ˄䰛Ё⠛ L΅ngzhǀng piàn˅
9. Nanjiang subgroup ˄फ⭚⠛ NánjiƗng piàn˅
3.1.6. Lanyin Mandarin group 䯴 ݄䫊ᅬ䆱ऎ Lányín GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Li

Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B4, B5)
Distribution: most of Ningxia A.R. and Gansu Province, central and eastern
parts of Xinjiang A.R.
1. Jincheng subgroup ˄䞥ජ⠛ JƯnchéng piàn˅
2. Yinwu subgroup ˄䫊ਈ⠛ Yínwú piàn˅
3. Hexi subgroup ˄⊇㽓⠛ HéxƯ piàn˅
4. Tami subgroup ˄ศᆚ⠛ T΁mì piàn˅
3.1.7. Southwestern Mandarin group 䯴㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵

(cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256–257; Atlas: B6)
Distribution: Western part of Sichuan Province, almost the whole of Yun-

nan Province, the whole of Guizhou Province, most of Hubei Province, the
northwestern part of Hunan Province, northwestern Guangxi A.R., a small

part of southern Shaanxi Province.
1. Chengyu subgroup ˄៤⏱⠛ Chéngyú piàn˅
2. Dianxi subgroup ˄⒛㽓⠛ DiƗnxƯ piàn˅
a. Yaoli cluster ˄ྮ⧚ᇣ⠛ Yáol΃ xi΁opiàn˅
b. Baolu cluster ˄ֱ┲ᇣ⠛ B΁olù xi΁opiàn˅
3. Qianbei subgroup ˄咨࣫⠛ QiánbČi piàn˅
4. Kungui subgroup ˄ᯚ䌉⠛ Kǌnguì piàn˅
5. Guanchi subgroup ˄☠䌸⠛ Guànchì piàn˅
a. Minjiang cluster ˄ኋ∳ᇣ⠛ MínjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Renfu cluster ˄ҕᆠᇣ⠛ Rénfù xi΁opiàn˅
c. Yamian cluster ˄䲙ẝᇣ⠛ Y΁mián xi΁opiàn˅
d. Lichuan cluster ˄БᎱᇣ⠛ LìchuƗn xi΁opiàn˅
6. Ebei subgroup ˄䛖࣫⠛ ÈbČi piàn˅
7. Wutian subgroup ˄℺໽⠛ W·tiƗn piàn˅
8. Cenjiang subgroup ˄ብ∳⠛ CénjiƗng piàn˅
9. Qiannan subgroup ˄咨फ⠛ Qiánnán piàn˅
10. Xiangnan subgroup ˄␬फ⠛ XiƗngnán piàn˅
11. Guiliu subgroup ˄Ḗ᷇⠛ Guìli· piàn˅
12. Changhe subgroup ˄ᐌ吸⠛ Chánghè piàn˅
3.1.8. Jianghuai Mandarin group 䯴 ∳⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵

(cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas: B3, B10, B11)
Distribution: mainly the area around the lower reaches of the Yangtze River
(in Hubei, Anhui, and Jiangsu Provinces).
1. Hongchao subgroup ˄⋾Ꮆ⠛ Hóngcháo piàn˅
2. Tairu subgroup ˄⋄བ⠛ Tàirú piàn˅
3. Huangxiao subgroup ˄咘ᄱ⠛ Huángxiào piàn˅
3.1.9. Unclassified (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257)
Some dialects, which belong to the Mandarin supergroup are difficult to

classify into appropriate groups, therefore they remain unclassified.
1. Hubeihua ˄␪࣫䆱 HúbČihuà˅ (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational
dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Ningguo ˄ ᅕ ೑ ˅ ,
Guangde ˄ᑓᖋ˅, Xuancheng ˄ᅷජ˅, Jingxian ˄⋒ও˅,
Langxi ˄䚢⑾˅), as well as in Anji ˄ᅝঢ়˅ in Zhejiang Prov-

ince.
2. Henanhua ˄⊇फ䆱 Hénánhuà˅ (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational
dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Guangde ˄ᑓᖋ˅, Langxi
˄䚢⑾˅, Xuancheng ˄ᅷජ˅, Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅), as well as
Anji ˄ᅝঢ়˅ and Changxing ˄䭓݈˅ in Zhejiang Province.
3. Nanping dialect ˄फᑇᮍ㿔 Nánpíng fƗngyán˅ (cf. Atlas: B12),
an isolated Mandarin dialect in Fujian Province, spoken in the area
of Nanping city (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55).
4. Yangyu ˄⋟ቓ˅ village in Changle ˄䭓Ф˅ county (cf. Atlas:
B12). A variety called “Tu Mandarin” ˄Āೳᅬ䆱ā T· GuƗn-
huà˅ is spoken in this area (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55).
5. In Hainan Province a variety of Mandarin called Junhua ˄‫ݯ‬䆱
Jǌnhuà˅ (lit. “the speech of the army”) is spoken. Junhua is used
by the descendants of ancient troops dispatched here by the govern-
ment at the time of the Ming Dynasty (cf. Atlas: B12).42
6. On Longmen island ˄啭䮼ቯ Longmen Dao˅ in the area of Qin-
zhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅ in Guangxi A.R. a minority of inhabitants speak a
variety of Mandarin (cf. Liang Yougang 1986).
3.2. Jin dialect group 䯴 ᰟ䇁ऎJìny· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas:
B7)
Distribution: most of Shanxi Province, the western part of Hebei Province

north of the Yellow River, the southern part of Inner Mongolia A.R. west of
the Yellow River, northern part of Shaanxi Province.
1. Bingzhou subgroup ˄ᑊᎲ⠛ BƯngzhǀu piàn˅
2. Lüliang subgroup ˄৩ṕ⠛ L΍liáng piàn˅
a. Fenzhou cluster ˄≒Ꮂᇣ⠛ Fénzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
b. Xingxi cluster ˄݈䲄ᇣ⠛ XƯngxí xi΁opiàn˅
3. Shangdang subgroup ˄Ϟ‫ܮ‬⠛ Shàngd΁ng piàn˅
4. Wutai subgroup ˄Ѩৄ⠛ W·tái piàn˅
5. Dabao subgroup ˄໻ࣙ⠛ DàbƗo piàn˅
6. Zhanghu subgroup ˄ᓴ੐⠛ ZhƗnghǌ piàn˅
7. Hanxin subgroup ˄䚃ᮄ⠛ HánxƯn piàn˅
a. Cizhang cluster ˄⺕┇ᇣ⠛ CízhƗng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Huoji cluster ˄㦋⌢ᇣ⠛ Huòj΃ xi΁opiàn˅
8. Zhiyan subgroup ˄ᖫᓊ⠛ Zhìyán piàn˅
3.3. Wu dialect group 䯴 ਈ䇁ऎ Wúy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257–258;
Atlas: B9, B10)
Distribution: most of Zhejiang Province, the whole of Shanghai Municipal-

ity, southwestern part of Jiangsu Province, a part of southern Anhui Prov-
ince, a tiny part of northern Fujian Province.
1. Taihu subgroup ˄໾␪⠛ Tàihú piàn˅
a. Piling cluster ˄↫䱉ᇣ⠛ Pílíng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Suhujia cluster ˄㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ SǌhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅
c. Tiaoxi cluster ˄㢩⑾ᇣ⠛ TiáoxƯ xi΁opiàn˅
d. Hangzhou cluster ˄ᵁᎲᇣ⠛ Hángzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
e. Linshao cluster ˄Ј㒡ᇣ⠛ Línshào xi΁opiàn˅
f. Yongjiang cluster ˄⬀∳ᇣ⠛ Y΅ngjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅
2. Taizhou subgroup ˄ৄᎲ⠛ Táizhǀu piàn˅
3. Oujiang subgroup ˄⫃∳⠛ ƿujiƗng piàn˅
4. Wuzhou subgroup ˄၎Ꮂ⠛ Wùzhǀu piàn˅
5. Chuqu subgroup ˄໘㸶⠛ Ch·qú piàn˅
a. Chuzhou cluster ˄໘Ꮂᇣ⠛ Ch·zhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
b. Longqu cluster ˄啭㸶ᇣ⠛ Lóngqú xi΁opiàn˅
6. Xuanzhou subgroup ˄ᅷᎲ⠛ XuƗnzhǀu piàn˅
a. Tongjing cluster ˄䪰⋒ᇣ⠛ TóngjƯng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Taigao cluster ˄໾催ᇣ⠛ TàigƗo xi΁opiàn˅
c. Shiling cluster ˄⷇䱉ᇣ⠛ Shílíng xi΁opiàn˅
3.4. Hui dialect group 䯴 ᖑ䇁ऎHuƯy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258;
Atlas: B10)
Distribution: the drainage area of the Xin’an River ˄ ᮄ ᅝ ∳ Xin’an

Jiang˅ (the area of the former Huizhou Prefecture ˄ᖑᎲᑰ Huizhou
Fu˅) in southern Anhui Province, the area of former Yanzhou Prefecture
˄ϹᎲᑰ Yanzhou Fu˅ in central-west Zhejiang Province, and a part of
northeastern Jiangxi Province.
1. Jishe subgroup ˄㒽ℭ⠛ Jìshè piàn˅
2. Xiuyi subgroup ˄ӥ咳⠛ XiǌyƯ piàn˅
3. Qide subgroup ˄⼕ᖋ⠛ Qídé piàn˅
4. Yanzhou subgroup ˄ϹᎲ⠛ Yánzhǀu piàn˅
5. Jingzhan subgroup ˄ᮠऴ⠛ JƯngzhàn piàn˅
3.5. Gan dialect group 䯴䌷䇁ऎGàny· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258;
Atlas: B11)
Distribution: central and northern Jiangxi Province, eastern part of as well

as a small part in southwestern Hunan Province, a small corner of south-
eastern Hubei Province, southern corner of Anhui Province, and a small
part of northwestern Fujian Province.
1. Changjing subgroup ˄ᯠ䴪⠛ ChƗngjìng piàn˅
2. Yiliu subgroup ˄ᅰ⌣⠛ Yíliú piàn˅
3. Jicha subgroup ˄ঢ়㤊⠛ Jíchá piàn˅
4. Fuguang subgroup ˄ᡮᑓ⠛ F·gu΁ng piàn˅
5. Yingyi subgroup ˄呄ᓟ⠛ YƯngyì piàn˅
6. Datong subgroup ˄໻䗮⠛ Dàtǀng piàn˅
7. Leizi subgroup ˄㗦䌘⠛ LČizƯ piàn˅
8. Dongsui subgroup ˄⋲㒹⠛ Dòngsuí piàn˅
9. Huaiyue subgroup ˄ᗔኇ⠛ Huáiyuè piàn˅
3.6. Xiang dialect group 䯴 ␬䇁ऎ XiƗngy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258;
Atlas: B11)
Distribution: central Hunan Province, northeastern part of Guangxi A.R.

1. Changyi subgroup ˄䭓Ⲟ⠛ Chángyì piàn˅
2. Loushao subgroup ˄࿘䚉⠛ Lóushào piàn˅
3. Jixu subgroup ˄ঢ়⑚⠛ Jíxù piàn˅
3.7. Min dialect supergroup 䯴䯑䇁໻ऎ M΃ny· dàqǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a:
258 Atlas: B12, B13, B14, B10)43
Distribution: most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, Hainan Province, a small

part of southwestern Guangdong Province. There are also minor Min-
speaking areas in other provinces (Zhejiang, Guangxi, Jiangsu, Anhui, Jiang-
xi).
1. Southern Min group ˄䯑फऎ M΃nnán qǌ˅ (southern part of Fu-
jian Province, the Min dialect area of Taiwan, southwestern Guang-
dong Province)
a. Quanzhang subgroup ˄⊝┇⠛ QuánzhƗng piàn˅

b. Datian subgroup ˄໻⬄⠛ Dàtián piàn˅
c. Chaoshan subgroup ˄╂∩⠛ Cháoshàn piàn˅
2. Puxian group ˄㥚ҭऎ PúxiƗn qǌ˅ (central-east Fujian Province)
3. Eastern Min group ˄䯑ϰऎ M΃ndǀng qǌ˅ (northeastern part of
Fujian Province)
a. Houguan subgroup ˄փᅬ⠛ HòuguƗn piàn˅
b. Funing subgroup ˄⽣ᅕ⠛ Fúníng piàn˅
4. Northern Min group ˄䯑࣫ऎ M΃nbČi qǌ˅ (northern Fujian Prov-
ince)
5. Central Min group ˄䯑Ёऎ M΃nzhǀng qǌ˅ (central Fujian Prov-
ince)
6. Qiongwen group ˄⨐᭛ऎ Qióngwén qǌ˅ (Hainan Province)
a. Fucheng subgroup ˄ᑰජ⠛ F·chéng piàn˅
b. Wenchang subgroup ˄᭛ᯠ⠛ WénchƗng piàn˅
c. Wanning subgroup ˄ϛᅕ⠛ Wànníng piàn˅
d. Yaxian subgroup ˄ዪও⠛ Yáxiàn piàn˅
e. Changgan subgroup ˄ᯠᛳ⠛ ChƗngg΁n piàn˅
44
7. Leizhou group ˄䳋Ꮂऎ Léizhǀu qǌ˅ (Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋
Ꮂञቯ Leizhou Bandao˅ in southwestern Guangdong Province)
8. Shaojiang group ˄䚉ᇚऎ ShàojiƗng qǌ˅ (northwestern corner
of Fujian Province)
3.8. Yue dialect group 䯴㉸䇁ऎYuèy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259;
Atlas: B13, B14)
Distribution: Southwestern half of Guangdong Province, eastern and south-

ern Guangxi A.R.
1. Guangfu subgroup ˄ᑓᑰ⠛ Gu΁ngf· piàn˅
2. Yongxun subgroup ˄䙩⌨⠛ Yǀngxún piàn˅
3. Gaoyang subgroup ˄催䰇⠛ GƗoyáng piàn˅
4. Siyi subgroup ˄ಯ䙥⠛ Sìyì piàn˅
5. Goulou subgroup ˄࣒ⓣ⠛ Gǀulòu piàn˅
6. Wuhua subgroup ˄ਈ࣪⠛ Wúhuà piàn˅
7. Qinlian subgroup ˄䩺ᒝ⠛ QƯnlián piàn˅
3.9. Pinghua dialect group 䯴 ᑇ䆱ऎ Pínghuà qǌ䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a:
259; Atlas: B14)
Distribution: central Guangxi A.R. and other areas spread over Guangxi.
1. Guibei subgroup ˄Ḗ࣫⠛ GuìbČi piàn˅
2. Guinan subgroup ˄Ḗफ⠛ Guìnán piàn˅
3.10. Hakka dialect group 䯴 ᅶᆊ䆱ऎ KèjiƗhuà qǌ 䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a:

259 Atlas: B15)
Distribution: The Hakka dialect is spread over eight provinces. It is concen-

trated in central and eastern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Province
and southern Jiangxi Province, and scattered over Hainan Province,
Guangxi A.R., Taiwan, Hunan Province and Sichuan Province.
1. Yuetai subgroup ˄㉸ৄ⠛ Yuètái piàn˅
a. Jiaying cluster ˄௝ᑨᇣ⠛ JiƗyƯng xi΁opiàn˅
b. Xinghua cluster ˄݈ढᇣ⠛ XƯnghuá xi΁opiàn˅
c. Xinhui cluster ˄ᮄᚴᇣ⠛ XƯnhuì xi΁opiàn˅
d. Shaonan cluster ˄䷊फᇣ⠛ Sháonán xi΁opiàn˅
2. Yuezhong subgroup ˄㉸Ё⠛ Yuèzhǀng piàn˅
3. Huizhou subgroup ˄ᚴᎲ⠛ Huìzhǀu piàn˅
4. Yuebei subgroup ˄㉸࣫⠛ YuèbČi piàn˅
5. Tingzhou subgroup ˄∔Ꮂ⠛ TƯngzhǀu piàn˅
6. Ninglong subgroup ˄ᅕ啭⠛ Nínglóng piàn˅
7. Yugui subgroup ˄ѢḖ⠛ Yúguì piàn˅
8. Tonggu subgroup ˄䪰哧⠛ Tóngg· piàn˅
3.11. Unclassified non-Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259)
3.11.1. Shehua 䯴 ⭆䆱ShƝhuà䯵
The She nationality ˄⭆ᮣ ShƝzú˅ is scattered over Fujian, Zhejiang,

Jiangxi, Guangdong, Anhui Provinces. Most of the She people speak Chi-
nese, with only a small percentage speaking their national language ˄⭆䇁
ShƝy·˅, which belongs to the Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) Group ˄㢫⩊䇁
ᮣ Miáoyáo Y·zú˅.45 The Chinese language spoken by the She people is
called Shehua ˄⭆䆱 ShƝhuà˅, to distinguish it from the She language

˄⭆䇁 ShƝy·˅. Shehua is often identified with Hakka.46
3.11.2. Danzhou dialect 䯴 ۟Ꮂ䆱 DƗnzhǀuhuà䯵
The Danzhou dialect is spoken in the area of Danzhou ˄۟ᎲᏖ Danzhou

Shi˅ in Hainan Province. On map B12 in the Atlas, this dialect is classi-
fied as belonging to the Yue group, but currently it is treated as an unclassi-
fied non-Mandarin dialect.47
3.11.3. Xianghua 䯴 е䆱XiƗnghuà䯵
Xianghua is spoken in a small area in western Hunan Province (cf. Atlas:

B11).48
3.11.4. Shaoguan Tuhua 䯴 ䷊݇ೳ䆱SháoguƗn T·huà䯵
Shaoguan Tuhua (also called ䷊Ꮂೳ䆱 ShƗozhǀu T·huà) is spoken in

northern Guangdong Province, in areas bordering on Jiangxi and Hunan
Provinces.
3.11.5. Southern Hunan Tuhua 䯴 ೳ䆱T·huà䯵
The area of southern Hunan Province is classified as belonging to the

Xiangnan subgroup of the Southwestern Mandarin group. However, simul-
taneously in sixteen cities and counties in this area, a speech called Tuhua
˄ೳ䆱 T·huà˅ is used (cf. Atlas: B11).49
3.11.6. Chinese dialects spoken by the Miao nationality
The Miao people ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅ in Guangxi A.R. and Guizhou Province
speak certain varieties of Chinese, which differ from the dialects spoken in
the area which they inhabit (cf. Atlas: C9).
4. Controversial issues
The criteria according to which the dialects have been classified are not
clarified anywhere in the Atlas in a definite manner, and can only be ex-
tracted while analysing the characteristics of the dialects. The main features
taken into consideration are phonological parameters, mostly diachronic.
Synchronic differences are taken into account while dividing the dialects
into smaller units (see Chapter 6.5.11.).
The only clearly defined criterion of division is for the grouping of
Mandarin dialects, i.e. the evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the
ܹໄ rùshƝng (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; see also Li Rong 1985a; Zhang
Zhenxing 1997: 244).
The second criterion, which becomes apparent after some analysis, is
the development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (cf. Zhang
Zhenxing 1997: 244–245).
As was mentioned earlier (cf. Chapter 5.2.16.), the new classification as
presented in the Atlas has provoked many discussions. The most divisive
points are:
4.1. The separation of the Jin dialect from the Mandarin supergroup
The main criterion according to which the Jin dialect is treated as a separate
dialect group is the preservation of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹ
ໄ rùshƝng˅. The Jianghuai Mandarin group has also preserved the enter-
ing tone; nevertheless, it is not classified as independent from the rest of the
Mandarin dialects. The explanation of this fact is that the Jin group also has
other characteristics, which distinguish it from the whole of the Mandarin
dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243, 246; see also
Chapter 6.5.2.).
Ding Bangxin (1998b: 213) postulates that the argument for preserving
the entering tone is insufficient and that the Jin dialect should be treated as
a subgroup of the Mandarin dialects. This is generally the idea which other
scholars put forward (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2004: 530–
531).
The problem may also lie in the importance of the criterion in question.
As Li Xiaofan (2005: 357) points out, the criteria used at every level of
division should be the same for every dialect. The preservation of the enter
Controversial issues 75
ing tone, which is treated by Li Rong as the decisive factor for the separa-
tion of the Jin dialect, is not equal in quality with the criteria used for the
classification into other major dialect groups, i.e. the development of Mid-
dle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357). The modern
pronunciation of Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone is the
parameter applied for the division of the Mandarin dialects into respective
groups (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–246; Li Rong 1985a: 3; Wang Futang 2004:
530–531; Wang Futang 2005: 100–108).
However, not all scholars are against the concept of the autonomy of the
Jin dialect. Wen Duanzheng (1998), Hou Jingyi (Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 46–
48; Hou Jingyi 1999a: 1–2), Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 246–247) support this
view and give reasons for the separation of the Jin dialect. They state that it
has more characteristics than the entering tone (see Chapter 6.5.2.), which
are sufficient enough to declare independence and give the Jin dialect a
status equal to the other major dialect groups. Li Rulong (2003a: 42–43)
discusses the arguments for and against the separation of the Jin dialect and
comes to the simple conclusion that this problem needs to be further
investigated.
4.2. The independence of the Hui dialect
The suggestion of separating the Hui dialect had been raised by Zhao Yuan-
ren in 1939 (see Chapter 5.2.6.). In 1962 in his article Jixi Lingbei Yinxi
˄㒽⑾ኁ࣫䷇㋏˅ (Zhao Yuanren 2002), Zhao raises this problem anew,
admitting that the Hui dialect is difficult to classify, because it has features
both of the Wu dialect (the distinction between 䰈এ yƯnqù and 䰇এ
yángqù tones), as well as of the Mandarin dialect (absence of voiced plo-
sive initials). However, in order to avoid the trivialization of the classifica-
tion of Chinese dialects, Zhao tends rather to categorize the Hui dialect as a
part of the Wu group (Zhao Yuanren 2002: 578).
Li Rong (1989a: 248) advocates the autonomy of the Hui dialect, as it
cannot be fitted into either Mandarin, or Wu. This argument is not rejected
by Zhan Bohui (2002: 351), who only implies that this question needs
deeper research.
Wang Futang (2005: 84–85) discusses the criterion of “being difficult to
classify” as the only argument for treating Hui as a disjoined dialect group.
Wang argues that it would be more appropriate to classify the Hui dialect as
a sub-dialect of Wu (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 84–87).
On the other hand, Zhao Rixin (2005: 279) reckons that the question as
to whether or not the Hui dialect should be classified as an individual group
is not important. What matters is that thanks to the problem being raised,
the dialect has been subject to closer investigation.
4.3. The separation of Pinghua from the Yue group
In the Atlas, Pinghua has received the status of a separate dialect group,
which has sparked a number of controversies. Li Rong (1989a: 249)
justifies this classification by the fact that Pinghua has since long ago been
regarded as an individual dialect, especially in the popular saying that in
Guangxi there are five languages/dialects spoken, namely Āᅬᑇໂⱑᅶ
GuƗn, Píng, Zhuàng, Bái, Kè ā – Mandarin, Pinghua, Zhuang, Bai
(meaning Yue), Hakka (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243).
The common feature of Pinghua is that Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
initials, pronounced today as plosives or affricates, are usually unaspirated.
This characteristic is also true for the Goulou subgroup of the Yue dialect,
which allows many scholars to treat Pinghua as a subgroup of Yue (cf. Hou
Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Li Rulong 2003a: 43). Others tend to classify the Gui-
nan subgroup as a subgroup of Yue, while the Guibei subgroup seems to
cause more trouble (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wu Wei 2001: 133; Li Ru-
long 2003a: 43).
Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 247–248) supports the reasons for separating
Pinghua from the Yue dialect, giving both linguistic and historical argu-
ments.
Wang Futang (2005: 117–118) reminds us of the historical importance
of Pinghua, but at the same time admits that it is now rather tending to
disappear than gain strength. Therefore it should not be of equal status
with the large dialect groups, yet it is difficult to be classified merely as a
subgroup of a larger dialect. Apparently, this question also awaits further
investigation and more data.
Characteristics of dialect groups 77
5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups50
5.1. Mandarin supergroup 䯴 ᅬ䆱໻ऎ GuƗnhuà dàqǌ䯵 (cf. You Rujie

2004: 7–8)51
The common features of the Mandarin dialects are:

A. Most of the affricate and plosive initials are divided into voiceless
aspirated and voiceless unaspirated, there is no distinction between
voiceless and voiced.
B. There are comparatively few tones, usually four ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng,
䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅. Few dialects
have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng.
C. The rules of tone sandhi are comparatively simple.
D. The use of specific measure words is becoming simplified, while
the use of the general classifier þϾ (gè)ÿ is expanding.
E. In word-building, the construction when the modified word stands
before the modifier is very rare.
F. The vocabulary and grammatical system are comparatively close to
the literary language.
5.1.1. Northeastern Mandarin group 䯴 ϰ ࣫ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ DǀngbČi

GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B1; You Rujie 2004: 7)52
A. There are four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàng-

shƝng, এໄ qùshƝng.
B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn
initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones.
C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn
initials have developed into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng more
often than in the Beijing dialect.
D. The tone values are similar to those of the Beijing dialect. However,
the value of the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone is mostly lower than in Beijing
dialect.
E. Usually there is no [] initial. Syllables, which have the [] initial
in the Beijing dialect, are generally pronounced with a zero initial.
F. Syllables, which have the [o] final after [p, p‘, m, f] in the Beijing
dialect, end with [¢], except for Zhanhua ˄キ䆱 Zhànhuà˅.
G. Syllables which have the zero initial in the Beijing dialect, are pro-
nounced with a zero initial in the Jishen subgroup53, with [n] as the
initial in the Hafu subgroup, either with zero initial or with [n] as
initial in the Heisong subgroup.
H. Syllables with [t, t‘, ] initial in Beijing dialect are pronounced
[t, t‘, ] in some dialect clusters, [ts, ts‘, s] in others, or they can
be freely interchanged.
I. Zhanhua ˄キ䆱 Zhànhuà˅ is a dialect spoken by the descendants
of people based at post stations in the past. The Zhanhua cluster in
Heisong subgroup is scattered over the area of the Nenke cluster. In
Zhanhua there are [¡, u¡, ¡u, i¡u] finals, which do not exist in the
other clusters of the Northeastern Mandarin group. The main
difference between Zhanhua and Nenke clusters lies in the tone
values of the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone.
5.1.2. Beijing Mandarin group 䯴 ࣫Ҁᅬ䆱ऎBČijƯng GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf.

Atlas: B2, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7)
A. There are mostly four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ

shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng.
B. The development of the Middle Chinese tones into modern tones is
as follows:
– Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇໄ píngshƝng with ⏙䷇
qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯn-
píng tone; syllables with ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn initials – into ones in
the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.
– Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ⏙䷇
qƯngyƯn initials, as well as ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed
into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng tone.
– Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ܼ⌞
quánzhuó initials as well as in the এໄ qùshƝng have devel-
oped into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng.
– Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó
initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng,
syllables with ܼ ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into
syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.

initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones ˄䰈ᑇ
yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅.
D. The tone values are either the same or very close to those of the
Beijing dialect.
5.1.3. Jilu Mandarin group 䯴 ‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎJìl· GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas:

B1, B2, B3, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7)54
The A and B features of the Beijing Mandarin group are also true for the
Jilu Mandarin group. The main differences between the Beijing Mandarin
and Jilu Mandarin groups lie in the development of Middle Chinese sylla-
bles in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials, as well as in the values
of modern tones.
A. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn
initials have developed into syllables:
– In the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone in the Shiji subgroup
– Mostly in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone, rarely in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng
in the Canghui subgroup; however, in the Zhanghuan cluster,
the ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved, and only a small amount
of syllables are pronounced in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone
– In all the four tones ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ
shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅ in the Baotang subgroup, yet
they have developed into more syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng
and Ϟໄ shàngshƝng tones than in the Beijing dialect
B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó ini-
tials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng.
5.1.4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group 䯴㛊䖑ᅬ䆱ऎJiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf.

Atlas: B1, B3; You Rujie 2004: 7)
A. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn

initials have developed into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng.
B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó ini-
tials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng.
C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
initials have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.
D. Most of the dialect localities have four tones, others have three.
E. In places where there are only three tones, the Middle Chinese
tones have evolved in different ways. Nevertheless, their common
feature is that the Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng
with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into the same tones as
Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯng-
yƯn initials and with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials.
5.1.5. Central Plains Mandarin group 䯴 Ё ॳ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ Zhǀngyuán

GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7)55
A. There are mostly four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ

shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng, except for two places ˄Luoning ⋯ᅕ
and Mianchi ⏥∴˅ where there are three tones ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng,
Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅.
B. The development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇ píng, Ϟ
shàng and এ qù tones is the same as in the Beijing dialect.
and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ
yƯnpíng tone.
D. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
5.1.6. Lanyin Mandarin group 䯴 ݄䫊ᅬ䆱ऎLányín GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf.

Atlas: B4, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7)56
A. There are three or four tones (not taking the tone sandhi into
consideration). Places with four tones have 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ
yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng. In other places, there is
no distinction between 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng and 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇ᑇ
yángpíng and Ϟໄ shàngshƝng or 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng and Ϟໄ shàng-
shƝng.
B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn
initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng.
C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
5.1.7. Southwestern Mandarin group 䯴㽓फᅬ䆱ऎXƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵

(cf. Atlas: B6, B11, B14; You Rujie 2004: 7)57
A. This is the most uniform group of the Mandarin dialects.

B. There are four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàng-
shƝng, এໄ qùshƝng.
C. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng have developed into
syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.
D. Most places do not distinguish between sharp and rounded initials
˄ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn˅.58
5.1.8. Jianghuai Mandarin group 䯴 ∳ ⏂ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ JiƗnghuái

GuƗnhuàqǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B3, B10; You Rujie 2004: 7)
The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved.
5.2. Jin dialect group 䯴 ᰟ䇁ऎ Jìny· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B7; You Rujie 2004:
8–9)59
A. The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved.

B. Syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng usually end with a glottal stop [!].
C. Usually the following pairs of Beijing finals: [n : 0, in : i0, un :
u0, yn : y0] are not differentiated and are pronounced with [0] as
the coda.
D. In many places the affix þ೾ÿ [k!Á] is used.
E. The þᄤÿ suffix pronounced in the neutral tone in Beijing dialect,
is pronounced [ts!Á] or [z!Á !Á t!Á l!Á] in many areas of
the Jin dialect.
F. In most places there exists a phenomenon called ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí
(syllable split).60
5.3. Wu dialect group 䯴 ਈ䇁ऎ Wúy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B9, B10; You Rujie
2004: 9–10)61
A. Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials are at present usually still

voiced, and Middle Chinese ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials are at present still
voiceless. The Middle Chinese distinction between voiceless

unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and voiced initials is still present in
the Wu dialects. For example, the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡
zìm· are still usually pronounced as [t, t‘, d] (which is the same as
in the reconstructions): ッ (duƗn), 䗣 (tòu), ᅮ (dìng).
B. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ⭥ (yí),
at present have a nasal initial and have not merged with the ᄫ↡
zìm· ᕅ (yӿng). ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn syllables have the [0-] initial, 㒚䷇
xìyƯn syllables – [Ñ-].
C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ᖂ
(wƝi), at present have two pronunciations, the literary ˄᭛䇏 wén-
dú˅ with a [v-] initial, and colloquial ˄ⱑ䇏 báidú˅ with an [m-]
initial.
D. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ᮹ (rì),
today have two variant pronunciations, the literary ˄᭛䇏 wén-
dú˅ with [z-] or [Ā-] initials and colloquial ˄ⱑ䇏 báidú˅ with
[Ñ-] or [n-] initials.
E. [m, n, 0] can function as independent syllables.
F. The character þ右ÿ (niӽo) has two variant pronunciations, the
literary with [Ñ-] as the initial, and colloquial with [t-] as the initial.
The colloquial pronunciation tallies with the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡
zìm· ッ (duƗn).
G. Syllables belonging to the Middle Chinese ᨘ shè ઌ (xián) and ቅ
(shƗn) usually do not end with a nasal coda, they have either an
oral or a nasalized sound as the final.
H. Syllables belonging to the second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the
Middle Chinese ᨘ shè 㷍 (xiè) do not have an [-i] ending, but have
open finals.
I. The finals of the syllables belonging to the first and the second
grade ˄ϔѠㄝ yƯ, èr dČng˅ of the Middle Chinese ᨘ shè ઌ
(xián) and ቅ (shƗn) with the ᄫ↡ zìm· 㾕 (jiàn), are distinct.
J. The finals in the colloquial pronunciation of the syllables belonging
to the second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have
not merged with those of the third and fourth grade ˄ϝಯㄝ sƗn,
sì dČng˅ of the same ᨘ shè and of the ᨘ shè ᳒ (zƝng).
K. The pronunciation of the þᠧ (dӽ)ÿcharacter corresponds with
the final of þṫ (gČng)ÿ, not that of þ咏 (má)ÿ.
L. All the four Middle Chinese tones, i.e. ᑇ ໄ píngshƝng, Ϟ ໄ

shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng, are divided into 䰈
yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories.
M. Syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng usually have a glottal stop coda. In
some localities the syllables are open, but they are never confused
with syllables deriving from the Middle Chinese ᑇໄ píngshƝng,
Ϟໄ shàngshƝng and এໄ qùshƝng.
N. The character þϡ (bù)ÿ representing the negative particle is pro-
nounced with a labiodental initial.
O. The possessive particle þⱘ (de)ÿ is in most places expressed by
the word þϾ (gè)ÿ in the neutral tone, in some localities it is
pronounced in the entering tone.
5.4. Hui dialect group 䯴 ᖑ䇁ऎHuƯy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B10; You Rujie
2004: 18–19)62
A. Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials are today all ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn,

in many dialect localities they are also aspirated.
B. Most nasal codas have disappeared. Syllables which carry the [-n]
ending are diminutives formed with the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix (see Chapter
7.1.4.2.).
C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn ᄫ
↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the initial [0-].
D. Initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ⋾䷇
hóngyƯn ᄫ↡ zìm· ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) are not distinguishable.
E. Most syllables which belong to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᮹ (rì) today have a
zero-initial.
5.5. Gan dialect group 䯴䌷䇁ऎ Gàny· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B10, B11;
You Rujie 2004: 15–17)63
A. Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed

from Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, regardless of the four
tones, are all pronounced as voiceless aspirated.
B. Syllables which derive from the following Middle Chinese sylla-
bles, have in many dialect localities ['] as the nucleus:
– Second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ䷉ yùn 剐 (yú) of the

ᨘ shè 䘛 (yù),
– First grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ of the ᨘ shè ⌕ (liú),
– First grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ of the ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ of the
ᨘ shè 㟏 (zhƝng)
– Second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ of
the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) (in the colloquial pronunciation).
C. Syllables belonging to the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have [a0 ua0 ia0] finals
in the colloquial pronunciation.
D. Most initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese
⋾䷇ hóngyƯn ᄫ↡ zìm· ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) are not distinguishable.
E. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ
of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the initial [0-].
F. The character þṫ (gČng)ÿ (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is
pronounced with medial [u] in most dialect localities.
G. Most of the dialect localities have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng.
5.6. Xiang dialect group 䯴 ␬䇁ऎXiƗngy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B11, B14;
You Rujie 2004: 10–12)64
Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Mid-
dle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, no matter if they are voiced ˄⌞䷇
zhuóyƯn˅ or voiceless ˄⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn˅, if the tones are level ˄ᑇ
píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅, are all unaspirated.
5.7. Min dialect supergroup 䯴䯑䇁໻ऎ M΃ny· dàqǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B12,
B13, B14; You Rujie 2004: 12–13)65
The Min dialects are quite diversified. Among the specified groups, the
homogeneity between the Southern Min group, the Puxian group and the
Eastern Min group is very high. The three can be combined as the three
eastern Min groups ˄䯑䇁ϰϝऎ M΃ny· dǀng sƗn qǌ˅. The Northern
Min group and the Central Min group are together called the two western
Min groups ˄䯑䇁㽓Ѡऎ M΃ny· xƯ èr qǌ˅. The Qiongwen group is
rather close to the three eastern Min groups. The strip of land near the coast
in Fujian province is considered to be the centre of the Min dialect. The
further to the west, the more the influence of the Hakka dialect can be
found, and the western part of Fujian province is occupied by the Hakka
dialect only.
The common features of the Min dialects are:
A. Middle Chinese syllables with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials no matter if
the tones were level ˄ᑇ píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅, are today
usually pronounced as unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives.
Few are pronounced as aspirated affricates or plosives.
B. The literary pronunciation of initials which derive from Middle
Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ of the ᄫ↡ zìm· 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝
(fèng) and ᰧ (xiӽo), ࣷ (xiá) is [h-] or [x-].
C. The colloquial pronunciation of initials which derive from the Mid-
dle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) is [t-, t‘-], the
same as of ᄫ↡ zìm· ッ (duƗn), 䗣 (tòu), ᅮ (dìng).
D. A small part of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese
ᄫ↡ zìm· ࣷ (xiá), have the initial [k-] at present in the colloquial
pronunciation. The rest have the zero initial.
E. In many dialect localities, the equivalents of the Beijing dialect’s
words þ‫ܓ‬ᄤ (érzi)ÿ (‘son’), þ催 (gƗo)ÿ (‘tall; high’), þ䫙
(guǀ)ÿ (‘pot; wok’) are þಱ (jiӽn)ÿ, þ  (xuán)ÿ, þ哢
(dӿng)ÿ respectively.
5.7.1. Southern Min group 䯴䯑फऎ M΃nnán qǌ䯵 66
There are no ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ syllables.
5.7.2. Puxian group 䯴㥚ҭऎPúxiƗn qǌ䯵
There are no voiceless fricative initials [s-] and [5-]. In their place, usually
the voiceless apical lateral fricative [ -] is used.
5.7.3. Eastern Min group 䯴䯑ϰऎM΃ndǀng qǌ䯵 67
The word for þ⢫ (gԁu)ÿ (‘dog’) is þ⢀ (quӽn)ÿ.

5.7.4. Northern Min group 䯴䯑࣫ऎM΃nbČi qǌ䯵
The character þ㰢 (hԃ)ÿ (‘tiger’) is pronounced with a [k‘-] initial in

colloquial speech.
5.7.5. Central Min group 䯴䯑ЁऎM΃nzhǀng qǌ䯵
The word for þྏᄤ (qƯzi)ÿ (‘wife’) is þ䰓࿬ (Ɨniáng)ÿ.
5.7.6. Qiongwen group 䯴 ⨐᭛ऎQióngwén qǌ䯵
A. There are two implosive initials: [Ċb-] and [Ċd-].68

B. Most places do not have the affricate and plosive aspirated initials
[p‘, t‘, ts‘, k‘].
5.7.7. Leizhou group 䯴䳋Ꮂऎ Léizhǀu qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B13)
A. The codas include [-m / -p, -0 / -k].

B. There are no nasalized finals.
C. The glottal stop coda [-!] does not exist.
D. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· 䴲 (fƝi),
ᭋ (fú) and ༝ (fèng), in the literary pronunciation have the initials
[b-] or [h-], in the colloquial pronunciation – [p-] or [p‘-].
5.7.8. Shaojiang group 䯴䚉ᇚऎShàojiƗng qǌ䯵
A. The Shaojiang group has some of the characteristics of the Gan and
Hakka dialect groups, for example that the plosive and affricate ini-
tials which have developed from Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó
initials are pronounced as voiceless aspirated.
B. This group also has many features characteristic of the Min dialects,
which is why it is regarded as a transitional dialect between the
Gan/Hakka and Min dialects.
5.8. Yue dialect group 䯴㉸䇁ऎYuèy· qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B13, B14; You
Rujie 2004: 13–15)69
A. There are usually nine to ten tones. The ᑇໄ píngshƝng, Ϟໄ

shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng are all divided into
䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories. The 䰈ܹ yƯnrù tone is further di-
vided into high and low categories. The 䰇ܹ yángrù tone is also
divided into high and low in some places.
B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇ ໄ píngshƝng with ܼ ⌞
quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables with aspirated
voiceless initials. Syllables in the oblique tones ˄Ҙໄ zèshƝng˅
are at present pronounced with unaspirated voiceless initials.
C. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese first grade ˄ϔㄝ
yƯdČng˅ and second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ড়ষ੐ hé-
k΅uhǌ of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᰧ (xiӽo) today have the initial [f-].
D. Most of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡
zìm· 㾕(jiàn) group are today pronounced with the velar [k-, k‘-] or
the guttural [h-] initials, no matter whether they belong to the ᓔষ
੐ kƗik΅uhǌ, 唤啓੐ qíchƱhǌ, ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ or ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ.
E. In most places, the nucleus [a] in syllables with compound finals,
as well as finals with a nasal or a plosive coda, is differentiated into
long [a] and short [m]. These two vowels are phonologically relevant
F. In many places there is a set of finals with [] as the nucleus.
G. Most of the dialect localities have the plosive [-p, -t, -k] codas and
nasal [-m, -n, -0] codas.
H. There are many words specific for this dialect group, e.g. ᧒ [wan35]
(‘to search’), ਪ [l'k6] (‘gifted; talented’), etc.
I. The aspectual system is comparatively rich. Special particles are
used to express the various aspects, e.g.: þ䍋౳ (qӿlí)ÿ – ingres-
sive aspect; þ㋻ (jӿn)ÿ, þᓔ (kƗi)ÿ – progressive aspect; þ౳
(lí)ÿ – continuous aspect; þԣ (zhù)ÿ – perfective aspect; þ䖛
(guò)ÿ – experiential aspect; þ㗏 (fƗn)ÿ – iterative aspect.
5.9. Pinghua dialect group 䯴 ᑇ䆱ऎ Pínghuà qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B14; You
Rujie 2004: 19–20)70
Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, pronounced today as plosives or

affricates, are usually unaspirated.
5.10. Hakka dialect group 䯴 ᅶᆊ䆱ऎKèjiƗhuà qǌ䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B11,
B13, B14, B15; You Rujie 2004: 17–18)71
A. The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved. In places where the distinc-

tion between 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng is present, the 䰈ܹ yƯnrù tone is
usually low, the 䰇ܹ yángrù is usually high.
B. Some of the Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with
⌞ zhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng
tone.
C. Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, today plosive or affricate,
are mostly voiceless aspirated. However, there are cases when they
are unaspirated as well.
D. The Middle Chinese 㟦ໄ shǌshƝng syllables can have the nasal
codas [-m, -n, -0].
E. The Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng can today have
the plosive codas [-p, -t, -k].
F. Syllables belonging to the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have [a0 ua0 ia0] finals
in the colloquial pronunciation.
G. The character þṫ (gČng)ÿ (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is
pronounced with medial [u].
H. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ
of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the zero initial, not [0-] as in the
Gan dialect.
I. The character þ㺸 (kù)ÿ is pronounced with initial [f-].
J. The character þᡊ (fú)ÿ is pronounced with initial [p‘-].
K. Lexical characteristics include:
– For the Beijing pronoun þ៥ (wԁ)ÿ (‘I’), the word þҏ१
(ái)ÿ is used
– For Beijing þ៥ⱘ (wԁde)ÿ (‘my’) – þҏ१ Ͼ (áige)ÿ
– For Beijing þৗ佁 (chƯfàn)ÿ (‘to eat’), þୱ㤊 (hƝchá)ÿ (‘to
drink tea’) – þ亳佁 (shífàn)ÿ, þ亳㤊 (shíchá)ÿ
– For Beijing þᰃ (shì)ÿ (‘to be’) – þ֖ (xì)ÿ
– For Beijing þϡ (bù)ÿ (the negative particle) – þਦ (m¸)ÿ
– For Beijing þ⌏叵 (huó jƯ)ÿ (‘live chicken’), þ⌏剐 (huó
yú)ÿ (‘live fish’) – þ⫳叵 (shƝng jƯ)ÿ, þ⫳剐 (shƝng yú)ÿ
– For Beijing þ㮣 (cáng)ÿ (‘to hide’) – þᨦ (bìng)ÿ
5.11. Conclusions
As was mentioned earlier (6.4.), the two main parameters taken into
consideration for the grouping of Chinese dialects in the Atlas are the
evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng (for the
Mandarin dialects, as well as for the separation of the Jin dialect) and the
development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (for the remaining
eight dialect groups). These characteristics are presented in Table 8. and
Table 9.:
Table 8. Development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄrùshƝng into mod-

ern Mandarin dialects (after Li Rong 1985a: 3).
MC SW Central Jilu Lanyin Beijing Jiao- Jiang-
sylla- Plains liao huai
ble in
ܹໄ
rù-
shƝng
䰈䰇
Ϟএ
⏙䷇ 䰈ᑇ এໄ yƯn, Ϟໄ
qƯngyƯn yƯnpíng qù- yáng, shàng-
initials shƝng shàng, shƝng
qù
䰇ᑇ ܹໄ
⃵⌞ yáng- 䰈ᑇ এໄ rù
cìzhuó píng yƯnpíng qùshƝng shƝng
initials
ܼ⌞
quán- 䰇ᑇ
zhuó yángpíng
initials
The Northeastern Mandarin group is not to be found in the table presented

by Li Rong in his article concerning the classification of Mandarin dialects
(1985a: 3). In the description accompanying map A2 in the Atlas, this
question is looked upon anew. In the dialects of Northeastern China,
Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials
have, similarly to the Beijing Mandarin group, developed into syllables in

all the four tones, which is a reason for classifying these two groups to-
gether. Yet, due to the fact that these syllables are at present much more
often pronounced in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, and that the tone values of the
䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone are lower than those in the Beijing dialect, as well as the
lack of the [] initial (syllables, which have the [] initial in Beijing dialect,
are generally pronounced with a zero initial), Li Rong decides to classify
the Northeastern Mandarin as an individual group (Li Rong 1989a: 247).
Table 9. Development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials into modern dia-

lects (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244-245).
Dialect Continuants of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞
group/supergroup quánzhuó initials
Wu usually still voiced
Hui all voiceless, in many dialect localities also
aspirated
Gan plosive and affricate initials voiceless aspi-
rated
Xiang plosive and affricate initials in some places
voiced, in other voiceless, all unaspirated
Min unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives, in
some places also aspirated
Yue Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó syllables in
the ᑇໄ píngshƝng – aspirated voiceless
initials; in the oblique tones ˄ Ҙ ໄ
zèshƝng ˅ – unaspirated voiceless ini-
tials
Pinghua plosive and affricate initials usually voiceless
unaspirated
Hakka plosive or affricate, mostly voiceless aspirated
The Jin dialect is not included in the tables, as its distinctive feature – the
preservation of the Middle Chinese ܹໄ rùshƝng does not agree with the
criterion for classifying the remaining dialects.
Chapter 7
Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects
1. Phonetics
Differences between Chinese dialects are most evident in pronunciation.

