Zoubek 1998 Diss Viru Guanape

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The lnitial Period Occupation of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La
Gallina, Virú Valley, Peru and lts lmplications
for Guañape Phase Social Complexity
A Dissertation
Presentad to the Faculty of the Graduate School
of
Vale University
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
by
Thomas Andrew Zoubek
Dissertation Director: Richard L. Burger
December 1997
UMI Number: 9817424
Copyright 1998 by
Zoubek, Thomas Andrew
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© 1991 by Thomas Andrew Zoubek
All Rights Reservad
ABSTRACT
The lnitial Period Occupation ot Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, Vlrú
Valley, Peru and lts lmpiications for Gua~ape Phase Social Complexity
Thomas A. Zoubek
December 1997
Excavations at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina permitted a reexamination of the earlier
phases of the onginal Virú Valley Sequence in a site-speclfic strategy aimed at refining
knowledge of the Huacapongo Drainage, the southem up-valley for1< of the Virú. The
pro¡ect concluded that El Gallo/La Gallina is merely one of a number of Guañape Phase
monumental sites in the Huacapongo area. The site was shown to have gone through thfee
clear construction phases. In addition. 34 burials and severa! hundred sherds were
recovered. Consideration of this material permitted the clarification of the original
three phase subdivision of the Guañape Phase. especially the Middle and Late Phases.
Severa! new ceramic diagnostics were noted for the Late Phase and a changa in burial
canons and site location was noted between the Middle and Late Phases.
The Huaca El Gallo/la Gallina project has not only clarified the understanding of
the occupational history and function of this site, but has also resultad 1n the
development of a model placing it in a regional perspectiva. Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina is
projected as belonging to a network of similar monumental structures whose function
was to control the allocation of water in the entire Virú Drainage. According to this
model such temples provided centers for local gathering, ceremonialism. and exchange
while at the same time serving a nodes in a wider temple network articulating relations
and water-sharing for the entire valley. They are conceived as being at once
independent, serving the needs of their local congregations, and interdependent,
coordinating planting, harvesting, water use and greater rituals designad to benefit ali
those living in the watershed. The Water Temple modal which sees irrigation as one of
the key torces driving complexity posits the rise of temples as coordinators of the
agricultura! system in the absence of a state and suggests that the paradoxical role of
such temples, at once independent and interdependent, may have permitted for growing
secularization which eventually fracturad the system and led to the collapse on the coast
of monumental architecture.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research torming the basis of this dissertation was supported primarily by a
grant trom the National Science Fou~dation (SBR-9418963}. This grant enabled me to
carry out the second field campaign during the summer of 1995, as well as move for·
ward with the analysis of materials recovered during 1994. The 1994 season was
tunded by my parents Robert and Ruth Zoubel< to whom 1 am indebted tor a lifetime of
support. Additional money tor the project was provided by the Vale University Josef
Albers Grant tor Latín American Research and the August Hazard Fund.
A number of people in Lima tacilitated the passage of my project by the lnstitute
of Culture. especially Jose Pinilla and Jorge Silva to whom 1 extend my thanks.
In Trujillo and Virú the project was aided by nurnerous individuals whose
hospitality and diligence made living there a pleasure. First 1 extend my thanks to Ana
María Hoyle, Cesar Galvez Mora. Jose Carcelén. and Jesús Briceno at the Trujillo INC
who granted the project use of Chavimochic Campamento at Castillo Tomobal during both
seasons. In addition. sorne information from the Huaca Verde project was provided by
Carcelén and ceramic material was provided for analysis by Manuel Tam Chang excavator
ot that site. 1 would also like to thank Manuel for showing me the site of El Gallo/La
Gallina during my first field reconnaissance ot the Virú Valley in 1992. Enrique
Vergara at the University of Tru¡illo Archaeological Museum supported the project with
enthusiasm and facil~ated the use. by the project, of tools and materials in the Museum's
care.
In Virú there are a great number of people without whom this project could not
have functioned. Foremost 1 would like to thank Segundo Ríos R., Vincente and Eduardo
Castro. and Julio Arriaga. These men have been with the pruject since 1992 when they
served as guides to numerous sites. They are truly 'buena gente'. In addition, 1 would
also like to thank Carlos Ríos, ltalo Vereau, and Francisco Cruz for providing a great deal
of support in the field. Sorne University of Trujillo students participated in the project
and 1 especially thank Moises Rivero and Jorge Ruiz who were with me both seasons and
who were diligent and engaged workers. Our cocinera Lucila Tarnay and our vigilante
Atenor Robles kept us well fed and provided for each evening when we returned dusty and
hungry frorn the field. Todd Jokl a Yate student helped during the 1995 season and in
1994 Matthew Bambino helped with the illustration of sherds from Huaca Verde.
The three individuals who were most central in the planning stages and in the
field were Pedro lberico, Cesar Lecca. and Jaime Jimenez. Pedro and Cesar were with
me for both seasons in their entirety and both Pedro's efficiency and Cesar's meticulous-
ness helped in countless ways. Jaime was with the project for the 1994 season and the
end of the 1995 season and his experience as an excavator and knowledge allowed for a
much more efficient use of time and labor that permitted the project to move ahead in
many areas across the srte simuttaneously. 1 also wish to thank Cesar and Pedro for
the,r mdispensible help in acquiring materials and arranging contracts with the locals
for electricity and WíUer.
Other people who aided the project off the field include Carlos Ayesta who
rendered many of the drawings; Dr. John Verano, who analyzed our skeletal material;
Víctor Vasquez and Teresa Rosales Tharn, who undertook the faunal and floral analysis;
Alfredo Mely, who surveyed the site and generated the first detailed map of the area. and
Esteban Sosa who generated the topographic map of the site. 1 would also like to thank
Drs. Thornas and Shelia Pozorski who visitad the srte in 1995 and Dr. Richard Burger
who visited in 1994. 8oth visits led to the sharing of ideas and perspectivas which were
usefully employed.
In the States a number of people supported this project through suggestions and
ii
mataríais including John and Teresa Topic, who sent a copy of their survey of the
Carabamba Drainage: Donald Proulx, who graciously sem copies of his Nepei'la studies,
and Tom and Shelia Pozorski who sem a number of articles, and with whom 1 had several
conversations. 1 also had productiva correspondence with Tom Dillehay, Dan Sandweiss,
David Wilson, Vernon Scarborough, John Fiowe, and Gordon Willey, and 1 thank them for
their information and insights. The Balinese model usad in Chapter 9 first carne to my
anemion when 1 was reading Alan Kolata's The Tiwanaku. Since, 1 have hada numt:>er of
conversations with Dr. Stephen Lansing about this system and how it fits the Peruvian
material and with a UCLA student- John Schoenfelder who is planning to embark on a
campaign of research in Bali.
At Vale 1 would like to thank a number of people who have shaped my perspectivas
and honed my ideas. Foremost is Dr. Richard Burger who has servad as my advisor since
the stan and who .1as been responsible for my development as an Andeanist. 1 would also
like to thank Dr. Michael Coe who bfought me to Vale to study in the first place, Dr Mary
Millar. who opened my eyes to the utility of an an historical approach, and Dr. Michael
Dietler with whom 1 took a number of ·readers' which 1 found to be sorne of the most
rewarding classes of my academic carear.
Finally, 1 would like to thank my wife Aidan Garrity Zoubek who has traveled this
road with me for the past eight years. She has provided a calming influence all along, in
addition to being a qrP.::~t li!';tAner and a g()l)d 'devil's advocate' for each new idea that carne
along. She accompanied me on both field seasons and not only helped out excavating
skeletons in the field, but also is singlehandedly responsible for the drawings of all
decorated sherds recovered at the site, as well as most of the rim sherds. She also inked
the majority of the maps and helped with the ceramic seriation and vessel form
categorization. 1 would ventura to say that her knowledge of Guai'lape ceramics is at least
iii
as great as my own since she has spent much more time working with the sherds than
anyone since the original Virú Project. Her ongoing imerest and support of my work and
patience have made this difficult task easier and 1 dedicate this work to her with all my
heart.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................i
TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................v
LIST OF ILLUSTRA TIONS ................................................................................ xi
LIST OF TABLES ..............................................................................................xxi
PREFACE ..........................................................................................................xxiii
CHAPTER 1-The Geography, Climate and Er.vironment of

