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POLICE PATROL MOBILITY

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 POLICE PATROL MOBILITY
Urban Nulden
Viktoria institute, Göteborg
nulden@viktoria.se

Abstract
Mobile information technology has received a great deal of interest from the research
community. In this paper, mobile information technology is related to police patrol officers
and their work. The Swedish police organization is currently investigating two types of
mobile technology for patrols; car mounted computers and handheld computers. Data from an
ongoing ethnographic field study with patrol officers are analyzed and a framework
describing police patrol mobility is proposed. The framework can aid the design of mobile IT
and mobile services for police patrols.

Keywords: mobile work, ethnographic field studies, mobile information technology, mobile
services.
1. Introduction
Mobil information technology has received a great interest from the research community.
Fields such as information systems, computer supported collaborative work, human and
computer interaction has approached mobile technology for mobile professionals. In this
research the police is in focus. Police work has always been mobile. Different types of
technologies have given the police new possibilities to carry out their task. Examples are
horses, dogs, patrol cars (first patrol car in Sweden came 1933), radio communication and
computers, and recently non lethal weapons such as pepper spray and teaser guns.
Police and the use of information technology have received interest from a wide research
community. Different types of crime recording and investigation systems has been studied
(Adderley & Musgrove, 2001). Others have studied police use of geographic information
system (GIS) (Pelfrey, 2001), and the embodiment of technology in the practice (Benson,
1993) and more technical research on the capacity of different infrastructures for
communication, such as Tetra (Dunlop & Girma, 1999). A large body of research has
investigated police education and training. See for instance (Haberfeld, 2002) for review.
Education and training is especially interesting. In Sweden virtually all police officers have
the same police-training-background. They have all gone to the very same police academy,
and most of them follow a similar career path. One of the most distinctive characteristics of
the police organization is that virtually everyone in the organization, from first year recruit to
the police chief, shares the common experience of having worked the street as a patrol officer.
This bottom-up, closed promotion system assures that applicants to the supervisory ranks and
to investigation officer have been exposed to the so-called “street culture” of policing. Most
officers have worked the streets in the past (sometimes in the very past). In this research these
officers are categorized as “indoor cops” who do most of their work indoors and in an office
environment, and claim that “they know the streets of today.”
To the general public, the purpose of policing, beyond protecting life, is to control crime and
maintain order, which involves the unique ability to use force to conduct daily activities.
However it should be noted that the end-based and norm derivated definition of police
introduces problem. To avoid this the following definition of police is applied in this research.
Police are institutions or individuals given the general right to use coercive force by the
within the state’s domestic territory (Klockars, 1985). However, several methods have been
developed by which departments organize and manage the police patrol practice.
The aim of this paper is to discuss police patrol mobility and the use of mobile information
technology in this context. Mobile technology in this research refers to different types of
information technology either carried by the officers of mounted in the patrol car, or
combination of these. Consequently the following research question guides this research:
How should police patrol mobility be conceptualized to aid the design of mobile information
technology for police patrols?
The reminder of the paper has the following structure. Next section discusses policing as a
social structure and police as an institution in this structure. This is followed by a short
analysis of police culture. Then the two overall types of police patrol practice are presented.
In the fifth section, the methodology of this research is briefly outlined. This is followed by
the result section where police patrol mobility is discussed based on an ongoing field study.
And in the last section the results are discussed and further research is outlined.

2. Policing and Police

Anyone living in a modern society has this intuitive notion of what the police are. Modern
societies are characterized by what can be termed ‘police fetishism’, the ideological
assumption that the police are a functional prerequisite of social order so that without a police
force chaos would ensure. Researchers have usually assumed a taken-for-granted notion of
the police and their proper functions (Cain 1979). Hence, it is important to distinguish

2
between the ideas of ‘police’ and ‘policing’. ‘Police’ refers to a particular institution, whereas
policing implies a set of processes with specific social functions and aims (Reiner, 2000).
Hence, the idea of policing is an aspect of the more general concept of social control.
The essential concept of policing is the attempt to maintain security through surveillance and
the threat of sanctioning (Spitzer 1987; Shearing 1992). Policing implies the set of activities
aimed at preserving the security of a particular social order, or social order in general (Reiner
1999). That order may regarded as based on a consensus of interests, or a manifest and/or
latent conflict of interests between social groups differentially placed in a hierarchy of
advantage, or perhaps a complex intertwining of the two (Marenin 1983).