That is why most dialectal research begins with the survey of the phonetic
system.72
1.1. ᮍ 㿔䇗 ᶹ ᄫ 㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao) [Questionnaire of

characters for dialect survey] (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan
Yanjiusuo 2002)
The most widely used manual for speech sound investigation is also based
upon the achievements of traditional Chinese phonology.
The questionnaire was written by the scholars of the Institute of
Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui
Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo) in order to help dialectologists with the re-
search of Chinese dialects. Written on the base of ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ㸼Ḑ (Fangyan
Diaocha Biaoge) [the table for dialect research], published in 1930 by the
Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiu-
yuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Ё༂ⷨお䰶ग़৆䇁㿔ⷨお᠔˅, it was issued
for the first time in 1955, and its revised edition was printed in 1981.
Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao includes over 3700 characters. The order of
characters is based on the sequence in Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ (see Chapter
4.6.1.), Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅ (see Chapter 4.6.2.) and other similar rhyme
books (see Chapter 4.6.).
1.1.1. The use of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao
At the beginning of the book, there is a sheet where one can write down the
information about the interviewed informant or informants (Zhongguo She-
hui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix). The data includes his/her name,
age, ancestral home (place of descent), occupation, level of education,
92 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects
linguistic environment during childhood, places where he/she has lived

afterwards, if he/she knows the speech of other places. On the sheet there is
also space to write down the number of accents of the given place and
which accents the informant speaks, as well as the time of writing down the
results. All this information is necessary for estimating the linguistic situa-
tion of the informant, all the possible influences on his/her speech.
The next part of the book includes a list of characters helpful in describ-
ing the rough draft of the phonetic system of the dialect in question. The list
consists of three parts: for describing the tones, initials and finals respec-
tively (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x–xii).73
Differentiating the tones74
In the first list of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, i.e. the list for describing the
tonal system (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x), the
characters are listed according to their classical pronunciation, i.e. yƯnpíng
˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈Ϟ˅, yángshàng ˄䰇Ϟ˅,
yƯnqù ˄䰈এ˅, yángqù ˄䰇এ˅, yƯnrù ˄䰈ܹ˅, yángrù ˄䰇ܹ˅
(see Chapter 4.2.).
The list for investigating the tones is divided into three parts. In the first
part there are four groups, and in each of them the characters differ only in
tone, the initials and finals being the same. This part allows to roughly indi-
cate if the tones are even, rising, falling, rising and falling or falling and
rising, whether or not they differ in length, and then to decide on the values
of the tones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–121).
The second part of the list focuses on the contrast between the voiceless
and voiced ˄⏙⌞ qƯngzhuó˅ initials of Middle Chinese (see Chapter
4.3.). The last part gives 150 more examples of characters arranged accord-
ing to their origin in order to make a final analysis.
The next step in describing the tones of a given dialect is to name them.
The names show the roots of the tones in Middle Chinese pronunciation, i.e.
yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈Ϟ˅, yángshàng
˄ 䰇 Ϟ ˅ , etc. If in a dialect the tones did not evolve into separate
subcategories, the names are simply the same as the Middle Chinese ones,
i.e. without the yƯn ˄䰈˅ and yáng ˄䰇˅ prefixes. For example, the
tones in the modern Beijing dialect are known as yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅ (55);
yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅ (35); shàngshƝng ˄Ϟໄ˅ (214) and qùshƝng ˄এ
ໄ˅ (51) (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122–123).
Phonetics 93
Differentiating the initials75
The characters in the list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui
Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: xi), are arranged according to the Bei-
jing pronunciation, but at the same time they concentrate on the origin of
the words. There are ten lines, each of them focusing on different
characteristics of the initials.
The first line examines labial sounds, its aim being to verify whether the
initials are voiced or unvoiced, aspirated or not. The second line looks for
apical sounds; the third line – velar sounds and zero-initials; the fourth and
fifth lines – sharp and rounded initials; sixth, seventh and eighth – affricates;
the last two lines look for zero initials and initials like [n; 0; ].
Differentiating the finals76
The list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan
Yanjiusuo 2002: xii) consists of fourteen lines. The characters are arranged
according to their pronunciation in the Beijing dialect.
The first four lines represent open finals in the Beijing dialect, while
investigating them one should pay special attention to the medial and nu-
clear vowel (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126).
The four following lines all represent characters which were pronounced
as syllables in the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ in Middle Chinese. Not-
ing down these syllables, one should make sure whether or not the finals
end with a plosive and at the same time check if the syllable is pronounced
in the entering tone (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126–127).
In the next two lines there are syllables which have a vowel (either [i] or
[u]) as the end of the finals in the Beijing dialect; the aim is to find out if
these syllables also end with a vowel in the given dialect or if they end with
other vowels than [i] or [u] (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127).
The last four lines all belong to the group of syllables whose finals
ended with nasal sounds in Middle Chinese (and still end with nasals in the
Beijing dialect). The purpose of researching these syllables is to find out if
the given dialect has preserved the nasal endings. If so, which nasals can be
found? Some dialects have nasalized endings or vowel endings, others have
compound endings consisting of a vowel and a nasal sound. In some dia-
lects, syllables from this group have finals made up of single nasal conso-
nants (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127).
Having noted down the tones, initials and finals, one should prepare
rough tables of the phonetic system of the given dialect, in order to use it as
a reference and to correct it during further investigations by means of the
table proper (see Chapter 7.1.2.).
The structure of the table proper
The characters in the table are arranged according to sixteen ᨘ shè (see
Chapter 4.4.) in the following order:
1. ᵰ guԁ 9. ⏅ shƝn
2. ‫ ؛‬jiӽ 10. ቅ shƗn
3. 䘛 yù 11. 㟏 zhƝng
4. 㷍 xiè 12. ᅩ dàng
5. ℶ zhӿ 13. ∳ jiƗng
6. ᬜ xiào 14. ᳒ zƝng
7. ⌕ liú 15. ṫ gČng
8. ઌ xián 16. 䗮 tǀng
Figure 2. Order of the sixteen ᨘ shè in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao.
Each ᨘ shè is then divided into ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhǌ and ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhǌ (see
Chapter 4.4.), and these are further divided into the four grades ˄ಯㄝ
sìdČng˅. Each unit (e.g. ᵰᨘᓔষϔㄝ gu΅shè kƗik΅u yƯdČng) is divided
into the four tones ˄ᑇϞএܹ píng shàng qù rù˅.
Vertically, in the first row on each page one finds thirty six initials,
based on the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· (see Chapter 4.3.). These come in the
following order:77
1. ᐂ bƗng˄䴲˅(fƝi) 12. Ң cóng

2. ⒖ pƗng˄ᭋ˅(fú) 13. ᖗ xƯn
3. Ϻ bìng˄༝˅(fèng) 14. 䙾 xié
4. ᯢ míng˄ᖂ˅(wƝi) 15. ⶹ zhƯ
5. ッ duƗn 16. ᕏ chè
6. 䗣 tòu 17. ╘ chéng
7. ᅮ ding 18. ᑘ zhuƗng
8. ⊹ ní˄࿬˅(niáng) 19. ߱ chǌ
9. ᴹ lái 20. ዛ chóng
10. ㊒ jƯng 21. ⫳ shƝng
11. ⏙ qƯng 22. ゴ zhƗng
Phonetics 95
23. ᯠ chƗng 30. 㕸 qún

24. 㠍 chuan 31. ⭥ yí
25. к shǌ 32. ᰧ xiӽo
26. ⽙ chán 33. ࣷ xiá
27. ᮹ rì 34. ᕅ yӿng
28. 㾕 jiàn 35. ѥ yún
29. ⑾ xƯ 36. ҹ yӿ
Figure 3. Order of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao.
Example characters have been placed in the table according to their phono-
logical features. The informant should read the separate characters. While
questioning the informant, one should note down (using the International
Phonetic Alphabet (see Chapter 7.1.5.) all the phonetic features of the given
character, i.e. the tone, the initial and the final. The informant should only
pronounce the characters in his/her vernacular. (cf. Zhongguo Shehui
Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi).
1.1.2. Shortcomings of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao
Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao contains many characters which are rarely used.
Researching particular dialects, the informants may not be able to give the
pronunciation. For some dialects, the table is insufficient, there might be
syllables in the dialects which are impossible to find through Fangyan
Diaocha Zibiao. Thus, the table of single characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.3.)
may not include all the existing syllables. Therefore, a table consisting of
monosyllabic words which are in everyday use should be prepared with the
purpose of completing the deficiencies of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (cf. Li
Rulong 2003a: 10). The results can also be completed during further
research of vocabulary and grammar. One should continuously check and
compare the outcome and note down every new discovery.
1.2. Arrangement of the results of research
While writing down the results of one’s investigation, one should continu-
ously verify and correct the rough table of the phonetic system, made
beforehand. Having noted down the pronunciation of the individual charac-
ters in the table, one should organize the results into specific tables. In this
section the most important kinds of tables will be presented.
1.2.1. Tables of the phonetic system
Table of tones
The table of tones should be divided into as many of the traditional eight
tone categories i.e. yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈
Ϟ˅, yángshàng ˄䰇Ϟ˅, yƯnqù ˄䰈এ˅, yángqù ˄䰇এ˅, yƯnrù
˄䰈ܹ˅, yángrù ˄䰇ܹ˅ (see Chapter 4.2.), as there are in the given
dialect. The adequate tone values should be placed in the blanks, examples
should follow (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
135–137). For example, the table of tones of the Beijing dialect should look
like this:
Table 10. Tones of the Beijing dialect.

Tone
category 䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ Ϟໄ এໄ
䇗㉏ yƯnpíng yángpíng shàng-shƝng qùshƝng
diàolèi
Tone value
䇗ؐ 55 35 214 51
diàozhí
Example 䆫 shƯ ᯊ shí Փ sh΃ џ shì

ẃ tƯ 乬 tí ԧ t΃ ᳓ tì
Table of initials
The table of initials of a given dialect should be arranged according to the

features of the consonants, i.e. the place and the manner of articulation.
Horizontally, one should have the sounds with the same place of articula-
tion, vertically – the same manner of articulation (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987:
220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 62–63). The
IPA should be used.
Phonetics 97
Table 11. Initials of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 63).
p p‘ m
f
t t‘ n l
ts ts‘ s
t t‘
tÛ tÛ‘ Û
k k‘ x
Ȩ
Table of finals
The table of finals should take the various features of the medial, nucleus
and coda into consideration (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–223; Zhan Bohui
et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 63–64). Also here, the IPA should be
used.
Table 12. Finals of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 64).
ÎÏ r a o ¢ e ai ei au ou
i ia ie iau iou
u ua uo ue uai uei
y ye
an n a0 0
ian in ia0 i0
uan un ua0 u0 u0
yan yn y0
1.2.2. Table of homophonic characters 䯴 ৠ䷇ᄫ㸼 tóngyƯnzìbi΁o䯵
Having written down the pronunciation of individual characters on the ba-

sis of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, one can organize the characters into a table
of homophonic characters. This kind of table arranges the characters
according to their pronunciation. Usually each final has its own table,
horizontally the table is divided into tones, vertically into initials. Charac-
ters are placed in their appropriate position, with all the ones pronounced in
exactly the same way being in one blank. It is not necessary to write all the
initials existing in a given dialect for each final, one can write only those,
which form syllables with the specified final (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 225–
226; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 138–140; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai
Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). For example, we can choose the [in] final in
the Beijing dialect:
Table 13. Table of homophonic characters for the [in] final in the Beijing dialect
(after Huang Jinghu 1987: 226).
in
䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ Ϟໄ এໄ
yƯnpíng yángpíng shàngshƝng qùshƝng
55 35 214 51
p ᕀⒼᾳ᭠ᆒ▦ ⅵ僧
p‘ ྫྷ᢮ 䋿乥㣍 ક ⠱㘬
m ⇥ኋᚃ ᢓ䯑ᬣ⋃ⲓ
n ᙼ
l ᵫ䳪⨇Ј䚏劲 ⁕ޯᒾ ৱ䌕䑣
tÛ Ҟ᭸䞥Ꮢㄟ⋹ ㋻ҙ䫺ሑ 䖯ᰟ䖥ࢆ

⽕㼳 ˄~ㅵ˅ ˄᳝~˅
⽕˄~ℶ˅⍌
ሑ˄~࡯˅
tÛ‘ ҆։䩺㹒⾺ࢸ⨈⾑᪦㢍 ᆱ䫧 ≕৷᧓
㡽
Û ᖗ䕯ᮄ㭾䫠⃷ ֵ㸙ಳ
Ȩ ䷇䰈಴↋㤿࿏ ৳⎿ᆙ䫊佂˄~䜦˅ል ॄ䩺˄~偀˅

ᓩ䱤Ⱂ 㤿ぼ
1.2.3. Table of single characters 䯴 ऩᄫ䷇㸼 dƗnzì yƯnbi΁o䯵
The table of single characters is also called the table of syllables ˄䷇㡖㸼
yƯnjiébi΁o˅, or coordinative table of initials, finals and tones ˄ໄ䷉䇗䜡
ড়㸼 shƝngyùndiào pèihébi΁o˅. The table assembles the initials, finals and
Phonetics 99
tones with one single character as representative for each syllable. The
representative character can be chosen from the table of homophonic
characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.2.). The table is arranged similarly to the table
of homophonic characters (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 224–225; Zhan Bohui et
al. 2004: 140–142; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi
2004: 33).
Table 14. Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan, yan] finals of the Beijing
dialect (after Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 141–142).
an ian uan yan
䰈䰇 Ϟ এ 䰈䰇 Ϟ এ 䰈䰇 Ϟ এ 䰈䰇 Ϟ এ
p ⧁ ᵓ ᡂ 䖍 ᠕ ব
p‘ ᫔ Ⲭ ߸ ㆛ 停 ⠛
m 乳㳂 ⒵ ᜶ 㓉 ‫ ܡ‬䴶
f 㗏 ޵ ড 佁
t ऩ ⶏ ⎵ 乴 ⚍ ᑫ ッ ⷁ ↉
t‘ 䋾䇜 ⇃ ⚁ ໽ ⬄ 㟨 ᦁ ಶ
n फ 䌻䲒㫿 ᑈ ⺒ ᗉ ᱪ
l 㪱 ឦ ⚖ 䖲㜌㒗吒 ॉ х
ts ㇾ અ ᫦ 䌲 ᫹ 㑖䩑
ts’ 令 ⅟ ᚼ ♓ √ ば
s ϝ Ӳ ᬷ 䝌 ㅫ
t ऴ ᭽ キ ϧ 䕀䌮
t‘ ᧔ 㴝䫆 ᖣ こ㠍 ୬ І
ቅ 䮾 ᠛ 䮽 ⎂
✊ ᶧ 䕃
tÛ ᇪ ‫ޣ‬ 㾕 ᤤ ᥆ 㒶
tÛ‘ ⡉ ࠡ ⌙ ⃴ ೜ ܼ ⢀ ࡱ
Û ‫ ܜ‬䋸䰽 ⦄ ᅷ ⥘ 䗝 Ἲ
k ⫬ ᛳ ᑆ ᅬ ㅵ ☠
k‘ ෾ ⷡ ⳟ ᆑ ℒ
x 唒 ᆦ 㔩 ∝ ⃶ ⦃ 㓧 ᤶ
Ȩ ᅝ ‫׎‬ ᱫ ⚳ Ⲥ ⓨ 䲕 ᔃ ᅠ ⹫ ϛ ‫ ܗ ݸ‬䖰䰶
1.3. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹㅔ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise

table for the research of Chinese dialects] (Ding and Li ed. 1956a)
This table was edited in 1956 by Ding Shengshu and Li Rong, and pub-
lished by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo), with the inten-

tion of being used during the general dialectal surveys carried out through-
out China at that time.
The primary aim of the surveys was to promote Putonghua, therefore
the book focuses chiefly on phonetics, but it also contains some material
for the research of vocabulary and grammar. The part for the research of
phonetics includes five components: tones, initials, finals, basic characters
for the phonetic system, and table of single characters. Altogether there are
over 2500 characters. The order of characters both in the basic characters
for the phonetic system and the table of single characters is based on the
phonetics of the Beijing dialect. The part for the research of vocabulary and
grammar consists of 172 words or phrases and 37 example sentences.
To facilitate the use of the table, simultaneously ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹᄫ䷇ᭈ
⧚व⠛ (Hanyu fangyan diaocha ziyin zhengli kapian) (Ding and Li ed.
1956b) was issued, holding 2136 cards. The characters in this work and in
Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao are numbered in corresponding order.
While researching dialects of Chinese, either Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao
or the Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao can be used. However, since
Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao is arranged according to the pronuncia-
tion of the Beijing dialect, it is more convenient while investigating dialects
of the Mandarin group. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is more useful for the
research of dialects from other groups (cf. Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 171;
Huang Jinghu 1987: 208; You Rujie 2004: 59).
1.4. Variant pronunciations of one character ˄ᓖ䇏 yìdú˅
As a rule, one Chinese character is read in one way. Nevertheless, some

characters have more than one reading. There are two main types of variant
readings: one is when the variant readings carry different meanings (e.g. in
Putonghua the character 䭓 can be read as cháng, meaning ‘long’ or as
zh΁ng – ‘older; senior’); the second type is the opposite – the meaning re-
mains the same despite different pronunciations. This latter type is called
ᓖ䇏 yìdú and is the one which is especially important in the investigation
of dialects.
There are several kinds of ᓖ䇏 yìdú. While researching dialects, one
should be careful to take notice and distinguish between them.
Phonetics 101
1.4.1. Research of sandhi
While researching the phonetic system, one has to bear in mind that it is not
sufficient to study separate syllables, but also to survey the changes which
appear in the course of speaking, the so-called sandhi. In some dialects
(especially Min), changes caused by sandhi are more common, in others
(like Hakka, Gan, Xiang ), they are quite rare (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
168).
The most frequent kind of sandhi is tone sandhi. To study the tone san-
dhi of a given dialect, a special list of characters needs to be prepared. The
list should include all possible tonal combinations, either only disyllabic
words and expressions, or both disyllabic and tri-syllabic ones. A universal
list can be made for the research of any dialect, or one can prepare a list for
each individual dialect.
The universal list should consist of all hypothetical tonal combinations,
i.e. of the eight Middle Chinese tones ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng, 䰈এ
yƯnqù, 䰈ܹ yƯnrù, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇Ϟ yángshàng, 䰇এ yángqù, 䰇ܹ
yángrù˅. Thus, there should be 64 sets of disyllabic examples and 512 sets
of tri-syllabic ones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172; You Rujie 2004: 76–77,
2000: 32–34). Examples of such lists can be found in Zhan Bohui et al.
2004: 386–393; You Rujie 2004: 247–252; Huang Jinghu 1987: 241
(disyllabic); Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 394–412 (trisyllabic).
The list for an individual dialect should include all possible tonal
combinations of the given dialect, i.e. if a dialect has 4 tones, there should
be 16 disyllabic combinations, if it has 5 tones – 25, and so on. In such a
list, specific local words and expressions can be taken into account (cf. You
Rujie 2004: 76; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172). These lists can be helpful in
researching both tone sandhi and sandhi of other kinds, checking for
changes which may occur in the initials and finals during the process of
speaking (cf. You Rujie 2004: 78–79; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172).78
1.4.2. Phonetic changes of diminutives 䯴 ᇣ⿄ব䷇xi΁ochéng biànyƯn䯵

(cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 236–237)
In some dialects there are occasional specific sound changes as a means of

indicating diminutives. This kind of phonetic change usually concerns the
tones. E.g. in the dialect of Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, besides the basic eight
tones, there are two tones which indicate the diminutives: 15 and 51. Thus,
the basic pronunciation of the character þ叵ÿ (‘chicken’) is [tsÎ33], the

changed form is [tsÎ15], meaning ‘small chicken’.79
‫ ࣪ܓ‬Érhuà
One of the specific kinds of phonetic changes of diminutives is the

phenomenon of ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà, which is quite common in the dialects of Chi-
nese. In general, it consists of adding the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix which “merges with
the syllable it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002: 195), forming a retroflexed
final. For example in the Beijing dialect:
℠ [k¢] + ‫[ ܓ‬Ǟ] Æ ℠‫[ ܓ‬g¢r] (‘a song’)
In most cases, adding the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix forms a diminutive, as the word
‫ ܓ‬ér means ‘child; son’, and thus denotes something small. It also indi-
cates endearment. However, the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix can also be added to adjec-
tives and some verbs (cf. Duanmu, San 2002: 195).80
1.4.3. Alternative pronunciations 䯴 জ䇏yòudú䯵
There are cases when a character is pronounced in different ways with no

clear explanation (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyan-
shi 2004: 32). For example, the character ⊩ in the Beijing dialect, besides
the regular pronunciation in the falling-rising tone (214) (f΁), is also pro-
nounced in the level (55) (fƗ), as well as the rising tone (35) (fá). E.g.:
(1) a. ⊩‫ ܓ‬fƗr (method; way):
䖭ৃ≵~њǄ Zhè kČ méi fƗr le.
‘There is no way of doing it.’
b. ⊩ᄤ fázi (method; way):
᳝ҔМ~˛ Y΅u shénme fázi?
‘How to do it?’
(Examples taken from Xu Shirong ed. 1996: 127)
1.4.4. The literary and colloquial variant pronunciations 䯴 ᭛ⱑᓖ䇏

wénbái yìdú䯵
The distinction between the pronunciation of the literary and of the collo-
quial language becomes visible depending on the circumstances in which
Phonetics 103
the specified character is being pronounced. The general rule is that the
literary pronunciation occurs when a book is read, and the vernacular one
while having a colloquial conversation. Yet, the situation is not at all as
straightforward as it may seem.
In some cases the two readings can be used alternatively. Usually, the
literary reading is then perceived as being “more refined”. In other in-
stances, the literary pronunciation is reserved for the official language,
while the vernacular one is used in colloquial speech only and both cannot
be freely interchanged (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 130; You Rujie 2000:
27–28).
Most commonly, the dissimilarity between the two variant pronuncia-
tions lies in finals, but it can just as well happen between initials, tones or
all kinds of combinations of the three components of the syllable (cf.
Huang Jinghu 1987: 233–234).
During the study of a dialect, one should take note of this occurrence
and describe it carefully. In order to explore the matter thoroughly, while
noting down the pronunciation of the individual characters, it is helpful to
put the characters into various words and phrases. At the end of the studies,
the diverse forms should be compiled so as to find existing rules of
differentiation (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 131–132; 144–145; Huang
Jinghu 1987: 234–235).
Special care should be taken while interviewing the informant and
showing him/her characters in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Seeing the written
form, the informant might give the literary pronunciation in a natural way.
That is why it is necessary to be very persistent while investigating the
subject, at times enquiring again and again (cf. You Rujie 2000: 27; Zhong-
guo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi).
1.4.5. Borrowing the pronunciation of a synonym 䯴䆁䇏xùndú䯵
䆁䇏 xùndú is a specific phenomenon which can be quite confusing while

researching the phonetics of a dialect, especially for those who study the
historical sound changes. When a certain character is not used in colloquial
speech, its reading may be substituted by the reading of a synonym which
is in common use (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 132–133; Huang Jinghu
1987: 235).
The Min dialect of Hainan is very rich in cases of 䆁䇏 xùndú. An

example of the phenomenon follows (taken from Chen Hongmai 1993:
45):81
ч is read as ཊ
ч and ཊ are synonyms. In the dialect of Qiongzhou ˄⨐Ꮂ˅, ч is
seldom read in its original reading [zi33] or [zui33], e.g.:
(2) 䈚㜤ч [!dau23hu23zi33] or [!dau23hu23zui33]
‘fermented bean curd’
More often ч is read as ཊ, i.e. [ne23], especially in the colloquial lan-
guage, e.g.:
(3) a. ч⠯ [ne23ku21]
‘milch cow’
b. ч᠓ [ne23!ba021]
‘breast; udder’
1.4.6. Differences between the new and old varieties 䯴 ᮄ⌒ǃ㗕⌒ᓖ䇏

xƯnpài, l΁opài yìdú䯵
In the dialects of Chinese, some characters are read in a different way by

young and old speakers. This phenomenon is tending to become stronger
nowadays, since the beginning of the promotion of Putonghua in the 1950-
ies. Yet, some dialects, except for the influence of Putonghua, are also un-
der the pressure of neighbouring dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 133–
134; Huang Jinghu 1987: 235–236).
1.4.7. Popular reading 䯴 ֫䇏súdú䯵 and misreading 䯴䇃䇏wùdú䯵
Some characters are often mispronounced ˄䇃䇏 wùdú˅; for instance, in

the Beijing dialect, the word ለሀ should be read [kan55ka51], but due to the
elements of the characters which suggest a different reading, it is often
mispronounced as [tÛian55tÛi'51] (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai
Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 32). If the mispronunciation is widespread and has
become common practice, the reading is treated as a popular reading ˄֫
䇏 súdú˅, not a mistake (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 134–135).
Phonetics 105
1.4.8. Geographical differences
Evident differences between the pronunciation of some characters in the

city and in the suburbs or countryside ˄ජеᓖ䇏 chéngxiƗng yìdú˅ are
also common. These variations are caused by sociological factors. For
example, in the Fuzhou dialect, the character ᮽ is pronounced [tsa] in the
city and [tsia] in the suburbs (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai
Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33).
1.5. The usage of IPA in the research of Chinese dialects
The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is currently generally applied for

recording the phonetics of Chinese dialects. However, Chinese dialectology
has also developed some specific symbols which are commonly used, as
well as adjusted some of the IPA symbols to its own needs (cf. You Rujie
2000: 22–26):
The implosives are written down as [, È, ] in the IPA, but in the field
of Chinese dialectology, they are usually written as [!b, !d, !g]. Yet, where
the injection is light, consonants are noted down as [’b, ’d], etc.
The retroflex vowels [Ï Î Ý ¶], frequent in Chinese dialects, are not
listed in the basic IPA, but can be found in the IPA extensions.
The IPA uses the symbol [h] to indicate aspiration. Chinese dialectology
generally notes down the aspiration with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘].
The tone values are described according to the five point scale, with 1 as
the lowest and 5 as the highest point. The tones can be represented by num-
bers and also by fixed symbols of IPA, e.g. the tones of the modern Beijing
dialect are shown as 55 ަަ‫ވ‬, 35 ‫ވޜ‬, 214 ‫އޑޓ‬, 51 g (cf. You Rujie 2000: 23; Bei-
jing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 28).82
To represent the tones, there is also a set of special symbols applied to
denote the traditional Middle Chinese names of tones. This method is
called থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁. Semicircles are placed in respective corners of the
character to indicate the ᑇ píng, Ϟshàng,এ qù, ܹrù tones. If the
tones are divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories, the symbols for the 䰇
yáng-tones are underlined semicircles. The set of symbols is (the square
representing a character):
»ƶ䰈ᑇyƯnpíng ¼ƶ䰇ᑇyángpíng
½ƶ䰈ϞyƯnshàng ¾ƶ䰇Ϟyángshàng
ƶ¿䰈এyƯnqù ƶÀ䰇এ yángqù
ƶÁ䰈ܹyƯnrù ƶÂ䰇ܹyángrù
Figure 4. Symbols of থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁.
For example, the tones of the Beijing dialect are:

»ƶ䰈ᑇyƯnpíng (e.g.»Ѹ [tèiau55])
¼ƶ䰇ᑇyángpíng (e.g. ¼ಐ [tèiau35])
½ƶϞshàng (e.g. ½㛮 [tèiau214])
ƶ¿এqù (e.g. ি¿ [tèiau51])
(cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: v; Lin and
Geng 2004: 59–60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi
2004: 28–29; You Rujie 2000: 25).
The IPA does not provide any symbols to represent the light tone ˄䕏
䇗 qƯngdiào˅. Customarily, syllables in the light tone are not labelled with
any numbers or symbols. One other solution is to mark them with a dot on
their left-hand-side. E.g., the Beijing syllables Ԣᨁ [ti55 ·ta].
To record the pronunciation, the narrow transcription ˄Ϲᓣᷛ䷇ yán-
shì biƗoyƯn˅ or the broad transcription ˄ᆑᓣᷛ䷇ kuƗnshì biƗoyƯn˅ are
to be used. While recording the speech sounds on the spot, the narrow
transcription should be applied. Later, when describing the phonetic system
and the phonemes, the broad transcription is to be employed. The narrow
transcription shows the minute differences between the speech sounds,
while the broad transcription is sufficient to indicate the distinctive features
(cf. You Rujie 2000: 25–26; Zhou Dianfu 2001: 11–15).
2. Vocabulary
The research of Chinese dialectal vocabulary, has long been neglected, as is

the case with grammar, since linguists concentrated on the phonetic
differences rather than on the lexicological or grammatical diversity. This
probably happened because of the mistaken idea that surveying dialects
was equal to surveying the dialectal phonetics. Also, the promotion of
Putonghua in the beginning focused mainly on the teaching of Beijing
phonetics. Since the 1980s the interest in dialect vocabulary and grammar
has increased (cf. Zhai Shiyu 2003: 271–273).
Vocabulary 107
In the foreword to ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao

(Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), the scholars
state that the research of dialects should include all three aspects, i.e.
phonetics as well as vocabulary and grammar or even concentrate on the
survey of vocabulary and grammar, naturally without neglecting phonetics.
This is primarily justified by the duty of improving the promotion of
Putonghua, but is also important for the sake of compiling dialect
dictionaries (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981: 161–162).
The influence of the national standard on dialectal vocabulary is im-
mensely strong. The promotion of Putonghua and the standardization of the
language are changing the local lexicons in a natural way. That is why the
research of dialectal vocabulary seems to be even more significant (cf. Bei-
jing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Zhan Bohui
et al.2004: 174, see also Chapter 3.3.).
2.1. Lists for the research of dialectal vocabulary
Depending on the conditions and the purpose of research, various kinds of

vocabulary lists can be used. There are two main kinds of such lists:
sketchy, for a general survey (such as ᮍ 㿔䇗 ᶹ 䆡 ∛ ᠟ ‫( ݠ‬Fangyan
Diaocha Cihui Shouce) (Ding Shengshu 1989; see Chapter 7.2.1.1.); ᮍ㿔
䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu
1981; see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) and detailed – for a thorough investigation (cf.
You Rujie 2000: 35, 2004: 103; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 230–234; Huang
Jinghu 1987: 246–248).
For specific research of dialect vocabulary, individual lists can be pre-
pared according to needs. One can, for example, investigate the speech of
the suburbs of a certain city (see You Rujie 2004: 103–104). Or else, one
can concentrate on some particular field of vocabulary, e.g. the names of
plants in some region or the influence of neighbouring languages on a dia-
lect, etc. (see Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 233).
This chapter concentrates on some of the commonly used lists for gen-
eral surveys of the vocabulary of dialects.
2.1.1. ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛᠟‫(ݠ‬Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [A selected

word list for Chinese dialectal survey]
This list was published for the first time in 1955 by the Institute of Linguis-
tics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences ˄ Ё ೑ ⾥ ᄺ 䰶䇁㿔 ⷨ お ᠔
Zhongguo Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo ˅ and reprinted in 1989 in the
periodical Fangyan, with a few entries added (Ding Shengshu 1989). The
original included also a sheet to fill in the data about the informants, the
same as in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan
Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix), which has been omitted in the version printed
in Fangyan.
This list was created with the purpose of preparing ground for making a
language atlas of China. The list is short, containing just over 300 entries.
The entries are arranged according to their meaning, divided into 18
categories, of which the last one is a set of grammatical example sentences.
Next to each entry, examples of synonyms in various dialects are given for
reference (e.g. ໾䰇 (tàiyáng) (‘sun’) —— ᮹༈ (rìtou), ⛁༈ (rètou), 㗕⠋
‫( ܓ‬l΁oyér), Ding Shengshu 1989: 92, cf. Chapter 9.3.1.).
The entries were chosen with the intention of making a general
investigation, therefore there are only colloquial words and expressions. No
specialized terms have been used. To show the close and distant relation-
ships between dialects, words which are divergent in various dialects have
been selected; those words which only differ from the national standard in
pronunciation have been omitted. To make it easier to arrange the results
and make comparisons, only words with clear meaning and definite scope
of meaning have been chosen; that is why there are mostly names of spe-
cific objects and a lesser amount of abstract words, verbs, adjectives, etc.
(cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91).
This word list should be used together with the Fangyan Diaocha
Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002). Having
investigated the phonetics of a dialect, one should not have problems with
writing down the words from the list (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91).
2.1.2. ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for

the survey of Chinese dialects] (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981)
This word list was compiled by the Dialect Section of the Institute of
Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶
Vocabulary 109
䇁㿔ⷨお᠔ᮍ㿔㒘 Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fang-

yanzu˅ in 1958 with the aim of investigating the dialects of Hebei prov-
ince. It was printed in Fangyan in 1981.
The list is rather detailed; it includes over 4000 entries, divided into 31
categories, of which the last one is again a set of sentences for grammatical
research. The 30 lexical categories are: (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3)
season, time; (4) agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses and utensils;
(8) people; (9) kinship; (10) body; (11) diseases, medical treatment; (12)
clothing; (13) food and drink; (14) weddings and funerals; (15) supersti-
tions; (16) litigation; (17) daily life; (18) communication; (19) commerce;
(20) culture and education; (21) recreation; (22) movement; action; (23)
positions; (24) pronouns, etc.; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs; (27) preposi-
tions, etc.; (28) examples of ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.); (29) meas-
ure words (classifiers); (30) numerals, etc.
2.1.3. Handbook of Chinese Dialect Vocabulary ˄ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ᠟‫ݠ‬

Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce˅ (Chinese Linguistics Project 1972)
Published by the Chinese Linguistics Project at Princeton University, the

handbook includes 4348 vocabulary entries and 132 example sentences for
the research of grammar. It was based on the ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛ (Hanyu Fang-
yan Cihui) (Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan-
jiushi 2005). It has been used by many researchers outside of China in their
fieldwork (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 232).
2.1.4. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡䇁䇗ᶹᴵⳂ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Ciyu Diaocha

Tiaomu Biao) [A list of items for the lexical investigation of Chinese
dialects]
The contents of the list (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo

Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003) is primarily based upon ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛
㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see
Chapter 7.2.1.2.). It is also a revised edition of the list used for the specific
purpose of compiling The Great Dictionary..., i.e. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ㸼
(Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao). The entries are divided into 29
categories, the same as those in the basic version of ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ㸼

(Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) (see Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhongguo
Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6).
2.1.5. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ᠟‫( ݠ‬Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce)

(Handbook for Lexicon Based Dialect Fieldwork)
The handbook (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006) is an outcome of the Ameri-

can-Chinese cooperation during the “Project for the Investigation of the
Boundary between Wu and Jiang-Hwai Dialects”. The project was funded
by the Henry Luce Foundation U.S. China Cooperative Research Program
and the Chinese Foundation for the Social Sciences (cf. Simmons, Gu and
Shi 2006: Frontispiece).
This handbook does not concentrate solely on nouns, but it also pays
attention to verbs and adjectives as well as function words. It also includes
a list for the research of tone sandhi (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 179–183).
The lists for the research of vocabulary are preceded by tables for the re-
search of phonetics (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 4–14), as well as a sheet
to be filled in with data about the time and place of the investigation and
about the informant (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 3). This sheet is similar to
the one found in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui
Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, see also Chapter 7.1.1.1.).
There are three lists for the research of isoglottic lines of dialects: a de-
tailed list, a brief list and a short list, each of them can be used depending
on the purpose of the investigation. The entries are arranged alphabetically
according to the pinyin transcription of Putonghua pronunciation.
The detailed list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 15–140) includes 1900
entries and is sufficient for thorough investigation. The brief list (Simmons,
Gu and Shi 2006: 141–174) holds 450 entries which are more crucial and
can be used for a general survey of a number of dialect localities, with the
intention of comparing their vocabulary before a thorough investigation.
The short list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 175–178) is made up of 60
items, which are the most crucial, and it can be helpful while drawing maps
of dialects and depicting isoglosses.
Vocabulary 111
2.2. Definition of dialectal word and dialectal vocabulary
The terms ‘dialectal word’ ˄ᮍ㿔䆡 fƗngyáncí˅ and ‘dialectal vocabu-

lary’ ˄ᮍ㿔䆡∛ fƗngyáncíhuì˅ are always used in comparison with
Putonghua. A dialectal word is one which differs from the national standard
language in the meaning and morphology. Dialectal vocabulary is a collec-
tion of words which differ from Putonghua in these aspects (cf. Beijing
Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu
1987: 242–243).
2.3. Characteristics of Chinese dialectal vocabulary
Chinese dialectal vocabulary is utterly diverse, though some common fea-

tures can be found. Usually, the differences are listed in comparison with
the national standard. Except for words which vary only in pronunciation,
numerous kinds of disparities occur.
2.3.1. Different origins
Archaisms
Putonghua is based mainly on the northern, i.e. Mandarin dialects, which

have evolved faster than the southern dialects. That is why many southern
dialects have preserved ancient words, which nowadays exist only in the
formal or literary language of Putonghua, or are known as সҷ∝䇁 G·dài
Hàny· – classical Chinese 83 (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai
Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu 1987: 245; Zhan Bohui et al.
2004: 199–201; Li Rulong 1997: 38–40). For example:
Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect:
(1) a. 㸠 [ha021]
‘to walk’ (Putonghua: 䍄 z΅u)
b. 䍄 [tsmu35]
‘to run’ (Putonghua: 䎥 p΁o)
Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ dialect:

(2) Ⳃ [bak5]
‘eye’ (Putonghua: ⴐ⴯ y΁njing)
(Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39)
Loan words from other languages
Many dialects have absorbed words from other languages; either from
nationalities living in the same area, or from foreign languages (mostly
English) (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 245–246; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi
Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 201; Zhan
Bohui 1981: 54–55; Li Rulong 1997: 40). Here are a few examples:
Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Manchurian (Shenyang
˄≜䰇˅dialect):
(3) ඟ*≄* [mai35t‘ai]
‘dirt, filth’
Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Russian (Shenyang ˄≜
䰇˅ dialect):
(4) 㺖*Ꮘ* [lie53pa]
‘bread’ (Russian ‘ɯɥɟɛ’ [xl’½p])
Yue dialect borrowing from English (Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect):
(5) ⊶* [pn55]
‘ball’
Southern Min dialect borrowing from Malaysian (Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅
dialect):
(6) 䘧*䚢* [to33Æ11ln0]
‘help’ (Malaysian ‘tolong’)
2.3.2. Partial differences
Some dialectal words denoting the same thing differ partly from each other
as regards the morphemes used to form these words. These dissimilarities
can be divided into three categories:
Vocabulary 113
Polysyllabic words partially different
A number of polysyllabic dialectal words are both partly similar to and

partly different from Putonghua. This is because one (or more) of the mor-
phemes used to form them is different from those in other dialects and in
the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244–245; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50–
51). For example, the word denoting ‘the palm of the hand’ is:
(7) a. In Putonghua: ᠟ᥠ sh΅uzh΁ng
b. In Beijing dialect: Ꮘᥠ [pa55·ta0]
c. In Suzhou˄㢣Ꮂ˅dialect: ᠟ᖗ [s;52sin44Æ23]
d. In Shuangfeng˄ঠዄ˅dialect: ᠟ᵓ [èi731p331]
e. In Chaozhou˄╂Ꮂ˅dialect: ᠟ᑩ [ts‘iu53Æ34 toi53Æ21]
f. In Meixian˄ṙও˅dialect: ᠟Ꮘᥠ [su31pa 44Æ45tsn0]
Presence and absence of affixes; distinct affixes
In various words, the root is the same in different dialects, though in some
localities, the words are formed with affixes, and in others without them (cf.
Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan
Bohui 1981: 51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.:
(8) a. In Putonghua:
♊ zào (‘cooking stove’)
䔺 chƝ (‘car; vehicle’)
b. In Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ dialect:
♊༈ [tsa3513Æ55·d;]
䔺ᄤ [ts‘o55·tsƳ]
Other words have different affixes in different dialects (cf. Beijing

Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981:
51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.:
(9) a. In Putonghua: 唏ᄤ bízi (‘nose’)
b. In Shanghai˄Ϟ⍋˅dialect: 唏༈ [bie!13Æ11d(13Æ12]
c. In Guangzhou˄ᑓᎲ˅dialect: 唏હ [pei22kn55]
d. In Meixian˄ṙও˅dialect: 唏݀ [p‘i53ku044]
Differences in sequence
Multiple polysyllabic words are built up of the same morphemes in a vari-

ety of dialects, but sometimes in an inverted order (cf. Beijing Daxue
Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50;
Huang Jinghu 1987: 245). For instance:84
(10) a. Putonghua’s ᅶҎ kèrén (‘guest’)
in Yue, Min and Hakka dialects is ‘Ҏᅶ’
b. Putonghua’s ⛁䯍 rènao (‘lively; bustling with activity’)
in Wu, Min, Gan, Hakka dialects is ‘䯍⛁’.
c. Putonghua’s ୰⃶ x΃huan (‘to like; be fond of’)
in Yue, Wu, Gan dialects is ‘⃶୰’.
2.3.3. Semantic differences
Some words are built up of the same morphemes, but denote different
things in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 48–50; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
196–197; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244; Li Rulong 1997: 40–42).
Meaning broader than in Putonghua
A part of the dialectal vocabulary differs from Putonghua in regard to the

scope of the meaning. Sometimes words which denote a certain thing in the
national standard, can have a broader sense in certain dialects (cf. Beijing
Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981:
49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.:
(11) a. 㱞ᄤ˖
Putonghua: wénzi – ‘mosquito’
Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ dialect: [mn33tsƳ3] – ‘mosquito; fly’
Vocabulary 115
b. 唏ᄤ˖
Putonghua: bízi – ‘nose’
Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅ dialect: [pie!4·ts'] – ‘nose; nasal mucus’
Meaning narrower than in Putonghua
Sometimes the scope of the meaning is narrower than that of Putonghua (cf.
Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan
Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.:
(12) 䴶˄咉 in unsimplified characters˅
Putonghua: miàn – ‘flour; powder; noodles’
In many dialects, among others: Wuhan ˄ ℺ ∝ ˅ [mi'n35];
Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ [mie11]; Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ [min22] – ‘noo-
dles’
(Examples taken from Zhan Bohui 1981: 49 and Li Rong ed. 2002, 6:
6211)
(13) ྞྍ
Putonghua: z΃mèi – ‘sisters; elder and younger sisters’
Changshu ˄ᐌ❳˅ dialect: [tsi44me213Æ21] – ‘younger sister’
(Example taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiao-
yanshi 2004: 41)
Shifted meaning
There are also words, with the same origin, but where the meaning has
changed in a different way in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhong-
wenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49–50). For
example:
(14) a. ⱑР啳
Putonghua: bái wǌguƯ – ‘white turtle’
Shanghai dialect: [b#!13Æ1u53Æ11tèy53Æ11] – ‘goose’
b. ݀݀
Putonghua: gǀnggong – ‘husband’s father; father-in-law’
Yangzhou ˄ ᡀ Ꮂ ˅ dialect: [ko021·ko0] – ‘maternal
grandfather’

Swapped meaning
In some cases, the signification of a dialectal word can be swapped with the
signification of another word in the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue
Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49;
Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.:
(15) In the dialect of Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅, the word ᠓ [fn021Æ35] is
translated into Putonghua as ሟᄤ wǌzi – ‘room (in a house)’,
whereas the word ሟ [7k5] is ᠓ᄤ fángzi – ‘house’ – in Putonghua.
2.3.4. Different conceptualization with the same referential frame
Due to cultural disparities, numerous words referring to the same objects or

concepts are completely different in various dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 1981:
51–53; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41–42;
Huang Jinghu 1987: 243–244).
Different ways of describing objects
Various objects are perceived and described in a different way. For example,
the word denoting ‘sunflower’ is described as:
(16) a. In Putonghua: ৥᮹㩉 xiàngrìkuí
‘flower facing the sun’ ˄㩉 kuì – ‘certain herbaceous plants
with big flowers’˅
b. In Beijing dialect: 䕀᮹㦆 [tuan51 ƪ51lian35]
‘lotus turning towards the sun’
c. In Jinan ˄⌢फ˅ dialect: ᳱ䰇㢅 [t‘n 42Æ45·ia0 xua213]
‘flower facing the sun’
d. In Kunming ˄ᯚᯢ˅ dialect: ᳱ䰇佐‫[ ܓ‬t‘au31 ia31pir53]
‘round cake facing the sun’
Vocabulary 117
e. In Wenzhou ˄ ⏽ Ꮂ ˅ dialect: ໾ 䰇 ԯ 㢅 [t‘a42×i31Æ21

vi212Æ31ho44Æ33]
‘Buddha’s flower of the sun’
Another example is the word for ‘kerosene; paraffin’:

(17) a. In Putonghua: ✸⊍ méiyóu –
‘coal oil’
b. In Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ dialect: ⋟⊍ [ji31Æ21 jiau31Æ22]
‘oil from overseas; imported oil’
c. In Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect: ☿∈ [fn3551y35]
‘fire-water’
d. In Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅ dialect: ☿⊍ [hue53Æ24iu55]
‘fire-oil’
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Beida Zhongwenxi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005: 185)
Fear of breaking a taboo
Some words sound the same as words which are believed to be inauspi-
cious. In order to avoid bringing bad luck, other words are chosen to de-
scribe those objects. For example:
In the word, which in Putonghua is called ⣾㟡༈ zhǌ shétou – ‘pig
tongue (as food)’, the syllable ‘㟠 shé’ calls up bad associations, because it
is homophonous with the word ‘ᡬ shé’, as in ‘ᡬᴀ shébČn’ – ‘to lose
money in business’. That is why it is replaced by various words, such as:
(18) a. In Beijing dialect: ষᴵ [k‘ou214Æ21t‘iau35]
‘mouth-strip’
b. In Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅ dialect: ᢯䋶 [ts'u42ts‘ai24]
‘bringing in money’
(Examples taken Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi
2004: 41)
2.3.5. Words specific to particular dialects
There are a certain number of dialectal words, used only in a certain area,
and their origin is as yet not known. These words are traditionally called
‘specific dialectal words’ ˄ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshǌ cíy· or ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ
䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí˅. They are colloquial, frequently used every-day
words, mostly monosyllabic These kinds of words are especially common
in the Southern dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Zhan Bohui 1981: 53–54 Li Rulong 2003a: 37; see
also Chapter 5.1.2.1.).85 For example:
Yue dialect (Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ pronunciation):
(19) a. ௶ [j'23]
‘thing, object’ ˄ϰ㽓 dǀngxi in Putonghua˅
b. а [mmt5]
‘what’ ˄ҔМ shénme in Putonghua˅
Min dialect (Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ pronunciation):

(20) a. ]
ಱ [kia51
‘son’ ˄‫ܓ‬ᄤ érzi in Putonghua˅
b. ⱘ*ᣀ* [t+k11kuat11]
‘pleased with oneself’ ˄ᕫᛣ déyì in Putonghua˅
2.4. Noting down the results
2.4.1. Choosing the characters
Characters used for writing down dialectal words, often cannot be found in
the national standard, or they do not function in every-day use. One of the
reasons is that the dialects have preserved many ancient words (see Chapter
7.2.3.1.) and, naturally, still use the adequate characters to write them down.
Sometimes dialects use characters which exist in Putonghua, but under a
different meaning. In such cases, there is no problem in noting down the
words, one uses the characters which are known (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987:
248; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). However, it is not always easy to find an
appropriate Chinese character.86
Vocabulary 119
Dialectal characters 䯴 ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì䯵
Many dialectal words have adequate dialectal characters ˄ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗng-

yánzì˅, also called ‘non-standard characters’ ˄֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì or ֫ᄫ
súzì˅ (cf. You Rujie 2004: 207).
Often the dialectal characters exist concurrently with original characters
˄ᴀᄫ bČnzì˅. For instance, when a Chinese character has a literary and a
colloquial pronunciation ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.),
sometimes they differ so much, that people invent a new character (usually
for the colloquial pronunciation) which renders the reading more accurately.
At other times, the character is created to clarify the meaning. For example,
in Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect the word for mud and for dry soil is the
same: ⊹ [nmi21]. In order to differentiate the two meanings, dry soil is writ-
ten down as ‘ു’. There is also a group of dialectal characters, which are
constructed on the basis of the original ideogram. For example, a part can
be altered or added (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193).
When the dialectal character is used beside the original one, it is not
necessary to note down the local variety, but it may be interesting to show
the atypical popular forms. If the dialectal shape has already become so
popularized as to enter the dictionaries, it is advised to use it (cf. Zhan Bo-
hui et al. 2004: 193).
At times, the dialectal variations do not have an evident origin, still they
are commonly applied. For example, the character ‘૨’ [m21] which denotes
negation, is widespread in the Yue language area (cf. Zhan Bohui et al.
2004: 193–194). These types of ideograms should be taken into account
and noted down.87
Borrowing homophonic characters
There are many dialectal words which cannot be written down in the exist-
ing characters, neither standard, nor non-standard. If in a dialect there is a
word which is homophonic with the word in question, this homophone is
used to write it down, though usually with an asterisk [*] or some other
symbol (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan
Bohui et al. 2004: 194–195; You Rujie 2004: 207). For example, in Suzhou
˄㢣Ꮂ˅ dialect, the word for ‘child’ is pronounced [si331k133Æ35], and
can be written down as ‘ᇣᅬ*’, as the word pronounced as [k133] does not
have a character to represent it (example taken from Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
194).
Sometimes the homophonic characters become widely used and finally
enter the dictionaries. This has happened for instance with the word
[ma23t‘mi21Æ35], meaning ‘water chestnut’ in the dialect of Guangzhou ˄ᑓ
Ꮂ˅. It is commonly written as ‘偀䐘’ (see Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3), which
in Putonghua is pronounced m΁tí and means ‘horse’s hoof’. However, it
can also be found in The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary (Zhongguo
Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1290), with the
annotationǇᮍ (FƗng) dial.ǈand the meaning of ‘water chestnut’.
The usage of symbols
If there is no homophone which could substitute for a given syllable, an

empty square [ƶ] is used instead. This method can cause some confusion,
as it indicates neither the reading, nor the meaning. That is why it is neces-
sary to always write down the pronunciation next to the word (cf. Huang
Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
194–195). For example:
(21) Meixian ˄ṙও˅ dialect:
ƶ䲼 [nem53Æ55 i31]
‘unbroken spell of wet weather’
(Example taken from Li Rong ed. 2002, 6: 6515).
2.4.2. Transcription
At present, the characters or symbols, which have been noted down, should
be supported by an IPA transcription of the pronunciation. 88 While
researching the vocabulary, one can discover more sounds and occurrences
of sandhi than during the research of phonetics (see Chapter 7.1.4.1.).
Every new phenomenon is to be recorded, and the tables of the phonetic
system completed (cf. You Rujie 2004: 106; Huang Jinghu 1987: 249; Zhan
Bohui et al. 2004: 185–186).
Grammar 121
Explanation of the meaning
Usually the meaning of the dialectal words is explained either in Putonghua

or in the literary language ˄к䴶䇁 shǌmiàny·˅. Equivalents in the na-
tional standard or literary language are to be used if possible, or else con-
cise definitions should be formed. Examples should also be presented, in
order to clarify the meaning (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 186–193, You
Rujie 2004: 105–106; Huang Jinghu 1987: 249–250).
3. Grammar
The grammar of dialects is still the least explored area in Chinese dialectol-
ogy. For a very long time a misconception has dominated, namely that the
grammar of all dialects is generally the same. This was also stated by Zhao
Yuanren in his Grammar of Spoken Chinese (first published in 1968):
“Apart from some minor divergencies…, one can say that there is practi-
cally one universal Chinese grammar” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This
statement was based upon the fact that “it is in matters of grammar that the
greatest degree of uniformity is found among all the dialects of the Chinese
language” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This is true with phonetics and
vocabulary, but it does not mean that the grammar of dialects is homogene-
ous.
Bao Houxing (cf. 2003: 34) mentions two main reasons for the disregard
of dialectal grammar. One is that it is in phonetics that the dialectal differ-
ences are most visible; the phonetic divergence has for a long time been the
indicator for the classification of dialectal groups, as well as the means for
qualitative analysis. The other reason is the great degree of difficulty of
dialectal research, including field research. The investigation of phonetics
has a long tradition and much experience has been accumulated in this area
of knowledge, while the research of grammar still needs to be given much
more attention. Turning the focus towards dialectal grammar should be
considered both by dialectologists and by researchers of the grammar of
Putonghua.
It is only since the 1980s that more attention has been paid to this aspect
of Chinese dialectology (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 524; Jin and Jin 2004: 242;
Zhan Bohui 2001: 2–3). By 1991, over 400 different papers had been pub-
lished on this topic.
The investigation of dialectal grammar is much more difficult than the

research of phonetics and vocabulary. It is not easy to prepare a table for a
systematic research of grammar, and the existing tables consist of a limited
number of entries. The investigation of dialectal grammar should be carried
out on the basis of the results of the research of phonetics and vocabulary.
To be able to register all the features of a given dialect, the researcher
should be very well acquainted with the speech; the best situation is when
the researcher is a native of the area (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xian-
dai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 47; You Rujie 2004: 106; Zhan Bohui et al.
2004: 239).
3.1. Questionnaires
As was mentioned above, the grammar of a dialect is usually researched in

comparison with Putonghua, but can also be analysed in opposition with
other dialects, especially neighbouring ones (cf. You Rujie 2004: 107).
Before starting the investigation of the grammar of a given dialect, it is
necessary to prepare a questionnaire. This should include all the items one
wants to research. Depending on the purpose of investigation, various kinds
of tables can be prepared. It is sufficient to do only some brief research,
examine the grammar thoroughly, or one can investigate a special
grammatical topic (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 287–289).
Most of the questionnaires which are commonly available are not per-
fect, but can be helpful either as a means for a rough investigation, or as a
basis for creating more accurate questionnaires (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004:
288). A list of the most commonly used questionnaires follows:
3.1.1. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹㅔ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise

table for the research of Chinese dialects]
Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a) (see Chapter
7.1.3.) includes 37 example sentences for the research of dialectal grammar.
It consists of sentences and phrases in Putonghua which are to be translated
into the given dialect, with special attention being given to the underlined
words or phrases. The examples are supposed to show the special
grammatical features of a dialect (see also Huang Borong et al. 2001: 126–
127).
Grammar 123
3.1.2. ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛᠟‫( ݠ‬Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [Word list

for Chinese dialectal surveys]
The list (Ding Shengshu 1989) (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.) holds 53 grammatical
examples, placed at the end of the list. It is similar to the above-mentioned
list in Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a). The
researcher should again focus on the underlined parts; their aim is to reveal
such problems as different word-order, usage of particles, etc. Several of
the items are meant to show differences in vocabulary used in some
grammatical constructions (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 92).
3.1.3. ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for

the survey of Chinese dialects]
This list (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) has over
300 grammatical entries. The entries are divided into the following catego-
ries: word order, comparison, sample sentences, particles њ le, ⴔ zhe, ᕫ
de, ⱘ de, elements placed at the end of a construction, elements placed at
the beginning of a construction.
3.1.4. A questionnaire in ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu Fangyan ji

Fangyan Diaocha) [Chinese dialects and the study of dialects]
One of the most important books in modern Chinese dialectology, (Zhan

Bohui et al. 2004), also provides its readers with a list for the investigation
of grammar (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 464–470). It contains more than 70
entries, each of them followed by examples in Wu, Min, Yue and Hakka
dialects.
3.1.5. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩䇗ᶹ᠟‫( ݠ‬Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Diaocha Shouce)

[a handbook for the research of Chinese dialectal grammar] (Huang
Borong et al. 2001)
This handbook is the first systematic manual for the investigation of Chi-
nese dialectal grammar. It was written on the basis of the results of ∝䇁ᮍ
㿔䇁⊩㉏㓪 (Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Leibian) (Huang Borong ed. 1996). It
applies the materials collected in the work mentioned, i.e. data from over
250 dialect localities. Thanks to the fact that the data comes from all cor-
ners of China, the handbook can be used as an aid in research on every
dialect locality in the country.
The book is divided into twelve chapters, of which the first three con-
cern syntax (sentence patterns; syntactic structures; word-order and ellipsis),
and the remaining chapters are on morphology (nouns; verbs; adjectives;
numerals and measure words; adverbs; pronouns; prepositions and conjunc-
tions; onomatopoeias and exclamations). Each of the chapters is further
divided into detailed parts.
The entries are all written in the national standard. They are followed by
examples of translations into respective dialects; every example has its
place of origin noted down, e.g. in the first subchapter (passive sentences)
of the first chapter (sentence patterns), the first group of sentences are
examples which in some dialects may differ in word-order from Putonghua.
For instance:
៥ⱘ䫙≵᳝㹿ᓴϝ⸌⸈Ǆ (W΅de guǀ méiy΅u bèi ZhƗng SƗn zápò. –
‘My pot was not broken by Zhang San.’)
is followed by the translation:
‫ⱘ׎‬䫙িᓴϝ≵᳝⸌⸈Ǆ
and the dialect locality it comes from:
[ቅϰᵷᑘ Shandong Zaozhuang]
(Huang Borong et al. 2001: 1)
As appendices, the book supplies lists for the research on dialects from
three important works in the field of dialectal grammar research, namely:
Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a; see Chapter
7.3.1.1.); ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao (Yuyan Yanjiusuo
Fangyanzu 1981; see Chapter 7.3.1.3.); ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu
Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha) (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004) (see Chapter
7.3.1.4.). These lists are meant to complete the handbook itself (cf. Huang
Borong et al. 2001: 2).
3.1.6. Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar: Handbook for

Investigators.
The handbook (Yue-Hashimoto 1993) “constitutes part of a research project

on Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar…” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: i).
The Project was set up at the University of Washington under the leadership
Grammar 125
of Anne Yue Hashimoto. At the time of the Handbook being published, the
Project had accumulated computerized data on syntactic constructions of
over one hundred dialects (see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii; cf. Yan, M. M.
2006: 57–58).
As the author says in the acknowledgement, “the aim of publishing this
handbook is to encourage the study of dialectal grammar and to draw atten-
tion to the syntactic differences across dialects” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii).
The book consists of fourteen chapters, each of which is meant to
investigate a certain grammatical feature. Every chapter is made up of a
theoretical part, followed by a set of example sentences (for a detailed
explanation of the structure of the book, see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: iv–v).
The content is supplemented by three appendices: Informant Back-
ground (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: 263–264), Sources (265–268) and
Bibliography of Chinese Dialectal Syntax (269–312). The Informant Back-
ground is more detailed than the one included in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao
(Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, cf. Chapter
7.1.1.1.). The Sources list the origin of unpublished data. The Bibliography
gives an exhaustive record of works concerning Chinese dialectal grammar,
divided into several categories.
3.2. Relevant dialectal features
Dialectal grammar in China is, as a matter-of-course, multifarious.

Grammatical characteristics are usually looked for in comparison with
Putonghua. It would be very difficult to research every grammatical feature
of a dialect. That is why one can choose to look for the most important
aspects, commonly found in various dialects. He Wei (1992: 170–171) pro-
poses the following aspects:89
– Reduplication
– Use of measure words
– Pronouns
– Forms and usage of adjectives
– Types of verb-complement phrases
– Patterns of sentences
– Usage of specific dialectal words
– Geographical distribution of grammatical characteristics.
There are, naturally, many more features which can be taken into
consideration, such as the relationship between grammar and pronunciation,
affixes, auxiliary words, etc.
3.3. Different sources
As is suggested by many authors (cf. You Rujie 2000: 38–39, 2004: 108;
Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 47–48; Zhan
Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 241–242; Huang Jinghu 1987: 277–278), in
preparing the research on dialectal grammar, one should remember to use
different linguistic sources for the research. One important factor is to
prepare a questionnaire of sample sentences and phrases (see Chapter
7.3.1.). Nevertheless, the list should never be the only basis for the
investigation. The necessary materials should also include various forms of
longer samples to put the issues into context. You Rujie (2000: 38–39) lists
the following four sources of linguistic samples:
3.3.1. Samples of colloquial speech
A lot of linguistic data can only be discovered during the investigation of

natural colloquial speech. Asking the informants for example sentences and
phrases, one must keep in mind that the answers may not be fully natural.
That is why it is important to investigate everyday conversations and listen
for special grammatical features.
There are two methods of noting down the materials. One is to directly
write down what one has heard, though this is rather problematic and re-
quires high-level skills. The other way is to record samples of speech and
write them down afterwards. However, in order to make the samples natu-
ral and reliable, one should make sure that the people, whose speech is
being recorded, are not aware of this fact.
3.3.2. Samples of folklore
Folklore includes proverbs, riddles, folk songs, tongue twisters, folk tales,
folk performing art, local opera, etc. This kind of data can either be re-
corded on the spot, or one can use the material collected in book-form. For
Grammar 127
comparative purposes, the informants can, for example, be asked to trans-

late a story into their dialect.
3.3.3. Samples of language spoken on radio and television
One can also collect samples of speech from local radio and television. This
can be useful while researching social dialects, for instance comparing the
official broadcasting language with colloquial speech.
3.3.4. Samples of dialectal literary language
The dialectal literary language includes dialectal literature, translations of

the Bible into the vernacular, local textbooks, etc. These materials can be
used while investigating the historical dialectal grammar.
Chapter 8
Analysis of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese
Dialects
1. Introduction
The project of creating The Great Dictionary... was decided upon during
the second meeting of the Press and Publication Administration ˄ᮄ䯏ߎ
⠜㕆 Xinwen Chubanshu˅ on the planning of issuing dictionaries and
reference books in 1988 (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107).
The Great Dictionary... is a result of the work of over sixty linguists
over a period of more than ten years. The convener of this project was Li
Rong, other members of the leadership group included Rong Wenmin,
Xiong Zhenghui, Xu Zongwen, Yang Muzhi, Zhang Zhenxing and Zhou
Fang. The undertaking was supervised by the Institute of Linguistics of the
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107; Yan,
M. M. 2006: 33).
The authors compiled the data for the dictionary through on-the-spot re-
search. The work was divided into two steps. Firstly, they were going to
compile forty dictionaries of dialects of individual localities, although in
the end there were forty two volumes.90 Secondly, on the basis of these
forty two volumes, a comprehensive edition was published. The whole
dictionary, i.e. the dictionaries of individual local dialects and the
comprehensive dictionary, were published by the Jiangsu Educational Press
˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜⼒ Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe˅ (cf. Li Rong 1993: 1;
Chen Fengying 1995: 103).
The work on the project of The Great Dictionary... began in the spring
of 1991, and in the autumn of 1992 the first dictionaries started being
printed. By the end of 1998 the compilation of the individual local dialect
dictionaries was completed, excluding Jixi Fangyan Cidian (㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫)݌‬
[Jixi Dialect Dictionary] (Zhao Rixin 2003). After another four years, the
comprehensive edition was published (cf. Li Rong 2002: 1).
The two aims of writing the individual dialect dictionaries were “to pre-
pare conditions for editing the comprehensive volume, and to reflect the
characteristics of the local dialects” (see Li Rong 1992: 246, 1993: 1).
Introduction 129
The Chinese characters in The Great Dictionary... are the unsimplified

characters ˄㐕ԧᄫ fánt΃zì˅. For the most part, regular characters are
used, though sometimes the non-standard forms are applied (see Li Rong
1992: 253–254, cf. [www 10]).91 If a character is not possible to write down
(i.e. a word or a part of it does not have an existing character to write it
down), then a square (ƶ) is used to represent it (cf. Chapter 7.2.4.1.).
The pronunciation is written down in the IPA. The tones are also noted
down according to the IPA transcription, i.e. by the fixed symbols based on
the five point scale (cf. Chapter 7.1.5.).
1.1. The composition of the individual local dialect dictionaries92
The forty two individual dialect dictionaries are as follows (in alphabetical
order according to the places’ names in pinyin, mentioning all names of
authors):
Changsha Fangyan Cidian ˄䭓≭ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Changsha dialect diction-

ary] ed. Bao Houxing, Cui Zhenhua, Shen Ruoyun and Wu Yunji
(1998).
Chengdu Fangyan Cidian ˄៤䛑ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Chengdu dialect dictionary]
ed. Liang Deman and Huang Shangjun (1998).
Chongming Fangyan Cidian ˄ ዛ ᯢ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Chongming dialect
dictionary] ed. Zhang Huiying (1998).
Danyang Fangyan Cidian ˄Ѝ䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Danyang dialect dictionary]
ed. Cai Guolu (1998).
Dongguan Fangyan Cidian ˄ϰ㥲ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Dongguan dialect diction-
ary] ed. Zhan Bohui and Chen Xiaojin (1997).
Fuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄⽣Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Fuzhou dialect dictionary] ed.
Feng Aizhen (1998).
Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ ᑓ Ꮂ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Guangzhou dialect
dictionary] ed. Bai Wanru (2003).
Guiyang Fangyan Cidian ˄䌉䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Guiyang dialect Dictionary]
ed. Wang Ping (1998).
Haikou Fangyan Cidian ˄⍋ষᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Haikou dialect dictionary] ed.
Chen Hongmai (1996).
Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᵁᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Hangzhou dialect diction-
ary] ed. Bao Shijie (1998).
130 Analysis of The Great Dictionary
Ha’erbin Fangyan Cidian ˄જᇨⒼᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Harbin dialect dictionary]

ed. Yin Shichao (1997).
Jian’ou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᓎ⫃ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jian’ou dialect dictionary] ed.
Li Rulong and Pan Weishui (1998).
Jinan Fangyan Cidian ˄⌢फᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jinan dialect dictionary] ed.
Qian Zengyi (1997).
Jinhua Fangyan Cidian ˄䞥ढᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jinhua dialect dictionary] ed.
Cao Zhiyun (1998).
Jixi Fangyan Cidian ˄㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jixi dialect dictionary] ed. Zhao
Rixin (2003).
Leizhou Fangyan Cidian ˄䳋Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Leizhou dialect dictionary]
ed. Zhang Zhenxing and Cai Yeqing (1998).
Lichuan Fangyan Cidian ˄咢Ꮁᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Lichuan dialect dictionary]
ed. Yan Sen (1995).
Liuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄᷇Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Liuzhou dialect dictionary]
ed. Liu Cunhan (1998).
Loudi Fangyan Cidian ˄࿘ᑩᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Loudi dialect dictionary] ed.
Yan Qinghui and Liu Lihua (1998).
Luoyang Fangyan Cidian ˄⋯䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Luoyang dialect dictionary]
ed. He Wei (1996).
Meixian Fangyan Cidian ˄ṙওᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Meixian dialect dictionary]
ed. Huang Xuezhen (1998).
Muping Fangyan Cidian ˄⠳ᑇᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Muping dialect dictionary]
ed. Luo Futeng (1997).
Nanchang Fangyan Cidian ˄फᯠᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanchang dialect diction-
ary] ed. Xiong Zhenghui (1998).
Nanjing Fangyan Cidian ˄फҀᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanjing dialect dictionary]
ed. Liu Danqing (1995).
Nanning Pinghua Cidian ˄फᅕᑇ䆱䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanning Pinghua Dictionary]
ed. Qin Yuanxiong, Wei Shuguan and Bian Chenglin (1997).
Ningbo Fangyan Cidian ˄ᅕ⊶ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Ningbo dialect dictionary] ed.
Tang Zhenzhu, Chen Zhongmin and Wu Xinxian (1997).
Pingxiang Fangyan Cidian ˄㧡еᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Pingxiang dialect diction-
ary] ed. Wei Gangqiang (1998).
Shanghai Fangyan Cidian ˄Ϟ⍋ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Shanghai dialect dictionary]
ed. Xu Baohua and Tao Huan (1997).
Suzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄㢣Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Suzhou dialect dictionary] ed.
Ye Xiangling (1998).
Introduction 131
Taiyuan Fangyan Cidian ˄໾ॳᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Taiyuan dialect dictionary]

ed. Shen Ming (1998).
Wanrong Fangyan Cidian ˄ϛ㤷ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wanrong dialect dictionary]
ed. Wu Jiansheng and Zhao Hongyin (1997).
Wenzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄⏽Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wenzhou dialect dictionary]
ed. You Rujie and Yang Ganming (1998).
Wuhan Fangyan Cidian ˄℺∝ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wuhan dialect dictionary] ed.
Zhu Jiansong (1998).
Wulumuqi Fangyan Cidian ˄ Р 剕 ᳼ 唤 ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Ürümqi dialect
dictionary] ed. Zhou Lei (1998).
Xi’an Fangyan Cidian ˄㽓ᅝᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xi’an dialect dictionary] ed.
Wang Junhu (1996).
Xining Fangyan Cidian ˄㽓ᅕᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xining dialect dictionary] ed.
Zhang Chengcai (1998).
Xiamen Fangyan Cidian ˄ॺ䮼ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xiamen dialect dictionary]
ed. Zhou Changji (1998).
Xinzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᗏᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xinzhou dialect dictionary]
ed. Wen Duanzheng and Zhang Guangming (1998).
Xuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᕤᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xuzhou dialect dictionary]
ed. Su Xiaoqing and Lü Yongwei (1996).
Yangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᡀᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yangzhou dialect diction-
ary] ed. Wang Shihua and Huang Jilin (1996).
Yinchuan Fangyan Cidian ˄䫊Ꮁᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yinchuan dialect dictionary]
ed. Li Shuyan and Zhang Ansheng (1996).
Yudu Fangyan Cidian ˄Ѣ䛑ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yudu dialect dictionary] ed. Xie
Liuwen (1998).
These dictionaries are all arranged according to the same pattern, how-
ever aberrations can be found. At the very beginning of each volume, there
is a general introduction by Professor Li Rong (which can also be found in
Fangyan [Li Rong 1993]). The rest is composed of three parts: an introduc-
tion, the dictionary proper and indexes (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99).
The introduction usually includes eight parts (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b:
108–109; Li Rong 1992: 246–247; [www 10]):
1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its his-
tory and population, i.e. various factors which have an influence on
the linguistic situation.
2. Internal differences of the local dialect, including geographical dif-
ferences and differences depending on the age of the users. The
question of age divergence is closely bound with the dissimilarities

between the language of the younger and the older generations.
The geographical differences include disparities between the city
and the suburbs or countryside, as well as between various parts of
the town.
3. A description of the phonetic system of the dialect, i.e. the initials,
final and tones; including tone sandhi and other phenomena.
4. Table of single characters ˄ऩᄫ䷇㸼 dƗnzì yƯnbi΁o˅ (see Chap-
ter 7.1.2.3.). Each syllable is represented by one character. If an
existing syllable does not have a character to represent it, an empty
circle is placed in its place93 All the syllables written down as cir-
cles, as well as non-standard characters, are explained below the ta-
ble.
5. The characteristics of the given dialect, in pronunciation, vocabu-
lary and grammar. This is the most important part of the introduc-
tion.
6. A guide to the use of the dictionary, the explanation of symbols
used etc.
7. An annotation of the characters frequently used in the examples in
the dictionary. This part is intended to be a help to the user, so that
there is no need to search the dictionary for every word in the
examples.
8. A list of syllables of the given dialect. The syllables written down
in the IPA are arranged according to the order in the table of single
characters (see above). Next to each syllable, the number of the
page on which it appears in the dictionary is given.
The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged phonetically according
to the final, initial and tone. The order of the syllables is written down in
point (3) of the introduction. Entries with the same pronunciation are ar-
ranged according to the number of strokes.
To make it easier to look up words, there are two indexes at the end of
each volume. The first one arranges the entries in thematic order. In the
other one the entries are put in the order according to the number of strokes
of the first character.
The average number of entries is 8000, though the largest number is
around 10000 (the dictionaries of Guangzhou and Fuzhou), the smallest
one is 7000 (Xining and Jian’ou) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99).
In order to make comparisons possible, the Committee of the Dialect
Dictionary Compilation prepared a list especially for the study of dialects
Introduction 133
for The Great Dictionary... – Chinese Dialect Lexicon Survey List ˄∝䇁
ᮍ 㿔䆡 ∛ 䇗 ᶹ 㸼 Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao ˅ , containing
around 2000 entries (for further details concerning the Lexicon Survey List,
see also Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109–110). The
Committee decided on 3500 obligatory entries for each dictionary, the rest
of the entries are specific local words (cf. [www 10]; Zhang Zhenxing
2000b: 99). Entries in the thematic index are arranged roughly according to
the list, taking the specific local words into consideration.
If the meaning of an entry does not differ from the standard use i.e. from
the meaning the characters have in Putonghua, then the explanation is
based on the Xiandai Hanyu Cidian˄⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫( ˅݌‬The Contempo-
rary Chinese Dictionary) (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo
Cidian Bianjishi 2002).94 If the meaning of an entry differs from the stan-
dard one, the explanation is given in Putonghua. If the entry is specific to
the region, the explanation also comes in Putonghua (see Li Rong 1992:
251–252).
1.2. The composition of the comprehensive edition
The comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary... (Li Rong 2002) con-
sists of six volumes. Beside the preface and the guide to the use of the
dictionary, there are three main parts: introductions to all the forty two local
dialects which were investigated for the project (pp. 1–263); an index of
characters, arranged according to the number of strokes (pp. 1–33); the
dictionary proper (pp. 1–6556).
The introductions to the individual dialects include uniformed points 1,
2, 3, 5 and 7 from the separate volumes:
1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its his-
tory and population
2. The geographical differences and differences between generations
within the dialect of the place
3. A description of the phonological system of the dialect
4. The characteristics of the given dialect in pronunciation, vocabu-
lary and grammar
5. A list of the characters frequently used in the examples in the
dictionary.
The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged according to the num-
ber of strokes. If an entry has the same meaning in several dialects, first the
pronunciation in each of them is given, then the explanation in Putonghua.

The entries are collected from all the separate volumes.
The comprehensive edition is a collection of the individual dictionaries,
but improvements have been made. A few years had passed between the
publication of the individual dictionaries, especially the earliest ones, and
the comprehensive edition. Naturally, the linguistic situation of the dialects
had already changed by then, and so the comprehensive edition takes this
fact into account. Most of the explanations in the comprehensive edition
remain the same as in the individual dictionaries, but some have been cor-
rected and improved. Over 500 entries have been added compared with the
separate volumes (cf. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chu-
ban 2003: 197).
2. Methods of research for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese

Dialects95
Most of the authors of The Great Dictionary... are either native speakers of
the dialect they have described, or they have lived in the place for a long
time and are well acquainted with the local speech. In this way, they have
been able to study the dialect thoroughly (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99).
The list of authors includes probably all of the outstanding modern Chinese
dialectologists.
2.1. The choice of informants
Questionees were chosen according to the following rules: One could

choose individuals belonging to different age groups, to make the results
more accurate. Elderly people were rather supposed to be chosen for
describing the phonetic system, as they are believed to preserve the local
characteristics of the dialect, while younger generations tend to succumb to
influences of the outer world, especially to the influence of Putonghua (cf.
Li Rong 1992: 243). The best type of informant was to be of rather old age.
He/she should not have experienced a lot of influence of other dialects and
should be able to speak an unadulterated variety of the particular dialect.96
A note about the main informants can usually be found at the end of the
second part (or at other places, including postscripts) of the introductions to
the individual dialect dictionaries and in the collected introductions in the
Methods of research for The Dictionary 135
comprehensive edition. Unfortunately, nearly half of all the dictionaries do

not contain this information (Harbin, Wuhan, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an,
Xining, Xinzhou, Jixi, Chongming, Hangzhou, Changsha, Nanchang,
Pingxiang, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Jian’ou, Xiamen, Haikou). Where the
information exists, the number of main informants listed varies from one
(Xuzhou, Jinhua, Loudi) to five (Nanjing).
The version of a certain dialect which has been chosen for the descrip-
tion is usually that of the urban area, the oldest part of town, and at the
same time of the old generation (Wenzhou, where the language of the new
generation is the basis, is an exception, cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 166; You
and Yang ed. 1998: 6).
The informants belong generally to the old generation; nevertheless
younger varieties are also taken into consideration, especially for the analy-
sis of vocabulary. Most of the informants are of Han nationality, though in
some dictionaries, other Chinese-speaking nationalities have been inter-
viewed in addition (the Hui in Jinan, Nanjing, Yinchuan, Ürümqi).
Some of the introductions include additional information about the
informants’ background, such as place of residence, place of birth and
where he/she has lived, if not one’s whole life was spent in the same place
(which is the most frequent situation), education and occupation.
The professions of the informants include teachers, medical doctors,
folk-art performers, workers, housewives, office workers, farmers,
businessmen, a hairdresser. There are both men and women, with a slight
majority of men.
What raises some doubts is the number of people interviewed. Where
the names are mentioned, only one to five are listed as main informants,
which might mean that they are dictionaries of idiolects, not dialects. The
choice of elderly people who have not spent much time outside their place
of living, seems rational as the aim was to record the oldest and most
“genuine” variety, although Chambers and Trudgill (2003: 47) suggest that
this group of informants does not necessarily represent the most typical
dialect of a place, but the most conservative variety. On the other hand, the
description of the cross-section of the language can be found in the chapters
about internal diversification.
2.2. Phonetics
The foundation for the research of the phonetic system of the local dialects
was Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yan-
jiusuo 2002, see Chapter 7.1.1.).
The phonetic system was described on the basis of consultations with
native speakers of the given speech. To begin with, the method of writing
down what one had heard was to be used. Gradually, this turned into a
systematic method, but one had to complement the system permanently, as
new phenomena could appear (cf. Li Rong 1992: 244–245).
2.3. Vocabulary
As was mentioned above (see Chapter 8.1.1.), a special list was made for
the purpose of studying the vocabulary of the dialects, ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ
㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) [Chinese dialect lexicon survey
list]. The list consists of around 2000 entries, which were mainly words in
common use (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109). It included all the entries
from Ding Shengshu 1989 (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.), the main entries from
Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981 (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), as well as new
entries (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yan-
jiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6).
Authors were allowed to extend the list with entries characteristic for
the given dialect. The basic list included 29 categories (see Zhang Zhen-
xing 2000b: 112): (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3) season, time; (4)
agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses, buildings; (8) utensils; (9)
terms of address; (10) kinship; (11) body; (12) diseases, medical treatment;
(13) clothing; (14) food and drink; (15) weddings and funerals; (16) daily
life; (17) litigation; (18) communication; (19) commerce, transportation;
(20) education; (21) recreational and sport activities; (22) movement; action;
(23) positions; (24) pronouns and the like; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs,
prepositions and the like; (27) measure words; (28) affixes; (29) numerals
and the like.
These categories were further divided into subcategories and comple-
mented with local features. The authors were at liberty to add categories, as
long as the order was not changed too much. The list was also used as the
thematic index (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 9.3.1.).
The choice of dialect localities 137
2.4. Grammar
The grammatical system of dialects was not analysed according to any spe-
cific guidelines, there was no list which was to be used as a model, and thus
there is a lack of a common paradigm. The authors designed the materials
for research in grammar to suit their particular needs. Generally, the
characteristics of Putonghua served as the base, and special features of the
dialect in question were added. One could also study the grammar through
recordings of linguistic material.97
3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Dictionary of Modern

Chinese Dialects
The number of local dialects included in one dictionary is truly impressive

and there is no doubt about the monumental role which The Great Diction-
ary... plays in the course of Chinese dialectology. However, some deficien-
cies are also perceptible.
The forty two local dialects ˄ᮍ㿔⚍ fƗngyándi΁n˅ chosen for The
Great Dictionary... are to be representatives of the most important dialect
groups and subgroups as divided in the Language Atlas of China (cf. Zhang
Zhenxing 2000b: 98; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben chu-
ban zuotanhui 1999: 87–88). For big dialect groups, usually three or four
dialect localities were chosen, in order to make comparisons possible (cf.
[www 10]).
Originally there were also plans to compile a dictionary of the Beijing
dialect to cover the Beijing Mandarin group, and of Shexian ˄ℭও˅ in
Anhui Province as a representative of the Hui dialect group, but due to
some mishap, this never happened (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 98). Later,
the Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ dialect was added to cover the latter of these gaps (cf.
Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 410).
The places were also chosen according to the actual situation and
possibilities. Surely, many more localities could be found and their dialects
described, but there were not enough specialists who could do this
appropriately, mainly because of the Cultural Revolution, which has left a
gap in the continuation of Chinese dialectology.
A question which can cause some trouble to the reader of The Great
Dictionary... is that the linguistic affiliation of each dialect locality is not
always clearly defined. A large number of the descriptions seem to take it
for granted that everybody knows which dialect group and subgroup the
local dialect belongs to. Such is the case with the descriptions of Harbin,
Xuzhou, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xining, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Jixi,
Ningbo, Pingxiang, Haikou. In other introductions only an unspecified
affiliation can be found (or guessed at), for example indicating the dialect
group only, not the subgroup (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guizhou, Dan-
yang, Chongming, Shanghai, Suzhou, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan,
Fuzhou). When the dialectal affiliation of a locality is fully defined, it does
not appear at the same place in all the introductions, it can be found either
in the first, second or fifth part, which may be confusing. In a work strictly
concerning dialects, such relevant information should rather be stated in a
definite manner, preferably at the same place in all the introductions.
3.1. Representativeness of dialect localities included in The Great

Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects
While referring to such an extraordinary work as The Great Dictionary...,

the question arises whether or not the described local dialects are
representatives of their groups and subgroups, and if they fully cover the
dialectal areas of China.
3.1.1. Proportion between representatives of various dialect groups
The following table pictures the number of local dialects chosen for each of
the groups and subgroups. The dialect localities are written next to each
subgroup into which they have been classified according to the Atlas (see
Chapter 6.3.):98
Table 15. Dialect groups and subgroups and their representatives in The Great
Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects.
Dialect group/subgroup Representatives of dialects in The
Great Dictionary...
Northeastern Mandarin group
Jishen subgroup -
Hafu subgroup Harbin ˄જᇨⒼ˅
Heisong subgroup -
[Table 15. cont.]

Great Dictionary...
Beijing Mandarin group
Jingshi subgroup -
Huaicheng subgroup -
Chaofeng subgroup -
Shike subgroup -
Jilu Mandarin group
Baotang subgroup -
Shiji subgroup Jinan ˄⌢फ˅
Canghui subgroup -
Jiaoliao Mandarin group
Qingzhou subgroup -
Denglian subgroup Muping ˄⠳ᑇ˅
Gaihuan subgroup -
Central Plains Mandarin group
Zhengcao subgroup -
Cailu subgroup -
Luoxu subgroup Xuzhou ˄ᕤᎲ˅
Luoyang ˄⋯䰇˅
Xinbeng subgroup -
Fenhe subgroup Wanrong ˄ϛ㤷˅
Guanzhong subgroup Xi’an ˄㽓ᅝ˅
Qinlong subgroup Xining ˄㽓ᅕ˅
Longzhong subgroup -
Nanjiang subgroup -
Lanyin Mandarin group
Jincheng subgroup -
Yinwu subgroup Yinchuan ˄䫊Ꮁ˅
Hexi subgroup -
Tami subgroup Ürümqi ˄Р剕᳼唤˅
Southwestern Mandarin group
Chengyu subgroup Chengdu ˄៤䛑˅
Dianxi subgroup -
Qianbei subgroup -
Kungui subgroup Guiyang ˄䌉䰇˅
Guanchi subgroup -
Ebei subgroup -
Wutian subgroup Wuhan ˄℺∝˅
Cenjiang subgroup -
[Table 15. cont.]

Great Dictionary...
Qiannan subgroup -
Xiangnan subgroup -
Guiliu subgroup Liuzhou ˄᷇Ꮂ˅
Changhe subgroup -
Jianghuai Mandarin group
Hongchao subgroup Nanjing ˄फҀ˅
Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅
Tairu subgroup -
Huangxiao subgroup -
Jin dialect group
Bingzhou subgroup Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅
Lüliang subgroup -
Shangdang subgroup -
Wutai subgroup Xinzhou ˄ᗏᎲ˅
Dabao subgroup -
Zhanghu subgroup -
Hanxin subgroup -
Zhiyan subgroup -
Wu dialect group
Taihu subgroup Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅
Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅
Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅
Chongming ˄ዛᯢ˅
Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅
Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅
Taizhou subgroup -
Oujiang subgroup Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅
Wuzhou subgroup Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅
Chuqu subgroup -
Xuanzhou subgroup -
Hui dialect group
Jishe subgroup Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅
Xiuyi subgroup -
Qide subgroup -
Yanzhou subgroup -
Jingzhan subgroup -
[Table 15. cont.]