the Virú Valley, PerJ ................................................ !
The Virú Valley System 1
Topography of the Huacapongo Basin 4
Climate and Rainfall 5
Natural Vegetation and Agricultura 6
Modern lrrigation 8
Fauna 8
Modern population of the Virú Valley 9
Chapter Notes 1O
CHAPTER 2-Sne Description and Layout of Huaca El Gallo/

Huaca La Gallina, Previous Fieldwor1< and Dating.... ... . 11
The dating of the srtes and the Virú Valley Chronology 11
General Location of the s1te 12
The Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina Site Core 16
Huaca El Gallo-The Platform Mound 17
The Sunken Square Plaza 18
The Canal 19
The Secondary Platform 2O
The Secondary P!atform East Plaza 2O
The Spiral and Circular Stone Walls 21
The Enclosure Wall 21
Huaca La Gallina-The Platform Mound 22
The Walled Enclosures of the Mound 23
The Secondary Stone Platform 23
The Sunken Circular Plazas 24
Circular Wall Footings 24
Céll,ais and Roads 24
Concluding Remarks 24
Chapter Notes 26
CHAPTER 3-Methodology, Excavation Techniques and Selection
of Units ....................................................................... 27
Choice of Areas for Excavation Units and Problems of
Selection 27
Excavation Techniques 31
V
CHAPTEA 4-Excavation Un~s at Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La
Gallina, Stratigraphy and Archaeological Aemains
by Unit ....................................................................................35
Huaca La Gallina-The East Sunken Circular Plaza and
associated circular structures W/SE 35
Enclosure A-1 35
Enclosure A-2 41
Enclosure A-3, Sunken Circular Plaza 51
Unit 4 61
Construction Phases of Structures 1·3 67
Huaca El Gallo-Circular Structures of Units 1·6 7O
Unit 1, Structure 1 72
Sequence of Construction Unit 1 79
Unit 2, Structures 1·3 8O
Structures 1·3 88
Construction Phases Unit 2 1 O1
Unit 3, Structure R-1 1 O2
Construction Phases Unit 3 1 O6
Units 4-5, Structure A-1 1 O7
Construction Sequence 1 1O
Unit 6, Structure A· 1 1 1O
Construction Sequence 111
Secondary Platform Units 1·2 111
The El Gallo Pyramid-East Stair 112
Construction Phases of El Gallo 117
The Rectangular Structure 117
Place in Construction Sequence 1, 9
Conclusions 1 19
CHAPTEA 5-The Ceramics of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina,