Until modern times policing functions were carried out primarily as a by-product of other
social relationships and by citizen ‘volunteers’ or private employees. It has been shown by
anthropological studies that many pre-literate societies have existed without any formalized
system or social control or policing (see for instance Klockars 1985 for a historical review of
the development of the new police).
While policing may be universal, the ‘police’ as a specialized body of people given the
primary formal responsibility for legitimate force to safeguard security are a feature of only of
relatively complex societies. Good policing may help preserve social order: it cannot produce
it. Yet increasingly this is what is being demanded of the police (Reiner, 2000). Below the
culture of the police is discussed.

3. Police Culture

An understanding of how police officers see the social world and their role in it—‘cop
culture’—is crucial to an analysis of what they do, and their broad political function. A well-
researched topic in the literature on policing is police culture. Police culture is a kind of
occupational culture and defined as: An occupational culture is a reduced, selective, and task-
based culture that is shaped by and shapes the socially relevant worlds of the occupation.
Embedded in traditions and a history, occupational cultures contain accepted practices, rules,
and principles of conduct that are situationally applied, and generalized rationales and beliefs
(Manning, 1989; p. 360). Police culture can be descried as a “confluence of themes” (Crank,
1998). Themes are areas of activity and sentiments associated with these activities, linked to
each other by a dynamic affirmation (Kappeler, Sluder, & Alpert, 1994). Dynamic affirmation
is the idea that activities and dispositions are not easily separable ideas but reciprocally
causal—activities confirm predispositions and predispositions lead to the selection of
activities. Themes are developed around particular contours of the everyday working
environment of the officers. An examination of research on the police reveals several cultural
themes. The use of force occupies an important role in cultural identity (Rubinstein, 1973).
For many police, researchers force has been the defining characteristic of the occupation of
the police (Bittner, 1970; Klockars, 1991).
Manning (1997) identified uncertainty as a characteristic of police work that uniquely
characterized police culture and as an important theoretical development that represented
recognition of the limits of predictive theories of police behavior. Culture is a convenient and
meaningful explanation for local resistance, particularly when resistance seems to be rooted in
informal norms and values held by line officers (Crank, 1997). The transmission of cultural
practices deflects efforts to instill meaningful change (McNulty, 1994). Many researchers
consequently advise that changes in police practices, to be effective, should take into
consideration cultural elements of the occupation (Reiner, 1992). Two perspectives highlight
current interest in police culture. Crank (1998), developes a “middle-range” perspective on
police culture, presented culture in terms of themes that were similar across organizations.
Line officers adapted their work and their attitudes to the characteristics of their working
environment. Culture emerged as an immediate, shared, and stylistic process of creative
adaptation to the occupational environment (Shearing & Ericson, 1991; Willis, 1990).

3
Police work is a job, and an often-conflicted craft, where immorality, venality, violence, and
lies are routine (behaviors sometimes endorsed by the public). Teamwork is essential in the
police, and teams are based on secrets only partially shared with colleagues.