Great Dictionary...
Gan dialect group
Changjing subgroup Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅
Yiliu subgroup Pingxiang ˄㧡е˅
Jicha subgroup -
Fuguang subgroup Lichuan ˄咢Ꮁ˅
Yingyi subgroup -
Datong subgroup -
Leizi subgroup -
Dongsui subgroup -
Huaiyue subgroup -
Xiang dialect group
Changyi subgroup Changsha ˄䭓≭˅
Loushao subgroup Loudi ˄࿘ᑩ˅
Jixu subgroup -
Min dialect supergroup
Southern Min group Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅
Puxian group -
Eastern Min group Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅
Northern Min group Jian’ou ˄ᓎ⫃˅
Central Min group -
Qiongwen group Haikou ˄⍋ষ˅
Leizhou group Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅
Shaojiang group -
Yue dialect group
Guangfu subgroup Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅
Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅
Yongxun subgroup -
Gaoyang subgroup -
Siyi subgroup -
Goulou subgroup -
Wuhua subgroup -
Qinlian subgroup -
Pinghua dialect group
Guibei subgroup -
Guinan subgroup Nanning ˄फᅕ˅
Hakka dialect group
Yuetai subgroup Meixian ˄ṙও˅
Yuezhong subgroup -
[Table 15. cont.]

Great Dictionary...
Huizhou subgroup -
Yuebei subgroup -
Tingzhou subgroup -
Ninglong subgroup -
Yugui subgroup Yudu ˄Ѣ䛑˅
Tonggu subgroup -
The rough percentage of subgroups of each group covered by The Great

Dictionary... is shown in the following diagram:
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1. Northeastern Mandarin group 10. Wu dialect group

2. Beijing Mandarin group 11. Hui dialect group
3. Jilu Mandarin group 12. Gan dialect group
4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group 13. Xiang dialect group
5. Central Plains Mandarin group 14. Min dialect supergroup
6. Lanyin Mandarin group 15. Yue dialect group
7. Southwestern Mandarin group 16. Pinghua dialect group
8. Jianghuai Mandarin group 17. Hakka dialect group
9. Jin dialect group 18. Overall
Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group covered by The Great
Dictionary...
The Mandarin supergroup has 16 representative dialects altogether, de-

scribed in The Great Dictionary.... Percentage-wise, the best described
Mandarin group is the Lanyin group (50% of all subgroups are covered).
Of all the dialects, the Xiang dialect group is best covered in terms of
percentage. Two out of three subgroups have their representatives in The
Great Dictionary....
The dialect group, which has the smallest percentage of subgroups de-
scribed, is Yue. Only one of seven subgroups is taken into account. Even
though there are two dialect localities in The Great Dictionary..., they be-
long to the same subgroup.
Some of the subgroups have more than one exemplary dialect included
in the dictionary. For example, the Luoxu subgroup of the Central Plains
Mandarin group, the Hongchao subgroup of the Jianghuai Mandarin group,
the Guangfu subgroup of the Yue dialect group, each has two dialect locali-
ties described.
The best described subgroup is clearly the Taihu subgroup of the Wu
dialect group – it has six representatives, of which the Suhujia cluster has
three dialect localities, Piling, Hangzhou and Yongjiang clusters – one each.
Overall, 34 out of 97 of all the existing subgroups, which constitutes
35%, have been included in the dictionary.
The maps on the following pages show the distribution of the examined
localities. Map 1. and Map 2. are a compilation of two sources: The Great
Dictionary... and the Atlas. The distribution of the ten main dialect groups
has been drawn in accordance with the Atlas (map A2) and the forty two
dialect localities of The Great Dictionary… have been placed within the
borders. An analysis of these maps denotes forthcoming conclusions on the
imperfect correlation between three factors: territorial extent, number of
speakers and density of the forty two dialect localities.
11144 Analysis of the Great Dictionary44
Dictionaty of
Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of
Modern
Modern Chinese
Chinese Dialects
Dialects
Map 2. Distribution of the dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern

Chinese Dialects in southern China
The absence of the Beijing dialect
The lack of an example of the Beijing Mandarin group constitutes a large

deficiency. Zhang Zhenxing (2000b: 98) claims, that this shortcoming can
be overcome by existing dictionaries of the Beijing dialect, of which he
lists a few. Nevertheless, it is a serious shortcoming that it has not been
added to this large-scale project, especially as the Beijing dialect is used as
a point of reference for describing the characteristics of many of the forty
two dialects in The Great Dictionary....
3.1.2. Geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of Modern

Chinese Dialects
Table 16. illustrates the geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of

Modern Chinese Dialects.
Table 16. Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and their representatives in The

Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects.
Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Dialect localities
Anhui Province Jixi
Beijing Municipality -
Chongqing Municipality -
Fujian Province Fuzhou
Jian’ou
Xiamen
Gansu Province -
Guangdong Province Dongguan
Guangzhou
Leizhou
Meixian
Guangxi Zhuang A.R. Nanning
Liuzhou
Guizhou Province Guiyang
Hainan Province Haikou
Hebei Province -
Heilongjiang Province Harbin
Henan Province Luoyang
Hong Kong S.A.R. -
[Table 16. cont.]

Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Dialect localities
Hubei Province Wuhan
Hunan Province Changsha
Loudi
Inner Mongolia A.R. -
Jiangsu Province Danyang
Nanjing
Suzhou
Xuzhou
Yangzhou
Jiangxi Province Lichuan
Nanchang
Pingxiang
Yudu
Jilin Province -
Liaoning Province -
Macau S.A.R. -
Ningxia Hui A.R. Yinchuan
Qinghai Province Xining
Shaanxi Province Xi’an
Shandong Province Jinan
Muping
Shanghai Municipality Chongming
Shanghai
Shanxi Province Taiyuan
Wanrong
Xinzhou
Sichuan Province Chengdu
Taiwan -
Tianjin Municipality -
Tibetan A.R. -
Xinjiang Uygur A.R. Ürümqi
Yunnan Province -
Zhejiang Province Hangzhou
Jinhua
Ningbo
Wenzhou
Not every province (or other provincial-level administrative unit) has a

representative in The Great Dictionary..., while others have several each.
Most of the provinces covered by The Great Dictionary... have their capi-
tals included in the descriptions.
It is a shame that the dialects of Hong Kong and Macau S.A.R., as well
as of Taiwan, have not been included on the list, as these regions are, due to
their specific status, without doubt a very interesting field of investigation
for dialectologists.
There are unquestionably regions which still need to be explored and
their dialects described. On the other hand, some areas are portrayed in
great detail. This may, however, be explained in part by the diversity of
some dialectal areas, and general uniformity of others. The Mandarin dia-
lect is comparatively uniform in nature, disregarding the large expanse,
while the dialects in the southeast are much more diversified. Most of the
non-described provinces (Beijing, Chongqing, Gansu, Hebei, Jilin, Liao-
ning, Tianjin, Yunnan) belong either wholly or in the largest part to the
Mandarin dialect area. The Inner Mongolia and Tibetan A.R. belong (ex-
cept for minor regions in Inner Mongolia) to areas of non-Chinese lan-
guages (cf. Atlas: A1, A2).
3.1.3. Proportions between number of speakers and number of described

dialect localities
The following diagram illustrates the comparison between the percentage

of users of each dialect group and the percentage of dialect localities (i.e.
volumes of the Dictionary) belonging to each group out of the forty two
included in The Great Dictionary.... The columns on the left-hand-side
represent the volumes in The Great Dictionary..., the columns on the right-
hand-side – the percentage of speakers. The percentage of speakers has
been calculated according to the data found in Li Rong 1989a: 241, out of
977,270,000 speakers of the Chinese language.
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1. Mandarin (16 localities) 6. Xiang (2 localities)

2. Jin (2 localities) 7. Min (5 localities)
3. Wu (8 localities) 8. Yue (2 localities)
4. Hui (1 locality) 9. Pinghua (1 locality)
5. Gan (3 localities) 10. Hakka (2 localities)
Diagram 2. Percentage of volumes in The Great Dictionary... against the percent-
age of speakers of each dialect group.
The Mandarin dialect, which is spoken by 67.8% of all users of Chinese,

has also the most representatives in The Great Dictionary.... Although there
is a disproportion between the two numbers in terms of percentage, it is
justified by the general uniformity of Mandarin dialects. The two smallest
dialect groups (Hui and Pinghua) have only one representative dialect de-
scribed in The Great Dictionary.... The Wu, Min and Gan dialects have
proportionally the most dialect localities included in The Great Diction-
ary....
3.2. Representatives of dialects in previous surveys
Authors who describe the characteristics of Chinese dialect groups choose

representative places as the basis for their description. In Table 17. a choice
of the most prominent works, in which such descriptions are present, is
included and the portrayed dialect localities are listed. The chosen works
are as follows:
1. Wang Li 1982. Hanyu Yinyunxue ˄ ∝ 䇁 ䷇ ䷉ ᄺ ) [Chinese
Phonology]
See Chapter 5.2.5.
Yuan Jiahua 2003. Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (Di’er Ban) ˄∝䇁ᮍ
㿔ὖ㽕˄㄀Ѡ⠜˅˅ [An Outline of Chinese Dialects (Second edi-
tion)] See Chapter 5.2.14.
2. Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi
2003. Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ˄∝䇁ᮍ
䷇ᄫ∛Ǆ㄀Ѡ⠜䞡ᥦᴀ˅ [Dictionary of pronunciation of charac-
ters in Chinese dialects. Second edition recomposed]
and
Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi
2005. Hanyu Fangyan Cihui. Di’er Ban. ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛Ǆ㄀Ѡ
⠜˅ [Lexicon of Chinese dialects. Second edition].
Two classic works in the field of Chinese dialectology. They con-
sist of a large amount of data for the comparison of dialect
pronunciation of characters and vocabulary. The first editions (∝
䇁ᮍ䷇ᄫ∛ Hanyu Fangyin Zihui in 1962, ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛ Hanyu
Fangyan Cihui in 1964) were compiled under the leadership of
Yuan Jiahua, the re-editions (first published in 1989 and 1995
respectively) – led by Wang Futang (cf. Gan Yu’en 2005: 238–239).
3. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ˄∝
䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ˅ [Chinese Dialects and the Study of Dialects].
One of the basic handbooks for the students of Chinese dialects (cf.
Gan Yu’en 2005: 234, see also Chapter 5.1.1.2.).
4. You Rujie 2004. Hanyu Fangyanxue Jiaocheng ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺᬭ
⿟˅ [A Course in Chinese Dialectology].
A popular manual in Chinese dialectology.
5. Hou Jingyi ed. 2004. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Yinku˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ
㿔䷇ᑧ˅ [Sound database of Chinese dialects].
A sound database of 40 dialect localities.
Compared with the earlier works, The Great Dictionary..., apart from in-
cluding a larger number of dialect localities, differs somewhat in the choice
of representatives.
The Beijing dialect has been described by all the six authors in question
as an example of the Mandarin group, but has been omitted in The Great
Dictionary... (see Chapter 8.3.1.1.). All the places, except for Hefei ˄ড়
㙹˅, chosen by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao
Yanjiushi, are listed in The Great Dictionary.... The Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅
dialect, due to a different classification in The Great Dictionary..., belongs
to the Jin group.
Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ is the most often chosen representative of the Wu dia-
lect, also included in The Great Dictionary.... Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, men-
tioned by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan-
jiushi, as well as Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, by Zhan Bohui, are also part of The
Great Dictionary.... The Yongkang ˄∌ᒋ˅ dialect, selected by Yuan
Jiahua in order to supplement the description of the dialects of southern
Zhejiang (Yuan Jiahua 2003: 57), is not listed in The Great Dictionary....
The authors seem to agree about the importance of Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅,
Changsha ˄䭓≭˅, Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅, Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅, Guangzhou
˄ᑓᎲ˅, and Meixian ˄ṙও˅ as representatives of their respective
dialect groups. Shuangfeng ˄ঠዄ˅ which seems to play an important
role in other classifications as an example of the Xiang group (in the earlier
works it was to represent the Old Xiang variety), is not mentioned by The
Great Dictionary..., nor by Hou Jingyi ed. 2004.
Wang Li (1982) uses the classification into five dialect groups; Yuan Jia-
hua (2003), Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yan-
jiushi (2003, 2005), Zhan Bohui et al. (2004) – into seven. Therefore there
is no comparison with respect to the Jin, Pinghua and Hui groups. You
Rujie (2004) is of the same opinion as The Great Dictionary... regarding
Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ as the model dialect for the Jin group, Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ –
for Hui and Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ – for Pinghua.
Hou Jingyi’s edition (2004) portrays a comparative number of dialect
localities as The Great Dictionary..., namely 40. Both works share ten of
the local dialects chosen for the Mandarin supergroup. Regarding the Jin
dialect, Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ is the common choice, while the remaining
localities are not the same. The cities chosen by Hou Jingyi ed. for the Wu
dialect are all included in The Great Dictionary..., though the latter does
contain a bigger number of them. Concerning the Hui dialect, there is a full
discrepancy: The Great Dictionary... has chosen Jixi, while Hou Jingyi –
Shexian ˄ℭও˅ and Tunxi ˄ቃ⑾˅. Nonetheless, as mentioned previ-

ously (see Chapter 8.3.), Shexian ˄ℭও˅ was originally supposed to be
included in The Great Dictionary.... There is no big disagreement as re-
gards the Min dialect. Only the absence of a representative of the dialects
of Taiwan in The Great Dictionary... can cause some feeling of regret. Hou
Jingyi does not take into account the classification of Pinghua as a separate
group (cf. Chapter 6.4.3.), hence the Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ dialect appears as
an example of Yue. The dialect of Hong Kong ˄佭␃ Xianggang˅ is an
interesting representative of this dialect group, which has not been de-
scribed in The Great Dictionary.... The Meixian ˄ṙও˅ dialect is se-
lected by both works as representative for Hakka, however the second
choice is different – Taoyuan ˄ḗು˅ in Hou Jingyi’s work and Yudu
˄Ѣ䛑˅ in The Great Dictionary....
3.3. Conclusions
The forty two local dialects chosen for The Great Dictionary... give the best
panoramic overview hitherto of the linguistic situation in China, though not
without some shortcomings.
One of the decisive factors for choosing the dialect localities for The
Great Dictionary... was the availability of specialists. Most of the places
which are commonly considered as the models for particular dialects have
been included. At the same time, prominent dialectologists were asked to
describe their native dialects and thus these localities also became a part of
the project.99
Once the dialectal affiliation is defined, it becomes clear that almost all
of the dialect groups have been covered by The Great Dictionary.... The
only deficiency is the Beijing Mandarin Group. The proportions between
the numbers of representatives of various subgroups are not even, mostly
because of the number of specialists who were “at hand”. And thus for
example the Wu dialect has the most representatives, simply because there
are comparatively many specialists in this particular dialect group.100
Geographically, not all the provinces have been included in the project, but
this problem is of secondary importance, as the linguistic factors are deci-
sive. Nonetheless, the lack of representatives of some of the geographical
areas, such as Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, leave some feeling of regret
because of their importance in the communication with the outside world.
Background overview of explored places 157
The proportion between the number of speakers and number of dialect

localities described in The Great Dictionary... has been essentially kept,
with the exception of the Wu dialect which has proportionally the most
representatives.
In comparison with earlier dialectologists, most of the dialect localities
regarded by them as models of the groups in question have been included in
The Great Dictionary..., yet some important ones have been omitted (see
Table 17).
4. Background overview of explored places
In this section, territorial guidelines of the places whose dialects have been
chosen for The Great Dictionary... are presented, on the basis of introduc-
tions to individual volumes.
The information which can be found in the introductions (both in the
individual volumes and in the comprehensive edition) lacks uniformity. The
data about the population, for example, comes from very different periods
of time and different sources. The percentage of various nationalities is not
always given. In some of the dictionaries a lot of linguistically relevant
information is provided (e.g. about migrations, influence of minorities, etc.),
while others do not give a clear account of the factors which have shaped
the dialect.
The places are arranged in the same order as in the first volume of the
comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... The data concerning
population is also given according to the information in the comprehensive
edition (Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1–263); it may differ slightly from the figures
found in the individual dictionaries. Where it is not stated otherwise, the
Han is the major nationality, constituting over 99% of the population. In
such cases the ethnic minorities are not listed, as they do not have a great
influence on the dialect of the place.
The numbers of the populations are most often outdated, yet they were
more or less valid at the time of the compilation of the dictionaries.101
Only the most important facts which could have an impact on the dia-
lects in question are described below, based on the introductions to the
individual dictionaries (also found in the comprehensive edition, Li Rong
ed. 2002, 1: 1–263). Due to the diversity of the introductions, the amount of
information put forward here varies. For more details, especially regarding
the history of the places, the reader is referred to the introductions.
4.1. Harbin ˄જᇨⒼ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed.
1997: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Northeastern Mandarin group, Hafu subgroup,

Zhaofu cluster ˄ϰ࣫ᅬ䆱ऎજ䯰⠛㙛ᡊᇣ⠛ DǀngbČi GuƗnhuàqǌ
HƗfù piàn Zhàofú xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Heilongjiang Province, Harbin Municipality
102
˄જᇨⒼᏖ Ha’erbin Shi˅
– Status: provincial capital
– Population of the whole municipality in 2001: 9,270,000 inhabitants
– Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅,
Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Korean ˄ᳱ剰ᮣ Cháoxi΁nzú˅, Mongolian
˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅
As the capital of Heilongjiang, Harbin is the cultural, economical and

political centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed.
1997: 3).
Compared with all the varieties of Chinese, the Harbin dialect is the
closest to the Beijing dialect, both in the aspect of phonetics, and of
vocabulary and grammar (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 12; Li Rong ed. 2002,
1: 2).
Being a point of connection between China and Russia (later the Soviet
Union), Harbin has incorporated both Chinese and Western elements (cf.
Dai Zhaoming 1998: 192–193). In the linguistic aspect, this becomes
apparent especially while analysing the vocabulary of the dialect of Harbin,
where the Russian influence is clear.
The ethnical diversity is not very large, yet noticeable. In 1990, the Han
nationality constituted 94.28% of the population (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997:
3).
4.2. Jinan ˄⌢फ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 4–5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997:
3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Jilu Mandarin group, Shiji subgroup, Liaotai cluster

˄‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎ⷇⌢⠛㘞⋄ᇣ⠛ Jìl· GuƗnhuàqǌ Shíj΃ piàn Liáotài xi΁o-
piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, Jinan Municipality ˄⌢
फᏖ Jinan Shi˅
– Status: provincial capital

– Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅ (98%), Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅,
Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅
In Jinan, the roads between north and south, east and west of China inter-
sect, therefore the capital of Shandong Province is the communication hub
of eastern China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 3).
The dialect of Jinan is the standard of central-western Shandong. It
plays an important role as the basic language of two forms of folk art: ᖿк
kuàishǌ – clapper ballad103, and Lü Opera ˄৩࠻ L΍jù˅ – one of the local
operas in Shandong104 (cf. Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 16; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1:
9).
4.3. Muping ˄⠳ᑇ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 14–15; Luo Futeng ed.
1997: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Jiaoliao Mandarin group, Denglian subgroup ˄㛊䖑

ᅬ䆱ऎⱏ䖲⠛ JiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqǌ DƝnglián piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, Yantai Municipality
˄⚳ৄᏖ Yantai Shi˅, Muping District ˄⠳ᑇऎ Muping Qu˅
– Population of the whole district in 2000: 490,000 inhabitants
Muping lies on the route between Yantai ˄⚳ৄ˅ and Weihai ˄࿕⍋˅
on the Shandong Peninsula ˄ቅϰञቯ Shandong Bandao˅. In the past it
was a place of military importance, today it is still a significant point in the
transportation between the main cities of the peninsula. The dialect of Mu-
ping is said to be representative of the area (cf. Muping Fangyan Cidian
chuban 1998: 278–279).
4.4. Xuzhou ˄ᕤᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996:
3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup

˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⋯ᕤ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqǌ Luòxú piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Xuzhou Municipality ˄ᕤ
ᎲᏖ Xuzhou Shi˅

Located in the northwestern corner of Jiangsu Province, on the intersection
of the railroad connecting the north with the south and the east with the
west, Xuzhou is one of the communication hubs of China (cf. Li Rong ed.
2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996: 3–4).
4.5. Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 30–31; Wang and
Huang ed. 1996: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Jianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup ˄∳

⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ⋾Ꮆ⠛ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqǌ Hóngcháo piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Yangzhou Municipality
˄ᡀᎲᏖ Yangzhou Shi˅
Yangzhou lies in the central part of Jiangsu Province, on the northern bank
of the Yangtze River and by the Grand Canal ˄໻䖤⊇ Da Yunhe˅.
The dialect of Yangzhou has been shaped essentially by three events in
the history of China. One was the migration caused by the Yongjia Turmoil
˄∌௝Пх Yongjia zhi luan˅ (which started in 311 A.D. during the rule
of the Jin Emperor Huai ˄ᗔᏱ Huai Di˅), when the people moved
southwards. Many of them settled in the area of today’s Yangzhou (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993:
612–613).
The second wave of migration which reached Yangzhou was at the end
of the Northern Song Dynasty. Emperor Huizong built a temporary palace
in the city. The emperor and his entourage stayed in Yangzhou for a year
and a half and thus many northern people settled down in the area (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993:
613–614).
The third moment in history which had an impact on the Yangzhou dia-
lect was the massacre conducted by the Yuan army on Ming rebels at the
end of the reign of the Yuan Dynasty. Records reveal that only eighteen
families had survived (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed.
1996: 4).
4.6. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed.
1995: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Jianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup ˄∳

⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ⋾Ꮆ⠛ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqǌ Hóngcháo piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Nanjing Municipality ˄फ
ҀᏖ Nanjing Shi˅
– Status: Provincial capital
Nanjing is the capital of Jiangsu Province, located at the southern bank of

the Yangtze River. It has played a particularly important role in Chinese
history. Not only has it been the capital city of the country several times,
but it has also served as a cultural, political and economic centre.
The modern dialect of Nanjing is an outcome of many historical events,
of which some had the strongest influence on both the people as well as the
language. The records show that during the time of Eastern Jin ˄ϰᰟ
Dong Jin˅ (317–420), the dialect spoken in this area was Wu. When the
Jin ˄ᰟ˅ Dynasty escaped southwards, it settled down in the area of
modern Nanjing and established its capital Jiankang ˄ᓎᒋ˅ at the site.
Together with the Emperor, many soldiers and ordinary people migrated to
the new capital, and thus the people from the north outnumbered the local
residents and the language of Nanjing began to change from Wu into
Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4; Ge, Cao
and Wu 1993: 612–613).
During the reign of Emperor Wu ˄℺Ᏹ Wu Di˅ of the Liang ˄ṕ˅
Dynasty (one of the Southern Dynasties), the rebellion of Hou Jing ˄փ᱃
Пх Hou Jing zhi luan˅ ruined most of Jiankang. When the Sui Dynasty
was overthrowing the Chen ˄䰜˅ Dynasty in 589, the Sui Emperor Wen
˄᭛Ᏹ Wen Di˅ commanded that the capital be destroyed. In 1129 the Jin
˄䞥˅ troops invaded Jiankang and the next year the city was burnt down
(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4).
At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Taizu ˄໾⼪˅ re-
established the capital in Nanjing (under the name ᑨ໽ᑰ Yingtianfu –
“responding to Heaven”), bringing with him many craftsmen and other
people from south of the Yangtze River.
From 1853 until 1864, the Taiping Kingdom ˄໾ᑇ໽೑ Taiping Tian-
guo˅ set up its capital in Nanjing, giving it the name Tianjing ˄໽Ҁ˅.
Once again Nanjing became the victim of war and the people were deci-
mated. In 1937 the Japanese invaded the then capital of China and carried
out yet another massacre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed.
1995: 4).
The present dialect of Nanjing is much diversified internally. In various
districts of the town, different influences are salient. Therefore it is believed
that the speech of only three districts in the southern part of the city can be
representative of the Nanjing dialect. But also here, a strong effect of the
Beijing dialect and Putonghua is visible, especially since the time when
Nanjing was declared the capital of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed.
2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4).
4.7. Wuhan ˄℺∝˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu Jiansong ed.
1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Wutian subgroup

˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ℺໽⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ W·tiƗn piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Hubei Province, Wuhan Municipality ˄℺∝
Ꮦ Wuhan Shi˅
Wuhan is a hub of land and water communication and the largest economic
centre of central China. It is often referred to as the “thoroughfare of nine
Provinces” ˄бⳕ䗮㸶 Ji· shČng tǀngqú˅. The present city of Wuhan
was established in 1949 out of three towns: Wuchang ˄℺ᯠ˅, Hankou
˄∝ষ˅ and Hanyang ˄∝䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu Jian-
song ed. 1998: 3).
The Wuhan dialect is the easternmost point of the Southwestern Manda-
rin group, from the north, east and south it is encircled by the region of
Jianghuai Mandarin (cf. Hu Huibin 1995: 110).
4.8. Chengdu ˄៤䛑˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53; Liang and
Huang ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Chengyu subgroup

˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ៤⏱⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ Chéngyú piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Sichuan Province, Chengdu Municipality

˄៤䛑Ꮦ Chengdu Shi˅
– Population of the whole municipality in 2000:10,040,000 inhabitants
As the capital of Sichuan, Chengdu is the political, economic, cultural and

communications centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53;
Liang and Huang ed. 1998: 3).
4.9. Guiyang ˄䌉䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998:
3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Kungui subgroup

˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎᯚ䌉⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ Kǌnguì piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guizhou Province, Guiyang Municipality
˄䌉䰇Ꮦ Guiyang Shi˅
– Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Bouyei ˄Ꮧձᮣ BùyƯzú˅,
Miao ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅
In the past, the inhabitants of Guiyang were mostly non-Chinese, but since
the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Han people began to settle down in this
area. The Han people living in Guiyang believe that their ancestors mi-
grated from the area of Yingtianfu ˄ᑨ໽ᑰ˅ (present day Nanjing, see
Chapter 8.4.6.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3).
During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945), refugees from
the north and the coastal areas moved to Guiyang. After the war, many of
them went back to their homes, but a large number settled down. A large
proportion of the inhabitants of Guiyang today are those (or their descen-
dants) who arrived during that period from many parts of China. Among
them, most came from Sichuan and Hunan (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60;
Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3).
In the 1950s, as a result of the country’s efforts to minimize the differ-
ences between the inland and coastal areas, numerous enterprises were
established in Guiyang and the whole of Guizhou, bringing quick develop-
ment, and at the same time many new inhabitants (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1:
60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3–4).
The urban area is mostly populated by the Han nationality, while a

comparatively large number of people from the Bouyei and Miao nationali-
ties live in the suburbs. The minorities usually use their own languages, but
to communicate with the Han, they speak the colloquial dialect of Guiyang
(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 4).
4.10. Liuzhou ˄᷇Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65–66; Liu Cunhan ed.
1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Guiliu subgroup ˄㽓

फᅬ䆱ऎḖ᷇⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqǌ Guìli· piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region,
Liuzhou Municipality ˄᷇ᎲᏖ Liuzhou Shi˅
– Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (84%), Zhuang ˄ ໂ ᮣ
Zhuàngzú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Yao ˄⩊ᮣ Yáozú˅, Dong ˄իᮣ
Dòngzú˅, Mulam ˄ҿՀᮣ Mùl΁ozú˅, Miao ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅,
Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅
Liuzhou is an important communications link between the provinces of the

central-south and southwest as well as the major industrial base of Guangxi
Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 3).
The inhabitants of Liuzhou are mostly descendants of migrants from
different historical periods. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, soldiers from
the area of Hunan, Hubei and the Central Plains have been immigrating to
the region. In the times of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, Liuzhou served as
a military base. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, troops which were
meant to open up the wasteland were stationed in the city. Many of the
soldiers settled in the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed.
1998: 4).
Liuzhou has long been an industrial and commercial centre of the region
covering today’s Guangxi and Guangdong Provinces. During the Qing Dy-
nasty, a large number of industrialists and traders from other provinces
arrived in Liuzhou. Presently, there are many guilds associating traders
from various places outside of Guangxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu
Cunhan ed. 1998: 4).
Due to the frequent migration waves, a choice of variants of Chinese is
spoken in Liuzhou: Mandarin, Yue, Hakka, Xiang, Pinghua, Min. Besides
the speakers of Chinese, which include the Hui and Man nationalities, other
ethnic minorities speak their own languages. There are also many speakers
of Putonghua, these are military men and workers of the railways, large
factories and building companies (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan
ed. 1998: 4).
4.11. Luoyang ˄⋯䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996:
3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup

˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⋯ᕤ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqǌ Luòxú piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Henan Province, Luoyang Municipality ˄⋯
䰇Ꮦ Luoyang Shi˅
Luoyang has a history dating back to 770. It has been the capital of many
dynasties, and as such a political, economic, cultural and communications
centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996: 3).
4.12. Xi’an˄㽓ᅝ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang Junhu ed. 1996: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Guanzhong subgroup

˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ݇Ё⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqǌ GuƗnzhǀng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shaanxi Province, Xi’an Municipality ˄㽓
ᅝᏖ Xi’an Shi˅
In the area Xi’an is located in today, capitals of ancient Chinese dynasties

(Zhou, Qin, Han among others) were established since the eleventh century
B.C. (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang Junhu ed. 1996: 3). At present it is
the capital of Shaanxi Province.
4.13. Xining ˄㽓ᅕ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed.
1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Qinlong subgroup

˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⾺䰛⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqǌ Qínl΅ng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Qinghai Province, Xining Municipality ˄㽓
ᅕᏖ Xining Shi˅
– Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (85.1%), Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ
Huízú˅, Tibetan ˄㮣ᮣ Zàngzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Tu
˄ೳᮣ T·zú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Salar ˄ᩦᢝᮣ
SƗlƗzú˅
Xining is the capital of Qinghai Province, which was created in 1928. Ly-
ing on the routes connecting Qinghai with Gansu and with Tibet, it is an
important communications centre. The city is ethnically very diversified (cf.
Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed. 1998: 3).
4.14. Yinchuan ˄䫊Ꮁ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 87–88; Li and Zhang
ed. 1996: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Yinwu subgroup ˄݄䫊ᅬ

䆱ऎ䫊ਈ⠛ Lányín GuƗnhuàqǌ Yínwú piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Yinchuan
Municipality ˄䫊ᎱᏖ Yinchuan Shi˅
– Status: Capital of the autonomous region
– Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 501,332 inhabitants
– Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (80.08%), Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ
Huízú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅
When the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region was established in 1958,

Yinchuan became the capital. Since then it developed a great deal, and a
large number of immigrants began to inhabit the city. The Hui nationality
constitutes a large percentage of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1:
87–88; Li and Zhang ed. 1996: 3–4).
4.15. Ürümqi ˄Р剕᳼唤˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 94; Zhou Lei ed.
1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Tami subgroup ˄݄䫊ᅬ䆱

ऎศᆚ⠛ Lányín GuƗnhuàqǌ T΁mì piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Ürümqi
Municipality ˄Р剕᳼唤Ꮦ Wulumuqi Shi˅
– Status: Capital of the autonomous region
– Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅ (72.7%), Uygur ˄㓈਒ᇨᮣ
Wéiwú’Črzú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Kazak ˄જ㧼‫ܟ‬ᮣ HƗsàkèzú˅,
Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Xibe
˄䫵ԃᮣ XƯbózú˅, Russian ˄֘㔫ᮃᮣ ÉluósƯzú˅
In 1884 Xinjiang was established as a province with Ürümqi as the capital

(under the name Dihua ˄䖾࣪˅). In 1954, the name was changed into
Ürümqi and in 1955 the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was estab-
lished, Ürümqi remaining the capital. The city is ethnically heterogeneous,
with the Uygur nationality as the biggest minority (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1:
94; Zhou Lei ed. 1998: 3).
4.16. Wanrong ˄ϛ㤷˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao
ed. 1997: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Fenhe subgroup,

Xiezhou cluster˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ≒⊇⠛㾷Ꮂᇣ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqǌ
Fénhé piàn Xièzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Yuncheng Municipality
˄ 䖤 ජ Ꮦ Yuncheng Shi ˅ , Wanrong County ˄ ϛ 㤷 ও Wanrong
Xian˅
– Population of the whole county in 1990: 376,445 inhabitants
The Wanrong County was established in 1954, as the result of a fusion of

Wanquan County ˄ϛ⊝ও Wanquan Xian˅ and Ronghe County ˄㤷⊇
ও Ronghe Xian˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao ed. 1997:
3). It is located in Shanxi Province, very close to the area of the Jin dialect
(cf. Atlas: B7).
4.17. Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 106–107; Shen Ming ed.
1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Jin dialect group, Bingzhou subgroup ˄ᰟ䇁ऎᑊᎲ

⠛ Jìny· qǌ BƯngzhǀu piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Taiyuan Municipality ˄໾
ॳᏖ Taiyuan Shi˅
The history of the city started around 2400 years ago, with the founding of
Jinyang ˄ᰟ䰇˅. During the Qin Dynasty, the name was changed to Tai-
yuan. The city is quite homogeneous ethnically (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1:
106–107; Shen Ming ed. 1998: 3).
4.18. Xinzhou ˄ᗏᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed.
1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Jin dialect group, Wutai subgroup ˄ᰟ䇁ऎѨৄ⠛

Jìny· qǌ W·tái piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Xinzhou Municipality ˄ᗏ
ᎲᏖ Xinzhou Shi˅
– Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅,
Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Tu ˄ೳᮣ
T·zú˅, Korean ˄ᳱ剰ᮣ Cháoxi΁nzú˅
Xinzhou has traditionally been a crossroads between the south and the
north. It is still a very important communication hub of Shanxi (cf. Li Rong
ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3).
The ethnic minorities living in Xinzhou all speak only the Xinzhou dia-
lect, not their native tongues (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang
ed. 1998: 3).
4.19. Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115–116; Zhao Rixin ed.
2003: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Hui dialect group, Jishe subgroup ˄ᖑ䇁ऎ㒽ℭ⠛

HuƯy· qǌ Jìshè piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Anhui Province, Xuancheng Municipality
˄ᅷජᏖ Xuancheng Shi˅, Jixi County ˄㒽⑾ও Jixi Xian˅
Jixi is divided by a mountain ridge into a northern and a southern part. This
natural barrier has caused not only social differences, but also disparities in
language (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 3, 4).
The dialect of Jixi has been the focus of attention of Luo Changpei,
Zhao Yuanren, Yang Shifeng in the 1930s and 40s. Hirata Shoji has also
taken the dialect into consideration in his research during the 1990s (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 116; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 4).
4.20. Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122; Cai Guolu ed.
1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Piling cluster

˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛↫䱉ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qǌ Tàihú piàn Pílíng xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Zhenjiang Municipality
˄䬛∳Ꮦ Zhenjiang Shi˅, Danyang City ˄Ѝ䰇Ꮦ Danyang Shi˅
– Population of the whole city in 1992: 800,854 inhabitants
Danyang is a city with its history reaching back to the times of the Qin
Dynasty. It lies on the borderland between the Wu and Jianghuai Mandarin
dialects, which is why the speech of Danyang is internally much diversified
(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122, 126; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 3–4, 19).
4.21. Chongming ˄ዛᯢ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying
ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster

˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qǌ Tàihú piàn SǌhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ˄Ϟ⍋Ꮦ Shanghai

Shi˅, Chongming County ˄ዛᯢও Chongming Xian˅
Chongming lies within the administrative borders of Shanghai Municipality.

The county governs the Chongming Island ˄ዛᯢቯ Chongming Dao˅
and some small neighbouring islands. The dialect of Chongming is rather
homogeneous (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying ed. 1998: 3).
4.22. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed.
1997: 3–4)

– Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ˄Ϟ⍋Ꮦ Shanghai
Shi˅
Shanghai is one of the largest cities in China and one of the biggest eco-
nomic, communications and cultural centres of the country. Shanghai has
experienced a very dynamic growth, from around 500,000 inhabitants in
1852, over 2,500,000 in 1927 up to 13,000,000 in 1993.105 The growth of
population has been caused mostly by a wave of immigrants to this eco-
nomic mecca. In 1934 the indigenous people constituted only 25% of the
population. Most of the new settlers came from Jiangsu and Zhejiang (cf.
Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 3–4).
The surge of incomers has induced great changes in the language spoken
in the district. The strongest is the influence of the dialects of northern
Jiangsu, especially of Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ and Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, as well as
the Beijing dialect and foreign languages. The impact of the Beijing dialect
has increased since the founding of People’s Republic of China, while the
remaining sources were strongest before 1949 (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133;
Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 4).
Besides the Shanghai dialect, other forms of Chinese are used in Shang-
hai, mainly Yue, Ningbo dialect and Jianghuai Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed.
2002, 1: 134; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 5).
4.23. Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143–144; Ye Xiangling

ed. 1998: 3–4)

– Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Suzhou Municipality ˄㢣
ᎲᏖ Suzhou Shi˅
The ancient name (dating back to the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty) of
Suzhou is Wu ˄ਈ˅, which is the present name of the dialect spoken in
the surrounding area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143; Ye Xiangling ed. 1998:
3). Suzhou is located by the Grand Canal, as well as on other major
communication routes.
4.24. Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie
ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Hangzhou cluster

˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛ᵁᎲᇣ⠛ Wúy· qǌ Tàihú piàn HángzhƗu xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Hangzhou Municipality
˄ᵁᎲᏖ Hangzhou Shi˅
Hangzhou is one of the ancient capitals of China and a city with a very long
history (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 3–4). Lo-
cated in the delta of the Yangtze River, it has for a long time been an impor-
tant communication point. Several important traffic routes pass through the
city.
The region in which the Hangzhou dialect is spoken is rather small and
it covers only the urban area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 150; Bao Shijie ed.
1998: 4).
4.25. Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang, Chen and Wu
ed. 1997: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Yongjiang cluster

˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛⬀∳ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qǌ Tàihú piàn Y΅ngjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Ningbo Municipality
˄ᅕ⊶Ꮦ Ningbo Shi˅
Ningbo is located in the northeastern part of Zhejiang, south of Hangzhou

Bay ˄ᵁᎲ⑒ Hangzhou Wan˅. It has a history going back to the Spring
and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang,
Chen and Wu ed. 1997: 3).
4.26. Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 164–165; You and
Yang ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Oujiang subgroup ˄ਈ䇁ऎ⫃∳

⠛ Wúy· qǌ ƿujiƗng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Wenzhou Municipality
˄⏽ᎲᏖ Wenzhou Shi˅
Wenzhou is located in the southeastern part of Zhejiang, near the border

with Fujian and, at the same time, on the borderland between the Wu and
Min dialects (cf. Atlas: A2).
4.27. Jinhua˄䞥ढ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 171; Cao Zhiyun ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Wuzhou subgroup ˄ਈ䇁ऎ၎Ꮂ

⠛ Wúy· qǌ Wùzhǀu piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Jinhua Municipality ˄䞥
ढᏖ Jinhua Shi˅
Jinhua is situated in central Zhejiang, near the area of the Hui dialect (cf.
Atlas: A2). It lies on important communication routes.
4.28. Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 176–177; Bao

Houxing et al. ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Changyi subgroup ˄␬䇁ऎ䭓

Ⲟ⠛ XiƗngy· qǌ Chángyì piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Changsha Municipality
˄䭓≭Ꮦ Changsha Shi˅
– Population of the whole municipality: 5,200,000 inhabitants
As the capital of Hunan, Changsha is a political, economic and cultural

centre of the Province. The dialect of Changsha is regarded as one of the
most representative of the Xiang dialect group (cf. Table 17.).
4.29. Loudi˄࿘ᑩ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Loushao subgroup ˄␬䇁ऎ࿘

䚉⠛ XiƗngy· qǌ Lóushào piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Loudi Municipality ˄࿘ᑩ
Ꮦ Loudi Shi˅
Loudi is located in the central part of Hunan Province. The city is divided
into northern and southern parts by the railroad linking Hunan with
Guizhou. The southern part was built after 1978; the northern part is the
original site of the town (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed.
1998: 3).
4.30. Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong

Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Changjing subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᯠ

䴪⠛ Gàny· qǌ ChƗngjìng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Nanchang Municipality
˄फᯠᏖ Nanchang Shi˅
– Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,369,125 inhabitants
The history of Nanchang reaches back to 201 B.C. It became the provincial
capital after 1949. During the Second Sino-Japanese war (1937–1945),
Nanchang was attacked and many residents fled from the city. After the war,
a large number of people from the rural areas moved into town. The city
has been developing rapidly since it became the capital of Jiangxi (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4).
4.31. Pingxiang ˄㧡е˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang
ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Yiliu subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᅰ⌣⠛

Gàny· qǌ Yíliú piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Pingxiang Municipality
˄㧡еᏖ Pingxiang Shi˅
– Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,388,427 inhabitants
Pingxiang is situated near the border with Hunan and on the railroad route
between Zhejiang and Jiangxi. At the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties,
people from the area of Fujian and Guangdong used to move to Hunan and
Jiangxi to set up sheds to cultivate the land. In the beginning, they only
stayed for the season, but later many of them settled down at their place of
work and were called Pengmin ˄Ắ⇥ Péngmín˅ (lit. “shed people”).
Present day Pingxiang lies close to the Hakka-speaking region, however in
the city itself there are no people who refer to themselves as Hakkas (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang ed. 1998: 3).
4.32. Lichuan ˄咢Ꮁ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196; Yan Sen ed.
1995: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Fuguang subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᡮᑓ

⠛ Gàny· qǌ F·gu΁ng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Fuzhou Municipality ˄ᡮ
ᎲᏖ Fuzhou Shi˅, Lichuan County ˄咢Ꮁও Lichuan Xian˅
Lichuan is located in western Jiangxi, very close to the border with Fujian
and with the area of the Min dialect. It is a rather small county, ethnically
homogeneous, with only a small percentage of ethnic minorities. The main
industries are agriculture and forestry (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196;
Yan Sen ed. 1995: 3–4).
4.33. Yudu ˄Ѣ䛑˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200–201; Xie Liuwen ed.
1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yugui subgroup ˄ᅶᆊ䆱ऎѢ

Ḗ⠛ KèjiƗhuà qǌ Yúguì piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Ganzhou Municipality
˄䌷ᎲᏖ Ganzhou Shi˅, Yudu County ˄Ѣ䛑ও Yudu Xian˅
– Population of the whole county in1985: 678,029 inhabitants
Located in southern Jiangxi, Yudu is a county whose economy is based

mainly on agriculture and farming as well as traditional handicraft indus-
tries. Most of the ancestors of present residents of the county settled down
in the area after moving from the north since the Tang Dynasty. Yet not
many came directly from the north, most of the settlers wandered around
different places before they stayed in Yudu (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200–
201; Xie Liuwen ed. 1998: 3–4).
4.34. Meixian ˄ṙও˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 206–207; Huang

Xuezhen ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yuetai subgroup, Jiaying cluster

˄ᅶᆊ䆱ऎ㉸ৄ⠛௝ᑨᇣ⠛ KèjiƗhuà qǌ Yuètái piàn JiƗyƯng xi΁o-
piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Meizhou Municipality
˄ṙᎲᏖ Meizhou Shi˅, Meixian County ˄ṙও Meixian˅
Meixian lies in northeastern Guangdong Province, near the borders with