Huaca Verde(V-37) ................................................................ 124
The Ceramics of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, Virll Valley 124
1ntroduction 12 4
Decoration 125
Punctation 127
Modeling 13 6
1ncision 1 53
Summary of the El Gallo/La Gallina Decorated
Sherds 16O
Forms 16 O
Bowls 162
Necked jars 16 7
Plates 167
Neckless Ollas 169
Special Case Sherds 183
Summary of El Gallo/La Gallina Vessel Forms 186
Comparison of El Gallo/La Gallina Ceramic material with
that of Huaca Verde(V-37), Valle-Medio Virú 187
vi
1ntroduction 187
Ceramic Material Provenience 188
Decoration 1 88
Modeling 189
Punctation 193
lncision 200
Summary of H. Verde Decorated Sherds 203
Forms 204
Ollas 204
Bowls 210
Summary of H. Verde Vessel Forms 216
CHAPTEA 6-
A Reconsideration of the Virú Valley Ceramic Sequence
During the lnitial Period and Early Horizon 22O
Virú Valley Sequence Decorated Types 22O
Problematic Types 22O
Refinad Types 226
Chronologically lmportant Types 2 3O
Other Decorated Types of Late Phase 2 33
Stratigraphy of Collier's Cuts V-171 ABC, V-302A
and V-272ABC 2 43
V-302A 244
V-1718 245
V-171C 246
V-272ABC 2 47
Stratigraphy of Strong & Evans·s Cut 1 V-71 2 51
The Gua~ape Phase-Early. Middle. and Late 2 53
The Early Guanape Phase 2 53
The Middle Gua~ape Phase 2 55
The Late Gua~ape and Puerto Moorin Phases
1ntroduction 2 58
The Late Gua~ape Phase 2 58
Conclusion 264
CHAPTER 7-The Buriafs of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina,

Mortuary Analysis and Comparison to Other
Burial Sarnples .......................................................................267
1ntroduction 267
The El Gallo/La Gallina Burial Sample 2 7O
Presentation ot the El Gallo/La Gallina Burials 4 13
Early Guanape Buriafs ot Huaca La Gallina 2 75
Middle Guanape Burials of Huaca La Gallina 284
Middle Guanape Burials of Huaca El Gallo 294
Concfuding Rernarks Middle Gua~ape Burials 3 13
Late Guanape Burials of Huaca La Gallina 3 14
Late Guanape Buriafs ot Huaca El Gallo 3 23
Puerto Moorin Burials of Huaca El Gallo 3 28
Guanape Buriafs in Regional Perspec1ive 3 3O
Vi i
Moche 3 31
Sama 3 31
Neper"la 334
Cac;ma 335
Huarmey 3 38
Supe-Huara 338
Ancón 345
Lurin 347
The lnitial Period Burials-Conclusions 347
Child Burials 3 5O
Burial offerings 3 51
Post Mortem Activity 3 52
Coastal Burial Tradition 3 53
Cupisnique Burials and Their Possible Correlation with
The Late Guanape Phase in Virú 3 54
Concluding Remarks 368
CHAPTER 8-Faunal and Aoral Remains at Huaca El Gallo/

Huaca La Gallina ..................................................................... 371
Botanical Remains 371
Fish Remains 3 74
Crustacean Remains 378
Bird Remains 3 79
Reptile Remains 3 79
Mammal Remains 3 8O
Shellfish Remains 382
The El Gallo/La Gallina Assemblage in Reg1onal
Perspectiva 391
Marine Species 391
Terrestrial Species 393
Conclusion 4 O6
Notes o
4 7
CHAPTER 9-Ritual Technology, Hydraulic Solidarity and Water

Temples: Models of Social Complexity for
North Coast Peru ................................................................... .408
1ntroduction 4 O8
The Roots of Social Complexity-Preceramic
Non-egalitarianism 4 O9
The Developmem of lrrigation-based Societies 4 13
The Casma Polities of Pampa de Las Llamas-
Moxeke and Sechin Alto and the Coercive
State Model 4 16
Sechin Alto 4 21
Huaca Los Reyes 423
The Collapse of the Casma Polities 424
The lnitial Period Ceremonial Centers and the
Non-Coercive Model 426
viii
Huaca La Florida-Panerson 4 26
Garagay-Ravines & lsbell 4 28
Cardal-M in a Perdida-Burger/Salazar-Burger 4 3O
Ethnographic Parallels
lntroduction 4 36
Ritual Technology 4 37
Agricultura! Spirits 4 39
The Balinese Case: Water Temples & Hydraulic Solidarity 4 4O
The Subak and lrrigation Management 441
Environmental Consideration & Water in Bali 443
Technology & Water Stress in Bali 4 44
Pest Control in Bali 446
The Water Temples of Bali 446
Obligations to Balinese Water Temples 4 5O
Rituals of Water in Bali 4 52
Balinese Holy Water 4 52
Gods of Water Temples 4 53
Balinese Ritual Time 4 54
The Origin of the Balinese Water Temple System 4 55
Summary of Lansing's Model 457
The Application of the Water Temple Model to the
lnitial Period Peruvian Coast
1ntroduction 4 58
Environmental Considerations 4 59
Traditional Technology 462
Traditional Labor Mobilization & Tasks 464
The Management of lrrigation-Ethnographic
Examples 465
The State Organization Model 465
The Non-state Model 465
Parcialidades 4 66
Canals 4 66
Labor Mobilization. Obligations, Parcial·
idades and Moieties 4 67
Water Distribution & Parcialidades 4 69
Summary Nonh Coast Modei-Netherly 47O
The Role of the State in Non-State Models-lnca 4 7O
Archaeological Evidence:Senlement Panern &
lrrigation 4 71
Senlement Pattern, lrrigation & Social 473
Organization
Autonomous Local Cemers? 475
Peruvian Water Cults 4 78
Sea Temples & The Role of the Sea 478
Cerro Sechin 4 8O
Garagay 4 81
Las Haldas & Culebras 4 83
Inca Ethnohydrology 485
ix
The lconography of Water Cults 488
The Feline/J aguar 488
The Snake 489
Other Marine/Water Relatad lmages 49O
Birds 491
lnterdependence, Hydraulic Solidarity & Water Temples 492
Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina as a Water Temple in a
Virú Valley Water Temple System 495
The Evidence for Other Water Temples Systems Outside
of the Virú Valley 5O 4
Concluding Rernarks 5 O7
CHAPTER 9-CONCLUSION ..............................................................................509
APPENDIX 1· Radiocarbon Dates from Huaca El Gallo 517
APPENDIX 11-Provenience of lllustrated Ceramic Material 518
APPENDIX 111· Osteological Analysis 530
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................... 532

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1-1:Map of the North Coast Valleys of Peru. (p. 2)
Figure 1-2: Topographic Map of the Virú Valley, Peru. (p. 3)
Figure 2-1: Architectural Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. (p. 13)
Figure 2-2: Topographic Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. (p. 15)
Figure 3-1: Excavation Units of the 1994 and 1995 seasons. (p. 29)
Figure 3-2: Symbology u sed in architectural plans. (p. 34)
Figure 4-1: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: w, Sub sector: SE) Units 1-4.
(p. 36)
Figure 4-2: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

(p. 38) 1C-3E, Surface.