4. Police practice

Police patrol practice can be understood as a dichotomy with two ontologically different
points of departure. On the one hand: patrol practice is to react to incidents, and on the other
hand, patrol practice is to work proactively to prevent crime. Most police department has
adopted practices that share parts of both of them. Below the two are briefly presented. For a
more extensive discussion see for instance (Eck & Spelman, 2001)

4.1 Incident-Driven Policing

Current police practice is primarily incident-driven. That is, most police activities are aimed
at resolving individual incidents, rather than groups of incidents or problems (see figure 1).
The incident driven police department has four characteristics.
• First, it is reactive. Most of the workload of patrol officers and detectives consists of
handling crimes that have already been committed, disturbance in progress, traffic
violations and similar incidents. The exceptions such as crime prevention and
narcotics investigation make up a small part of police work.
• Incident-driven police work relies on limited information that is mainly generated
from victims, witnesses, and suspects. Only limited information is needed because the
police objectives are limited: patrol officers and detectives are only trying to resolve
the incident at hand.
• The primary means of resolving incidents is to invoke the criminal justice process.
Even when an officer manages to resolve an incident without arresting anyone, it is
often the threat of enforcing the law that is the key to resolving the situation.
Alternative means of resolution are seldom invoked.
• Lastly, incident-driven police departments use aggregate statistics to measure
performance. The department is doing a good job when the citywide crime rate is
low, or the citywide arrest rate is high. The best officers are those who make many
arrests, or service many calls.

Figure 1: Incident-driven policing

No department is purely incident-driven; but this is want all agencies do, almost all of the
time. Appropriately responding to incidents can be effective: victims are aided, serious
offenders are caught, and citizens are helped every day. But too often if fails. Handling calls

4
for service is time-consuming, and rarely produces a measurable result. Officers become
frustrated after they handle similar calls and situations, with no sign of progress. Citizens
become irritated and disappointed when the problems behind their call remain unresolved.
The constant repetition of similar calls indicates that the incident-driven department has been
unable to do anything to effectively deal and solve the underlying conditions.

4.2 Problem-Oriented Policing

An alternative to incident-driven policing was introduced in the late 70s. The reacting to calls
for service was only the first step. Police should go further, and attempt to find a permanent
resolution of the problem that created the call. The alterative was called the “problem-
oriented approach.” And later called “problem-oriented policing.” The theory behind
problem-oriented policing is simple. Underlying conditions create problems. These conditions
might include the characteristics of the people involved (offenders, potential victims, and
others), the social setting in which the people interact, the physical environment, and the way
the public deals with these conditions.
A problem created by these conditions may generate one or more incidents. These incidents,
while stemming from a common source, may appear to be different. For example, social and
physical conditions in a deteriorated apartment complex may generate burglaries, acts of
vandalism, intimidation of pedestrians by rowdy teenagers, and other incidents1. These
incidents, some of which come to police attention, are symptoms of the problem. The
incidents will continue so long as the problem that creates them persists.

Figure 2: Problem-oriented policing

As described by figure 1, the incident-driven police department responds by dealing with each
incident. Like aspirin, this symptomatic relief is valuable but limited in time. Because police
typically leave untouched the condition that created the incidents, the incidents are likely to
recur.
A problem-oriented police agency would respond as described in figure 2. Officers continue
to handle calls, but they do a lot more. They use the information gathered in their responses to
incidents, together with information obtained other sources to get a clearer picture of the
problem. They then address the underlying conditions. If they are successful in ameliorating
1
See for instance Broken Windows by Wilson and Kelling for a discussion on this.

5
these conditions, fewer incidents may occur; those that occur might be less serious. The
incidents may even cease. At the very least, information about the problem can help police to
design more effective methods to respond to each incident.
Problem solving is not new. Police officers have always tried to solve problems. But officers
have received limited guidance and support from police administrators. In fact, supervisors
and other officers have often discouraged problem solving; the more time officers spent
dealing with problems the less time is available for reactive police work. Problem-oriented
policing — the routine application of problem-solving techniques — is new. It is based on
two premises. The first premise is that problem solving can be applied by officers throughout
the agency as part of their daily work. Previous problem-solving efforts have been confined to
special projects or units. The second premise is that problem-solving efforts can be effective
in reducing or resolving problem. Although problem-oriented policing is rather new, it relies
on twenty years of research on incident-driven policing.