Fujian and Jiangxi, in the central part of the Hakka dialect area.
The Meixian dialect is considered to be the most representative of the
Hakka group (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 209; Huang Xuezhen ed. 1998: 16;
Table 17.).
4.35. Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 213–214; Qin, Wei and
Bian ed. 1997: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Pinghua dialect group Guinan subgroup ˄ᑇ䆱ऎḖ

फ⠛ Pínghuà qǌ Guìnán piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Nan-
ning Municipality ˄फᅕᏖ Nanning Shi˅
– Status: Capital of the Autonomous Region
– Major nationalities: Zhuang ˄ໂᮣ Zhuàngzú˅ (63.6%), Han ˄∝ᮣ
Hànzú˅ (35.6%)
In Nanning, three varieties of the Chinese language are spoken: Yue

(known here as ⱑ 䆱 báihuà), Southwestern Mandarin and Pinghua.
Pinghua is distributed mainly in the suburbs and the area surrounding the
city. The language of the Zhuang people is also an important factor, as they
constitute the largest part of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 214;
Qin, Wei and Bian ed. 1997: 4).
4.36. Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed.
2003: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup ˄㉸䇁ᑓᑰ⠛

ऎ Yuèy· qǌ Gu΁ngf· piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Guangzhou Municipal-
ity ˄ᑓᎲᏖ Guangzhou Shi˅
– Population of the whole urban area in 1996: 3,853,000 inhabitants
Guangzhou has been a trading port since the times of the Qin and Han
Dynasties and still remains one of the most important ports in China (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3).
The dialect of Guangzhou is regarded as the standard form of the Yue
dialect. Due to ongoing social changes, the circulation of residents and of
functionaries, the dialect is going through changes. Since the implementa-
tion of the policies of Reform and Openness ˄ᬍ䴽ᓔᬒ G΁igé KƗifàng˅,
more people from the rural areas have been moving into town (cf. Li Rong
ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3–4).
4.37. Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen
ed. 1997: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup ˄㉸䇁ᑓᑰ⠛

ऎ Yuèy· qǌ Gu΁ngf· piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Dongguan Municipal-
ity ˄ϰ㥲Ꮦ Dongguan Shi˅
Dongguan is located about 50 km southeast of the capital of Guangdong

Province – Guangzhou. The number of people residing in Dongguan is only
the official statistical data. It is very difficult to estimate the real number of
inhabitants, as many of them are unregistered migrant workers; in some
areas of the municipality they even outnumber the native residents by far
(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3).
A number of inhabitants of Dongguan speak the Hakka dialect; however
Hakka is spoken only in a relatively small area of the municipality with
speakers who constitute around 16% of the population (cf. Li Rong ed.
2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3–4).
4.38. Jian’ou ˄ᓎ⫃˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan
ed.1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Northern Min group ˄䯑䇁

໻ऎ䯑࣫ऎ M΃ny· dàqǌ M΃nbČi qǌ˅
– Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Nanping Municipality ˄फ
ᑇᏖ Nanping Shi˅, Jian’ou City ˄ᓎ⫃Ꮦ Jian’ou Shi˅
– Population of the whole city in 1992: 489,300 inhabitants
Jian’ou is the largest city in Fujian Province as regards area. It is located in

northern Fujian (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229, 230; Li and Pan ed. 1998: 3,
4).
The northern part of Fujian started to develop first of all as the whole
Province and Jian’ou has been the political, economic and cultural centre of
this part of Fujian up till the time of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed.
2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan ed.1998: 3).
4.39. Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed.
1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Eastern Min group, Houguan

subgroup ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ䯑ϰऎփᅬ⠛ M΃ny· dàqǌ M΃ndǀng qǌ HòuguƗn
piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Fuzhou Municipality ˄⽣
ᎲᏖ Fuzhou Shi˅
Fuzhou is located in the eastern part of Fujian, at the lower reaches of the
Min River ˄䯑∳ Min Jiang˅. It has a long history, reaching back to the
times of the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.). Ethnically, it is not
very diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4).
The dialect of Fuzhou has been very influential both in the area of Fu-
jian Province, and abroad, as many Chinese from this part of China have
migrated to Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and overseas (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002,
1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4).
The Fuzhou dialect is often studied in comparison with Qi Lin Bayin
˄៮ᵫܿ䷇˅, a rhyme book compiled in the eighteenth century (cf. Li
Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235–236; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 4–5).
4.40. Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji
ed. 1998: 3–4)
– Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Southern Min group,

Quanzhang subgroup ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ䯑फऎ⊝┇⠛ M΃ny· dàqǌ M΃nnán
qǌ QuánzhƗng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Xiamen Municipality ˄ॺ
䮼Ꮦ Xiamen Shi˅
– Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ , Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ Huízú ˅ ,
Gaoshan ˄催ቅᮣ GƗoshƗnzú˅
Xiamen lies in the southeastern part of Fujian, looking out to the Taiwan
Strait ˄ৄ⑒⍋ኵ Taiwan Haixia˅. The main part of the city is located on
the Xiamen Island ˄ॺ䮼ቯ Xiamen Dao˅. In 1981 Xiamen was declared
a Special Economic Zone (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji
ed. 1998: 3–4).
Since the middle of the seventeenth century and especially since the
middle of the nineteenth century, when Xiamen became a treaty port, it
gradually turned into the political, economic and cultural centre of southern
Fujian. Furthermore, the dialect of Xiamen became the dominant language
of the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 249–250; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 19).
4.41. Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255; Zhang and Cai
ed. 1998: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Leizhou group ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ

䳋Ꮂऎ M΃ny· dàqǌ Léizhǀu qǌ˅
– Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Zhanjiang Municipal-
ity ˄␯∳Ꮦ Zhanjiang Shi˅, Leizhou City ˄䳋ᎲᏖ Leizhou Shi˅
– Population of the whole city in 1994: 1,116,000 inhabitants
Leizhou is situated in the central part of Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋Ꮂञቯ

Leizhou Bandao˅ in southern Guangdong. In some parts of the Peninsula,
the Yue and Hakka dialects are spoken (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255;
Zhang and Cai ed. 1998: 3).
4.42. Haikou ˄⍋ষ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260; Chen Hongmai
ed. 1996: 3)
– Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Qiongwen group, Fucheng

subgroup ˄ 䯑䇁 ໻ ऎ ⨐ ᭛ ऎ ᑰ ජ ⠛ M΃ny· dàqǌ Qióngwén qǌ
F·chéng piàn˅
– Administrative affiliation: Hainan Province, Haikou Municipality ˄⍋
ষᏖ Haikou Shi˅
Lying at the northern coast of Hainan Island ˄⍋फቯ Hainan Dao˅,

Haikou is the capital of Hainan Province and is its political, economic,
cultural and communications centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260;
Chen Hongmai ed. 1996: 3).
4.43. Conclusions
The dialect localities of The Great Dictionary... are of a different nature.

Looking through the prism of this assortment, factors which are of great
importance in shaping the language of an explored place can be extracted:
1. Administrative status
Many of the localities included in The Great Dictionary... are capitals of
provinces / autonomous regions. This is explained by the influence of the
language spoken in a city of such great political, economic and cultural
importance.
2. Ethnical diversity
Interactions between the majority and minority languages play a signifi-
cant role. Where the percentage of the Han nationality is comparatively low,
the minority languages sometimes have a strong impact on the local variety
of Chinese (e.g. Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning).
3. Linguistic status
Some of the listed localities are considered to be standards for the dia-
lect group they belong to (e.g. Taiyuan, Shanghai, Suzhou, Nanchang,
Changsha, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Guangzhou, Meixian). This opinion is often
based on the linguistic tradition (cf. Chapter 8.3.2.).
4. Transportation
When a city is a transportation hub, its language can be receptive to the
influence of other dialects (or languages), and at the same time it can have
the power to change them.
5. Migrations
Big migrations have played a significant role in the forming of dialects.
The history of migration waves which have had an impact on Chinese dia-
lects are described in more detail in Ge, Cao and Wu 1993.
6. Historical significance
Most of the cities in question have a long history. Some of them have
played an extraordinarily important role as ancient capitals of the country
or communication centres. The language of the city where the seat of the
government is located has always been significant in the process of
standardization.
Table 18. summarizes the most salient features of the dialect localities,
i.e. the administrative status, the population and ethnic diversity. All these
characteristics play an important role in determining the status of the dialect
of a place (for scale figures see the bottom of the table).
Table 18. A choice of features of the forty two dialect localities of The Great
Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects.
Dialect locality Administrative Population Ethnical diversity
status
Harbin provincial capital 4 2
Jinan provincial capital 4 1
Muping county-level 1 0
district
Xuzhou prefecture-level 4 0
municipality
Yangzhou prefecture-level 3 0
municipality
Nanjing provincial capital 4 0
Wuhan provincial capital 4 0
Chengdu provincial capital 5 0
Guiyang provincial capital 3 ?
[Table 18 cont.]
status
Liuzhou prefecture-level 3 3
municipality
Luoyang prefecture-level 3 0
municipality
Xi’an provincial capital 4 0
Xining provincial capital 3 3
Yinchuan capital of A.R. 2 3
Ürümqi capital of A.R. 3 4
Wanrong county 1 0
Taiyuan provincial capital 3 0
Xinzhou prefecture-level 1 ?
municipality
Jixi county 1 0
Danyang county-level city 2 0
Chongming county 1 0
Shanghai municipality 5 0
directly under the
jurisdiction of the
State Council
Suzhou prefecture-level 3 0
municipality
Hangzhou provincial capital 4 0
Ningbo prefecture-level 4 0
municipality
Wenzhou prefecture-level 4 0
municipality
Jinhua prefecture-level 2 0
municipality
Changsha provincial capital 4 0
Loudi prefecture-level 1 0
municipality
Nanchang provincial capital 3 0
Pingxiang prefecture-level 3 0
municipality
Lichuan county 1 0
Yudu county 2 0
Meixian county 2 0
Nanning capital of A.R. 3 5
Guangzhou provincial capital 3 0

[Table 18 cont.]
status
Dongguan prefecture-level 3 0
municipality
Jian’ou county-level city 1 0
Fuzhou provincial capital 4 0
Xiamen prefecture-level 3 ?
municipality
Leizhou county-level city 3 0
Haikou provincial capital 1 0
Ethnic diversity scale (according to the percentage of Han nationality):

0 – >99%
1 – 98%̢99%
2 – 94%̢98%
3 – 80%̢94%
4 – 70%̢80%
5 – <70%
Population scale:
1 – 100,000–500,000 inhabitants
2 – 500, 000–1,000,000 inhabitants
3 – 1,000,000–5,000,000 inhabitants
4 – 5,000,000–10,000,000 inhabitants
5 – > 10,000,000 inhabitants
Chapter 9
Information gathered from The Great Dictionary of
Modern Chinese Dialects
The Great Dictionary... is a rich source of information about the current

situation of Chinese dialects. Vocabulary is naturally the most important
feature of the dictionary, nonetheless a lot of material about the phonetic
and grammatical system can also be found, especially through the introduc-
tions.
1. Internal diversification
The descriptions of internal differences of the individual dialects, which

can be found in the second section of most of the introductions, present an
overview of the diversity of speech in a certain area, and also reveal the
phenomena which are occurring in the evolution of dialects at present.
Some of the introductions contain very detailed descriptions of the internal
diversification of the dialects, in others only a rough sketch can be found.
The differences include phonetic, grammatical and lexical features.
1.1. Territorial divergence
The territorial divergence of a certain dialect is visible in nearly all the dia-
lect localities taken into consideration in The Great Dictionary.... The de-
scribed territorial differences include the following kinds (cf. Chapter
7.1.4.8.):
1. Between urban and rural/suburb areas (Harbin, Xuzhou, Yangzhou,
Nanjing, Chengdu, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Taiyuan,
Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Nanchang,
Fuzhou, Xiamen, Haikou)
2. Inside the urban area (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Changsha,
Pingxiang, Jian’ou)
Internal diversification 185
3. Between various parts of districts (Muping, Wanrong, Danyang,

Chongming, Jinhua, Lichuan, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan,
Jian’ou, Fuzhou, Leizhou)
4. Between the main dialect and other dialect islands (Chengdu,
Ürümqi, Shanghai, Nanning, Leizhou)
1.2. Differences between generations
The differences between the generations reflect the changes which are
ongoing in the dialects of Chinese. The influence of Putonghua is the most
prominent factor (though not without exceptions 106 ). The changes affect
mostly the phonetic system, but they also occur in the lexical and
grammatical sphere (cf. Chapter 7.1.4.6.):
1. Phonetic changes (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou,
Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an, Wanrong,
Taiyuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Wen-
zhou, Jinhua, Changsha, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Guang-
zhou, Fuzhou)
2. Lexical changes (Jinan, Yangzhou, Wuhan, Chengdu, Yinchuan,
Danyang, Shanghai, Fuzhou)
3. Grammatical changes (Yangzhou, Wuhan, Wanrong, Danyang,
Shanghai, Changsha)
Sometimes the territorial and generational differences correspond, i.e.

people living in the rural area speak the same variety as the old generation,
while inhabitants of the urban area use the same language as the new
generation (Harbin, Liuzhou).
The generational diversification is also linked with the differences in
educational level. Educated people usually speak the newer variety of the
dialect (Yangzhou, Yinchuan, Ürümqi).
1.3. Differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation 䯴 ᭛ⱑ

ᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú䯵
The opposition between literary and colloquial pronunciation (see Chapter

7.1.4.4.) is quite strong in some dialects (Lichuan). In some cases, this fea-
ture is described in more detail in the fifth part of the introductions
186 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary
(Characteristics) (Wanrong, Taiyuan, Jixi, Hangzhou, Changsha, Loudi,

Pingxiang, Yudu Xiamen, Leizhou).
Often the literary pronunciation is close to that of the Beijing dialect, or
Putonghua. At the same time, the variety spoken by the young generation is
getting closer to the national standard, thus the literary and new pronuncia-
tion are similar (Jinan, Nanjing, Yinchuan).
1.4. Other
In the dialects there are also internal differences which are due to other
factors. The ones described in The Great Dictionary... are the following:
1. Differences between the language of Han and Hui nationalities (Ji-
nan, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi)
2. Family background (Nanjing)
3. Occupation (Nanjing)
2. Phonetics
2.1. Phonetic systems
The phonetic system of each of the dialects is described in great detail in

the introductions. The following data has been extracted in order to present
an outline of the phonetics of modern dialects.
2.1.1. Number of initials, finals and tones
The initials, finals and tones of Chinese dialects form a much diversified
organism. The minute details shall not be analysed here, but the number of
initials, finals and tones give a general idea of their multifarious nature.
Table 19. Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the forty two dialect localities
and Putonghua.
Dialect Dialect locality Initials107 Finals108 Tones109
group
Putonghua 22 39 4
Phonetics 187
[Table 19. cont]

Dialect Dialect locality Initials Finals Tones
group
1. Harbin 22 38 4
2. Jinan 25 38 4
3. Muping 22 39 4
4. Xuzhou 23 40 4
5. Yangzhou 17 47 5
6. Nanjing 21 49 5
7. Wuhan 19 43 4
Mandarin 8. Chengdu 20 36 4
9. Guiyang 19 32 4
10. Liuzhou 19 41 5
11. Luoyang 23 36 4
12. Xi’an 26 39 4
13. Xining 23 33 4
14. Yinchuan 23 42 4
15. Ürümqi 25 32 3
16. Wanrong 28 35 4
Jin 17. Taiyuan 21 36 5
18. Xinzhou 25 47 4
Hui 19. Jixi 20 40 6
20. Danyang 22 48 6
21. Chongming 35 53 8
22. Shanghai 27 54 6
Wu 23. Suzhou 27 49 7
24. Hangzhou 29 53 7
25. Ningbo 29 50 7
26. Wenzhou 29 35 8
27. Jinhua 29 52 7
Xiang 28. Changsha 23 41 6
29. Loudi 24 40 5
30. Nanchang 19 67 7
Gan 31. Pingxiang 23 39 4
32. Lichuan 23 59 7
Hakka 33. Yudu 24 52 6
34. Meixian 17 73 6
Pinghua 35. Nanning 22 49 10
Yue 36. Guangzhou 16 94 9
37. Dongguan 19 40 8
[Table 19. cont]

Dialect Dialect locality Initials Finals Tones
group
38. Jian’ou 15 34 6
39. Fuzhou 15 48 7
Min 40. Xiamen 17 82 7
41. Leizhou 17 47 8
42. Haikou 16 46 8
The proportions between the number of initials and finals are very
different. The Mandarin dialects are roughly uniform in this aspect, with
Yangzhou having the largest disproportion and Ürümqi and Wanrong with
the two amounts closest to each other. Among the remaining dialect groups,
the Guangzhou dialect of the Yue group has the least initials compared with
the number of finals. The amount of initials and finals is not closely linked
with the affiliation to a certain dialect group, though some similarities can
be found within each group.
The number of tones has clearly a much more decisive role in the
classifications of dialects. The Mandarin dialects only have 3–5 tones,
while the other groups have much more diversified tonal systems.
The tonal categories and values are analysed more closely below.
2.1.2. Tonal categories and values
The Middle Chinese tonal categories (see Chapter 4.2.) have evolved into
multiple tones in modern dialects. The categories and their tone values are
of a very complicated nature. The Great Dictionary... shows a broad spec-
trum of this issue, as presented in Table 20.:110
Table 20. Tonal categories and their values in the forty two dialect spots and
Putonghua.
Dialect Dialect Píng ᑇ Sháng Ϟ Qù এ Rù ܹ
group locality YƯn- Yáng YƯn- Yáng YƯn- Yáng YƯn- Yáng-
píng -píng sháng -shàng qù -qù rù rù
䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ 䰈Ϟ 䰇Ϟ 䰈এ 䰇এ 䰈ܹ 䰇ܹ
Putong- 55 35 214 51 -
hua
Phonetics 189
[Table 20. cont.]

1. Harbin 44 24 213 53 -
2. Jinan 213 42 55 21 -
3. Mu- 42 553 213 131 -
ping (51) (53)
4. Xu- 213 455 24 51 -
zhou (55) (35)
5. Yang- 21 34 42 55 4
zhou (11) (35)
6. Nan- 31 23 11 44 5
jing (24)
7. Wuhan 55 213 42 35 -
Man- 8. Cheng- 45 21 53 213 -
darin du (55)
9. Gui- 55 21 53 24 -
yang (31)
10. Liu- 44 31 54 24 5
zhou
11. Luo- 33 31 53 412 -
yang
12. Xi’an 21 24 53 44 -
13. Xi- 44 24 53 213 -
ning
14. Yin- 44 53 53 13 -
chuan
15. Ü- 44 51 - 213 -
rümqi
16. Wan- 51 24 55 33 -
rong
17. Tai- 11 53 45 2 54
Jin yuan
18. Xin- 31 313 53 2
zhou
Hui 19. Jixi 31 44 213 35 22 32
[Table 20. cont.]

20. Dan- 33 24 55 11 3 4
yang (5)
21.Chong- 55 24 424 242 33 313 5 2
ming
22. Shang- 53 13 44 - 35 - 55 12
hai (55) (13)
23. Su- 44 23 51 - 412 31 5 3
Wu zhou (55) (13) (513)
24. Hang- 33 213 53 - 445 13 5 2
zhou (55)
25. Ning- 53 24 35 - 44 213 55 12
bo
26. Wen- 33 31 45 34 42 11 313 212
zhou (35) (24)
27. Jin- 334 313 535 - 55 24 4 212
hua (33) (12)
28. Chang- 33 13 41 45 21 24
Xiang sha (55) (11)
29. Loudi 44 13 42 35 11 -
30. Nan- 42 24 213 35 11 5 2
chang
Gan 31. Ping- 13 44 35 11 -
xiang
32. Li- 22 35 44 53 13 3 5
chuan
33. Yudu 31 44 35 22 42 5
Hakka 34. Mei- 44 11 31 53 1 5
xian
35. Nan- 53 21 33 24 55 22 Ϟ Ϟ
Ping- ning 5 23
hua ϟ ϟ
3 2
Phonetics 191
[Table 20. cont.]

36.Guang- 53 21 35 23 33 22 Ϟ 22
zhou 55 55
Ё
Yue 33
37. Dong- 213 21 35 13 32 44 22
guan
বܹ 24
38. Jian- 54 - 21 33 55 24 42
’ou
39. Fu- 55 53 33 212 242 24 5
zhou
Min 40. Xia- 55 24 53 - 21 22 32 55
men (35) (11) 11
41. Lei- 35 22 31 33 21 55 5 1
zhou (24) (11)
42. Hai- 24 21 213 - 35 33 5 3
kou 䭓ܹ 55
As can be seen from the figures above, the tonal categories and their
values do not correspond. Tones of the same value in different dialects can
belong to different categories, e.g. the tone with value 213 belongs to the
following categories in the dialects in question:
– 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng in Jinan, Xuzhou, Dongguan
– 䰇ᑇ yángpíng in Wuhan, Hangzhou
– Ϟໄ shàngshƝng in Harbin, Muping, Jixi, Nanchang
– 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng in Haikou
– এໄ qùshƝng in Chengdu, Xining, Ürümqi
– 䰇এ yángqù in Ningbo
The presence or absence of the ܹໄ rùshƝng, which is an important fea-

ture in the classification of dialects (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.), is also visible in the
table. Among the dialect localities belonging to the Mandarin supergroup,
three have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng: Yangzhou, Nanjing and Liuzhou.
This is the distinctive feature of the Jianghuai Mandarin group, which
Yangzhou and Nanjing both belong to. Liuzhou, on the other hand, belongs
to the Southwestern Mandarin group, together with Wuhan, Chengdu and

Guiyang, and the presence of the ܹໄ rùshƝng is not its characteristic. This
fact contradicts the description in the Atlas (A2, B14), where it is said that
the Southwestern Mandarin group, with Guilin ˄Ḗᵫ˅ and Liuzhou as
examples of the Guiliu subgroup, has not preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng. The
dialect of Liuzhou is clearly an exception from the rule. In the description
of the phonetic characteristics of the Liuzhou dialect it is said, however,
that there are only remnants of the ܹໄ rùshƝng and that it is rare (Liu
Cunhan ed. 1998: 15; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 68).
Most of the non-Mandarin dialect localities do have syllables in the ܹ
ໄ rùshƝng, except for Loudi (Xiang group) and Pingxiang (Gan group).
Most of them have the 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories. In some cases this
division goes further, as in Nanning Pinghua, where both the categories are
split into upper ˄Ϟ shàng˅ and lower ˄ϟ xià˅.
A more thoroughgoing analysis of tones and their categories and values
reveals a large field for many interesting discoveries, and The Great
Dictionary... can be of great value in such studies.
2.2. Secondary parameters
The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials is also one

of the most often used criteria in the classifications of Chinese dialects. The
modern continuants of Middle Chinese plosive and nasal codas play an
important role, as well (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.). In Table 21., the opposition
between voiced and voiceless plosive initials, the presence and kinds of
plosive as well as nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect locali-
ties is shown:
Table 21. Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials; plosive
codas; nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities and
Putonghua.
Dialect Dialect Opposition Plosive Nasal and
group locality between voiced codas nasalized codas
and voiceless
plosive initials
Putonghua - - -n; -0
Phonetics 193
[Table 21. cont.]

and voiceless
plosive initials
1. Harbin - - -n; -0
2. Jinan - - -ã; -Ӂ; -0
3. Muping - - -n; -0
4. Xuzhou - - -æ; -Ӂ; -0
5. Yangzhou - -! -æ; -Ӂ; -õ; -n; -0
6. Nanjing - -! -n; -0
7. Wuhan - - -n; -0
Mandarin 8. Chengdu - - -n; -0
9. Guiyang - - -n; -0
10. Liuzhou - -! -ã; -ɋ; -n; -0
11. Luoyang - - -n; -0
12. Xi’an - - -ɋ; -æ; -0
13. Xining - - -ã; -·Ğ; -»Ğ
14. Yinchuan - - -n; -0
15. Ürümqi - - -n; -0
16. Wanrong - - -æ; -0
Jin 17. Taiyuan - -! -æ; -³Ğ; -0
18. Xinzhou - -! -²Ğ; -½Ğ; -·Ğ; -0
Hui 19. Jixi - -! -²Ğ; -ɋ; -õ
20. Danyang - -! -0
21. Chong- p-ļ b- -! -ã; -²Ğ; -n;-0
ming t-ļ d-
k-ļ g-
22. Shanghai p-ļ b- -! -ã; -²Ğ; -0
t-ļ d-
Wu k-ļ g-
23. Suzhou p-ļ b- -! -ã; -²Ğ; -n; -0;
t-ļ d- mę; nę; 0ȩȩ
k-ļ g-
24. Hang- p-ļ b- -! -½Ğ; -õ; -n; -0
zhou t-ļ d-
k-ļ g-
25. Ningbo p-ļ b- -! -ã; -·Ğ; -ȶ; -0
t-ļ d-
k-ļ g-
[Table 21. cont.]

and voiceless
plosive initials
26. Wenzhou p-ļ b- - -0
t-ļ d-
Wu k-ļ g-
27. Jinhua p-ļ b- -! -ã; -0
t-ļ d-
k-ļ g-
Xiang 28. Chang- - - -n; -0; -õ; -»Ğ; -ɋ
sha
29. Loudi p-ļ b- - -n; -0;-ã; -ɋ; -·Ğ;
t-ļ d- -ȯ
Gan 30. Nanchang - -t; -! -n; -0
31. Ping- - - -ã; -õ; -ɋ; -0
xiang
32. Lichuan - -p; -! -m; -n; -0
Hakka 33. Yudu - -! -ȯ; -ã; -·Ğ; -ɋ; -0
34. Meixian - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -0
Pinghua 35. Nanning - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -0
Yue 36. Guang- - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -0

zhou
37. Dong- - -p; -t; -k; -! -m; -n; -0
guan
Min 38. Jian’ou - - -0
39. Fuzhou - -! -0
40. Xiamen p-ļ b- -p; -t; -k; -! -m; -n; -0; -ȯ -ã;
k-ļ g- -·Ğ; -ɋ; -ȶ
41. Leizhou p-ļ b- -p; -k -m; -0
42. Haikou - -p; -t; -k -m; -n; -0
The following conclusions can be drawn from the table (cf. Chapter
6.5.):
1. The Mandarin, Jin, Hui, Gan, Hakka, Pinghua, Yue dialects have
not preserved the opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive
initials.
Phonetics 195
2. The opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive codas is pre-

sent in almost all of the Wu dialect localities, except for Danyang,
which gives it a unique place in the area of the Wu dialect group.
This phenomenon is an outcome of the influence of the neighbour-
ing Jianghuai Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 126–127;
Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 19).
3. In the remaining dialect groups, some of the places have partly pre-
served this opposition.
4. The plosive codas (glottal stop) are only found in the dialects
which have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng in the Mandarin dialect
supergroup (Yangzhou, Nanjing, Liuzhou). These two features are
often linked together also in the remaining dialects, syllables in the
entering tone often end with a glottal stop or other plosive coda.
5. Plosive codas have been preserved in most of the Jin, Hui, Gan,
Hakka, Pinghua, Yue, Min dialect localities.
6. The Pinghua, Yue and Min dialects have the largest range of plo-
sive codas.
7. The Mandarin dialects have only preserved the [-n; -0] (or only one
of them) of the nasal codas, some have also retained the nasal co-
das in the form of nasalized vowels. The Xining dialect only has
the nasalized endings.
8. Both of the Jin dialects only have the [-0] coda and a few nasalized
vowels.
9. The Jixi dialect of the Hui group has lost all the nasal codas and
only kept the nasalized vowels.
10. The situation of the Wu dialects concerning nasal endings is similar
to that of the Mandarin group, yet percentage-wise less have kept
the [-n] ending.
11. Both of the Xiang dialects have retained the [-n; -0;] codas and
have some nasalized vowels.
12. The presence and kinds of nasal codas among the Gan and Hakka,
as well as Min dialects follow no rule.
13. The Pinghua and Yue dialects have preserved the three nasal codas
[-m; -n; -0].
2.3. Other phonetic phenomena
Many phonetic phenomena are described in the introductions. Most of them

relate to tonal changes, but some also show the alterations of initials and
finals. The following occurrences are the most salient:
1. Initial mutations (Chongming, Fuzhou)
2. ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Nanjing, Luoyang,
Xi’an, Ürümqi, Wanrong, Xinzhou, Jixi, Ningbo, Jinhua, Meixian)
3. Tone sandhi (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing,
Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan,
Ürümqi, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Jixi, Danyang, Chongming,
Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Changsha, Loudi,
Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Yudu, Meixian, Dongguan, Fuzhou,
Xiamen, Leizhou)
4. Neutral tone (Jinan, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Luoyang,
Yinchuan, Wanrong, Suzhou, Loudi, Lichuan, Fuzhou)
An analysis of these cases can be of great help in depicting the current

state of affairs in the field of phonetic changes in dialects.
3. Vocabulary
Vocabulary is, as a matter of course, the best described aspect of Chinese

dialects in The Great Dictionary.... The two parts of the dictionary, i.e. the
individual volumes and the comprehensive edition, create an opportunity to
look at the dialectal vocabulary from two different angles.
3.1. Comparison through the thematic indexes
The individual volumes make it possible to carry out a thorough study of

the lexicon of a single dialect, as well as to make comparisons between
selected dialects. The thematic indexes (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 8.2.3.)
can serve as the basis for comparison. The entries in the index are arranged
more or less in the same order in each volume.
The categories listed can provide an account of the characteristics of a
dialect, especially if there are any specific ones, which are uncommon in
other dictionaries. For example, in many of the volumes the category
Vocabulary 197
“Other” ˄݊Ҫ qítƗ˅ is added at the end. In the Jinan dialect dictionary,
subcategories of this category are listed: common nouns, natural states and
changes, interjections and onomatopoeia, idioms, etc. In the Guiyang dia-
lect dictionary, the 28th category (affixes, etc.) has several subcategories:
suffixes, prefixes, function words, interjections, exclamations, onomato-
poeia. The Liuzhou dialect dictionary has an additional category: 䱤䇁
y΃ny· (jargon). Adding categories may imply that words of the supplemen-
tary kinds are exceptionally plentiful in the dialects.
Through the thematic index, one can also trace the local words for se-
lected entries. Unfortunately, this is not an effortless task, as the entries in
each category are not the same in all volumes. However, one can try to
locate the names for certain objects or phenomena under the domain which
they belong to. The basic concepts can be found quite easily. Two examples
of such cases are presented in the following table (see also Zhang Zhenxing
2000b: 106–107 for other examples):
Table 22. Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty two dialect localities and
Putonghua.
Dialect Dialect ‘sun’ ‘spring’
group locality
Putonghua ໾䰇 tàiyáng ᯹ᄷ chǌnjì
᯹໽ chǌntiƗn
1. Harbin ໾䰇 t‘ai53·ia0 ᯹໽ tð‘u»n44 t‘ian44
᮹༈ Ï53·t‘ou
㗕⠋‫ ܓ‬lau213 i½r24
2. Jinan ໾䰇 t‘½21 ia042 ᯹໽ tð‘ue¿213ĺ23 t‘ia¿213
᮹༈ Ï21ĺ44 ·t‘ou
3. Muping ᮹༈ i213 ·t‘ou ᯹໽ ts‘u»n51 t‘ian51
4. Xuzhou ໾䰇 t‘½51 ·i0 (or·ia0) ᯹໽ tð‘ue¿213ĺ35 t‘i3¿213
Mandarin (or·t‘i3¿)
5. Yangzhou ໾䰇 t‘½55 ·ia0 ᯹ ts‘u»n11
᯹Ϟ ts‘u»n11 ·sa0
6. Nanjing ໾䰇 t‘ae44 ·ia0 ᯹໽ tð‘un 31ĺ33 t‘ien31
᮹༈ Ï!5 t‘»24
7. Wuhan ᮹༈ 213ĺ21 ·t‘ou ᯹ᄷ t¸‘yn55 t¸i35
໾䰇 t‘ai35 ·ia0 ᯹໽ t¸‘yn55 ti ½n55
᯹Ϟ t¸‘yn55 ·sa0
8. Chengdu ໾䰇 t‘ai213 ia021 ᯹໽˄ᆊ˅ ts‘u»n55
t‘i½n55 (t¸ia55)
[Table 22. cont.]

group locality
9. Guiyang ໾䰇 t‘ai24 ia031 ᯹໽ ts‘u»n55 t‘ian55
10. Liuzhou ᮹༈ i31 tmu31 ᯹໽ ts‘umn44 t‘e¿44
໾䰇 t‘324 i#031
11. Luoyang ᮹༈ ï33 ·t‘ԥu ᯹ᄷ‫ ܓ‬tð‘un33 t¸i412
໾䰇 t3412 ·ia0 ᯹໽ tð‘un33 ·t‘ian
᯹Ϟ tð‘un33 ·ða0
12. Xi’an ᮹༈˄⠋˅ ԥr21 t‘ou ᯹䞠 pf‘e¿21 ·ni
(i½44)
⠋ i½44
Mandarin 13. Xining ⛁༈‫½ ܓ‬44ĺ21 ᯹໽ tð‘uԥ¿44 tia¿44
t‘24ĺ21 ½24ĺ53
໽⇨˄‫ ˅ܓ‬t‘ia¿44
t¸i213 (·½)
14. Yinchuan ᮹༈ Ï13ĺ11·t‘ԥu ᯹Ϟ tð‘uԥ044 ·ðÏ
໾䰇 t‘½13 ·ia0 ᯹໽ tð‘uԥ044 t‘ian44
ᓔ᯹ k½44 tð‘uԥ044
15. Ürümqi ໾䰇 t‘ai213ĺ13 ·i#0 ᯹໽ tð‘u044 ·t‘ian
16. Wanrong ໾䰇 t‘ai33 ·i¡0 Ѡϝ᳜ ԥr33 ·s3¿ ·y¢
⠋⠋ ia24 ia24ĺ33 ᯹໽ pf‘ei51ĺ23 t‘i3¿51
᮹༈ Ï55 ·t‘ԥu
Jin 17. Taiyuan ໾䰇 t‘ai45 i³¿53 ᯹໽ ts‘u011 t‘ie11
䰇ယ˄⠋˅ i³¿11 p‘ù11
(ie11)
18. Xinzhou ⠋⠋ i½31 i½31 ᯹ᳳ ts‘uԥ0313ĺ33
t¸‘i313ĺ31
Hui 19. Jixi ᮹༈ Ñie!32 t‘i44 ᯹Ϟ t¸‘y#¿31 ·¸io¿
᮹༈ᄨ Ñie!32 t‘i44 ᯹Ϟ༈ t¸‘y#¿31ĺ33
k‘#¿213 ¸io¿22ĺ53 t‘i44
20. Danyang ໾䰇 t‘#24ĺ42 ie24 ᯹໽˄༈˅
᮹༈ ni!5ĺ5 te24 t¸ye033ĺ55 t‘Í33ĺ11
(te24ĺ11)
Wu ᯹ᄷ t¸ye033ĺ55
t¸i24ĺ55
᯹༈ t¸ye033ĺ55 te24ĺ11
21. Chong- ᮹༈ ÆÑiԥ!2 dä24ĺ55 ᯹䞠 ts’ԥn55 li242ĺ0
ming ᯹໽ ts’ԥn55 t‘ie55
Vocabulary 199
[Table 22. cont.]

group locality
22. Shanghai ໾䰇 t‘#35ĺ33 Æia¿13ĺ53 ᯹໽ ts‘ԥ053ĺ55
᮹༈ Ñie!13ĺ11 dù13ĺ13 t‘ie53ĺ53
᯹എ䞠 ts‘ԥ053ĺ55
za¿13ĺ55 li13ĺ31
᯹⌾*৥* ts‘ԥ053ĺ55
l#¿13ĺ33 ¸ia¿35ĺ31
᯹⌾* ts‘ԥ053ĺ55
l#¿13ĺ31
23. Suzhou ᮹༈ Ñiԥ!3 ·d; ᯹໽ ts‘ԥn55 t‘i+55ĺ21
᯹䭓䞠 ts‘ԥn55
za¿13ĺ33 ·li
24. Hangzhou ໾䰇 t‘½55 Æi#0213ĺ31 ᯹໽ ts‘Ýen33 t‘i½¿33
25. Ningbo ᮹༈ Ñi+!12ĺ22 ᯹໽Ӌ ts‘Ýø053ĺ55
Wu dœ;24ĺ44 t‘i53ĺ55 ko53ĺ55
໾䰇 t‘a44ĺ44 Æia¿24ĺ44 ᯹໽ ts‘Ýø053ĺ55
t‘i53ĺ53
26. Wenzhou ໾䰇 t‘a42ĺ11 ji31ĺ13 ᯹䞠 t¸‘yo033 lei24ĺ0
໾䰇ԯ t’a42ĺ53 ji31ĺ42
vai212ĺ13
⛁༈ Ñi212ĺ0 dŭu31ĺ13
⛁༈ԯ Ñi212ĺ53 dŭ
u31ĺ53 vai212ĺ13
27. Jinhua ᮹༈ Ñiԥ!12ĺ21 ᯹໽ t¸yԥ033 t‘ia33ĺ55
diu313ĺ24
᮹༈ᄨ Ñiԥ!12ĺ21
diu313ĺ24 [t<d] k‘o0535
᮹༈݀݀ Ñiԥ!12ĺ21
diu313ĺ24 ko033
ko033ĺ55
Xiang 28. Changsha ໾䰇 t‘ai55 ian13 ᯹໽ t¸‘yn33 t‘ie¿33
᮹༈ Ï24 ·tԥu
29. Loudi ᮹༈˄ぴ˅ ni35 diŭ ᯹Ϟ t‘yn44
13ĺ33
(·k‘u44ĺ33) (or t‘un44) Ùin011ĺ1
Gan 30. Nanchang ᮹༈ Ñit5 ·t‘½u ᯹໽ ƍts‘un42 sn011
໾䰇 t‘ai213 ·in0
[Table 22. cont.]