(p.39) 1C-3E, Layer 1, Structure 1.
Figure 4-4: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1 North

(p. 40) Stratigraphic Profile of the Interior of Structure 1.

(p. 42) 1C-3E, Structure 1.

(p. 43) 1C-3E, Structure 1.
Figure 4-7: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1

(p. 45) Squares 40-SE and Unit 2, Squares 10-1E, Structure 2.
Figure 4-8: Huaca La Gallina (Sector:W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

(p. 47) 40-5E and Unit 2 Squares 10-1 E, Structure 2, Layer 1
(Fi il 1 ).

(p. 48) Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 10-1 E, South Profiie
of Structure 2.

(p. 49) Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 10-1E, Structure 2,
Layer 2 (Fioor 1).
xi
Figure 4-1 1: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1
(p. 50) Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 10-1E, Structure 2,
Layers 2 & 3.
Figure 4-12: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1

(p. 52) Squares 40-4E and Unit 2 Squares 10-1 E, Structure 2,
Layers 3, 4 & 5.

(p. 54) Squares 3E & 4E, Layer 2 (Fioor 1).

(p. 55) Squares 3E &4E, Layer 2 & 2b.

(p.57 Square 4E and Unit: 3 Square 4A, Layer 2bl, Burlal 1.

(p. 58) Squar~ 4E and Unlt 3 Square 4A, Stratigraphic Proflle SW-
NE axis.

(p. 59) Squares 3E & 4E, Layers 2 & 2c.

(p. 60) Squares 3E & 4E, Layers 2, 3 & 4.

(p. 62) Squares 4A-4C & 5C, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Surface.

(p. 63) Squares 4A-4B, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Layer 1.

(p. 64) Squares 4A-4C & 5C, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Layers 1 & 2.
Figure 4-22: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2 Square

(p. 65) 4E, Unit 3 Squares 4A-4C, West Stratigraphic Profile.

(p. 66) Squares 3A-4B, Structure 3, Layer 1 (FIII 1).
Figure 4-24: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Units 1-4

(p. 68) South Stratigraphic Profile.
Xi i
Figure 4-25: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 1 Structure
(p. 71) 1 Surface.
Figure 4-26: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 1 Structure

(p. 73) 1 Layers 1, 2 & 3.
Figure 4-27: Huaca El Callo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 1 Structure

(p. 74) 1' West Stratigraphic Proflle.
Figure 4-28: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Sub sector: S) Unit 1 Structure

(p. 78) 1' North Stratigraphic Profile.

(p. 78) 1, Layer 12.
Figure 4-30: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Structures

(p. 81) 1-3. Surface layer.
Figure 4-31: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2 West

(p. 83) Stratigraphic Profile.
Figure 4-32: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 South

(p. 84) Stratlgraphlc Profile.
Figure 4-33: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Schematic

(p. 85) lllustration of constructlon phases In Unlt 2 by West s t r a t 1-
graphic profile. R-3 Circular Structure 3.
Figure 4-34: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2, Entire

(p. 86) Unit. Layer 1 (Fioor 1) and Layer 2 (Fioor 2), Structures
R-1, R-2, R-3, 8urial Pits E-1, E-2, E-3, E-4, E-5, E-
7, E-8, E-9.
Figure 4-35: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 1 Square 1C

(p. 89) and Unlt 2 Squares 58-5C, Layer 1 (Fioor 1), 8urials E-
1 and E-2.
Figure 4-36: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2 Squares

(p. 90) 10 & 20, Cirr.ular Structure R-1, Layer 1 (Fioor 1),
8urials E-8 and E-9.

(p. 92) 48-4C, Layer 2 (Fioor 2).
Figure 4-38: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Squares

(p. 93) 48-SC & 50, Layer 3 (Fioor 3), 8urials E-2, E-4, & E-5.
Xi i 1
(p. 94) 5C-5D Layer 3 (Fioor 3), Burial E-4.

(p. 95) 2A-3C, Layer 4 (FIII 2), Structure R-3 and Burial E-7.

(p. 96) 1O, 1E 20, Structure R-1, Layer 1 (Fioor 1), Burials E-8
& E-9.
Figure 4-42: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Entlre

(~. 98) Unit. Layer 1 (Fioor 1)-Layer 8 (Fill 5), Structures R-1,
R-2 & R-3.
Figure 4-43: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) 1Jnit 2 Squares

{p. 100) 4B-5C, Layer 7 (Fioor 5).

(p. 103) R-1, Layer 1.

(p. 104) R-1, West Stratigraphic Profile.
Figure 4-46: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Units 4 & 5

(p. 108) Structure R-1, Layer 1 (Fioor 1).
Figure 4-47: Huaca El Galio (Sector: E, Subsector: Pyramid East stair),

(p. 1 14) Unit 1 Layer 1 (Fioor 1), Burial E-1.
Figure 4-48: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: Pyramid East stair),

(p. 1 15) West Stratigraphic Profile.
Figure 4-49: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: South of j,) Unit: 1

(p. 118) Structure 1, Layer 1.
xiv
Figure 5-1: Gua na pe Punctate (A-E), Gua na pe Gouged (F), and Gua na pe
(p. 128) Zoned Punctate (G-H)
Figure 5-2: Ancón Zoned Punctate (A-G)

(p. 133)
Figure 5-3: Guanape Modeled (Non-Appllqué) Late Guanape Olla.