5. Observing the street cop - Method

Many observational studies of police work have shown that officers regularly fail to enact in
practice the attitudes they have articulated in the canteen or in interviews. Therefore an
ethnographical approach is applied in this research. The aim was to observe, practice and talk
to them as they were carrying out their everyday (mundane) tasks. A key difference between
the investigative reporter and the ethnographer, however, is that whereas the journalist seeks
out the unusual—the murder, the plane crash, or the bank robbery—the ethnographer writes
about the routine, daily lives of people (Fetterman, 1998). Ethnography is advocated as an
approach to the study of human groups that rejects the more positivistic, objectivistic, and
scientistic hegemony of its quantitative brethren (Ferrell & MHamm, 1998)
The typical model for ethnographic research is based on a phenomenologically oriented
paradigm. This paradigm embraces a multicultural perspective because it accepts multiple
realities. Phenomenologically oriented studies are generally inductive; they make few explicit
assumptions about sets of relationships. Such an approach is the basis of grounded theory
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The theory underlying a sociocultural system or community
develops directly from empirical data.

However, no matter how certain the participant observer is of getting the “whole story,” there
may be another world behind the scenes that the researcher is never allowed to witness – back
stage (Perlmutter, 2000). The back stage is not simply a place where hidden events transpire
or where people say “what they really think.” It is a context, largely only observable and in
earshot of those who are invited to be there. A participant-observer who has gained the trust
of the natives may be allowed to witness and hear what goes on. There are back stages and
there are back stages. There may very well be an inner sanctum that an ethnographer never
penetrates. This may be simply the true thoughts the subject but also might be a conversation
topic that is never voiced or shared with outsiders.
The back stage can best be described as related to the content of conversation rather than
locale. In the hidden transcript: discourse not meant to be publicly uttered or printed. The
back stage, thus, is an antidote to much of what the cops face on the front stage or, to use
another analogy, a decompression chamber from the high-pressure moments on the street
(Perlmutter, 2000).
If the front stage is where the action takes place and the back stage is where judgments on
those actions and on the people encountered in the front stage are rendered, a symbiotic
relationship of the two appears.
During the field study a change in the interpretation of the Swedish law took place. The result
was that no one but the police where allowed to ride along in the patrol car for over a year.
The consequence was that all researchers, journalists, social workers, law students and similar
categories of people had to “step out of the car.” This situation allowed me to conduct

6
intensive fieldwork, pull back and make sense of what I had observed and recorded, and then
return to the field to test my hypotheses. The effort was successful because I was able to see
patterns of behavior over time. This is important as it is only after some time in the field, it is
possible to identify variation in roles and duties and sort out the connections between
segments within the subdivision (Manning, 1997).
There are some inherent challenges in field studies, especially in the police context.
Fieldwork is permented with the conflict between what is theoretically desirable on the one
hand, and what is practically possible on the other. And in the conflict between the desirable
and the possible, the possible always wins (Buchanan, Boddy, & McCalman, 1994). The
practice ot field research is the art of the possible. It is necessary to exploit the opportunities
offered in the circumstances.
The long-term goal of this research is to acquire knowledge to be able to design information
technology based services for patrol practice. So far approximately 400 hours of observation
has been completed. The vast part has been with patrols in patrol practice during all hours of
the day. Roughly 50 hours has been spent at two different dispatcher centrals. The study also
includes interviews with supervisors, technical and legal experts, and project managers of
different police projects.

6. Police Patrol Mobility

This section summarize some of the findings in the field study and four dimensions of a
tentative taxonomy is presented as a response to the research question; How should police
patrol mobility be conceptualized to aid the design of mobile information technology for
police patrols?
There are variations in the understanding of mobility in police patrol practice. Several
different perspectives taken by different actors in the police organization. The actors are, not
exclusively: patrol officers, indoor officers, legal experts, technicians.
The conceptualization consists of four dimensions: functionality, properties, modalities, and
mandate. Each of the dimension can explanatory be connected to the three sections policing
and police, police culture, and police practice