group locality
31. Pingxiang ᮹༈ Ñi13 t‘œ44ĺ4 ᯹Ϟ໽ ƍtð‘¶013 ðõ11ĺ1
Gan ᮹༈⡃ Ñi13 t‘œ44ĺ4 t‘iӁ13
ku35ĺ5 ᯹Ϟ䞠 ƍtð‘¶013 ðõ11 li4
32. Lichuan ᮹ 0i!5 ᯹Ϟ ts‘ԥn22·sn0
⛁༈ 0i½!5 ·h½u
Hakka 33. Yudu ᮹༈ Ñi½!22ĺ5 t‘eu44 ᯹໽ tð‘uӁ31 t‘ƭ 31
໾䰇 t‘æ22 in¿44 ᯹ƶ tð‘uӁ31 t‘n31
34. Meixian ᮹༈ 0it1 t‘eu11 ᯹໽ ts‘un44 t‘ien44
Pinghua 35. Nanning ⛁༈ áit23 tԥu21 ᯹໽ ts‘ԥn53 t‘in53
᮹༈ áԥt23 tԥu
Yue 36. Guang- ⛁༈ it22 t‘mu21ĺ35 (no data available)
zhou
37. Dongguan ⛁༈ zit22 t‘au21ĺ35 ᯹໽ ts‘mn213 t‘in213
Min 38. Jian’ou ᮹༈ mi42 t‘e33 ᯹໽ ts‘y054 t‘i054
39. Fuzhou ᮹༈ ni!5ĺ33 t‘au53 ᯹ ts‘u055
᯹໽ ts‘u055 nie055
(t‘-)
40. Xiamen ᮹༈ lit5ĺ21 t‘au35 ᯹䞠 ts‘un55 ·li
41. Leizhou ᮹༈ ziek1 t‘au11 ᯹ ts‘u024
42. Haikou ᮹ zit3 ᯹ᄷ sun24 kui35
᮹༈ zit3 hau21
With these two simple examples, the great diversification of dialectal

vocabulary is shown. Some of the words have the same form in various
places, for example þ໾䰇 (tàiyáng)ÿ and þ᮹༈ (rìtou)ÿ are the most
frequent ways to indicate ‘the sun’, while þ᯹໽ (chǌntiƗn)ÿ indicates
‘spring’. However, many words specific to individual dialects can also be
found, such as: þ㗕⠋‫( ܓ‬lӽoyér)ÿ, þ⛁༈‫( ܓ‬rètour)ÿ, þ䰇ယ˄⠋˅
(yángpó (yé))ÿ, þ⠋⠋ (yéye)ÿ for ‘the sun’; þ᯹䞠 (chǌnli)ÿ, þᓔ
᯹ (kƗichǌn)ÿ, þѠϝ᳜ (èrsƗnyuè)ÿ for ‘spring’.
3.2. Comparison via the comprehensive edition
One can compare the meaning of a certain entry in various dialects in the
comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... For example, the word
Grammar 201
þ᯹ (chǌn)ÿ, which in Putonghua means: 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘a year’; 3. ‘love

between a man and a woman’; 4. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’:
(1) ᯹
a. Yangzhou – [ts‘u»n11] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’
b. Guangzhou – [ts‘øn55] – ‘common name for egg, ovum’
c. Fuzhou – [ts‘u055] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘love between a man and a
woman’
d. Leizhou – [ts‘u024] – ‘spring’
e. Haikou – [sun24] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘the season of growth (of
plants)’; 3. ‘testicles of male poultry’
3.2. Lexical characteristics
The introductions to the individual dialect localities portray the main

features specific to each of the dialects, including the vocabulary. The
following characteristics are the most significant (cf. Chapter 7.2.2.):
1. Loanwords from other languages (Harbin, Ürümqi, Shanghai,
Guangzhou)
2. Loanwords from other dialects (Shanghai, Hangzhou)
3. Archaisms (Guangzhou)
4. Specific usage of certain words (Liuzhou, Ürümqi, Shanghai,
Changsha, Loudi, Nanchang, Jian’ou, Fuzhou)
5. Meaning broader than in Putonghua (Jinan, Muping, Guiyang)
6. ড় ䷇ 䆡 / ᄫ héyƯncí/zì 111 (Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an,
Ürümqi, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Danyang, Suzhou, Ningbo, Jinhua,
Changsha, Nanning, Xiamen)
7. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí112 (Xuzhou, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Fuzhou)
8. Differences in sequence compared with Putonghua (Xuzhou,
Wuhan, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Guangzhou)
9. Fear of breaking a taboo (Changsha, Loudi, Guangzhou)
10. Words specific to particular dialects (Xining, Jixi, Hangzhou,
Loudi, Nanning, Leizhou)
4. Grammar
The grammatical features for The Great Dictionary... have been

investigated without any directives from the editing committee, therefore
there is no apparent parallelism between the respective descriptions. Only

the most salient characteristics, which distinguish a given dialect from
others and Putonghua, are described.
Another question is that some grammatical parameters are treated as
lexical ones, or either in different volumes. This is the case of pronouns,
adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, measure words (classifiers), affixes,
numerals, which can all be found at the end of the list of categories in the
thematic index. Some authors describe these aspects as a part of the
vocabulary, and others as grammar. Nevertheless, the reader can get a good
account of the complexity of Chinese dialectal grammar (cf. Wang Guo-
sheng 2003).
The most commonly mentioned grammatical parameters are the
following:
1. Word classes:
– Pronouns (personal, demonstrative, interrogative)
– Adjectives (especially the categorial comparison)
– Adverbs
– Verbs and their aspects
– Auxiliary words
– Measure words
– Modal particles
2. Word-formation:
– Affixes
– Reduplication (of verbs, nouns, adjectives)
3. Syntax:
– Complements
– Types of sentences (comparative, interrogative, negative)
– Word order other than in Putonghua
– Specific phrases
Chapter 10
Summary and conclusions
The linguistic situation in China is much more complex than might seem at
first to a viewer from the outside. The innumerable languages of national
minorities, the many varieties of Chinese form a complicated pattern. Right
now, the dialects are going through changes due to the economic, social and
political transformations. In this light the study of dialects is a real chal-
lenge and the responsibility of Chinese dialectologists is great. The Great
Dictionary... is an example of the work which scholars are trying to per-
form in order to record the current linguistic state of affairs.
1. Dialects or languages?
Although many of the speakers of Chinese cannot communicate with each

other in their mother tongues, the varieties of language used by the Han
nationality are still persistently called þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ, or ‘dialects’. The
question whether or not the lack of mutual intelligibility does determine the
linguistic borders goes beyond the domain of linguistics and enters the area
of politics, anthropology and history. The question touches also upon the
feeling of ethnic identity and linguistic ideology, which may, as in many
cases in for example Europe, dominate the controversies around linguistic
diversification. This is why it is probably best to leave this question aside
and concentrate on scientific research of the tongues spoken by the inhabi-
tants of China.
The dictionary confirms that differences between Chinese dialects are
enormous and that the various groups are in a great part mutually
unintelligible. Even dialect localities which are geographically close can be
very different, such as some of the example localities of the Wu dialect or
Mandarin dialects neighbouring with Wu, etc. However, they are all treated
as dialects of one language, a problem which is not questioned by The
Great Dictionary.... There is obviously a need for a thorough study of the
issue of mutual intelligibility between dialects of Chinese, a study which
could reflect the extent of this problem.
204 Summary and conclusions
2. The language of the majority
The language of the Han people dominates the numerous languages of eth-
nic minorities in China. The influence of Chinese on minority languages is
overwhelming. Yet, the minority languages also do change the Chinese.
This is highlighted in some of the volumes of The Great Dictionary... refer-
ring to regions, where the percentage of minorities is significant (e.g.
Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning; see Chapter
8.4.43).113
Some of the ethnic minorities do not have their own language and speak
only the local variety of Chinese. This is the case of Hui and Manchu
nationalities. The She people also use a kind of language similar to the
Hakka Chinese.
However, these problems deserve a thorough investigation and they are
not the object of this book.
3. Language policy
The dialects are undergoing rapid changes due to the language policy in
China. This is observable especially in the internal diversification between
the old and the young generations. The young people are absorbing the
standard language while the old are much more conservative (see Chapter
9.1.2.; see also You Rujie 2000: 206–208, 2004: 198–199). The dialects
also affect Putonghua, but not to a symmetrical extent (see Chapter 3.3.).
From the point of view of the central authorities, the unification of the
language is explicitly desired (cf. Chapter 3.2.). The motivation is practical;
it is justified, as it makes communication between the citizens easier. But
on the other hand, looking at it from the linguistic perspective, this rapid
assimilation of dialects to Putonghua is a rather alarming phenomenon.
Chinese dialectologists are undoubtedly aware of it, as one can notice that
there is lately an increase in the interest towards dialects. Many varieties of
them are being studied, in order to preserve as much information about
them as possible. This is the only way to protect them from oblivion. One
of the most important contributions in this domain is The Great Diction-
ary....
The Great Dictionary... is at the same time viewed by Chinese scholars
as a medium in promoting Putonghua, fulfilling its responsibility (cf. Chen
Fengying 1995: 107; see also Chapter 3.4.). The language policy of the
Different classifications 205
People’s Republic of China on the one hand encourages dialectal research,

but on the other hand treats the investigations as a tool for promoting the
national standard. This way, paradoxically, the study of dialects is supposed
to become the means of eliminating the local varieties of Chinese.
4. Criteria
While studying the dialects of Chinese, one encounters the disputes over
the criteria for classification. The Middle Chinese phonetic system is still
considered the “zero-point” from which all the dialects evolved, even if the
scholars are aware that this is but a hypothetical construct which needs
critical revisions (cf. Chapter 4.6.2.). Nonetheless, the phonetics are now
being looked upon in a broader context, the syllables are no longer treated
as individual beings, but various phonetic changes and other parameters are
surveyed as well. It is encouraging that at present not only phonetic factors
are taken into consideration, but also grammatical and lexical parameters
are being valued. The linguists tend to standardize the common theoretical
paradigm which they apply for the classifications and try to reach an agree-
ment, yet the issue requires further discussions.
5. Different classifications
As the criteria have been changing throughout time, so have the classifica-
tions. The number of dialect groups has been fluctuating, and at present the
two divisions – into seven and into ten groups – are the most popular. Both
of these classifications cause many controversies (see Chapter 5.2.18.;
Chapter 6.4.). Nowadays, there appears to be a tendency towards regroup-
ing the dialects into fewer groups (cf. 5.2.18.).
The Great Dictionary... applies the classification presented in the Atlas,
i.e. into ten dialect groups (Mandarin, Jin, Wu, Hui, Gan, Xiang, Min, Yue,
Pinghua and Hakka), despite the most intense controversies around the
classifications of Jin, Hui and Pinghua. The homogeneity constitutes a
practical advantage as it increases the usefulness of both monumental
works.
In the nearest future, new points of view may be presented in the
forthcoming project of the new edition of the Language Atlas of China (see
Chapter 5.2.18.). They may bring some consensus, or raise new arguments.
Whichever the case, they will surely reveal the current state of research of
Chinese dialects and cause discussions, which will hopefully lead to deeper
investigations on the topic.
6. Research methods
The study of Chinese dialects is currently progressing and becoming more

and more advanced. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is still used as the most com-
mon means for the study of phonetics, even though it is rather old. So far
no better questionnaire has been invented for the investigation of isolated
syllables.
Since the syllables are being put into context, other features are investi-
gated (see Chapter 7.1.4.). Thus many aspects need to be taken into
consideration, for example: sandhi (especially tone sandhi), phonetic
changes of diminutives ˄ᇣ⿄ব䷇ xi΁ochéng biànyƯn˅ (especially ‫࣪ܓ‬
érhuà), alternative pronunciations ˄জ䇏 yòudú˅, (such as the literary
and colloquial variant pronunciations ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅, borrow-
ing the pronunciation of a synonym ˄䆁䇏 xùndú˅, differences between
the new and the old varieties ˄ᮄ⌒ǃ㗕⌒ᓖ䇏 xƯnpài, l΁opài yìdú˅,
popular reading ˄֫䇏 súdú˅, geographical diversification.
The study of vocabulary and grammar does not have such a long tradi-
tion as that of phonetics. For the investigation of vocabulary, there exist a
few lists which can be used depending on the purpose of research; however
none has established such a status as Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. The
investigation of dialectal vocabulary is more irregular than that of the pho-
netic system and it requires more thorough analysis.
The Great Dictionary... is one of the greatest modern achievements
regarding the study of dialectal vocabulary. It gives a broad look at the
various characteristics which occur in this field, many of which are de-
scribed in great detail in the introductions (see Chapter 9.3.).
Hitherto, there are no clear rules as regards the methods of research on
dialectal grammar. Usually, the grammatical system is compared with that
of the national standard. This way, only features which are found in a
different form in Putonghua can be found, neglecting those which are spe-
cific only to a certain region. The methods of investigation of grammar
clearly need improvement.
Chinese abroad 207
In The Great Dictionary..., this aspect has not been standardized and the
descriptions of grammar concentrate on features in some way or other
characteristic to the dialect in question. Although the grammatical descrip-
tions are not homogeneous, yet The Great Dictionary... is a dictionary, thus
detailed grammatical explanations are not the core of it, but they do provide
a lot of important information.
7. Other aspects of modern dialectology
Modern dialectology does not concentrate only on dialects in terms of

territorial diversification. There are other fields of interest, such as social
dialects, but this facet is only beginning to develop in China (cf. You Rujie
2000: 11).114 Other features which need to be thoroughly investigated and
described are (to mention a few) diglossia (cf. You Rujie 2000: 208–211,
2004: 200–201; Wang Futang 2004: 526–527), dialect islands (cf. Wang
Futang 2004: 526), mixed dialect areas and transitional dialects (Wang
Futang 2004: 526, 527), etc. The Great Dictionary... touches upon some of
these questions, for instance the internal diversification of dialects, such as
differences between generations, geographical and ethnical divergencies as
well as differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation (see
Chapter 9.2.).
8. Chinese abroad
The Chinese language is naturally spoken not only within the borders of
mainland China. It has many speakers who live in the neighbouring coun-
tries, but also overseas. There are a significant number of Chinese people
living in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, as well as in the USA, Australia
and in several countries in Europe. Specific Chinese dialects are spoken in
these regions and they are developing in their own directions. Unfortunately,
this aspect is not included at all in The Great Dictionary..., not even the
regions which are considered an integral part with mainland China, i.e.
Taiwan, Macau, Hong Kong.115
9. Are the dialects of China endangered?
The persistent promotion of Putonghua is beyond any doubt a big threat to

the dialects. The main aspect of language planning in China, i.e. the
promotion of Putonghua, is not balanced by a protection of local vernacu-
lars (cf. 3.2.). No matter how many times one will hear the declarations that
it is not the intention of the language policy to eliminate the dialects, it is
generally known that these measures do not remain without any influence
on the dialects. The Great Dictionary... reveals the process of younger
generations using a more and more standardized variety of their tongue.
Nonetheless, a complete extinction of the local varieties of Chinese does
not seem possible, at least because of the largeness of the country. At this
point, one can but hope that the transformation of dialects will be a very
long and never completed process.
10. Tasks of Chinese dialectology
The most urgent responsibilities of Chinese dialectology at present seem to

be the following:
– To deepen the ground for dialect classification.
– To clarify the classification and to decide on the borders between dia-
lects.
– To create universal research methods which would enable comparisons.
– To establish a homogeneous theoretical frame in respect to the hypothe-
sis of Middle Chinese as the point of origin of modern dialects.
– To preserve data about modern dialects before they assimilate to
Putonghua.
11. The role of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects
The Great Dictionary... is a milestone in Chinese dialectology. Although

not faultless, it constitutes a great contribution to Chinese linguistics and
dialectology.
Probably the greatest of its achievements is that it has pushed forward
the state of dialectal research in China. Thanks to The Great Dictionary...,
the status of dialectal vocabulary has risen. The phonetic aspect of dialects
The role of The Great Dictionary 209
is no longer the only and the most important focus of dialectal research (cf.
Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 100–105; [www 11]).
The attainments in the field of vocabulary are not the only input of The
Great Dictionary.... The dictionary also contains a lot of information about
the phonetic system and about the grammar of dialects, providing a clearer
overview of the linguistic situation in China as well as providing an
opportunity for dialectal comparison (cf. Wang Guosheng 2003; [www 11]).
Through The Great Dictionary... one can also verify the characteristics
described in the Atlas, see if they agree with the real situation and if the
dialect localities chosen for the dictionary have been classified correctly.
In recognition of its merits, The Great Dictionary... was awarded
prestigious prizes. In May 1999 it got the first grade prize of the Third Na-
tional Reference Books Awards granted by the Press and Publication
Administration of the People’s Republic of China. In September 1999 it got
the highest prize at the Fourth National Books Awards (Xiandai Hanyu
Fangyan Da Cidian (fenjuanben) huo jiang 2000: 4; Zhang Zhenxing
2000b: 97).
Nevertheless, The Great Dictionary... does have some shortcomings.
One of the more significant is the lack of dictionaries of some important
places, such as Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau. The question which
causes some difficulties to the reader is the lack of uniformity of the
introductions to the individual volumes. Not all of them contain the same
kind of data. Some do not provide the information about the dialectal
affiliation of the dialects in question or about the informants and researched
variety. The statistics about population could be made more homogeneous,
especially in the comprehensive edition, so that it would be possible to
evaluate the status of the dialect localities. It is also not clear whether or not
the informants engaged in the project are representative.
Despite the deficiencies, The Great Dictionary... is unquestionably a
great source of knowledge about the current situation of Chinese dialects,
not only for researchers at present, but also for the generations to come. It
has chronicled the present state of forty two dialect localities, at a time
when the language in China is changing rapidly. This is an inestimable
achievement (cf. Liu and Lu 2003). Though not without any objections, the
dictionary portrays a large part of the actual linguistic situation in China
from the point of view of Chinese dialectologists.
A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin
Dynasty
Qin ˄⾺˅ Dynasty 221 BC–206 BC

Han ˄∝˅ Dynasty 206 BC–220 AD
Western Han 206 BC–25 AD
˄㽓∝˅
Eastern Han 25–220
˄ϰ∝˅
Three Kingdoms ˄ϝ೑˅ 220–280
Jin ˄ᰟ˅ Dynasty 265–420
Southern and Northern Dynasties 386–589
˄फ࣫ᳱ˅
Sui ˄䱟˅ Dynasty 581–618
Tang ˄૤˅ Dynasty 618–907
Five Dynasties and Ten States Five Dynasties 907–960
˄Ѩҷक೑˅ ˄Ѩҷ˅
Ten States 902–979

˄क೑˅
Song ˄ᅟ˅ Dynasty 960–1279
Liao ˄ 䖑 ˅ (Qidan ༥ Ѝ ) 907–1125
Dynasty
Jin ˄䞥˅ (Jurchen) Dynasty 1115–1234
Xixia ˄㽓໣˅ (Tangut) Dynasty 1038–1227
Yuan ˄‫ ˅ܗ‬Dynasty 1279–1368
Ming ˄ᯢ˅ Dynasty 1368–1644
Qing ˄⏙˅ Dynasty 1644–1911
Republic of China ˄Ёढ⇥೑˅ 1912–1949
People’s Republic of China 1949–
˄ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑˅
China’s main administrative units
Province/A.R./ Chinese Pinyin Chinese Capital/seat of

Municipality/ name abbrevia- government
S.A.R. tion
Anhui Province ᅝᖑⳕ ƖnhuƯ ShČng ⱪ W΁n ড়㙹 Hefei
Beijing ࣫ҀᏖ BČijƯng Shì Ҁ JƯng ࣫Ҁ Beijing
Municipality
Chongqing 䞡ᑚᏖ Chóngqìng Shì ⏱ Yú 䞡ᑚ
Municipality Chongqing
Fujian Province ⽣ᓎⳕ Fújiàn ShČng 䯑 M΃n ⽣Ꮂ Fuzhou
Gansu Province ⫬㙗ⳕ GƗnsù ShČng ⫬ GƗn or ݄Ꮂ Lanzhou
䰛 L΅ng
Guangdong ᑓϰⳕ Gu΁ngdǀng ㉸ Yuè ᑓᎲ
Province ShČng Guangzhou
Guangxi ᑓ㽓ໂᮣ㞾 Gu΁ngxƯ Ḗ Guì फᅕ Nanning
Zhuang A.R. ⊏ऎ Zhuàngzú
Zìzhìqǌ
Guizhou 䌉Ꮂⳕ Guìzhǀu ShČng 咨 Qián or 䌉䰇 Guiyang
Province 䌉 Guì
Hainan ⍋फⳕ H΁inán ShČng ⨐ Qióng ⍋ষ Haikou
Province
Hebei Province ⊇࣫ⳕ HébČi ShČng ‫ ݔ‬Jì ⷇ᆊᑘ
Shijiazhuang
Heilongjiang 咥啭∳ⳕ HƝilóngjiƗng 咥 HƝi જᇨⒼ Harbin
Province ShČng
Henan Province ⊇फⳕ Hénán ShČng 䈿 Yù 䚥Ꮂ
Zhengzhou
Hong Kong 佭␃⡍߿㸠 XiƗngg΁ng ␃ G΁ng 佭␃ Hong
S.A.R. ᬓऎ Tèbiéxíng Kong
Zhèngqǌ
Hubei Province ␪࣫ⳕ HúbČi ShČng 䛖È ℺∝ Wuhan
Hunan Province ␪फⳕ Húnán ShČng ␬ XiƗng 䭓≭
Changsha
Inner Mongolia ‫ݙ‬㩭স㞾⊏ NèimČngg· ‫ݙ‬㩭স ੐੠⌽⡍
A.R. ऎ Zìzhìqǌ NèimČng- Hohhot
g·
Jiangsu ∳㢣ⳕ JiƗngsǌ ShČng 㢣 Sǌ फҀ Nanjing
Province
212 China’s main administrative units
Province/A.R./ Chinese Pinyin Chinese Capital/seat of

Municipality/ name abbrevia- government
S.A.R. tion
Jiangxi ∳㽓ⳕ JiƗngxƯ ShČng 䌷 Gàn फᯠ
Province Nanchang
Jilin Province ঢ়ᵫⳕ Jílín ShČng ঢ় Jí 䭓᯹
Changchun
Liaoning 䖑ᅕⳕ Liáoníng 䖑 Liáo ≜䰇
Province ShČng Shenyang
Macau S.A.R. ▇䮼⡍߿㸠 Àomen ▇ Ào ▇䮼 Macau
ᬓऎ Tèbiéxíng
Zhèngqǌ
Ningxia Hui ᅕ໣ಲᮣ㞾 Níngxià Huízú ᅕ Níng 䫊Ꮁ Yinchuan
A.R. ⊏ऎ Zìzhìqǌ
Qinghai 䴦⍋ⳕ QƯngh΁i ShČng 䴦 QƯng 㽓ᅕ Xining
Province
Shaanxi 䰩㽓ⳕ Sh΁nxƯ ShČng ⾺ Qín 㽓ᅝ Xi’an
Province
Shandong ቅϰⳕ ShƗndǀng 剕 L· ⌢फ Jinan
Province ShČng
Shanghai Ϟ⍋Ꮦ Shàngh΁i Shì ≾ Hù Ϟ⍋ Shanghai
Municipality
Shanxi Province ቅ㽓ⳕ ShƗnxƯ ShČng ᰟ Jìn ໾ॳ Taiyuan
Sichuan ಯᎱⳕ SìchuƗn ShČng Ꮁ ChuƗn ៤䛑 Chengdu
Province or
㳔 Sh·
Taiwan116 ৄ⑒ TáiwƗn ৄ Tái ৄ࣫ Taipei
Tianjin ໽⋹Ꮦ TiƗnjƯn Shì ⋹ JƯn ໽⋹ Tianjin
Municipality
Tibetan A.R. 㽓㮣㞾⊏ऎ XƯzàng Zìzhìqǌ 㮣 Zàng ᢝ㧼 Lhasa
Xinjiang Uygur ᮄ⭚㓈਒ᇨ XƯnjiƗng ᮄ XƯn Р剕᳼唤

A.R. 㞾⊏ऎ Wéiwú’Čr Ürümqi
Zìzhìqǌ
Yunnan ѥफⳕ Yúnnán ShČng ⒛ DiƗn or ᯚᯢ Kunming
Province ѥ Yún
Zhejiang ⌭∳ⳕ ZhèjiƗng ⌭ Zhè ᵁᎲ
Province ShČng Hangzhou
Notes
1. This division is also questioned by some scholars (cf. Ruhlen 2004: 121–123).
2. The new edition of the Atlas, which is due to be published in 2010, lists 130
languages spoken in China (see Xiong, Zhang and Huang 2008: 194, 201–
202).
3. See also Chapter 6.3.11.1.
4. The Atlas describes the three languages as ‘non-defined’, although recent
research classifies them into the following language families: Korean as Altaic,
Gin as Austro-Asiatic (Viet-Muong Group); Huihui as Austronesian (cf.
[www 3]).
5. Formerly known as Summer Institute of Linguistics. For information about
SIL International see: [www 7].
6. Cf. Kurpaska 2005.
7. ‘Colloquial speech’, the written form of the vernacular, which was recognized
as the standard language after the May the Fourth Movement in 1919 (see also
Crystal 2003: 315).
8. To find out more about the standard language as a prestigious form of speech
and about dialect status, see Yule 2000: 227–228; Poole 2000: 111–112; Rob-
ins 2000: 54–58.
9. Only the terms essential for dialect study are presented here, for more detailed
information on traditional Chinese phonology and Middle Chinese cf.: Lin
and Geng 2004; Liu Zhicheng 2004; Zou Xiaoli 2002; Tang Zuofan 2004;
Wang Li 2004b; Li Xinkui 2000; Gao Benhan 2003; Karlgren 1915–1926;
Wang Li 1982.
10. The traditional partition differs from the present one, however in this book
only the traditional point of view will be presented, as it is usually employed
during the study of dialects. For a discussion on the differences between the
traditional and the present analysis of the syllable, and for arguments for the
present analysis, see Duanmu, San 2002: 79–95.
11. The tone is pictured here as an integral part of the whole syllable, yet separate
from the initial and final. In reality it is realized on the nucleus.
12. There are two optional pronunciations of ĀϞໄā, in the falling tone (51)
and in the falling-rising tone (214). However, in this book it will be written
down in the falling tone, according to the rule presented by Wang Ping (2003:
34–35).
13. The sound which has been classified as ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn is the initial of the
character “᮹ (rì)”. The reconstruction of this sound causes many controver-
sies. One concept claims that this is the nasal dorsal [Ñ];Karlgren’s concept
says that the sound was a combination of a nasal and fricative – [nĀ]; Wang
214 Notes
Li proposes the flap [ë] (see Tang Zuofan 2004: 36; Lin and Geng 2004: 58;
Wang Li 2004b: 77).
14. An inconsistency exists in translating the Chinese terms concerning the parts
of a final and other related terms into English. This is especially visible when
it comes to the term “rhyme (rime)” in English. Some linguists (cf. Chen, M.
Y. 2001: 4–5; Duanmu, San 2002: 80) call “rhyme” what is known as ䷉෎
yùnjƯ in Chinese, i.e. the nucleus and coda. But at the same time, Duanmu has
a remark, that “in some analyses, the final is called the rhyme (…)” (2002: 80).
Other terms, such as ䷉ yùn; ䷉㉏ yùnlèi are translated as “rhyme” in the Chi-
nese Encyclopaedia (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 109;
504). Some of the terms are difficult to translate, as there are no English
equivalents. In order to avoid confusion, the Chinese original terms will be
used in this book.
15. The word ੐ hǌ originally meant “to pronounce; pronunciation”, it was later
adopted as a linguistic term, indicating whether the final of a syllable contains
a medial and which kind of medial or nucleus it contains (cf. Zou Xiaoli 2002:
86–87).
16. For more details and various theories about the four grades (ಯㄝ sì dČng) see:
Wang Li 2004b: 105–108; Tang Zuofan 2004: 67–70; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86;
Lin and Geng 2004: 55–56; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 56–62; You Rujie 2004: 92–
93. For a discussion about ㄝ dČng, ੐ hǌ and medials and how to survey
them, see Li Rong 1983: 1–4.
17. For more information on ডߛ f΁nqiè see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan
Wenzi 1988: 71–73; Wang Li 2004b: 29–46; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 18–42; Tang
Zuofan 2004: 19–28; Feng, Liang and Yang. 1997: 169–171.
18. For more details on Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu.
Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 317–318; Lin and Geng 2004: 87–136; Liu Zhicheng 2004:
106–198; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 62–66; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 453–454; Li
Sijing 2001: 47–96; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72.
19. Tangyun (૤䷉) is a revised edition of Qieyun, written by Sun Mian during the
time of the Tang Dynasty (618–907 A.D.). The original has not been pre-
served. See Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 505–506; Feng,
Liang and Yang 1997: 546.
20. For more information about Guangyun see: Tang Zuofan 2004: 75–192; Lin
and Geng 2004: 104–136; Wang Li 2004b: 47–59; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 66–67;
You Rujie 2004: 85–102; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 250–251; Zhongguo
Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 115–116; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72.
21. For a discussion on the principles proposed by Ding Bangxin see: [www5]:
10–11; Li Rulong 2003a: 35.
22. The term “ᄫ”zì, meaning ‘character’ is often used by Chinese scholars as
equivalent to ‘syllable’. Each “ᄫ”zì represents a morpheme and most mor-
phemes in Chinese are monosyllabic (cf. Lin, Yen-Hwei 2007: 5–6), therefore
Notes 215
characters used in the rhyme books usually represent syllables. In this book
“ᄫ”zì is usually referred to as ‘syllable’, however in some cases, the two
terms are not fully interchangeable.
23. The tone-aspiration division means that apart from the split of Middle Chinese
tones into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories, depending if the initials were voice-
less ˄⏙ qƯng˅ or voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅(see Chapter 4.2.), the tones were also
divided depending on the aspiration or the lack of it. In dialects where this
phenomenon has occured, there can be up to 12 tone categories (Li Xiaofan,
personal communication).
24. For details about the gradation of division of dialects and the terminology
used see Chapter 6.2.
25. The author has not been able to acquire the original names of the dialects
proposed by von Möllendorf, therefore alternative names have been applied in
this book.
26. The names of the dialects are written in pinyin or after Beijing Daxue Zhong-
wenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12 , as the author has not been able to
find the original text.
27. Wang Li’s Ё೑䷇䷉ᄺ Zhongguo Yinyunxue [Chinese phonology] was re-
named in 1955 ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hanyu Yinyunxue [the phonology of Chinese]. It
was later reprinted several times under the new name.
28. Wang Li uses the term ᮍ䷇ fƗngyƯn, meaning the phonetic aspects of dialects.
29. For explanations of phonological terms, see Chapter 4.
30. Wang Li’s Ё೑䇁᭛ὖ䆎 Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun, depending on the editions,
is also known under the names: Ё೑䇁᭛䆆䆱 Zhongguo Yuwen Jianghua [a
talk on Chinese language], ∝䇁䆆䆱 Hanyu Jianghua [a talk on Chinese], 䇁
᭛䆆䆱 Yuwen Jianghua [a talk on language].
31. Mandarin Primer was translated into Chinese in 1952 by Li Rong under the
title ࣫Ҁষ䇁䇁⊩ (Beijing kouyu yufa) [“the grammar of the colloquial
speech of Beijing] (Zhao Yuanren 1985). Due to the fact that the author did
not have access to the original version, the Chinese translation is applied in
this book.
32. The Chin (Jin) dialect described by Forrest is not equivalent to the Jin ˄ᰟ˅
dialect as described in Atlas (Atlas: A2; Li Rong 1989a: 257; cf. Wen
Duanzheng 1998: 247).
33. For more information about the Technical Conference on the Standardization
of Modern Chinese, see DeFrancis 1967: 139–142; [www 8]; [www 9].
34. The book by Yuan Jiahua was made known outside of China by a translation
into Russian (Juan Czja-Hua 1965). Its contents have also been presented in
great detail by Søren Egerod (1967).
35. In the original 1960 edition, the Min dialects were divided into the Northern
and the Southern groups.
216 Notes
36. The New Xiang is also called Northern Xiang ˄࣫⠛␬䇁 BČipiàn XiƗng-
y·˅ and the Old Xiang – Southern Xiang ˄फ⠛␬䇁 Nánpiàn XiƗngy·˅.
For more information about the classification of the Xiang dialect see: Zhan
Bohui 1981: 124–125; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 78–79; Zhou and You 1985:
259–262; Künstler 2000: 255–259.
37. For a more detailed description of the classification presented by Li Rong in
the Atlas see Chapter 6.
38. The classifications made by Zhang Binglin and Li Jinxi are not included in
this table, as they do not correspond with the divisions of the remaining
authors.
39. See Li Rong 1989a: 255–259; Atlas: A2.
40. For details about the classification of Mandarin dialects established in the
Atlas see Li Rong 1985a.
41. Only a rough description of the distribution of dialects is presented here.
42. For more information about Junhua see Pan Jiayi 1998.
43. In the Atlas, the Min dialect is classified as a supergroup divided into groups,
with an annotation that it might as well be classified as a group divided into
subgroups, etc. in order to put it on a more equal footing with other non-
Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258). For this reason, the classification
is not as meticulous as that of the Mandarin supergroup.
44. On the maps in the Atlas (A2, B13), the Leizhou group figures as a subgroup
of the Southern Min group, though in the descriptions it is treated as a sepa-
rate group.
45. See Chapter 2.2.
46. For more information about the language of the She people see You Wenliang
2002. For information about relationships between the language of the She
people with the Hakka dialect see You Wenliang 2002: 519–577; Dai Qingxia
ed. 1992: 300–309.
47. For more information about the Danzhou dialect, see Wu Yingjun 1988; Liu
Xinzhong 2001: 49–50; Liang Yougang 1984b: 266–267.
48. For more information on Xianghua, see Bao and Yan 1986: 276.
49. For more information on Tuhua, see Bao Houxing 2004; Xie Qiyong 2002;
Qin Yuanxiong 2007.
50. For explanations of linguistic terms see Chinese-English index-glossary of
basic linguistic terminology and Chapter 4.
51. For more general information about the Mandarin dialects see: Hou Jingyi ed.
2002: 3–40; Ding Bangxin 1998b.
52. For more information about the Northeastern Mandarin dialects see He Wei
1986; Zhang Zhimin 2005.
53. The full names of the subgroups and clusters together with the notation in
Chinese characters and pinyin can be found in 6.3.
54. For more information about the Jilu Mandarin dialects see Liu Shuxue 2006.
Notes 217
55. For more information about the Central Plains Mandarin dialects see He Wei
2005.
56. For more information about the Lanyin Mandarin dialects see Zhou Lei 2005.
57. For more information about the Southwestern Mandarin dialects see Huang
Xuezhen 1986.
58. Today sharp initials (ᇪ䷇ jiƗnyƯn) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined with [i] or
[y] medials or finals; rounded initials (ಶ䷇ tuányƯn, also called ೚䷇ yuányƯn)
include [t㯂-, t㯂‘-, 㯂-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals.
59. For more information about the Jin dialect see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 41–66;
Hou Jingyi 1999; Qiao Quansheng 2000; Hou Jingyi 1989; Hou Jingyi 1986;
Shen Ming 2006.
60. See also Chapter 9.3.3.
61. For more information about the Wu dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 67–87;
Shanghai Shi Yuwenxuehui and Xianggang Zhongguo Yuwenxuehui 2003,
2005; Cao Zhiyun 2002; Yan Yiming 1994; Qian Nairong 2003; Wuyu de
bianjie he fenqu 1984; Fu Guotong et al. 1986.
62. For more information about the Hui dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 88–115;
Zhao Rixin 2005.
63. For more information about the Gan dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 141–
153; Xie Liuwen 2006.
64. For more information about the Xiang dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 116–
140; Peng Fengshu 1999; Bao and Chen 2005.
65. For more information about the Min dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 207–
248; Huang Diancheng 1984; Zhang Zhenxing 1989, 2000a.
66. For more information about the Southern Min dialects see Zhou Changji 1991.
67. For more information about the Eastern Min dialects see Lin Hansheng 2002.
68. For the notation of implosives see Chapter 7.1.5.
69. For more information about the Yue dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 174–
206; Zhan Bohui ed. 2004; Wu Wei 2007.
70. For more information about the Pinghua dialect see Liang and Zhang 1999; Li
Lianjin 2007; Qin Yuanxiong 2007.
71. For more information about the Hakka dialect see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 154–
173; Li Rulong et al. ed. 1999; Luo and Deng 1995; Xie Liuwen 2003; He
Gengyong 1993.
72. For more detailed descriptions on research of phonetics of dialects, different
ways of recording the results and analysis see: Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 119–
173; You Rujie 2004: 57–84, 2000: 22–34; Li Rulong 2003: 81–94; Yuan
Jiahua 2003: 309–316; Huang Jinghu 1987: 207–241.
73. For a more detailed description of the use of this list see Zhan Bohui et al.
2004: 120–127; You Rujie 2004: 59–68; Huang Jinghu 1987: 209–219.
74. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–124; You Rujie 2004: 60–62; Huang Jinghu
1987: 209–213.
218 Notes
1987: 213–219.
1987: 213–219.
77. For more information on the structure of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao see Zhong-
guo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: viii.
78. For more details on tone sandhi research see You Rujie 2004: 76–80. For
exhaustive details about tone sandhi itself, especially in Chinese dialects, see
Chen, Matthew Y. 2001.
79. For details about the phonetic changes of diminutives in some dialects see:
Zhao Rixin 1999; Zhuang and Lin 2000; Huang Qunjian 1993; Qian Huiying
1991; Zhou Zuyao 1987.
80. For more information about ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà see: Duanmu, San 2002: 195–208;
Wang Futang 2005: 150–181; You Rujie 2004: 49–50; Zhang Shifang 2004;
Hu Guangbin 1994; Li Yuming 1996; Zhang Shuzheng 1996; Xing Xiangdong
1996; Li Bing 1981; Ying Yutian 1990.
81. For more details on 䆁䇏 xùndú, especially in the dialect of Qiongzhou, see
Chen Hongmai 1993; Liang Yougang 1984a; Zhang Shengyu 1984.
82. The inventor of this five-point scale system was Zhao Yuanren. For a detailed
explanation of the system of “tone-letters” see Zhao Yuanren 1980.
83. In this sense, the term সҷ∝䇁 G·dài Hàny· denotes the literary form of
Chinese, mostly equal to ᭛㿔 wényán.
84. The pronunciation in dialects is not given here, as it is not relevant to the issue
discussed.
85. For detailed descriptions of specific dialectal words from various dialects see
Li Rulong ed. 2002. For more information see also Li Rulong 2003b; Li Ru-
long 2003a: 108–11.
86. For a detailed description of characters used for writing down dialectal words
see Dong Shaoke 2002: 238–266.
87. For more details on the forming and kinds of dialectal characters see You
Rujie 2004: 206–208.
88. For information about systems of recording the dialectal pronunciation in the
past see You Rujie 2004: 209–210.
89. For detailed descriptions of grammatical characteristics of Chinese dialects,
see: Huang Borong ed. 1996; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi 2004: 43–46; Huang Jinghu 1987: 260–275; Zhan Bohui 1981: 57–
91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 257–287; Li Rulong 2003a: 132–141. The prob-
lem will be further discussed at 9.4.
90. The last one, Jixi Fangyan Cidian (㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ )݌‬Jixi Dialect Dictionary]
(Zhao Rixin 2003), was added when most of the work on the dictionary was
completed, that is why some articles concerning the The Great Dictionary...
mention only 41 volumes (cf. Zhao Rixin 2003: 410; Li Rong 2002: 1; Zhang
Notes 219
Zhenxing 2000b: 97; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chuban

2003: 193.
91. All the non-standard usage in the comprehensive edition is explained in the
guide to the use of the dictionary (Li Rong 2002: 3–4).
92. Cf. Li Rong 1993: 1 and the general introduction to the separate volumes,
found at the beginning of each of them.
93. Unlike the empty squares used throughout the dictionary proper (see Chapter
8.1.).
94. The first edition of Xiandai Hanyu Cidian˄⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫˅݌‬was published
in 1978. In this book the author used the 2002 Chinese-English edition.
95. Cf. Chapter 7.
96. Xie Liuwen, personal communication.
98. The affiliation of each local dialect has been found through Xu and Miyata ed.
2000, vol 5, appendix ܼ೑৘ওᏖ∝䇁ᮍ㿔㋏ሲㅔ㸼 Quanguo ge xian shi
Hanyu fangyan xishu jianbiao [Brief table of the dialectal affiliation of Chi-
nese dialects of every city and county].
101. Official statistical data always leaves a place for discussion as to whether or
not this is the real state of affairs. The official numbers can differ greatly from
the actual situation, especially with the large number of so-called migrant
workers and unregistered inhabitants.
102. The Chinese term Ā Ꮦ shi ā can carry different meanings in terms of
administrative divisions. It can imply: a municipality directly under the
jurisdiction of the State Council at the same level as a Province ˄Ⳉ䕪Ꮦ
zhixia shi˅, e.g. Beijing Municipality ˄࣫ҀᏖ Beijing Shi˅; a municipal-
ity at prefecture-level ˄ഄ㑻Ꮦ diji shi˅, e.g. Harbin Municipality ˄જᇨ
ⒼᏖ Harbin Shi˅; a city at county-level ˄ও㑻Ꮦ xianji shi˅, e.g. Dan-
yang City ˄Ѝ䰇Ꮦ Danyang Shi˅.
103. ᖿк kuàishǌ is a folk art form in which the performer tells stories accompa-
nied by rhythmic bamboo or copper clappers (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexue-
yuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1120).
104. Lü Opera ˄৩࠻ L΍jù˅ has developed on the basis of a local form of story-
telling to the accompaniment of a dulcimer (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan
Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1265).
105. According to the fifth National Census, the population of Shanghai
Municipality in 2000 was 16,740,000 people (cf. [www 13]).
106. In the dialect of Danyang, the new generation has been influenced by the
language from the suburbs and countryside (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 124–125;
Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 7–8).
107. Including zero-initial.
220 Notes
108. Basic finals, excluding ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà and mutations; including nasal consonants
which can form individual syllables.
109. Excluding neutral tone and tone sandhi.
110. In some of the introductions, the tone values used in the dictionary are not the
actual ones, but are used for convenience and clearness of notation. The real
values are then added in annotations. In this table, the real values are written
down without brackets, while those applied in the dictionaries are in brackets.
111. The term ড়䷇䆡 héyƯncí (or ড়䷇ᄫ héyƯnzì) means the contraction of two
syllables into one, which has the initial of the first and the final of the second
syllable. This is also sometimes called syllable fusion or syllable merger
(information consulted with Moira Yip).
112. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí (syllable splitting) is the inverse of ড়䷇䆡 héyƯncí. It con-
sists of dividing a single syllable into two, of which the first one contains the
initial of the original syllable, and the second one – the final. According to the
information gained from Moira Yip, the term ডߛ f΁nqiè is often used by
English authors to describe this. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí is especially common in the
Jin dialect group (cf. Xing Xiangdong 2002: 254–265; Hou Jingyi 1999b:
330–333, Li Lan 2002: 46-47).
113. For more details on the topic, see for example: Dai Qingxia ed. 1992; Dai and
Gu ed. 2003; Hanyu fangyan he minzu yuyan 2001; Liang and Zhang 1988;
Hong Bo 2004; Wang Jun 2004: 58–85; Gan Yu’en ed. 2005: 108–109.
114. For more information about social dialectology in China, see: You Rujie 2000:
211–215, 2004: 201–203; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu
Jiaoyanshi: 2–3; Wang Futang 2004: 527–528.
115. For more information about Chinese abroad, see Li Rulong ed. 1999; Zheng
Ding’ou ed. 1997; Liu Zhenfa 2001; Zhang Zhenxing 1983; Sheng Yan 1997;
Xu, Chew and Chen 2005; Zhou and Chew 2000; Chen Xiaojin 2003; Ha
Mawan 1994; Zou and You 2001: 48–83; 183–195; 209–285; Beijing Shi Yu-
yanxuehui 2004: 250.
116. Due to the specific political status of Taiwan, it is not called ‘Province’ in this
book, but is included in this table as it is culturally an integral part of China.
References
Names of Chinese authors, who have published some of their works in English
under a different than pinyin spelling of their names, are written in pinyin, with
cross-references at their original form.
English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the author
are written in square brackets. Instances where the English translation appears in
the source book or periodical are indicated by round brackets and left in their origi-
nal form.
References to website addresses can be found on a separate list which follows
the main list of references (see Technical notes for explanations).
American Presbyterian Mission, (ed.)

1896 The China Mission Handbook. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: The American
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2001 Language Planning. In The Handbook of Linguistics, Mark Aronoff
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Bai Wanru ˄ⱑᅯབ˅ (ed.)
2003 Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᑓᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Guangzhou dialect
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Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅
2003 Fangyan yufa yanjiu yu tianye diaocha ˄ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨおϢ⬄䞢䇗
ᶹ ˅ [The study and fieldwork of dialectal grammar]. In Hanyu
Fangyan Yufa Yanjiu he Tansuo – Shoujie Guoji Hanyu Fangyan
Yufa Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji. ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨお੠᥶㋶üü
佪ሞ೑䰙∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ᄺᴃⷨ䅼Ӯ䆎᭛䲚˅ [The study and re-
search of Chinese dialectal grammar – writings from the First Interna-
tional Conference on Chinese Dialect Grammar]. Dai Zhaoming ˄᠈
ᰁ 䫁 ˅ (ed.) 31–36. Harbin ˄ જ ᇨ Ⓖ ˅ : Heilongjiang Renmin
Chubanshe ˄咥啭∳Ҏ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅.
2004 Xiangnan Tuhua xishu wenti ˄ ␬ फ ೳ 䆱㋏ ሲ 䯂乬 ˅ (On the
classification of Tuhua in southern Hunan). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dia-
lect) 4: 301–310.
222 References
Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅ and Chen Hui ˄䰜ᰪ˅

2005 Xiangyude fenqu (gao) ˄␬䇁ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (The classification
of Xiang group). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3: 261–270.
Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅, Cui Zhenhua ˄የᤃढ˅, Shen Ruoyun ˄≜㢹ѥ˅,
Wu Yunji ˄ӡѥ࿀˅(eds.)
1998 Changsha Fangyan Cidian ˄䭓≭ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Changsha dialect
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Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅ and Yan Sen ˄买Ể˅
1986 Hunan fangyande fenqu ˄␪फᮍ㿔ⱘߚऎ˅ (The grouping of the
dialects of Hunan Province). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4: 273–
276.
Bao Shijie ˄剡຿ᵄ˅ (ed.)
1998 Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᵁᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Hangzhou dialect
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Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺЁ᭛㋏⦄ҷ∝
䇁ᬭⷨᅸ˅ [The Modern Chinese Section of Peking University
Sinology Department]
2004 Hanyu Fangyanxue Jichu Jiaocheng ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺ෎⸔ᬭ⿟˅ [A
basic course in Chinese dialectology]. Unpublished textbook.
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2003 Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ˄∝䇁ᮍ䷇ᄫ∛Ǆ
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Bussman, Hadumod
2000 Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅:
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Cai Guolu ˄㫵೑⩤˅ (ed.)