(p. 138)
Figure 5-4: Guar'lape Modeled (Non-Appliqué) (A-E)

(p. 140)
Figure 5-5: Guanape Modeled (Non-Appllqué) (A-O) Guanape Modeled

(p. 142) (Appliqué Nub) (E-G)
Figure 5-6: Guanape Modeled (Finger-pressed appliqué rlb) Olla

(p. 145) assoclated with 8urlal 3, V-149, Unit 2 (E/ S)
Figure 5-7: Guanape Modeled (Finger-pressed appliqué rib) (A-L)

(p. 146)
Figure 5-8: Guanape Modeled (lnclsed appllqué rib) (A-H)

(p. 150)
Figure 5-9: Guanape Modeled (lncised appliqué ríb) (A-L)

(p. 152)
Figure 5-10: Ancón Fine-line lncised (A-F), Ancón 8road-line lncised

(p. 154) (G-H), and Ancón Rocker-stamping (1)
Figure 5-11: 8owl Forrn

(p. 161)
Figure 5-12: 8owl Form 2 (8owl 2a (A), 8owl 2b (8-0), 8owl 2c (C))
(p. 153) Ootted vertical line indicates midpoint of the vessel
diameter.
Figure 5-13: 8owl Form 3 (8owl 3a (A-C) and 8owl 3b (0)), Necked
(p. 166) Jar Form 1 (E), and Plate Form 1 (F)
Figure 5-14: 8owl Form 4 (8owl 4a (A), 8owl 4b (8), 8owl 4c (C), and
(p. 168) 8owl 4d (0, E)).
Figure 5-15: Olla Form 1 (Olla 1a (A-C) and Olla 1b (0-1))

(p. 170)
Figure 5-16: Olla Form 1d (A-J)

(p. 171) XV
Figure 5-17: Olla Form le (A·I)
(p. 173)
Figure 5-18: 011 a Form 2 (Olla 2a (A· O), Olla 2b (E), Olla 2c (F), Olla
(p. 174) 2d (G))
Figure 5-19: Olla Form 3a (A-1))

(p. 176)
Figure 5-20: Olla Form 3b (A·F)

(p. 177)
Figure 5-21: Olla Form 3b reconstructed from Tomb B V-148 W/W

(p. 178)
Figure 5-22: Olla Form 3 (Olla 3c (A·E), and Olla 3d (F·G))

(p.180)
Figure 5-23: Olla Form 4 and Olla Form 5. (Olla 4a (A·C), Olla 4b(D),
(p. 181) Olla Sa (E), Olla Sb (F, G), Olla Se (H) and Olla Sd (1))
Figure 5-24: Special Case Sherds. A) From looted Tomb 1, Structure 6,

(p. 184) Unit 3 La Gallina W/N, B-C) From disturbed Burial 7, Unit
2 El Gallo E/S, and O) From looted Tomb A La Gallina W/W.
Figure 5-25: Special Case Sherds. A·E) From disturbed Burial 7,Unlt 2
(p. 185) El Gallo E/S and B) From looted Tomb 1, Structure 6, Unit
3, La Gallina WIN.
Figure 5-26: Huaca Verde. Gual'lape Modeled (Non-Appllqué) (A·C),

(p. 191) Ancón Modeled (Appliqué Nub) (O), Guar'lape Modeled
(lncised appliqué rib) (E·H), Gallinazo Appliqué Rib (1),
Appliqué Bands with Combing (J-0)
Figure 5-27: Huaca Verde. Guai'iape Punctate (A·E), Ancón Punctate (F·
(p. 194) G), Guanape Zoned Punctate (H), and Ancón Zoned Punctate
( 1)
Figure 5-28: Huaca Verde. Ancón Zoned Punctate (A·E), Ancón Engraved
(p. 198) (F, G), Puerto Moorin White-on-Red (H),and Ancón Broad-
line lncised (I·P)
Figure 5-29: Huaca Verde. Ancón Broad-line lncised (A·E) and Ancón
(p. 201) Fine-llne lncised (F-N)
Figure 5-30: Huaca Verde. Ancón Fine-llne lncised (A-Q)

(p. 202)
x vi
Figure 5-31: Huaca Verde. Olla Form 1 (Olla 1A (A-8), Olla 1 8 (C-E),
(p. 2 06) Olla 1e (F), and Olla 1o (G)).
Figure 5-32: Huaca Verde. Olla Form 1 and 2 (Olla 1O (A), Olla 2A (8),
(p. 207) Olla 28 (C), Olla 2C (0), Olla 20 (E), and Olla 2E (F-G)).
Figure 5-33 Huaca Verde. Olla Form 3 (Olla 3A (A-O) and Olla 38 (E)).
(p. 209)
Figure 5-34 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 1 (A-C) and Bowl Form 2 (O-E)
(p. 211)
Figure 5-35 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 3 (A-B) and Bowl Form 4A (C-0)
(p. 21 2)
Figure 5-36 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 4A (A), Bowl Form 48 (8), and
(p. 214) Bowl Form SA (C-E).
Figure 5-37 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 58 (A), Bowl Form SC (8), Bowl
(p. 21 5) Form 50 (C), and Bowl Form SE (0).
Figure 5-38 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 6A (A), Bowl Form 68 (B), Bowl
(p. 217) Form 6C (C) and Bowl 7 (0).
Figure 5-39 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 8A (A), Bowl Form 88 (8), and
(p. 21 8) Bowl Form 8C (C).
Figure 6-1: Settlement Plan including all sites tentatlvely identifled as

havlng Middle Guañape occupatlons.
Figure 6-2: Settlement Plan including all sites tentatively identlfied as

having Late Guañape occupations.
xvi 1
Figure 7-1: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unlt 1
(p. 276) Sq. 3C, Burlal 1.