6.1. Functionality
This dimension of the taxonomy is illustrated with three situations where the officers’
articulation of the situation at hand can be interpreted in terms of potential functionallity and
information technology use.
1. Several times during the field study it became obvious that the officers had a strong urge to
know where the other patrols were at the moment. It could be situations where several patrols
where engaged in a coordinated search for a lost person. Or when a suspect vehicle was
followed at high speed in the middle of the night. At one occasion the patrol i was riding with
made a stop in a large intersection. A stolen vehicle had been seen in the area and several
patrols were engaged. The older officer, and also the driver turn to the partner: “Where are
Delta Seven and the other patrols from the east?”
2. During general surveillance, often the patrols drive around in the district in a seemingly
random fashion. During one shift, a patrol with two mainly in-door officers were driving
around in a suburb, and the driver made a wrong turn in a neighborhood, and after driving a
minute he said in a slightly surprised tone: “I am positive that it has been years since a police
car went by here”
3. After the ten-minute role call gathering all patrol officers starting the shift in the district
patrols pick up the cars and drive out from the compound. The driver turns to his partner, and
to me in the back seat and say: “Any suggestions?” What he means is any suggestions to
where should we drive as a start right now. The patrols are free to start where the find
appropriate. The supervisor at the role call does not command the patrol to any specific route.

7
And the information given to the patrols during role call is rather general, such as “35 drunk
drivers were picked up last night”, or specific “keep an eye on the activities at 2343 Main-
street, Bob is out again, do a couple of drive-by’s there later tonight.”

6.2. Properties
This dimension concerns perceived properties of the mobile technology. As part of the
research, I have at a number of times lent officers a hand held computer (PDA) to play with it
for a month to become (somewhat) familiar with the device. I have also asked them to carry
the PDA with them on a number of shifts to get feeling of whether this is a possible device to
be part of patrol work. All officers were quickly familiar with the device, the logic of
navigation etc., and with the pen-based interface. They were all power-users after no time. A
bit surprisingly, most officers where not positive at all. They did not see any advantages with
the device, the hardware, in relation to their job. The uniform comment was: “I am already
carrying weapon, two radios, cell phone, a lot of other stuff, I am not carrying anything more
unless it give me some specific advantage.”

6.3. Modalities
This aspect illustrates three different directions of the patrol movement as dimension of
mobility. In relation to each of them, I briefly discuss implications of mobile technology.
To an incident. In incident-driven policing the dispatcher assign jobs to the patrols and give
them the location of the incident. For instance “Delta 4, we have a domestic at 555 Drink
Street, the caller was a neighbor and according to her it sounded quite bad. Can you head to
that location ASAP.” I most cases, this is all information the patrol get from the operator
concerning this specific incident. However, sometimes, if there are some additional important
information, or if there are no jobs for the operator to assign, the conversation between the
operator and the patrol can be more substantial. So in most cases the patrol has very limited
information about the incident they are approaching, and in most cases the driving time to the
incident is more than five minutes. It can of course be both shorter and much longer. In many
situations the patrol would be able to do better job if they could prepare for the specific
incident. That is in the case above, information about the history at the address can make the
officer act more appropriate and the result better.
From an incident to another destination. After a finishing a job, the patrol either leave the
scene and report the status via the radio “ready at the scene, ready for new assignments” to
the dispatcher. Or they have to proceed to another destination. For instance when a person is
detained for being intoxicated and disturbing people in a public area. The patrol calls the
dispatcher. “We have a drunk male. Where should we take him? Downtown or to the
WestView slammer?2”
General surveillance. Often, the dispatcher air general information to all vehicles. “To all
patrols, we have a newly stolen black BMW, model large, license Oscar Bravo 2345. It was
pick up outside the East mall just 10 minutes ago. It was heading downtown on I 40.”

6.4. Mandate
This dimension is strongly related to both police culture and police practice as discussed
above. A discussion about the mandate of the patrol has many possible starting points. To
avoid a too political discussion I limit the discussion here to include two perspectives on the
patrol’s mandate. First, the patrols own conception and description, and second the
dispatcher’s conception and description. Here the dispatcher refers to the unit of one
supervisor and between six and nine operators working at the dispatchers central during one
shift.