1998 Danyang Fangyan Cidian ˄ Ѝ 䰇 ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ݌‬Danyang dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅
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Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅ (ed.)
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Chen Fengying ˄䰜޸㣅˅
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Chen Hongmai ˄䰜吓䖜˅
1993 Qiongzhou fangyan xunduzi bu ˄⨐Ꮂᮍ㿔䆁䇏ᄫ㸹˅(A supple-
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2003 Malaixiyade Sange Hanyu Fangyan ˄偀ᴹ㽓ѮⱘϝϾ∝䇁ᮍ㿔˅
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Shehui Kexue Chubanshe ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.
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Li Sijing ˄ᴢᗱᭀ˅
2001 Yinyun ˄䷇䷉˅ [Phonology]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshu-
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Li Xiaofan ˄ᴢᇣ޵˅
2005 Hanyu fangyan fenqu fangfa zai renshi ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ߚऎᮍ⊩‫ݡ‬䅸
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2000 Zhonguyin ˄Ёস䷇˅ [Middle Chinese phonology]. Beijing ˄࣫
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Li Yuming ˄ᴢᅛᯢ˅
1996 Miyang fangyan de erhua ji erhua shanyin ˄⊠䰇ᮍ㿔ⱘ‫࣪ܓ‬ঞ‫ܓ‬
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1998 Chengdu Fangyan Cidian ˄ ៤ 䛑 ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Chengdu dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Liang Min ˄ṕᬣ˅ and Zhang Junru ˄ᓴഛབ˅
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1999 Guangxi Pinghua gailun ˄ᑓ㽓ᑇ䆱ὖ䆎˅ (Survey of Pinghua
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㿔˅ (Dialect) 2: 146–154; 3: 213–226.
1984b Guangdong Sheng Hainan Dao Hanyu fangyan de fenlei ˄ᑓϰⳕ⍋
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1986 Guangxi Qinzhou diqu de yuyan fenbu ˄ᑓ㽓䩺Ꮂഄऎⱘ䇁㿔ߚ
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Lin Dao ˄ᵫ⛬˅ and Geng Zhensheng ˄㘓ᤃ⫳˅
2004 Yinyunxue Gaiyao ˄䷇䷉ᄺὖ㽕˅ [An outline of Chinese phonolo-
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2002 Mindong Fangyan Cihui Yufa Yanjiu ˄䯑ϰᮍ㿔䆡∛䇁⊩ⷨお˅
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1998 Liuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ ᷇ Ꮂ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Liuzhou dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Liu Danqing ˄߬Ѝ䴦˅ (ed.)
1995 Nanjing Fangyan Cidian ˄ फ Ҁ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Nanjing dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Liu Junhui ˄߬৯ᚴ˅, Li Shuhao ˄ᴢᘩ䈾˅, Yang Gang ˄ᴼ䩶˅ and Hua
Xuecheng ˄ढᄺ䆮˅
1992 Yang Xiong Fangyan Yanjiu ˄ᡀ䲘ᮍ㿔ⷨお˅ [The study of Yang
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Liu Xiaonan ˄߬ᰧफ˅ and Lu Guoyao ˄剕೑ᇻ˅
2003 Moya qundiao – Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben ˄ᨽ
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Liu Shuxue ˄߬⎥ᄺ˅
2006 Jilu Guanhua de fenqu (gao) ˄‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (Re-
classification/re-distribution of Jilu Mandarin). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅
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Liu Xinzhong ˄߬ᮄЁ˅
2001 Hainan Dao de yuyan yu fangyan ˄⍋फቯⱘ䇁㿔Ϣᮍ㿔˅(Lan-
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Liu Zhenfa ˄߬䬛থ˅
2001 Xianggang Ke Yue Fangyan Bijiao Yanjiu ˄佭␃ᅶ㉸ᮍ㿔↨䕗ⷨ
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ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Liu Zhicheng ˄߬ᖫ៤˅
2004 Hanyu Yinyunxue Yanjiu Daolun ˄ ∝ 䇁 ䷇ ䷉ ᄺ ᇐ 䆎 ˅ [An
introduction to the study of Chinese phonology]. Chengdu ˄៤䛑˅:
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Luo Meizhen ˄㔫㕢⦡˅ and Deng Xiaohua ˄䙧ᰧढ˅
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1997 Muping Fangyan Cidian 䯴 ⠳ ᑇ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫ ݌‬䯵 [Muping dialect
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2000 Jin Fangyan Yufa Yanjiuᰟᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨお[A study of the gram-
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˄℺∝˅: Huazhong Keji Daxue Chubanshe ˄ढЁ⾥ᡔߎ⠜⼒˅.
Wang Ping ˄∾ᑇ˅ (ed.)
1998 Guiyang Fangyan Cidian ˄ 䌉䰇 ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Guiyang dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Wang Shihua ˄⥟Ϫढ˅ and Huang Jilin ˄咘㒻ᵫ˅ (eds.)
1996 Yangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᡀᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yangzhou dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
240 References
Wei Gangqiang ˄儣䩶ᔎ˅ (ed.)

1998 Pingxiang Fangyan Cidian ˄㧡еᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Pingxiang dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Wen Duanzheng ˄⏽ッᬓ˅
1998 Fangyan yu Jinyu yanjiu ˄ᮍ㿔Ϣᰟ䇁ⷨお˅ (Fangyan and Jin
dialect). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4: 247–259.
Wen Duanzheng ˄⏽ッᬓ˅ and Zhang Guangming ˄ᓴ‫ܝ‬ᯢ˅ (eds.)
1998 Xinzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ ᗏ Ꮂ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Xinzhou dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Wu Jiansheng ˄ਈᓎ⫳˅ and Zhao Hongyin ˄䍉ᅣ಴˅ (eds.)
1997 Wanrong Fangyan Cidian ˄ϛ㤷ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wanrong dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Wu Wei ˄ӡᎡ˅
2001 Lun Guinan Pinghua de Yueyu xishu ˄䆎Ḗफᑇ䆱ⱘ㉸䇁㋏ሲ˅
(Pinghua in southern Guangxi belongs to Cantonese). Fangyan ˄ᮍ
㿔˅ (Dialect) 2: 133–141.
2007 Yueyu ˄㉸䇁˅ (On Yue group). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 2:
167–176.
Wu Yingjun ˄ਈ㣅֞˅
1988 Hainan Sheng Danzhou fangyan danzi yinbiao ˄⍋फⳕ۟Ꮂᮍ㿔ऩ
ᄫ䷇ᷛ˅ (A syllabary of the Danzhou dialect, Hainan province).
Wuyu de bianjie he fenqu ˄ਈ䇁ⱘ䖍⬠੠ߚऎ˅ (A symposium on the Wu
dialects)
1984 Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 1: 1–14; 2: 81–101.
Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben chuban zuotanhui ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ
㿔໻䆡‫ߚ݌‬ोᴀߎ⠜ᑻ䇜Ӯ˅ (A seminar on the publishing of the
Dictionary of Contemporary Chinese Dialects)
Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian (fenjuanben) huo jiang ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡
‫݌‬㦋༪˅ (General Dictionary of Chinese Dialects won prizes)
2000 Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 1: 4.
Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chuban ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫݌‬㓐
ড় ᴀ ߎ ⠜ ˅ (Publishing of the comprehensive edition of Great
Dictionary of Chinese Dialects)
References 241
Xie Liuwen ˄䇶⬭᭛˅

2003 Kejia Fangyan Yuyin Yanjiu ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔䇁䷇ⷨ˅ [A study of the
phonology of the Hakka dialect]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Zhongguo She-
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2006 Ganyu de fenqu (gao) ˄䌷䇁ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (Re-classification/re-
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Xie Liuwen ˄䇶⬭᭛˅ (ed.)
1998 Yudu Fangyan Cidian ˄Ѣ䛑ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yudu dialect dictionary].
Xie Qiyong ˄䇶༛࢛˅
2002 Hunan fangyan diaocha baogao zhong de ‘Xiangnan Tuhua’ ˄␪फ
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southern Hunan recorded in Report of Hunan Dialect Survey). Fang-
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Xin bian Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji yu fangyan fenqu taolun de gaoyue ˄ᮄ㓪Ё೑
䇁㿔ഄ೒䲚Ϣᮍ㿔ߚऎ䅼䆎ⱘ〓㑺˅ (A notice for authors on the
discussion of the new edition of The Language Atlas of China and
dialect distribution or classification)
2005 Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 1: 91.
Xing Xiangdong ˄䙶৥ϰ˅
1996 Shenmu fangyan de erhua biandiao ˄⼲᳼ᮍ㿔ⱘ‫࣪ܓ‬ব䇗˅ (Tone
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2002 Shenmu Fangyan Yanjiu ˄⼲᳼ᮍ㿔ⷨお˅ [A study of the Shenmu
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Xiong Zhenghui ˄❞ℷ䕝˅ (ed.)
1998 Nanchang Fangyan Cidian ˄फᯠᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅ ݌‬Nanchang dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Xiong Zhenhui ˄❞ℷ䕝˅ and Zhang Zhenxing ˄ᓴᤃ݈˅
2008 Hanyu fangyan de fenqu ˄ ∝ 䇁 ᮍ 㿔 ⱘ ߚ ऎ ˅
(Classification/distribution of Chinese dialects). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅
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Xiong Zhenhui ˄❞ℷ䕝˅, Zhang Zhenxing ˄ᓴᤃ݈˅ and Huang Xing ˄咘
㸠˅
2008 Zhongguo de yuyan ˄ Ё ೑ ⱘ 䇁㿔 ˅ (Languages of China).
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1997 Shanghai Fangyan Cidian ˄Ϟ⍋ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Shanghai dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
242 References
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2000 Hanyu Fangyan Dacidian ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫[ ˅݌‬The great diction-
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2005 A Survey of Language Use and Language Attitudes in the Singapore
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Xu Shirong ˄ᕤϪ㤷˅ (ed.)
1996 Beijing Tuyu Cidian ˄࣫Ҁೳ䇁䕲‫[ ˅݌‬A dictionary of Beijing
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1998 Loudi Fangyan Cidian ˄࿘ᑩᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Loudi dialect dictionary].
Yan Sen ˄买Ể˅
1986 Jiangxi fangyan fenqu (gao) ˄∳㽓ᮍ㿔ߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (The group-
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Yan Sen ˄买Ể˅ (ed.)
1995 Lichuan Fangyan Cidian ˄ 咢 Ꮁ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Lichuan dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Yan Yiming ˄买䘌ᯢ˅
1994 Wuyu Gaishuo ˄ ਈ 䇁 ὖ 䇈 ˅ [Introduction to the Wu dialect].
Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Huadong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe ˄ढϰᏜ㣗
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Ye Xiangling ˄৊⼹㢧˅ (ed.)
1998 Suzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄㢣Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Suzhou dialect diction-
⼒˅.
Yin Shichao ˄ልϪ䍙䯵 (ed.)
1997 Harbin Fangyan Cidian ˄ જ ᇨ Ⓖ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Harbin dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Ying Yutian ˄ᑨ䲼⬄˅
1990 Hunan Anxiang fangyan de erhua ˄␪फᅝеᮍ㿔ⱘ‫( ˅࣪ܓ‬The
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You Rujie ˄␌བᵄ˅

2000 Hanyu Fangyanxue Daolun ˄ ∝ 䇁 ᮍ 㿔 ᄺ ᇐ 䆎 ˅ [Chinese
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2002 Xiyang Chuanjiaoshi Hanyu Fangyanxue Zhuzuo Shumu Kaoshu
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1998 Wenzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄⏽Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wenzhou dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
You Wenliang ˄␌᭛㡃˅
2002 Shezu Yuyan ˄⭆ᮣ䇁㿔˅ [The language of the She nationality].
Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅: Fujian Renmin Chubanshe ˄⽣ᓎҎ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅.
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Yuan Jiahua ˄㹕ᆊ偙˅
2003 Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (Di’er Ban) ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕˄㄀Ѡ⠜˅˅
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Zhai Shiyu ˄㖳ᯊ䲼˅
2003 Hanyu Fangyanxue ˄ ∝ 䇁 ᮍ 㿔 ᄺ ˅ [Chinese dialectology].
Chongqing ˄䞡ᑚ˅: Xinan Shifan Daxue Chubanshe ˄㽓फᏜ㣗
໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.
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Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅

1981 Xiandai Hanyu fangyan ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔˅ [Modern Chinese dia-
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2001 Hanyu fangyan yufa yanjiu da you ke wei ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨお໻᳝
ৃЎ˅ [Research in Chinese dialectal grammar has good prospects].
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2002 Fangyan fenqu wenti zai renshi ˄ᮍ㿔ߚऎ䯂乬‫ݡ‬䅸䆚˅ (A re-
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Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅ (ed.)
2004 Guangdong Yue Fangyan Gaiyao ˄ᑓϰ㉸ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕˅ (An Outline
of Yue Dialects in Guangdong). Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅: Jinan Daxue
Chubanshe ˄ᱼफ໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅, Li Rulong ˄ᴢབ啭˅, Huang Jiajiao ˄咘ᆊᬭ˅ and
Xu Baohua ˄䆌ᅱढ˅
2004 Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ˅
[Chinese dialects and the study of dialects]. Wuhan ˄℺∝˅: Hubei
Renmin Chubanshe ˄␪࣫Ҏ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅ and Chen Xiaojin ˄䰜ᰧ䫺˅ (eds.)
1997 Dongguan Fangyan Cidian ˄ϰ㥲ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Dongguan dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhang Chengcai ˄ᓴ៤ᴤ˅ (ed.)
1998 Xining Fangyan Cidian ˄㽓ᅕᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xining dialect diction-
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Zhang Huiying ˄ᓴᚴ㣅˅ (ed.)
1998 Chongming Fangyan Cidian ˄ዛᯢᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Chongming dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhang Shengyu ˄ᓴⲯ㺩˅
1984 Chaoyang fangyan de xunduzi ˄╂䰇ᮍ㿔ⱘ䆁䇏ᄫ˅ (Substituting
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Zhang Shifang ˄ᓴϪᮍ˅
2004 Cong zhoubian fangyan kan Beijinghua erhua de xingcheng he fa-
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Zhang Taiyan ˄ゴ໾♢˅
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Zhang Zhenxing ˄ᓴᤃ݈˅
1983 Taiwan Minnan Fangyan Jilüe ˄ৄ⑒䯑फᮍ㿔䆄⬹˅ [An outline
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1989 Minyu de fenbu he renkou ˄䯑䇁ⱘߚᏗ੠Ҏষ˅ (The distribution
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2000a Minyu ji qi zhoubian fangyan ˄䯑䇁ঞ਼݊䖍ᮍ㿔˅ (Min dialect
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2000b Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian bianzuan houji ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔
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1998 Leizhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ 䳋 Ꮂ ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Leizhou dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhang Zhimin ˄ᓴᖫᬣ˅
2005 Dongbei Guanhua de fenqu (gao) ˄ ϰ࣫ ᅬ 䆱 ⱘ ߚ ऎ ˄ 〓 ˅ ˅
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Zhao Rixin ˄䍉᮹ᮄ˅
1999 Huiyu de xiaocheng yinbian he erhua yinbian ˄ᖑ䇁ⱘᇣ⿄䷇ব੠
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2005 Huiyu de tedian he fenqu ˄ᖑ䇁ⱘ⡍⚍੠ߚऎ˅ (Features and
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Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi Fence ˄Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼкg䇁㿔᭛
ᄫߚ‫[ ˅ݠ‬Chinese encyclopaedia. language and writing fascicle]
1988 Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu
Chubanshe ˄Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼкߎ⠜⼒˅.
References 247
Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ

䰶Ϣ▇໻߽ѮҎ᭛⾥ᄺ䰶˅[Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
and the Australian Academy of the Humanities]
1987, 19891 Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji ˄Ё೑䇁㿔ഄ೒䲚˅ [The language atlas of
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᠔˅ [Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sci-
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2002 Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Xiudingben) ˄ ᮍ 㿔䇗 ᶹ ᄫ 㸼 ˄ ׂ 䅶
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Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ
䰶䇁㿔ⷨお᠔䆡‫݌‬㓪䕥ᅸ˅ [The Dictionary Department of the
Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences]
2002 Xiandai Hanyu Cidian (Han-Ying Shuang Yu) ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫∝˄݌‬
㣅ঠ䇁˅˅ (The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary (Chinese-Eng-
lish Edition)). Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chuban-
she ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨおߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi ˄Ё
೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶䇁㿔ⷨお᠔ᮍ㿔ⷨおᅸ䌘᭭ᅸ˅ [The Data Depart-
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㸼˅ (A list of items for the lexical investigation of Chinese dialects).
Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji chuban ˄ Ё೑䇁㿔ഄ೒䲚 ߎ⠜˅ (Launching of the
Language Atlas of China)
Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa ˄ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑ᅾ⊩˅ (Constitution of
the People’s Republic of China)
2004 Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Zhongguo Fazhi Chubanshe ˄Ё೑⊩ࠊߎ⠜
⼒˅(China Legal Publishing House).
Zhou Changji ˄਼䭓Ἷ˅
1991 Minnanhua yu Putonghua ˄䯑फ䆱Ϣ᱂䗮䆱˅ [The Southern Min
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᭛ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhou Changji ˄਼䭓Ἷ˅ (ed.)
1998 Xiamen Fangyan Cidian ˄ ॺ 䮼 ᮍ 㿔䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Xiamen dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
248 References
Zhou Changji ˄਼䭓Ἷ˅ and Chew Cheng Hai ˄਼⏙⍋ [Zhou Qinghai]˅
2000 Xinjiapo Minnanhua Gaishuo ˄ᮄࡴവ䯑फ䆱ὖ䇈˅ [The South-
ern Min dialect in Singapore]. Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅: Xiamen Daxue
Chubanshe ˄ॺ䮼໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhou Dianfu ˄਼↓⽣˅(ed.)
2001 Guoji Yinbiao Zixue Shouce ˄೑䰙䷇ᷛ㞾ᄺ᠟‫[ ˅ݠ‬A teach-your-
self handbook of the International Phonetic Alphabet]. Beijing ˄࣫
Zhou Lei ˄਼⺞˅
2005 Lanyin Guanhua de fenqu (gao) ˄݄䫊ᅬ䆱ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (The
classification of Lanyin Mandarin). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3:
271–278.
Zhou Lei ˄਼⺞˅ (ed.)
1998 Wulumuqi Fangyan Cidian ˄Р剕᳼唤ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Ürümqi dialect
㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhou Qingsheng ˄਼ᑚ⫳˅
2003 Duoyangxing zhong de tongyixing yu tongyixing zhong de duo-
yangxing: Zhongguo yuyan zhengce yu yuyan guihua yanjiu ˄໮ḋ
ᗻЁⱘ㒳ϔᗻϢ㒳ϔᗻЁⱘ໮ḋᗻ˖Ё೑䇁㿔ᬓㄪϢ䇁㿔㾘ߦⷨ
お˅[Unity in diversity and diversity in unity: Chinese language pol-
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Yuyan Zhengce Guobie Yanjiu ˄೑ᆊǃ⇥ᮣϢ䇁㿔ü䇁㿔ᬓㄪ೑
߿ⷨお˅ (Nation, Ethnicity and Language – Language Policy Stud-
ies of Individual Countries), Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Minzu
Yanjiusuo “Shaoshu Minzu Yuyan Zhengce Bijiao Yanjiu” Ketizu
and Guojia Yuyan Wenzi Gongzuo Weiyuanhui Zhengce Faguishi
˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶⇥ᮣⷨお᠔Āᇥ᭄⇥ᮣ䇁㿔ᬓㄪ↨䕗ⷨおā䇒
乬㒘೑ᆊ䇁㿔᭛ᄫᎹ԰ྨਬӮᬓㄪ⊩㾘ᅸ˅ (Anthology Editorial
Staff, Institute of Ethnic Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences and The Division of Policy and Legislation, State Language
Commission) (eds.), 250–275. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Yuwen Chubanshe
˄䇁᭛ߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zhou Zhenhe ˄਼ᤃ吸˅ and You Rujie ˄␌∱ᵄ˅
1985 Hunan Sheng fangyan quhua ji qi lishi beijing ˄␪फⳕᮍ㿔ऎ⬏ঞ
݊ग़৆㚠᱃˅ (The grouping of the Chinese dialects of Hunan Prov-
ince and its historical background). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4:
257–272.
1986 Fangyan yu Zhongguo wenhua ˄ᮍ㿔ϢЁ೑᭛࣪˅ [Dialects and
Chinese culture]. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe
˄Ϟ⍋Ҏ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅.
References 249
Zhou Zuyao ˄਼⼪⩊˅

1987 Guangxi Rongxian fangyan xiaocheng bianyin ˄ᑓ㽓ᆍওᮍ㿔ⱘᇣ
⿄ব䷇˅ (Sound change as a means of indicating diminutives in the
dialect of Rongxian). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 1: 58–65.
Zhu Jiansong ˄ᴅᓎ乖˅ (ed.)
1998 Wuhan Fangyan Cidian ˄℺∝ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wuhan dialect diction-
⼒˅.
Zhuang Chusheng ˄ᑘ߱छ˅ and Lin Lifang ˄ᵫゟ㢇˅
2000 Qujiang Xian Baisha Zhen Dacun Tuhua de xiaocheng bianyin ˄᳆
∳ওⱑ≭䬛໻ᴥೳ䆱ⱘᇣ⿄ব䷇˅ (Diminutive of Dacun Tuhua in
Qujiang county, Guangdong province). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect)
3: 236–242.
Zou Jiayan ˄䚍௝ᔺ˅ and You Rujie ˄␌བᵄ˅
2001 Hanyu yu Huaren Shehui ˄∝䇁ϢढҎ⼒Ӯ˅ [The Chinese lan-
guage and Chinese people]. Shanghai ˄ Ϟ ⍋ ˅ : Fudan Daxue
Chubanshe and Xianggang Chengshi Daxue Chubanshe ˄໡ᮺ໻ᄺ
ߎ⠜⼒佭␃ජᏖ໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.
Zou Xiaoli ˄䚍ᰧБ˅
2002 Chuantong Yinyunxue Shiyong Jiaocheng ˄Ӵ㒳䷇䷉ᄺᅲ⫼ᬭ⿟˅
[A handbook of practical traditional phonology]. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅:
Shanghai Cishu Chubanshe ˄Ϟ⍋䕲кߎ⠜⼒˅.
Website addresses
[www 1]
[City University of Hong Kong 䯴佭␃ජᏖ໻ᄺ Xianggang Chengshi Daxue䯵 ]
2003-10-15 The Language Atlas of China.
<http://www.rcl.cityu.edu.hk/atlas/index.htm> (2007-10-01).
[www 2]
Lewis, M. Paul (ed.)
2009a Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Dallas, Tex.:
SIL International.
<http://www.ethnologue.com/> (2009-07-21).
[www 3]
2009b Languages of China.
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21).
250 References
[www 4]
2009c Languages of Taiwan.
<http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=TW> (2009-
07-21).
[www 5]
Li Rulong 䯴 ᴢབ啭䯵
Guanyu Hanyu Fangyan Fenqu 䯴 ݇Ѣ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ⱘߚऎ 䯵 [On the
classification of Chinese dialects].
<http://ling.cuc.edu.cn/Staff/lirulong/papers/guanyu%20hanyu%20fa
ngyan%20de%20fenqu.pdf> (2007-09-17).
also at:
<http://confucianism.com.cn/jiaoyu/show.asp?id=25397> (2007-05-
25).
[www 6]
Luo Changpei 䯴㔫ᐌ෍䯵 and Lü Shuxiang 䯴 ৩⎥␬䯵
Xiandai Hanyu Guifanhua Wenti 䯴 ⦄ ҷ ∝ 䇁㾘㣗 ࣪ 䯂
乬䯵 [Problems of the standardization of modern Chinese].
<http://www.china–language.gov.cn/doc/guifan/zhutibaogao.doc/>
(2007-06-15).
[www 7]
SIL International
SIL International. Partners in Language Development.
<http://www.sil.org/> (2009-07-21).
[www 8]
Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi Jiyao 䯴 ⦄ҷ∝䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂
㑾㽕䯵 [Summary of the Technical Conference on the Standardiza-
tion of Modern Chinese].
<www.china-language.gov.cn/doc/guifan/jiyao.doc> (2007-06-15).
[www 9]
Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi Jueyi 䯴 ⦄ҷ∝䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂
‫އ‬䆂䯵 [Resolution of the Technical Conference on the Standardiza-
tion of Modern Chinese].
<www.china-language.gov.cn/doc/guifan/jueyi.doc> (2007-06-15).
[www 10]
[Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 䯴 Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶䇁㿔ⷨお᠔䯵 ]
2003-01-10 Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben jianjie. ˄⦄ҷ∝
䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫ߚ݌‬ोᴀㅔҟ䯵 [An introduction to the individual dia-
lect dictionaries of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dia-
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<http://ling.cass.cn/fangyan/dacidian/fjbjj.html> (2009-07-22).
References 251
[www 11]
[Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 䯴 Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶䇁㿔ⷨお᠔䯵 ]
2003-01-10 Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben chuban˄⦄ҷ∝
䇁 ᮍ 㿔 ໻ 䆡 ‫ ߚ ݌‬ो ᴀ ߎ ⠜ 䯵 [On the publication of The Great
Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects].
<http://ling.cass.cn/fangyan/dacidian/fjbcb.html> (2009-07-22).
[www 12]
Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongji Ju 䯴 ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑೑ᆊ㒳䅵ሔ䯵
(National Bureau of Statistics of China)
2008-11-19a Diwuci Quanguo Renkou Pucha Gongbao (Diyi hao) 䯴㄀Ѩ⃵ܼ
೑Ҏষ᱂ᶹ݀᡹˄㄀ϔো䯵䯵 [A report from the fifth National Cen-
sus (No. 1)].
<http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjgb/rkpcgb/qgrkpcgb/t20020331_15434.ht
m>. (2009-07-22).
[www 13]
Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongji Ju 䯴 ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑೑ᆊ㒳䅵ሔ䯵
(National Bureau of Statistics of China)
2008-11-19b Diwuci Quanguo Renkou Pucha Gongbao (Di’er hao) 䯴㄀Ѩ⃵
ܼ೑Ҏষ᱂ᶹ݀᡹˄㄀Ѡো䯵䯵 [A report from the fifth National
Census (No. 2)].
<http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjgb/rkpcgb/qgrkpcgb/t20020331_15435.ht
m>. (2009-07-22).
[www 14]
Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Jiaoyubu 䯴 ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑ᬭ㚆䚼䯵 (Ministry of
Education of the People’s Republic of China)
2005-09-02 Dangqian tuiguang Putonghua gongzuo de beijing 䯴 ᔧࠡ᥼ᑓ᱂
䗮䆱 Ꮉ ԰ ⱘ 㚠 ᱃ 䯵 [Background of the current promotion of
Putonghua].
<http://www.moe.edu.cn/edoas/website18/info15932.htm> (2007-11-
23).
[www 15]
Law of the People's Republic of China on the Standard Spoken and Written
Chinese Language (Order of the President No.37)
2005-09-19
<http://english.gov.cn/laws/2005-09/19/content_64906.htm> (2009-
12-30)
1
The Chinese edition of The Language Atlas of China was published in two stages.
Two first parts (maps A5, B3, B5, B9, B10, B12, B14, C2, C3, C4, C5, C7, C8, C9,
C11, C12) were published in 1987, the remaining maps in 1989.
Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic
terminology
Chinese term Pinyin English translation

transcription Page no.
ⱑ䆱 báihuà 1. “Colloquial speech”, the written form of
the vernacular, which was recognized as the
standard language after May the Fourth
Movement in 1919.
10
2. The name for the Yue dialect spoken in
Nanning
176
࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BƟifƗng fƗngyán Northern Dialects, see also ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà 1.
10, 46, 53, 55
࣫ᮍ䆱 BƟifƗnghuà same as ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà 1.
52
㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì the character, the pronunciation of which is
described by the use of the f΁nqiè method
(see also ডߛ fănqiè; ডߛϞᄫ f΁nqiè
shàngzì; ডߛϟᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì)
22
啓༈䷇ chƱtóuyƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
啓䷇ chƱyƯn dental sound (see also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn; б䷇
ji·yƯn)
18, 19, 20
૛䷇ chúnyƯn labial sound (see also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn; б䷇
ji·yƯn)
18, 20
⃵ᮍ㿔 cì fƗngyán sub-dialect
27, 63
⃵⏙ cìqƯng voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates
(see also ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn)
19, 20
⃵ೳ䇁 cì t·y· same as 㜨 qiƗng
63
Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology 253

⃵⌞ cìzhuó voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels (see
also ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn)
19, 20, 27, 31, 78, 79, 80, 89
֗ໄ cùshƝng checked tone, i.e. the entering tone (ܹໄ
rùshƝng), as opposed to 㟦ໄ shǌshƝng
(see also ಯໄ sìshƝng)
17, 18
᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ see ಯ੐ sìhǌ
໻ᮍ㿔 dà fƗngyán major dialect group (see also ᮍ㿔໻ऎ fƗng-
yán dàqǌ)
27
໻ऎ dàqǌ see ᮍ㿔໻ऎ fƗngyán dàqǌ
63
ㄝ dČng see ಯㄝ sì dČng
22, 214
⚍ di΁n see ᮍ㿔⚍ fƗngyán di΁n
64
䇗㉏ diàolèi tone category
16, 96
䇗ؐ diàozhí tone value; tone pitch
16, 96
‫࣪ܓ‬ érhuà one of the types of phonetic changes of
diminutives; it consists in adding the ‫ܓ‬
(ér) suffix which “merges with the sylla-
ble it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002:
195), forming a retroflexed final
29, 31, 36, 102, 109, 196, 206, 218, 219
Ѡㄝ èrdČng the second of the four grades of traditional
finals (see also ಯㄝ sì dČng)
22, 30, 82, 84, 87
থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnfă a method of describing the tones of a Chi-
nese character (see also ಯໄ sìshƝng)
xi, xx, 105, 106
ডߛϞᄫ f΁nqiè shàngzì the first of the two characters used in the
fanqie method (see ডߛ fănqiè); this
character indicates the initial of the
character described (see also ডߛϟᄫ
f΁nqiè xiàzì; 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì)
22
254 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology

ডߛϟᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì the second of the two characters used in the
fanqie method (see ডߛ fănqiè); this
character indicates the final and tone of
the character described (see also ডߛϞ
ᄫ f΁nqiè shàngzì; 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè
zì)
22
ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán dialect
ix, 1, 2, 3, 63, 203
ᮍ㿔 FƗngyán Dialectology, the first Chinese work on dia-
lects, written by Yang Xiong at the time
of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The full title
is: 䔊䔽Փ㗙㒱ҷ䇁䞞߿೑ᮍ㿔
(YóuxuƗn ShƱzhƟ Juédài Yǎshì Biéguó
FƗngyán)
1
ᮍ㿔䆡 fƗngyáncí dialectal word
111
ᮍ㿔䆡∛ fƗngyáncíhuì dialectal vocabulary
111
ᮍ㿔໻ऎ fƗngyán dàqǌ dialect supergroup (see also ໻ᮍ㿔 dà fƗng-
yán)
63
ᮍ㿔⚍ fƗngyán di΁n local dialect; dialect locality
137
ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ fƗngyán guòdùqǌ intermediate (transitional) dialect areas (see
also ⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ hùnhé fƗngyánqǌ)
34
ᮍ㿔⠛ fƗngyán piàn dialect subgroup
63
ᮍ㿔ऎ fƗngyán qǌ dialect group
63
ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡 fƗngyán tèshǌ specific dialectal words, also ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ䆡
䇁 cíy· fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí
32, 118
ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng same as ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshǌ cíy·
cí 32, 118

ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛ fƗngyán xi΁opiàn dialect cluster (see also ᇣᮍ㿔 xi΁o fƗng-
yán)
63
ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì dialectal character (see also ֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì)
119
ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí fenyinci, syllable split
81, 201, 220
䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn fƗngyán same as 䌷䇁 Gànyǎ
䌷䇁 Gànyǎ Gan dialect, also 䌷ᮍ㿔 GànfƗngyán
27, 35, 36, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52,
53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 83–84,
86, 88, 90, 101, 114, 141, 142, 149, 174,
175, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 200,
205, 217
স␬ G· XiƗng Old Xiang dialect (see also ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ)
54, 55, 61, 155, 215
ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà 1. Mandarin dialects, also ࣫ᮍ䆱 BƟi-
fƗnghuà, ࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BƟifƗng fƗngyán
2, 10, 27, 31, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43,
46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57,
58, 59, 60, 61, 64–68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77–
81, 89, 90, 100, 111, 112, 137, 138, 139,
142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 155, 156, 158,
159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166,
167, 169, 170, 176, 187, 188, 189, 191,
192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 203, 205,
216, 217
2. Mandarin, the standard language since the
Ming Dynasty.
3, 10
ᑓϰ䆱 Gu΁ngdǀnghuà dialect of Guangdong, Cantonese (see also
㉸ Yuè)
37, 52

ᑓ䷉ Gu΁ngyùn full title – ໻ᅟ䞡ׂᑓ䷉ (Dàsòng Chóngxiǌ
Guăngyùn), a rhyme book (䷉к yùnshǌ)
written in 1008 A.D. by Chen Pengnian,
Qiu Yong and others, on the basis of
Qièyùn ˄ߛ䷉˅, Tángyùn ˄૤䷉˅
and other rhyme books
xx, 15, 23–24, 91, 214
ᅶᆊ Hakka (KèjiƗ) same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà
∝䇁 Hànyǎ the Chinese language; language spoken by
the Han people
5
∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué Chinese historical phonetics; traditional
phonology
15–24
ড়ষ੐ hékǂuhǌ see ಯ੐ sìhǌ; ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ
ড়䷇䆡/ᄫ héyƯncí/zì heyinci (zi), contraction of two syllables into
one, which has the initial of the first and
the final of the second syllable (also
called syllable fusion or syllable merger)
201, 220
⋾䷇ hóngyƯn “vast sound”; the first grade (ϔㄝ yƯdČng)
and the second grade (Ѡㄝ èrdČng) of fi-
nals, as opposed to 㒚䷇ xìyƯn (see also
ಯㄝ sì dČng)
22, 30, 82, 83, 84
੐ hǌ see ಯ੐ sìhǌ; ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ
ᖑᮍ㿔 HuƯ fƗngyán same as ᖑ䇁 HuƯyǎ
ᖑ䇁 HuƯyǎ Hui dialect, also ᖑᮍ㿔 HuƯ fƗngyán
56, 58, 61, 69, 75, 76, 83, 90, 137, 140,
142, 149, 155, 169, 173, 187, 189, 193,
194, 195, 198, 205, 217
⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ hùnhé fƗngyánqǌ mixed dialect areas (see also ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ
fƗngyán guòdùqǌ)
34

ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn sharp and rounded initials in Chinese
phonology; today sharp initials (ᇪ䷇
jiƗnyƯn) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined
with [i] or [y] medials or finals; rounded
initials (ಶ䷇ tuányƯn, also called ೚䷇
yuányƯn) include [t㯂-, t㯂‘-, 㯂-] combined
with [i] or [y] medials or finals
81, 217
ᇪ䷇ jiƗnyƯn see ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn
ҟ䷇ jièyƯn same as ䷉༈ yùntóu
ᰟᮍ㿔 JìnfƗngyán same as ᰟ䇁 Jìnyǎ
ᰟ䇁 Jìnyǎ Jin dialect, also ᰟᮍ㿔 JìnfƗngyán
xi, 35, 43, 55, 56, 57, 61, 68, 74, 75, 81,
89, 90, 140, 142, 149, 155, 167, 168, 187,
189, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 215, 217,
220
б䷇ ji·yƯn “nine sounds” – the nine points of consonant
articulation in traditional phonology (see
also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn and ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn):
19
㟠䷇ shéyƯn “lingual sounds”, divided into:
18, 19, 20
1.㟠༈䷇ shétóuyƯn middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral
sounds
19, 20, 31
2.㟠Ϟ䷇ shéshàngyƯn dorsal plosive and nasal sounds
19, 20, 31
૛䷇ chúnyƯn labial sounds, divided into:
18, 20
3.䞡૛䷇ zhòngchún-yƯn bilabial sounds
18, 20, 30
4.䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn labiodental sounds
18, 20, 28, 30
啓䷇ chƱyƯn dental sounds, divided into:
18, 19, 20
5.啓༈䷇ ch΃tóuyƯn affricate and fricative apico-dental sounds
19, 20

6.ℷ啓䷇ zhèngch΃yƯn affricate and fricative dorsal sounds
19, 20
7.⠭䷇ yáyƯn velar sounds
18, 20
8.ଢ଼䷇ hóuyƯn laryngeal sounds
18, 20
9.ञ㟠䷇; bànshéyƯn and lateral sounds and dorsal sounds
ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn
18, 19, 20, 213
ᓔষ੐ kƗikǂuhǌ see ಯ੐ sìhǌ; ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ
ᅶ䆱 Kèhuà same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà
ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ fƗngyán same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà
ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà Hakka dialect, also ᅶ䆱 Kèhuà, ᅶ䇁 Kèyǎ,
ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗfƗngyán
xi, xii, 27, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45,
46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57,
58, 59, 60, 61, 72, 73, 76, 84, 85, 86, 88,
90, 101, 114, 123, 141, 142, 149, 156,
164, 174, 175, 176, 177, 180, 187, 190,
194, 195, 200, 204, 205, 216, 217
ᅶ䇁 Kèyǎ same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà
ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ the two classes of syllables before the Ming
Dynasty period (see also ಯ੐ sìhǌ):
xix, 21
1.ᓔষ੐ kƗikǂuhǌ without the medial nor the nucleus [u]
21
2.ড়ষ੐ hékǂuhǌ with [u] as the final or a final beginning with
[u]
21
䳊ໄ↡ língshƝngm· zero initial
15
䯑ᮍ㿔 MƱn fƗngyán same as 䯑䇁 MƱnyǎ
䯑䇁 MƱnyǎ Min dialect, also 䯑ᮍ㿔 MƱnfƗngyán
27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51,
52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 70–
71, 84–86, 90, 101, 104, 112, 114, 118,
123, 141, 142, 149, 156, 164, 172, 175,
178, 179, 180, 188, 191, 194, 195, 200,
205, 215, 216, 217

⠛ piàn see ᮍ㿔⠛ fƗngyán piàn
ᑇ䆱 Pínghuà Pinghua dialect
56, 58, 61, 72, 76, 87, 90, 130, 141, 142,
149, 155, 156, 164, 176, 187, 190, 192,
194, 195, 200, 205, 217
ᑇໄ píngshƝng level tone, as opposed to Ҙໄ zèshƝng (see
also ಯໄ sìshƝng)
17, 18
᱂䗮䆱 P·tǀnghuà Putonghua (lit. “common speech”) – the
national standard language of China
ix, xi, xii, xix, xx, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 22,
24, 100, 104, 106, 107, 110, 111, 112,
113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121,
122, 124, 125, 133, 134, 137, 162, 165,
185, 186, 188, 192, 197, 201, 202, 204,
206, 208
ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn “seven sounds” – the seven points of conso-
nant articulation in traditional phonology,
i.e. Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn (see) plus:
18
6. ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn lateral sounds (see also б䷇ ji·yƯn)
18, 19, 20
7. ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn dorsal sounds (see also б䷇ ji·yƯn)
18, 19, 20, 213
唤啓੐ qíchƱhǌ see ಯ੐ sìhǌ
㜨 qiƗng accent (sub-patois) ( also ⃵ೳ䇁 cì t·y·)
63
ߛ qiè see ডߛ f΁nqiè
ߛ䷉ Qièyùn one of the most important Chinese rhyme
books (䷉к yùnshǌ), compiled by Lu
Fayan in 601 A.D.
23, 91, 214
䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
䕏䇗 qƯngdiào same as 䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng
䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng neutral tone; light tone, also 䕏䇗 qƯngdiào
xi, 29, 31, 106
⏙ໄ↡ qƯng shƝngmǎ voiceless initials
17

⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn voiceless sound, as opposed to ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn
77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 89
⏙⌞ qƯngzhuó voiceless and voiced sounds (see also ⏙䷇
qƯngyƯn; ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn)
16, 92
ऎ qǌ see ᮍ㿔ऎ fƗngyán qǌ
এໄ qùshƝng see ಯໄ sìshƝng
ܼ⏙ quánqƯng voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and
fricatives (see also ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn)
19, 20
ܼ⌞ quánzhuó voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives (see
also ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn)
xix, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 35, 46,
74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86,
87, 88, 89, 90, 192
ܹໄ rùshƝng see ಯໄ sìshƝng
ϝㄝ sƗndČng the third of the four grades of traditional
finals, see ಯㄝ sì dČng
22, 26, 30, 82
Ϟໄ shàngshƝng see ಯໄ sìshƝng
㟠Ϟ䷇ shéshàngyƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
㟠༈䷇ shétóuyƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
㟠䷇ shéyƯn see Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn
ᨘ shè same as ䷉ᨘ yùnshè
ໄ䇗 shƝngdiào the tone of Chinese characters (also ᄫ䇗
zìdiào)
15, 16
ໄ↡ shƝngmǎ initial (onset)
15, 16, 17
к䴶䇁 shǌmiàny· literary language; written language
121
㟦ໄ shǌshƝng smooth tone, i.e. the level, rising and falling
tones, as opposed to ֗ໄ cùshƝng (see
also ಯໄ sìshƝng)
17, 18, 31, 88

ಯㄝ sì dČng the four grades of traditional finals, divided
according to the openness of the nucleus
and depending on the absence or pres-
ence of the vowel [i] as the medial
22, 30, 94, 214
ಯㄝ sìdČng the fourth of the four grades of traditional
22, 30, 82
ಯ੐ sìhǌ the four classes of syllables since the Ming
Dynasty period (see also ϸ੐ li΁nghǌ):
xix, 21–22
1.ᓔষ੐ kƗikǂuhǌ with sounds other than [i], [u], [y] as the
final
21, 22, 30, 84, 87, 88, 94
2.唤啓੐ qíchƱhǌ with [i] as the final or a final beginning with
[i]
21, 22, 87
3.ড়ষ੐ hékǂuhǌ with [u] as the final or a final beginning with
[u]
21, 22, 26, 29, 30, 85, 87, 94
4.᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhǌ with [y] as the final or a final beginning with
[y]
24, 33, 46, 93, 95
ಯໄ sìshƝng the four tones of classical Chinese
pronunciation:
16
1. ᑇໄ píngshƝng level tone
16, 17, 18, 23, 29, 31, 42, 43, 78, 80, 83,
87, 90
2. Ϟໄ shàngshƝng rising tone
xi, 16, 17, 18, 23, 27, 29, 31, 43, 77, 78,
79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 96, 98,
191, 213
3. এໄ qùshƝng falling tone
16, 17, 18, 24, 29, 42, 43, 77, 78, 79, 80,
81, 83, 87, 89, 92, 96, 98, 191
4. ܹໄ rùshƝng entering tone
xix, 16, 17, 18, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 35, 43,
74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89,
90, 93, 191, 192, 195

䗕⇨ߚ䇗 sòngqì fƝndiào tone-aspiration division
32, 215
֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì non-standard characters (also ֫ᄫ súzì), see
also ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì)
119
֫ᄫ súzì same as ֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì
૤䷉ Tángyùn a revised edition of ߛ䷉ Qièyùn, written by
Sun Mian during the time of Tang Dy-
nasty
23, 214
ೳ䇁 t·y· vernacular (patois)
63
ಶ䷇ tuányƯn see ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn
᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú literary and colloquial variant pronunciations
29, 31, 36, 102, 119, 185, 206
ਈᮍ㿔 Wú fƗngyán same as ਈ䇁 Wúyǎ
ਈ䇁 Wúyǎ Wu dialect, also ਈᮍ㿔 WúfƗngyán
2, 27, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59,
60, 61, 69, 75, 76, 81–83, 90, 110, 114,
123, 140, 142, 143, 149, 155, 156, 157,
160, 161, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 187,
190, 193, 194, 195, 198, 199, 203, 205,
217
Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn (literally: “five sounds”) the five points of
consonant articulation in traditional
phonology (see also ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn; б䷇
ji·yƯn):
18
1. ⠭䷇ yáyƯn velar sounds
18, 20
2. 㟠䷇ shéyƯn “lingual sounds”
18, 19, 20
3. ૛䷇ chúnyƯn labial sounds
18, 20
4. 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn dental sounds
18, 19, 20

5. ଢ଼䷇ hóuyƯn laryngeal sounds
18, 20
㒚䷇ xìyƯn “thin sound”; the third grade (ϝㄝ sƗndČng)
and the fourth grade (ಯㄝ sìdČng) of fi-
nals as opposed to ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn; see also
ಯㄝ sì dČng
22, 30, 82
␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng fƗngyán same as ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ
␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ Xiang dialect, also ␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng fƗngyán
27, 35, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53,
54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 84, 90, 101,
141, 142, 143, 149, 155, 164, 173, 187,
190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 205, 215–216,
217
ᇣ⿄ব䷇ xi΁ochéng biànyƯn phonetic changes of diminutives
31, 101–102, 206
ᇣᮍ㿔 xi΁o fƗngyán dialect cluster (see also ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛ fƗngyán
xi΁opiàn)
27
ᇣ⠛ xi΁opiàn see ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛ fƗngyán xi΁opiàn
ᮄ␬ XƯn XiƗng New Xiang dialect, see also ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ
54, 55, 61, 215
⠭䷇ yáyƯn see Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn
䰇ᑇ yángpíng the yangping tone, see also ಯໄ sìshƝng
16, 17, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 89, 92, 96, 98,
101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191
䰇এ yángqù the yangqu tone
16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189,
190, 191
䰇ܹ yángrù the yangru tone
xi, 16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188,
189, 190, 191
䰇Ϟ yángshàng the yangshang tone
16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190,
191
ϔㄝ yƯdČng the first of the four grades of traditional
22, 30, 82, 84, 87