(p. 277) Sqs. 1B-1C and 28-2C, Burlal 2.

(p. 279) Sq. 2B-2C, Burlal 3.
Figure 7-4: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unit

(p. 281) Sqs. 1B-1C and 2B-2C, Burial 2. Limestone Pendant.
Orawn Actual Slze.

(p. 283) Sq. 3C, Burlal 4.
Figure 7-6: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Square

(p. 285) 20, Structure 1, Burial 1.
Figure 7-7: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Square

(p. 286) 20, Structure 1, Burial 1.

(p. 288) 4E and Unlt 3 Square 4A, Layer 2c (Flll 4), Burial 1.
Figure 7-9: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: N Unlt 1

(p. 290) Structure 10, Burial 1.
Figure 7-10: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: N Unit

(p. 291) Structure 10, Burial 1, Bone tools. Orawn Actual Size.
Figure 7-11: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: N Unlt

Figure 7-12: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unit 1


(p. 297) Structure 1, Buriai 4, Basalt Mortar found as part of the
grave offerings. Oiameter:17.3 cm, Wall thickness: 1 cm.

(p. 298) Structure 1, Burial 4, Basalt Pestle found as part of the
grave offerings. Length: 21 .2cm, Width: 10.5 cm- 17.7
cm.
xvi 11
Figure 7-15: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S
(p. 299) Unlt 1 Structure 1, Burlal 4, Stone Sculpture tound as
part ot stone cover over Burlal 4. A) View ot the
'fish' slde ot the sculpture wlth a pellcan In the act ot
catchlng a tlsh carved on the slde, B) Vlew ot the upper
slde ot the sculpture. C) Vlew ot the 'frog' side ot the
sculpture. The sculpture ls 86 In length.
Figure 7-16: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unlt 3

(p. 301) Structure R-1, Burlal 1.

(p. 302) Structure R-1, Burlal 1, Bone tools. Drawn Actual Size.

(p. 304) Structure R-1, Burial 1, Bone tools. Drawn Actual Slze.

(p. 305) Structure R-1, Burial 1, Bone tools. Drawn Actual Size.

(p. 306) Structure R-1, Burlal 1, Stone vessel. Drawn Actual Size.

(p. 308) Sq. 58, Burlal 2.

(p. 309) Sq. SC, Burial 1.
Figure 7-23: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: N Unlt 1

(p. 310) Cut 1, Burlal 1.

(p. 312) Structure R-1, Sq. 20, Burlal 3.
Figure 7-25: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Sub!lector: W Unlt 1

(p. 315) Tomb A.
Figure 7-26: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: W Unit 2

(p. 317) Tomb B.
Figure 7-27: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: NW Unit 1

(p. 319) Tomb 1.

(p. 320) Structure 6, Burlal 2.
XIX
Figure 7-29: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: N of (p.
(p. 322) Double-faced Wall, Unit 1 Cut 5, Tomb 1.
Figure 7-30: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unlt 2 Sqs.

(p. 325) 4B-4C, Burial 4.

(p. 326) Structure R-1, Sqs.1D-2D, Burlal 8 and Sqs. 1D-1E,
Burial 9.

(p. 329) Structure 3, Sq. 28, Burial 7.
Figure 9-1: Schematic of the Balinese Water Temple System (after

(p. 447) Lanslng 1991). Clrcles represent subaks, U-shapes are
weirs and fllled trlangles are water temples.
Figure 9-2: Distrlbution of Possible Water Temple Sites in Virú Valley

(p. 497)
XX
LISJ OF J A8LES
Chapter 6 Tables:
Jable 1: Relative Chronology of Gua na pe Decorated Jypes 234
Chapter 7 Jables:
Jable 1: V-148/149 8urials by Phase 269
Jable 2A: El Galio 8urials, Unit 271
Jable 28: El Galio 8urials, Units 2-5 272
Jable 3A: La Gallina 8urials 273
Jable 38: La Gallina 8urials, Unit 5 274
Jable 4: Moche Valiey 8urials 3 3 2. 3
Jable 5: Casma 8urials 3 3 6. 7
Jable 6: Supe/Chillan, Aspero, Ancón 8urials 339-40
Jable 7: Supe, Aspero Cemetery 341
Tabie 8: Supe, Llghthouse Site 3 4 3. 4
Jable 9: Comparison of 8urial Tralts lnitial

Period to Early Horizon 349
Tabie 10: Virú/Chao 8urials 355
Jable 11: Lambayeque 8urials 3 57. 8
Jable 12: Larco's Chicama 8urials 36 o. 1

Chapter 8 Jables:
Jable lA: Distribution of Floral Remains by Site 372
Table 18: Quantity of Floral Remains by Si te 372
Jable 2: Distribution of Fauna! Remains by Si te 375
Jable 3A: Fish Geographlcal Dlstributlon 376
Jable 38: Flsh Stratigraphic Dlstrlbutlon by Site 376
XXi
Table 3C: Flsh Quantity at El Gallo 377
Table 30: Fish Quantlty at La Gallina 377
Table 4A: Oistrlbution of Mammal Remains V-149 381
Table 48: Oistribution of Mammal Remains V-148 381
Table 5A: Mollusk Geographical Oistribution 383
Table 581: Mollusk Vertical Oistribution-Rocky 384
Tabie 582: Moilusk Vertical Oistribution-Sandy 384
Table 5C1: Mollusk Stratigraphic Oistributlon at

El Gallo 386
Table 501: Quantity of Mollusks at El Gallo 388
Table 5C2: Mollusk Stratigraphic Distrlbution at