2
Being drunk is not a crime in Sweden. People are detained to sober up. They stay six hours at the
most for their own best.

8
Patrols do often describe them self’s as entrepreneurs in crime fighting. Many times they also
act this way. They are street corner politicians who solve the incidents here and now with no
paper work and no involvement with others. One night an officer turned to me after dealing
with a small argument concerning access to a property; “You know if we pick up this guy it
would be hours of paper work, and he’d be back out again after an hour. It is better to explain
to him that he has nothing to do on that property, and that I am a nice cop letting him go this
time, but next time …”
To the patrols, possible mobile technology should harmonize with the entrepreneurial
conception of the patrol work and its mandate. In other words, technology should be design
for patrols and on terms of the patrol.
From a dispatcher perspective, on the other hand, technology should support the operators in
dispatching patrols. During a shift when I was following an operator, she enthusiastically
explained to me her visions of position technology and the use of electronic maps; “With this
big map of all the county, I would be able to see all the patrols, and exactly where they are. It
would be a lot easier do send the right car to the incident. And I could have a pretty good
control over them [the patrols] so they don’t sneak away on other [private] errands.”

7. Discussion

In this section, I briefly discuss the four dimensions and how they can be applied in the design
of mobile information technology for police practice.

Functionality. During the field study possible use-situations are constantly discovered. The
first example could be related to awareness technology where location information about
colleagues is displayed to facilitate better coordination among the patrols. The second
example suggests that a pattern of previous activities can be a valuable input for the patrol in
general surveillance activity. And the third example indicates that the patrol can make use of
history information concerning previous incidents (last 24 hours) to plan their shift.

Properties. Most officers are power-users when it comes to computers. Most of them have
late model advanced computers at home for games and things such as music and video
editing. They are familiar with the different types of interaction methods. Despite this, very
few officers spontaneously find handheld computers as a possible tool supporting their
practice. The mobile technology is percived and described as an artifact with certain
properties.

Modalities. In the field study and in the interviews the meaning of mobility is very arbitrary.
Therefore, three candidates of modalities mobility were discussed. Possible mobile IT uses in
them can be: one, while driving to the incident additional information about previous
incidents can help the patrol in dealing with the situation. This information is preferably
delivered through a car-mounted computer where the officers (not the driver) look up
historical incident reports. In the second case, routing information or detained persons can be
communicated to the patrols. This category of information is constantly changing. The third
incident with the stolen vehicle is en example detailed information that could be
communicated both via radio and via a computer based communication service.

Mandate. This dimension captures large portions of the police culture. Mainly in terms of
who make the decisions and who is giving orders to whom, and who is reporting to whom. In
the case of the patrol, they act very autonomously during long periods on the street. And can
at any time be ordered to an incident. Training and education at the police academy is a
crucial factor contributing to this dimension. There is a discrepancy between the training at
the academy and the practice in the field. This is however a lengthy discussion and to be
discussed later in this research. The dimension on mandate is most crucial and should be the

9
point of departure for the next phase of the design and development of mobile technology for
police patrols.

7.1. Concluding remarks

The research question raised in this paper: How should police patrol mobility be
conceptualized to aid the design of mobile information technology for police patrols? is only
partly answered. Dimensions such as: infrastructure, security, hardware, etc, are still to be
included in the taxonomy since these dimensions have been very prominent in this research.
Consequently, the taxonomy can be divided in two levels, first the use level, presented in this
paper, and second the enabling technology level, to be elaborated in further research.
The taxonomy have been applied in police technology strategy discussions within the police
organization. The value of the taxonomy is clear since it has focused the discussions and
much of the ambiguity has been eliminated when discussing police patrol mobility. The
taxonomy needs to be further refined to support the design process.

Acknowledgements
Thanks to VINNOVA and SITI for funding the research. Thanks to the reviewers on valuable
comments on the manuscript.

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