䷇㡖 yƯnjié syllable (also ䷇㓔 yƯnzhuì)
15
䷇䷉ᄺ yƯnyùnxué see ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué
䷇㓔 yƯnzhuì same as ䷇㡖 yƯnjié
䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng the yinping tone, see also ಯໄ sìshƝng
16, 17, 27, 31, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 88, 89,
90, 92, 96, 98, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190,
191
䰈এ yƯnqù the yinqu tone
16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189,
190, 191
䰈ܹ yƯnrù the yinru tone
16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189,
190, 191
䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng the yinshang tone
16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190,
191
䇁㿔 y·yán language
1
㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè fƗngyán same as ㉸䇁 Yuèyǎ
㉸䇁 Yuèyǎ Yue dialect, also ㉸ᮍ㿔 YuèfƗngyán
2, 27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60,
61, 71, 73, 76, 87, 90, 112, 114, 118, 119,
123, 141, 142, 143, 149, 156, 164, 170,
176, 177, 180, 187, 188, 191, 194, 195,
200, 205, 217
䷉ yùn “rhyme”
21, 23, 84, 214
䷉䚼 yùnbù “rhyme category”
21
䷉㝍 yùnfù nucleus (the essential vowel of a final, nu-
clear vowel) (also Џ㽕‫ ䷇ܗ‬zhǎyào
yuányƯn)
15, 16
䷉㉏ yùnlèi “full rhyme”
21, 22, 214

䷉↡ yùnmǎ final
15, 16
䷉ᨘ yùnshè “rhyme group” (also ᨘ shè)
xi, xx, 21, 24, 82, 88, 94
䷉к yùnshǌ rhyme book
23–24
䷉༈ yùntóu medial (the head vowel of a final, nuclear
vowel) (also ҟ䷇ jièyƯn)
15, 16
䷉ሒ yùnwƟi coda (the ending of a final, tail vowel)
15, 16
Ҙໄ zèshƝng oblique tone, i.e. the rising tone (Ϟໄ
shàngshƝng), falling tone (এໄ qùshƝng)
and entering tone (ܹໄ rùshƝng), as op-
posed to the level tone (ᑇໄ píngshƝng).
See also ಯໄ sìshƝng.
17, 18, 87, 90
ℷ啓䷇ zhèngch΃yƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
Ёস䷇ zhǀngg·yƯn Middle Chinese, a period in the history of the
Chinese language, the time of the Sui, Tang
and Song Dynasties (sixth – tenth century
A.D.)
ix, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26,
27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 42, 43, 46,
74, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84,
85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 101, 105,
188, 192, 205, 208, 213, 215
䞡૛䷇ zhòngchúnyƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn
Џ㽕‫䷇ܗ‬ zhǎyào yuányƯn same as ䷉㝍 yùnfù
⌞ໄ↡ zhuó shƝngmǎ voiced initial
17
⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn voiced sound as opposite to ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn
78, 84
ᄫ↡ zìm· a character representing an initial consonant
in ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué
xi, xix, xx, 19, 20, 28, 29, 31, 32, 43, 82,
83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 94, 95
Index of personal names
Anshen, Frank, 11, 221 Chen, Matthew Y. (䰜⏞⊝ Chen

Yuanquan), 218, 223
Bai Dizhou ⱑ⍸⌆, 47 Chew Cheng Hai ਼⏙⍋ (Zhou
Bai Wanru ⱑᅯབ, 120, 129, 177, Qinghai), 220, 242, 248
221 Chomsky, Noam, 2, 224
Bao Houxing 剡८᯳, 121, 129, 173, Ceng Yiping ᳒↙ᑇ, 232
216, 217, 221, 222 Crystal, David, 2, 4, 213, 224
Bao Shijie 剡຿ᵄ, 129, 171, 222, Cui Zhenhua የᤃढ, 129, 222
226 Dai Qingxia ᠈ᑚॺ, 216, 220, 224
Bian Chenglin ल៤ᵫ, 130, 236, Dai Zhaoming ᠈ᰁ䫁, 158, 221,
176 224
Bussman, Hadumod, 1, 222 Dao Bu 䘧Ꮧ, 4, 10, 11, 224
DeFrancis, John, 2, 51, 215, 224–
Cai Guolu 㫵೑⩤, 129, 169, 195, 225
219, 223 DeLancey, Scott, 4, 225
Cai Yeqing 㫵৊䴦, 130, 179, 180, Deng Xiaohua 䙧ᰧढ, 217, 234
245 Ding Bangxin (Ting Pang-Hsin) ϕ
Cai Yongfei 㫵࢛亲 , 226 䙺ᮄ, 25–27, 29, 35, 36, 57, 58,
Cao Zhiyun ᳍ᖫ㗬, 57, 58, 130, 74, 214, 216, 225, 226
172, 217, 223, 245 Ding Shengshu ϕໄᷥ, 47, 51, 99,
Ceng Shiying ᳒Ϫ㣅, 47, 225 107, 108, 119, 120, 123, 136,
Chambers, J. K., 1, 135, 223 225
Chao, Yuen Ren, see Zhao Yuanren Ding Wenjiang ϕ᭛∳, 47, 225
Chen Fengying 䰜޸㣅, 128, 204, Dong Shaoke 㨷㒡‫ܟ‬, 218, 226
223 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) 㨷ৠ
Chen Hongmai 䰜吓䖜, 104, 129, 啶˄੠˅, 26, 47, 50–51, 226
180, 218, 223 Duanmu, San ッ᳼ϝ, 102, 213, 214,
Chen Hui 䰜ᰪ, 217, 222 218, 226
Chen Pengnian 䰜ᕁᑈ, 23
Chen Ruli 䰜∱ゟ, 229 Egerod, Søren, 215, 226
Chen Songcen 䰜ᵒብ, 220, 242
Chen Xiaojin 䰜ᰧ䫺, 129, 177, 178, Fang Songxi ᮍᵒ➍, 226
220, 223, 244 Feng Aizhen ‫ރ‬⠅⦡, 129, 178, 179,
Chen Yunlong 䰜ѥ啭, 232 226
Chen Zhangtai 䰜ゴ໾, 10, 13, 52, Feng Chuntian ‫ރ‬᯹⬄, 18, 214, 226
224, 231, 235 Forrest, Robert Andrew Dermod, 26,
Chen Zhongmin 䰜ᖴᬣ, 130, 172, 35, 50, 60, 215, 226
238 Fu Guotong ٙ೑䗮, 217, 226
Index of personal names 267
Fu Zuozhi ٙԤП, 226 Jin Xinxin 䞥⃷⃷, 121, 229

Gan Yu’en ⫬Ѣᘽ, 150, 220, 226 Jin Youjing 䞥᳝᱃, 121, 229
Gao Benhan˄催ᴀ∝˅, see
Karlgren, Bernhard Künstler, Mieczysáaw Jerzy, 55, 216,
Gao Mingkai 催ৡ߃, 1, 227 230
Gao Ran 催✊, 2, 34, 227 Kurpaska, Maria, 213, 230
Ge Jianxiong 㨯ࠥ䲘, 160, 161, 227
Geng Zhensheng 㘓ᤃ⫳, 15, 16, 19, Lewis, M. Paul, 249, 250
21, 22, 24, 106, 213, 214, 233 Li Bing ढ़݉, 218, 230
Gu Qian 乒咨, 110, 237 Li Fanggui (Fang-kuei Li) ᴢᮍḖ, 8,
Gu Yang 乒䰇, 220, 224 25, 26, 49, 60, 227, 230
Guo, Longsheng, 13 Li Jian ᴢ‫ع‬, 232
Li Jinxi 咢䫺❭, 40–41, 216, 230
Ha Mawan જ⥯ᅯ, 220, 227 Li Lan ᴢ㪱, 220, 230
He Gengyong ԩ㘓䬯, 1, 217, 227 Li Lianjin ᴢ䖲䖯, 217, 230
He Wei 䌎Ꭱ, 125, 130, 165, 216, Li Rong ᴢ㤷,4, 5, 25, 35, 37, 47, 51,
217, 228 55–56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64,
Hirata Shoji ᑇ⬄ᯠৌ, 169 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72,
Hong Bo ⋾⊶, 220, 228 74, 75, 76, 89, 90, 99, 100, 115,
Hou Jingyi փ㊒ϔ, 58, 75, 76, 150, 120, 122, 123, 124, 128, 129,
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 148,
216, 217, 220, 228 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162,
Hu Guangbin 㚵‫ܝ‬᭠, 218, 229 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168,
Hu Huibin 㚵᜻᭠, 162, 229 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
Hua Xuecheng ढᄺ䆮, 234 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180,
Huang Borong 咘ԃ㤷, 122, 123, 192, 195, 214, 215, 216, 218,
124, 218, 229, 244 219, 225, 231, 246
Huang Diancheng 咘‫݌‬䆮, 217, 229 Li Rulong ᴢབ啭, 10, 13, 24, 25, 27,
Huang Jiajiao 咘ᆊᬭ, 231, 244 29–32, 33, 35, 52, 57, 58, 63,
Huang Jilin 咘㒻ᵫ, 131, 160, 239 75, 76, 95, 111, 112, 114, 118,
Huang Jinghu 咘᱃␪, 96, 97, 98, 99, 130, 178, 214, 217, 218, 220,
100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 111, 231–232, 235, 244, 250
112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, Li Shuyan ᴢּᷥ, 131, 166, 232
119, 120, 121, 126, 217, 218, Li Sijing ᴢᗱᭀ, 214, 232
229 Li Xiaofan ᴢᇣ޵, 25, 34, 35, 58,
Huang Qunjian 咘㕸ᓎ, 218, 229 74, 75, 215, 232
Huang Shangjun 咘ᇮ‫ݯ‬, 129, 162, Li Xinkui ᴢᮄ儕, 213, 233
163, 233 Li Yuming ᴢᅛᯢ, 218, 233
Huang Xing 咘㸠, 213, 241 Li, Fang-kuei, see Li Fanggui
Huang Xuezhen 咘䲾䋲, 130, 176, Lian Chunzhao 㒗᯹᢯, 232
217, 229 Liang Deman ṕᖋ᳐, 129, 162, 163,
233
268 Index of personal names
Liang Min ṕᬣ, 217, 220, 233

Liang Yougang ṕ⤋߮, 68, 216, 218, Pan Jiayi ┬ᆊ៓, 216, 235
233 Pan Maoding ┬㣖哢, 52–53, 58, 61,
Liang Yuan ṕ㢥, 18, 214, 226 235
Liang Yuzhang ṕ⥝⩟ 52, 235 Pan Weishui ┬␁∈, 130, 178, 232
Lin Dao ᵫ⛬, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, Peng Fengshu ᕁ䗶╡, 217, 235
106, 213, 214, 233 Poole, Stuart C., 213, 235
Lin Hansheng ᵫᆦ⫳, 217, 233
Lin Lifang ᵫゟ㢇, 218, 249 Qi Xiaojie ៮ᰧᵄ, 229
Lin, Yen-Hwei, 2, 214, 233 Qian Dianxiang 䪅༴佭, 232
Liu Cunhan ߬ᴥ∝, 130, 164, 165, Qian Huiying 䪅ᚴ㣅, 218, 235
192, 234 Qian Nairong 䪅З㤷, 217, 235
Liu Danqing ߬Ѝ䴦, 130, 161, 162, Qian Zengyi 䪅᳒ᗵ, 130, 158, 159,
234 235
Liu Junhui ߬৯ᚴ, 1, 234 Qiao Quansheng Шܼ⫳, 217, 236
Liu Lihua ߬Бढ, 130, 173, 242 Qin Yuanxiong 㽗䖰䲘, 130, 176,
Liu Shuxue ߬⎥ᄺ, 216, 234 216, 217, 232, 236
Liu Xiaonan ߬ᰧफ, 209, 234 Qiu Yong Ϭ䲡, 23
Liu Xinzhong ߬ᮄЁ, 216, 234
Liu Zhenfa ߬䬛থ, 220, 234 Ramsey, S. Robert, 9, 236
Liu Zhicheng ߬ᖫ៤, 19, 21, 213, Robins, Robert H., 213, 236
214, 234 Rong Wenmin ២᭛ᬣ, 128
Lo Ch’ang-p’ei, see Luo Changpei Ruhlen, Merrit, 4, 213, 236
Lu Fayan 䰚⊩㿔, 23
Lu Guoyao 剕೑ᇻ, 209, 234 Shen Ming ≜ᯢ, 131, 168, 217, 237
Lü Jiping ৩‫ݔ‬ᑇ, 10, 12, 235 Shen Ruoyun ≜㢹ѥ, 129, 222
Lü Shuxiang ৩⎥␬, 51–52, 250 Shen Zhongwei ≜䩳ӳ, 228, 237
Lü Yongwei ৩∌ӳ, 131, 159, 160, Sheng Yan ⲯ♢, 220, 237
238 Shi Anshi ⷇ᅝ⷇, 1, 227
Luo Changpei (Lo Ch’ang-p’ei) 㔫 Shi Feng ⷇䫟, 228, 237
ᐌ෍, 51–52, 169, 227, 250 Shi Guanxin ৆‫ݴ‬ᮄ, 229
Luo Futeng 㔫⽣㝒, 130, 159, 234 Shi Rujie ⷇∱ᵄ 110, 237
Luo Meizhen 㔫㕢⦡, 217, 234 Shou Wen ᅜ⏽, 19
Simmons, Richard VanNess [Shi
Majewicz, Alfred Franciszek, 4, 235 Haoyuan ৆Ⱨ‫(ܗ‬೚)], 110,
Miyata Ichiro ᅿ⬄ϔ䚢, 58, 219, 237
242 Song Xinqiao ᅟ⃷ḹ, 10, 237
Mu Linde 〚味ᖋ, see von Stauffer, Milton Theobald, 38, 59,
Möllendorf, Paul Georg 237
Su Xiaoqing 㢣ᰧ䴦, 131, 159, 160,
Norman, Jerry, 2, 33, 35, 36, 49, 56– 238
57, 58, 61, 235 Sun Lindong ᄭᵫϰ, 229
Index of personal names 269
Sun Mian ᄭᛤ, 214 Wu Wei ӡᎡ, 58, 76, 217, 240
Tan Dazheng 䇜໻ℷ, 10, 238 Wu Xinxian ਈᮄ䋸, 130, 172, 238
Tang Zhenzhu ∸⦡⦴, 130, 238, Wu Yingjun ਈ㣅֞, 216, 240
172 Wu Yunji ӡѥ࿀, 129, 222
Tang Zuofan ૤԰㮽, 19, 21, 22, 24, Wu Zongji ਈᅫ⌢, 47
213, 214, 238
Tao Huan 䱊ᇄ, 130, 170, 241 Xie Liuwen 䇶⬭᭛, 131, 175, 217,
Tewksbury, Malcolm Gardner, 38, 219, 241
237 Xie Qiyong 䇶༛࢛, 216, 241
Ting Pang-Hsin, see Ding Bangxin Xing Xiangdong 䙶৥ϰ, 218, 220,
Trudgill, Peter, 1, 135, 223 241
Tung T’ung-ho, see Dong Tonghe Xiong Zhenghui ❞ℷ䕝, 62, 128,
130, 174, 241
von Möllendorf, Paul Georg ˄Mu Xu Baohua 䆌ᅱढ, 130, 170, 232,
Linde 〚味ᖋ˅, 37, 59, 215 241, 242, 244
Xu Daming ᕤ໻ᯢ, 220, 242
Wang Futang ⥟⽣ූ, 25, 27, 34, 38, Xu Hui ᕤ᜻, 232
40, 41, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, Xu Shirong ᕤϪ㤷, 101, 242
58, 74, 75, 76, 121, 150, 207, Xu Zongwen ᕤᅫ᭛, 128
218, 220, 232, 238
Wang Guosheng ∾೑㚰, 202, 209, Yan Qinghui 买⏙ᖑ, 130, 173, 242
238 Yan Sen 买Ể, 36, 57, 130, 175, 216,
Wang Hui ⥟ᰪ, 224, 229 222, 242
Wang Jun ⥟ഛ, 220, 238–239 Yan Yiming 买䘌ᯢ, 217, 242
Wang Junhu ⥟‫ݯ‬㰢, 131, 165, 239 Yan, Margaret Mian, 1, 2, 15, 26, 27,
Wang Li ⥟࡯, 15, 19, 21, 23, 25, 40, 47, 59, 125, 128, 242
41–47, 59, 60, 150, 151, 152, Yang Gang ᴼ䩶, 234
153, 154, 155, 213, 214, 215, Yang Ganming ᴼђᯢ, 131, 135,
226, 239 172, 243
Wang Ping ∾ᑇ, 129, 163, 164, 213, Yang Muzhi ᴼ⠻П, 128
239 Yang Shifeng (Yang Shih-Feng) ᴼ
Wang Shihua ⥟Ϫढ, 131, 160, 239 ᯊ䗶, 47, 169
Wei Gangqiang 儣䩶ᔎ, 130, 174, Yang Shih-Feng, see Yang Shifeng
240 Yang Shumin ᴼ⎥ᬣ, 18, 214, 226
Wei Shuguan िᷥ݇, 130, 176, 236 Yang Xiong ᡀ䲘, 1
Wen Duanzheng ⏽ッᬓ, 58, 75, 131, Ye Xiangling ৊⼹㢧, 130, 171, 242
168, 215, 240 Yin Shichao ልϪ䍙, 130, 158, 242
Weng Wenhao 㖕᭛☣, 47, 225 Ying Yutian ᑨ䲼⬄, 218, 242
Wong, Tsinforn C., 38, 237 You Rujie ␌∱ᵄ, 1, 4, 10, 13, 16,
Wu Jiansheng ਈᓎ⫳, 131, 167, 240 19, 24, 25, 27, 33, 37, 38, 39,
Wu Songdi ਈᵒᓳ, 160, 161, 181, 55, 58, 61, 63, 77, 78, 79, 80,
227 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 96, 97, 100,
270 Index of personal names
101, 103, 105, 106, 107, 119, Zhang Shengyu ᓴⲯ㺩, 52, 218,
120, 121, 122, 126, 131, 135, 232, 235, 244
150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 172, Zhang Shifang ᓴϪᮍ, 218, 244
204, 207, 214, 216, 217, 218, Zhang Shuzheng ᓴᷥ䫂, 218, 244
220, 243, 248 Zhang Taiyan ゴ໾♢, see Zhang
You Wenliang ␌᭛㡃, 216, 243 Binglin ゴ⚇味
Yu Aiqin ԭ䴁㢍, see Yue- Zhang Zhenxing ᓴᤃ݈, 62, 63, 68,
Hashimoto, Anne O. 74, 75, 76, 90, 128, 130, 131,
Yuan Jiahua 㹕ᆊ偙, 1, 26, 35, 49, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 179,
52, 53–55, 56, 58, 61, 150, 151, 180, 197, 209, 213, 217, 220,
152, 153, 154, 155, 215, 217, 241, 245
230, 243 Zhang Zhimin ᓴᖫᬣ, 216, 245
Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne, see Zhao Hongyin 䍉ᅣ಴, 131, 167,
Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. 240
Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. (Yu Aiqin; Zhao Rixin 䍉᮹ᮄ, 76, 128, 130,
Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne) 137, 169, 217, 218, 245, 246
ԭ䴁㢍, 124, 125, 232, 243 Zhao Yuanren (Yuen Ren Chao) 䍉
Yule, George, 213, 243 ‫ܗ‬ӏ, xii, 2, 25, 47, 49, 50, 60,
75, 121, 169, 215, 218, 223,
Zhai Shiyu 㖳ᯊ䲼, 106, 243 227, 246
Zhan Bohui 䁍ԃ᜻, 1, 16, 25, 26, Zheng Ding’ou 䚥ᅮ⃻, 220, 246
27, 28–29,32, 33, 34, 35, 36, Zhengzhang Shangfang 䚥ᓴᇮ㢇,
37, 38, 40, 41, 49, 51, 57, 58, 226
74, 75, 76, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, Zhou Changji ਼䭓Ἷ, 131, 179, 217,
99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 247, 248
109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, Zhou Dianfu ਼↓⽣, 106, 248
116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, Zhou Fang ਼ᮍ, 128
123, 124, 126, 129, 150, 151, Zhou Lei ਼⺞, 131, 167, 217, 248
152, 153, 154, 155, 177, 178, Zhou Qinghai ਼⏙⍋ see Chew
216, 217, 218, 231, 244 Cheng Hai
Zhang Ansheng ᓴᅝ⫳, 131, 166, Zhou Qingsheng ਼ᑚ⫳, 4, 12, 14,
232 248
Zhang Binglin ゴ⚇味 (Zhang Zhou Zhenhe ਼ᤃ吸, 55, 61, 216,
Taiyan ゴ໾♢), 37–38, 216, 248
245 Zhou Zuyao ਼⼪⩊, 218, 249
Zhang Chengcai ᓴ៤ᴤ, 131, 166, Zhu Jiansong ᴅᓎ乖, 131, 162, 249
244 Zhuang Chusheng ᑘ߱छ, 218, 232,
Zhang Guangming ᓴ‫ܝ‬ᯢ, 131, 168, 249
240 Zou Jiayan 䚍௝ᔺ, 4, 58, 220, 249
Zhang Huiying ᓴᚴ㣅, 129, 169, Zou Xiaoli 䚍ᰧБ, 19, 21, 213, 214,
170, 244 249
Zhang Junru ᓴഛབ, 217, 220, 233
Index of Chinese place names
The index includes Chinese place names which are mentioned in the book, it does
not cover the pages of the References and Appendices. The names of the forty two
dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are given in
boldface.
Anhui ᅝᖑ, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 66, 187, 188, 191, 192, 193, 196,
67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 137, 146, 197
169 Chongming Dao ዛᯢቯ, see
Anji ᅝঢ়, 68 Chongming Island
Anqing ᅝᑚ, 40, 44 Chongming Island (ዛᯢቯ
Aomen, see Macau ▇䮼 Chongming Dao), 54, 170
Chongming ዛᯢ, 129, 135, 138,
Beijing ࣫Ҁ, xi, xii, xix, 2, 10, 13, 140, 147, 152, 169–170, 182,
51, 53, 57, 64, 77, 78, 79, 80, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, 198
81, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96, Chongqing 䞡ᑚ, 146, 148
97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, Chuzhou ໘Ꮂ, 44, 69
106, 113, 116, 117, 137, 139,
142, 146, 148, 151, 155, 156, Da Yunhe ໻䖤⊇, see Grand Canal
158, 162, 170, 186, 209, 215, Dabu ໻ඨ, 42, 45
219 Danyang Ѝ䰇, 41, 129, 138, 140,
Bobai मⱑ, 45 147, 152, 169, 182, 184, 187,
190, 193, 196, 198, 201, 219
Caozhou ᳍Ꮂ, 38 Danzhou ۟Ꮂ, 73, 216
Chang Jiang 䭓∳, see Yangtze River Dianbai ⬉ⱑ, 45
Changle 䭓Ф, 68 Dihua 䖾࣪ (old name for Ürümqi
Changsha 䭓≭, 114, 115, 129, 135, Р剕᳼唤), 167
141, 147, 153, 155, 173, 181, Dongbei ϰ࣫, see Northeast China
182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, Dongguan ϰ㥲, 44, 129, 135, 138,
194, 196, 199, 201 141, 146, 154, 177–178, 183,
Changshu ᐌ❳, 41, 115 185, 187, 191, 194, 196, 200
Changxing 䭓݈, 68
Changzhou ᐌᎲ, 38, 40, 41, 44 Enping ᘽᑇ, 44
Chaoshan ╂∩, 48, 55, 60, 71
Chaozhou ╂Ꮂ, 37, 42, 44, 113, 117, Fengshun Є乎, 45
154 Fujian ⽣ᓎ, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47,
Chengdu ៤䛑, 129, 138, 139, 147, 52, 54, 55, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72,
151, 162–163, 181, 184, 185, 84, 85, 146, 172, 174, 175,
272 Index of Chinese place names
176, 178, 179 Haikang ⍋ᒋ, 55

Fuzhou ᡮᎲ, 175 Haikou ⍋ষ, 129, 135, 138, 141,
Fuzhou ⽣Ꮂ, 37, 39, 44, 47, 105, 146, 154, 180, 183, 184, 188,
129, 132, 138, 141, 146, 154, 191, 194, 200, 201
155, 178–179, 181, 183, 184, Haimen ⍋䮼, 54
185, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, Hainan Dao ⍋फቯ, see Hainan
201 Island
Hainan Island (⍋फቯ Hainan Dao),
Gansu ⫬㙗, 5, 6, 7, 37, 40, 41, 43, 39, 47, 180
66, 146, 148, 166 Hainan ⍋फ, 39, 42, 47, 48, 55, 59,
Ganzhou 䌷Ꮂ, 175 60, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 104,
Gaoyao 催㽕, 45 146, 180
Gaozhou 催Ꮂ, 42, 45 Hangzhou Bay (ᵁᎲ⑒ Hangzhou
Grand Canal (໻䖤⊇ Da Yunhe), Wan), 172
160, 171 Hangzhou Wan ᵁᎲ⑒, see
Guangde ᑓᖋ, 67, 68 Hangzhou Bay
Guangdong ᑓϰ, 6, 37, 41, 42, 45, Hangzhou ᵁᎲ, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44,
46, 47, 52, 54, 55, 61, 70, 71, 59, 69, 129, 135, 140, 143,
72, 73, 146, 164, 174, 176, 147, 152, 171, 182, 185, 186,
177, 179, 180 187, 190, 191, 193, 196, 199,
Guangxi ᑓ㽓, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 42, 201
44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 59, 67, 68, Hankou ∝ষ, 162
70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 146, 164, Hanyang ∝䰇, 162
176 Harbin જᇨⒼ (Ha’erbin), 130,
Guangxin ᑓֵ, 38 135, 138, 146, 151, 158, 180,
Guangzhou ᑓᎲ, 39, 111, 112, 113, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191,
115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 193, 196, 197, 201, 204, 219
129, 132, 135, 141, 146, 154, Hebei ⊇࣫, 37, 40, 41, 43, 64, 65,
155, 177, 181, 182, 185, 187, 68, 109, 146, 148
188, 191, 194, 200, 201 Hefei ড়㙹, 151, 155
Guanyang ☠䰇, 54 Heilongjiang 咥啭∳, 6, 64, 146,
Guixian 䌉ও, 45 158
Guiyang 䌉䰇, 129, 135, 139, 146, Henan ⊇फ, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68,
151, 163–164, 181, 185, 187, 146, 165
189, 192, 193, 196, 197, 198, Heyuan ⊇⑤, 45
201 Hohhot ੐੠⌽⡍ (Huhehaote), 152
Guizhou 䌉Ꮂ, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 44, Hong Kong 佭␃ (Xianggang), 146,
46, 54, 66, 73, 138, 146, 163, 148, 154, 156, 179, 207, 209
173 Huai He, see Huai River
Gutian স⬄, 44 Huai River (⏂⊇ Huai He), 38, 40
Huaiqing ᗔᑚ, 37
Ha’erbin, see Harbin જᇨⒼ Huaxian ࣪ও, 45
Index of Chinese place names 273
Hubei ␪࣫, 5, 37, 40, 41, 43, 46, 47, Jintan 䞥യ, 41
53, 66, 67, 70, 147, 162, 164 Jinyang ᰟ䰇 (old name for Taiyuan
Huhehaote, see Hohhot ੐੠⌽⡍ ໾ॳ), 168
Huiyang ᚴ䰇, 42, 45 Jiujiang б∳, 40, 44, 46, 53
Huizhou ᖑᎲ, 38, 44, 48, 49, 51, 60, Jixi 㒽⑾, 75, 128, 130, 135, 137,
69, 72, 142 138, 140, 146, 153, 155, 169,
Hunan ␪फ, 5, 6, 37, 40, 41, 43, 44, 182, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193,
45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 67, 70, 195, 196, 198, 201, 218
72, 73, 147, 163, 164, 173,
174 Kaifeng ᓔᇕ, 37, 38
Huzhou ␪Ꮂ, 38, 40, 42, 44, 47 Kaiping ᓔᑇ, 44
Kunming ᯚᯢ, 116, 151
Inner Mongolia (‫ݙ‬㩭স Kunshan ᯚቅ, 41, 44
Neimenggu), 6, 8, 64, 68, 147,
148 Langxi 䚢⑾, 68
Lanzhou ݄Ꮂ, 151
Jian’ou ᓎ⫃, 130, 141, 146, 154, Leizhou Bandao 䳋Ꮂञቯ, see
178, 183, 188, 194, 200 Leizhou Peninsula
Jiangsu ∳㢣, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52, 54, Leizhou Peninsula (䳋Ꮂञቯ
61, 66, 67, 69, 70, 128, 147, Leizhou Bandao), 55, 71, 180
159, 160, 161, 169, 170, 171 Leizhou 䳋Ꮂ, 45, 55, 71, 86, 130,
Jiangxi ∳㽓, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 141, 146, 154, 179–180, 183,
46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 69, 70, 72, 185, 186, 188, 191, 194, 196,
73, 147, 174, 175, 176 200, 201, 216
Jiangyin ∳䰈, 42 Lianxian 䖲ও, 45
Jiankang ᓎᒋ (old name for Lianzhou ᒝᎲ, 42, 45
Nanjing फҀ), 161 Liaoning 䖑ᅕ, 6, 64, 65, 147, 148
Jianning ᓎᅕ, 39 Lichuan 咢Ꮁ, 67, 130, 141, 147,
Jianyang ᓎ䰇, 39 153, 175, 182, 185, 187, 190,
Jiaoling 㬝ኁ, 45 194, 196, 200
Jiaxing ௝݈, 38, 40, 42, 44 Liuzhou ᷇Ꮂ, 130, 135, 138, 140,
Jilin ঢ়ᵫ, 6, 64, 147, 148 146, 151, 164–165, 180, 182,
Jinan ⌢फ, 116, 130, 135, 139, 147, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192,
151, 158–159, 181, 185, 186, 193, 195, 197, 198, 201, 204
187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, Liyang ⑻䰇, 41
201 Longchuan 啭Ꮁ, 45
Jingjiang 䴪∳, 54 Longmen Dao 啭䮼ቯ, see Longmen
Jingxian ⋒ও, 67 Island
Jinhua 䞥ढ, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 130, Longmen Island (啭䮼ቯ Longmen
135, 140, 147, 152, 172–173, Dao), 68
182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, Loudi ࿘ᑩ, 130, 135, 141, 147, 153,
196, 199, 201 173, 182, 186, 187, 190, 192,
194, 196, 199, 201 Ningbo ᅕ⊶, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 130,
Luoding 㔫ᅮ, 45 138, 140, 147, 152, 170, 172,
Luoning ⋯ᅕ, 80 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 191,
Luoyang ⋯䰇, 130, 138, 139, 146, 193, 196, 199, 201
151, 165, 182, 184, 187, 189, Ningguo ᅕ೑, 38, 44, 67, 68
193, 196, 198, 201 Ningxia ᅕ໣, 66, 147, 166
Northeast China (ϰ࣫ Dongbei), 43,
Macau ▇䮼 (Aomen), 147, 148, 156, 64, 77, 158
179, 207, 209
Meixian ṙও, 42, 45, 113, 114, 120, Panyu ⬾⾎, 44
130, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, Pingxiang 㧡е, 130, 135, 138, 141,
156, 176, 181, 182, 185, 187, 147, 153, 174, 182, 184, 185,
190, 194, 196, 200 186, 187, 190, 192, 194, 196,
Meizhou ṙᎲ, 176 200
Mianchi ⏥∴ 80 Pingyao ᑇ䘹, 152
Min Jiang 䯑∳, see Min River
Min River (䯑∳ Min Jiang), 178 Qidong ਃϰ, 54
Muping ⠳ᑇ, 130, 139, 147, 151, Qingdao 䴦ቯ, 151
159, 181, 185, 187, 189, 191, Qinghai 䴦⍋, 5, 6, 7, 66, 147, 166
193, 196, 197, 201 Qinzhou 䩺Ꮂ, 42, 45, 68
Qiongzhou ⨐Ꮂ, 44, 104, 218
Nanchang फᯠ, 117, 130, 135, 141, Quanzhou ܼᎲ, 54
147, 153, 155, 174, 181, 182, Qujiang ᳆∳, 45
184, 185, 187, 190, 191, 194, Quzhou 㸶Ꮂ, 38, 41, 42, 44
196, 199, 201
Nanfang फ䰆, 37 Raozhou 佊Ꮂ, 38
Nanhai फ⍋, 44 Ronghe 㤷⊇, 167
Nanjing फҀ, 40, 44, 130, 135, 138, Rongxian ᆍও, 45
140, 147, 151, 161–162, 163, Runing ∱ᅕ, 37
181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, Ruyuan ч⑤, 45
191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197
Nanning फᅕ, 130, 138, 141, 146, Samkong, see Sanjiang ϝ∳
154, 155, 156, 176, 180, 182, Sanjiang ϝ∳ (Samkong), 39
185, 187, 190, 192, 194, 200, Shaanxi 䰩㽓, 37, 40, 41, 43, 47, 66,
201, 204 67, 68, 147, 165
Nanping फᑇ, 68, 178 Shandong Bandao ቅϰञቯ, see
Nantong फ䗮, 54 Shandong Peninsula
Nanyang Qundao फ⋟㕸ቯ (areas Shandong Peninsula (ቅϰञቯ
south beyond the South China Shandong Bandao), 159
Sea), 45 Shandong ቅϰ, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43,
Neimenggu ‫ݙ‬㩭স, see Inner 65, 66, 124, 147, 158, 159
Mongolia Shanghai Ϟ⍋, 2, 37, 39, 41, 44, 69,
Index of Chinese place names 275
113, 115, 130, 138, 140, 147, Tibet (㽓㮣 Xizang), 5, 9, 147, 148,
152, 153, 155, 170, 181, 182, 166
184, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, Tibetan A.R. 㽓㮣㞾⊏ऎ Xizang
199, 201, 217, 219 Zizhiqu, see Tibet
Shantou ∩༈, 39, 42, 44, 47, 154 Tingzhou ∔Ꮂ, 39, 42, 72, 142
Shanxi ቅ㽓, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, Tunxi ቃ⑾, 153, 156
147, 167, 168
Shaowu 䚉℺, 39 Ürümqi Р剕᳼唤 (Wulumuqi), 131,
Shaoxing 㒡݈, 38, 44 135, 139, 147, 151, 152, 167,
Shenyang ≜䰇, 112 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188,
Shexian ℭও, 137, 153, 156 189, 191, 193, 196, 198, 201,
Shuangfeng ঠዄ, 113, 153, 155 204
Shunde 乎ᖋ, 44
Sichuan ಯᎱ, 5, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, Wanquan ϛ⊝, 167
46, 47, 53, 54, 66, 147, 163 Wanrong ϛ㤷, 131, 138, 139, 147,
Songjiang ᵒ∳, 38, 40, 41 151, 167, 182, 185, 186, 187,
Suzhou 㢣Ꮂ, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 188, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201
113, 119, 130, 138, 140, 147, Weihai ࿕⍋, 159
152, 153, 155, 170, 171, 181, Weihui ि䕝, 37
182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 193, Wenchang ᭛ᯠ, 44, 71
199, 201 Wenzhou ⏽Ꮂ, 37, 39, 42, 44, 55,
101, 117, 131, 135, 140, 147,
Taibei ৄ࣫, 154 152, 153, 155, 172, 182, 184,
Taicang ໾ҧ, 38 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199
Taishan ৄቅ, 44, 45 Wu ਈ (old name for Suzhou 㢣Ꮂ),
Taiwan Haixia ৄ⑒⍋ኵ, see 171
Taiwan Strait Wuchang ℺ᯠ, 162
Taiwan Strait (ৄ⑒⍋ኵ Taiwan Wuhan ℺∝, 115, 131, 135, 138,
Haixia), 179 139, 147, 151, 152, 162, 181,
Taiwan ৄ⑒, 4, 7, 9, 47, 54, 55, 58, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192,
70, 72, 147, 148, 156, 179, 193, 196, 197, 201
207, 209, 220 Wuhu 㡰␪, 40, 44
Taiyuan ໾ॳ, 131, 138, 140, 147, Wuhua Ѩढ, 45
151, 152, 155, 168, 181, 182, Wulumuqi, see Ürümqi Р剕᳼唤
184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193, Wuxi ᮴䫵, 41, 44
196, 198, 201 Wuzhou ṻᎲ, 45
Taizhou ৄᎲ, 39, 44, 69, 140
Taoyuan ḗು, 154, 156 Xi’an 㽓ᅝ, 131, 139, 147, 151, 152,
Tianjin ໽⋹, 64, 65, 147, 148, 151, 165, 182, 187, 189, 193, 198
161 Xiamen Dao ॺ䮼ቯ, see Xiamen
Tianjing ໽Ҁ (old name for Nanjing Island
फҀ), 161 Xiamen Island (ॺ䮼ቯ Xiamen
Dao), 179 Yantai ⚳ৄ, 159

Xiamen ॺ䮼, 39, 44, 47, 112, 118, Yanzhou ϹᎲ, 38, 41, 44, 69, 140
131, 135, 141, 146, 154, 155, Yinchuan 䫊Ꮁ, 131, 135, 139, 147,
179, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 152, 166, 180, 182, 185, 186,
191, 194, 196, 200, 201 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 204
Xianggang, see Hong Kong 佭␃ Yingtianfu ᑨ໽ᑰ (old name for
Xiangtan ␬╁, 153 Nanjing फҀ), 161, 163
Xin’an Jiang ᮄᅝ∳, see Xin’an Yixing ᅰ݈, 41
River Yizhou ≖Ꮂ, 38
Xin’an River (ᮄᅝ∳ Xin’an Jiang), Yongkang ∌ᒋ, 152, 155
69 Yudu Ѣ䛑, 131, 142, 147, 154, 156,
Xing’an ݈ᅝ, 54 175, 182, 186, 187, 190, 194,
Xinghua ݈࣪, 39 196, 200
Xingning ݈ᅕ, 42, 45 Yulin 䚕ᵫ, 45
Xinhui ᮄӮ, 44 Yunan 䚕फ, 45
Xining 㽓ᅕ, 131, 132, 135, 138, Yuncheng 䖤ජ, 167
139, 147, 152, 166, 180, 182, Yunfu ѥ⍂, 45
184, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, Yunnan ѥफ, 5, 6, 7, 38, 40, 41, 44,
195, 196, 198, 201, 204 46, 47, 53, 66, 147, 148
Xinjiang ᮄ⭚, 6, 7, 8, 40, 64, 66, Yuyao ԭྮ, 44
147, 167
Xinzhou ᗏᎲ, 131, 135, 138, 140, Zaozhuang ᵷᑘ, 124
147, 152, 168, 182, 187, 189, Zhangde ᕄᖋ, 37
193, 196, 198, 201 Zhangzhou ┇Ꮂ, 37, 44
Xuancheng ᅷජ, 67, 68, 169 Zhanjiang ␯∳, 179
Xuwen ᕤ䯏, 55 Zhejiang ⌭∳, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52,
Xuzhou ᕤᎲ, 131, 135, 138, 139, 54, 55, 61, 68, 69, 70, 72, 147,
147, 152, 159–160, 181, 184, 155, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174
185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, Zhengzhou 䚥Ꮂ, 152
197, 201 Zhenjiang 䬛∳, 37, 40, 44, 46, 53,
54, 169
Yangjiang 䰇∳, 154 Zhili Ⳉ䲊 (old name for ⊇࣫
Yangtze River (䭓∳ Chang Jiang), Hebei), 37, 40
37, 38, 46, 53, 54, 67, 160, Zhongshan Ёቅ, 44
161, 171 Zhoushan Archipelago (㟳ቅ㕸ቯ
Yangyu ⋟ቓ, 68 Zhoushan Qundao), 55
Yangzhou ᡀᎲ, 44, 115, 131, 140, Zhoushan Qundao 㟳ቅ㕸ቯ, see
147, 151, 152, 160, 181, 184, Zhoushan Archipelago
185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, Zhuji 䇌ᱼ, 42
193, 195, 196, 197, 201 Ziyuan 䌘⑤, 54

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Chinese Language(s)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kurpaska, Maria, 1977⫺

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

” 2010 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York

The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects is one of the greatest

The simplified Chinese characters ˄ㅔԧᄫ ji΁nt΃zì˅ have been used

– The implosives are written as [!b, !d, !g].

In order to avoid misunderstandings and to simplify the search, both the

References to The Language Atlas of China are written as numbers of

9. Are the dialects of China endangered? ........................................... 208

A.R. – Autonomous Region ˄㞾⊏ऎ Zizhiqu˅

Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group

Figure 1. Sixteen ᨘ shè of Guăngyùn 24

Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities 144

1. ‘ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán’ versus ‘dialect’

There is slight disagreement between the Chinese perception of the term

Perhaps the term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ is simply untranslatable and the

In the case of the dialects of Chinese, they are phonologically as divergent

China is often regarded as a linguistic monolith, not only by people from

Chinese is commonly classified as a sub-branch of the Sino-Tibetan lan-

2. Non-Chinese languages of China

1. Sino-Tibetan Family ˄∝㮣䇁㋏ Hànzàng Y·xì˅

1.3. Miao-Yao (~Hmong-Mien) Group ˄㢫⩊䇁ᮣ Miáoyáo Y·zú˅

Manchu (~Man) ˄⒵䇁 M΁ny·˅

4.4. Yami ˄㘊ⳝ䇁 YƝméiy·˅

3.1. Li Fanggui ˄ᴢᮍḖ˅

In 1937 Li Fanggui published an article in the Chinese Yearbook (Li Fang-

1. Indo-Chinese (Tibeto-Chinese, Sino-Tibetan, Sinitic)

3.2. S. Robert Ramsey

Ramsey (1987: 157–291) gives a brief description of the minority lan-

The Minorities of North China:

3.3. SIL International5

The online version of Ethnologue, “an encyclopaedic reference work

1. The forming of Putonghua

Because of the diversity of languages and dialects in China, it is natural that

The People’s Republic of China Law of the Country’s Common Language

Fa ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑೑ᆊ䗮⫼䇁㿔᭛ᄫ⊩) (see Quanguo Renda… 2001:

…Local dialects may be used under the following circumstances:

Putonghua is certainly not to eliminate the dialects, but to remove the

3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua

The expansion of the standard language in a natural way influences the

4. The status of Putonghua

A national conference on the workings of the national language ˄ܼ೑

To study the phonetics of Chinese dialects, one must be familiar to some

1. The structure of the syllable

According to the traditional partition, a Chinese syllable ˄䷇㡖 yƯnjié˅

Table 1. Structure of a syllable.11

2. Middle Chinese tones

Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names.

Table 3. Tone categories.

3. Middle Chinese initials

Another important concept related to the initials of Middle Chinese is ᄫ

Table 4. The traditional thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm·.

4. Middle Chinese finals14

The basic concept in terms of traditional finals is ䷉㉏ yùnlèi. Various

ডߛ f΁nqiè (also called ড f΁n or ߛ qiè) is a traditional method of

6. Rhyme books 䯴 ䷉к yùnshǌ䯵

6.1. Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅

6.2. Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅

The full title of Guangyun is ໻ᅟ䞡ׂᑓ䷉ (Dasong Chongxiu Guangyun)

It is still not clear whether Guangyun is a description of the phonetic sys-

1.1. Phonetic characteristics