La Gallina 39 o
Table 502: Quantity of Mollusks at La Gallina 39o
Tabie 6: Virú-Chicama-Chao-Santa Sites: Faunal

and Floral Remains 394-398
Table 7: Moche Valley Sites: Faunal & Floral

Remains 399-401
Table 8: Casma Valley Sltes: Faunal & Floral

Remains 402-404
Table 9: Comparison of Marine Species at El Gallo

La Gallina with other North Coast sltes 4 o5
xxii
PREFACE
lnitial Period ·monumental' sites of the Peruvian Coast have been interpretad
bureacratic centers and as autonomous civic-ceremonial sitas. Differences in the layout
of sitas and varying iconography have been offered as evidence of each center's indepen-
dence. Yet the degree of their autonomy is unclear.
Following a consideration of the architecture, ceramics, dating and burials of the
site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, it is suggested here that this dual-pyramid site and
others like it servad as nodes in valley-wide temple networks whose function was
intimately connected with irrigation systems and scheduling.
The temples provided a means for interaction involving people from outside each
temple's own congregation. Thus, the temples may be viewed as both autonomous
(symbols of group identity, strength, prestige) and interdependent (nodes in a greater
temple system vital to the correlation of irrigation schedules, water sharing, and fallow
periods as well as the stages for group ritual). Ethnographic data from Bali offers
compelling evidence that such a temple system could have arisen from the bottom-up and
not as is often presumed from top-down.
The breakdown of the paradoxical role of the temples, at once independent and
interdependent, may have contributed to the collapse of the coastal societies of the lnitial
Period and the cessation of monument building.
The following chapters provide the background and contextua! information
necessary to understanding the Water Temple Model proposed. Chapter 1 deals with the
environment and climate of the Virú Valley and places the site of Huaca El Gallo/La
Gallina in its geographical context. Chapter 2 describes the site of El Gallo/La Gallina
itself in terms of the appearance of the site prior to the beginning of fieldwork.
xxiii
Chapter 3 discusses the methodology guideing the excavation. Both field methods and the
logJC behind the placement of excavation units is reviewed.
The discussion of the results of the excavatiOns at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina begin
with Chapter 4 which covers the architectural remains recovered at the site by sector,
subsector and unit. In addition, detailed stratigraphic information is given and the
relation among the structures and const~uction phases is discussed. A three-phase
construction sequence is outlined for the El Gallo side of the site and for the El Gallo
Pyramid.
Chapter 5 discusses the ceramic assemblage recovered during the excavation of
the site in terms of decoration and vessels forms. Comparisons are drawn to the Middle
Guar'lape assemblages recovered by Strong & Evans at Huaca Negra (1952) and Late
Guanape collections made by Collier (1955). The dating of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina is
fixed at the Middle Guanape Phase based on ceramic and architectural comparisons. In
the second part of Chapter 5 the ceramic assemblage available for anatysis from the
neart>y srte of Huaca Verde is undenaken. The differences between this assemblage and
that from El Gallo/La Gallina are highlighted as are the similarities between this
collection and those excavated by Collier at a number of Late Guanape sites trom the
Santa Elena region of the Lower Virú Valley. Huaca Verde is dated to the Late Guar'lape
based on ceramic and architectural evidence.
Chapter 6 examines how well the original Virú Valley ceramic sequence.
constructed on the basis of sites in the Lower Virú Valley, applies to the Middle Virú
sitas. The sequence as a whole is reconsiderad in terms ot the diagnostics identified for
each phase. After a reexamination of the ceramic and stratigraphic evidence from Strong
& Evans's and Collier's work, the Early, Middle and Late Guar'lape Phases are redefined in
terms of new evidence and diagnostic material. Special attention is paid to refining the
xxiv
understanding of the Late Guanape Phase. Based on new and older evidence it is suggested
that a chronological gap exists between the Late Guanape Phase and the succeeding Puerto
Moorin Phase that is marked by the abandonment of Late Guanape sitas and an apparent
dispersa! of the population or perhaps abandonment of the valley.
Chapter 7 deals with mortuary analysis. Each ot the Guanape Phase burials
recovered at the site is discussed and grouped by phase. Early, Middle, or Late Guanape.
The burials are then comparad to other coeval lnitial Period burials at other coastal
sites. A comparison of the Guanape and Cupisnique burials of the North Coast is under-
taken which illustrates the contemporaneity of the Late Guanape Phase with Classic
Cupisnique. This cross-dating supports the chronological gap initially suggested in
Chapter 6.
Chapter 8 presents the results of fauna! and floral analyses undertaken and the
implications of the findings for the reconstruction of the paleoclimate and subsistence
resources of the site during rts occupation. lt is suggested that the population had a
mixed diet. which while including both wild terrestrial fauna and marine resources.
lacked a primary agricultura! staple crop.
Chapter 9 seeks to locate the site of El Gallo/La Gallina relativa to others dating
to this time period. Various theories explaining the rise and function of monumental
architecture are presentad and comparad. A new theory of sociopolitical complexrty
redefining the role of the platform-mound structures such as those of Huaca El Gallo/La
Gallina is offered wherein they are seen as Water Temples. Use of prehistoric and ethno-
graphic material from the Andean area as well as Southeast Asia is made to support the
existence of complex water management systems and the ideological importance of water.
Chapter 1O presents the conclusions of the work and offers future aven ues ot
inquiry suggested by the research.
XXV
Appendix 1 presents the few radiocarbon dates available at the present time.
Appendix 2 is a provenience listing for all of the sherds illustrated in Chapter 5. An
extensive bibliography including all works consultad during the course of this research
concludes the work. Appendix 3 summarizes the osteological analysis done by Dr. John
W. Verano.
xxvi
CHAPTEA O'JE
GEOGAAPHY, CLIMATE ANO ENVIRONMENT OF THE VIRU VALLEY
The Virú Valley of the Peruvian North Coast is located between 82 20' and 82 32'
S latitude and 78 2 36' and 78º 57' W longitude. lt is separated from its neighboring
North Coast Valleys (Moche, 35 km to the north and Chao, 20 km to the south) by high
sandy coastal plains comprised of shifting dunas and scant vegetation. At severaJ points
the Andean foothill spurs project wastward to within Skm of the Pacific Ocean. Gener-
ally, the pre-Tertiary higher western ranges of the Andes are located 20-25 km from
the coast (Map 1-1).
The Virú Valley River System (Map 1-2)
The Peruvian North Coast in the Virú region is orientad NW-SE, and rivers
generally flow southwest to the Pacific Ocean. The Virú is considerad a second class
nver system (Adams 1906: Garcia 1921: Kroeber 1930: Wilson 1987: 61) since it
fails to penetrate to the continental divide (like the Santa River to the south), but has its
origin at a group of three small lakes (Ushgon, Brava, and Negra) located on the slopes of
Cerro Pelón Chico, more exactly between Cerros Pata de Gallo and Chiribay from which
flows the Huacapongo.
The Virú Aiver has two basins, the sparsely inhabited Las Salinas-Carabamba
Basin to the north and the more senled Huacapongo Basin to the east. The northern
tributarias of the Virú River include the Ríos Las Salinas and Carabamba. The Río Las
Salinas flows frorn the hills of Los Colorados and Las Guitarras as a result of seasonal
precipitation, and is nearly always dry. The Río Carabamba is a more reliable source of
water in its upper reaches, but in its lower reaches is also otten dry.
The eastern tributarias include the Ríos Huacapongo and the Upper Virú. The Río
CHICAM
~ PfRU /
8 2
SANTA
PACIFIC OCEAN
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M ap 1-1 : M ap o f t he No rt h Co as t Va11 ey s o f Pe r u .
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Huacapongo flows year-round and runs along the north rim of the Huacapongo Basin,
while the Upper Virú branches off from the Huacapongo, just befare reaching the wider
Huacapongo Basin. and then runs along its southern edge. From the mouth of the Virú to
the confluence of the Upper Virú and Huacapongo with the Río Las Salinas is a distance of
22.5km, and the Huacapongo Basin extends the area of cu~ivation an additional1 O km
inland.
Topognu>hY of the Huacapongo Basin (Map 1·2)
The Virú Valley narrows from the coast inland, and in the upper reaches of the
Huacapongo Basin it is only about 1.5 km wide between the rocky escarpmems of the
Andean foothills. The Huacapongo basin is characterized by a narrow arable area bounded
by a number of brown barren and rocky hills (cerros) including: CO Zaraque, CO San
Nicolas. cas. Vinzos Bajo and Alto, ca Huánaco, and ca Leon to the south. On the north side
it is bounded by ca Blanco, ca Chirimoyo. Ca La Torna, ca El Nil'lo, and ca Tomobal.
Among the hills are located a number of steep sloping Quebradas (canyons) which open
out onto the valley bottorn including Q. El Botador. Q. El Nil'lo. and Q. Cerro Gacho along its
northern rim and Q. Camino del Huánaco to the south. These guebrad.as are typically
filled with rocks and boulders overlying an alluvial fill, all washed down from the
surrounding hills by torremial rains occasioned by the disastrous El Nil'lo events.
Generally the Huacapongo Basin líes at an altitude of 200-500 m a. s. l. This
area of the valley is devoid of the aeolian sand deposits which pile high against the sea-
ward sid'=' 0f Cerro Zarraque and in places spill over into the higher northern mountain
canyons. At present, the Huacapongo Aiver bonom líes several meters below the
Q.uebrada mouths. This is partially the resutt of the progressive down-cuning by the
Virú Aiver. Until recently times the Virú maintained an cycle of aggradation, as is best
illustrated by the discovery of sites with evidence of human occupation up to 5 m befow
4
the present ground surface (Bird 1948: 21; Collier 1955: 54-55; Moseley et. al.
1981).
Climate and Rainfall
Tasi (1960: 14-20) classifies the Virú environment as a Sub-tropical Cesen
Formation created by a lack of rainfall. This dearth of rain results from a combination
of eastward moving cool moisture-filled air (chillad by the nonhward-flowing Hum-
boldt Current) and the warm land mass over which it flows. The temperatura rise
experienced by the air expands its capacity to carry moisture. thus inhibiting rainfall
until the air is again cooled as it ascends the higher elevations of the Andes at c. 2000 m.
a. s. l.
Asida from this zona. encompassing the coastal area. exists the Subtropical pre-
Momane Oesert Formation which includes the salty plains and those zones associated
with arid hills and agricultura! areas of the valley and QUebradas. At the higher eleva-
tions the pre-Momane Oesert Matorral Formation is located, which is charactenzed by
agricultura! areas of the a.ue.br.a.das and the mountain piedmom and contrasts with the
semi-arid mountains (Uceda et. al. 1990: 5). The valley climate as a whole is
predominamly cool and dry with strong steady SW winds blowing, especially in the
afternoon.1
The averé\ge annual temperatura on the coast is 19.52 C and in inland areas of
higher elevation is 142 C. Variations in temperatura occur temporally and spatialiy.
Cultivation is at a maximum during the summer because of the increased sunlight,
water flow. and higher temperaturas. In the more sheltered upper valley basins of Virú
and Huacapongo, temperaturas are generally higher and less variable.
About 800fo of the annual total rainfall occurs at higher elevations, primarily
during the summer months (Oecember/January to May); however, the runoff trom
5
rains may begin as early as November (West 1981: 53). Annual rainfall varias trom a
low of 40 mm on the coast to a little more than 1388 mm in the moumains (Uceda et. al.
1990: 6). From June to October the coast is generally blanketed by sea fogs, which
extend to the farthest reaches of the Huacapongo Basin; however, these fogs usually burn
off from mid-valley inland by mid-morning. Thicker fogs occasionally last all day and
are accompanied by a very light drizzle, ~ but this phenomenon becomes less
frequem as one moves inland. In general, water availability and rainfall patterns are
erratic and unpredictable (West 1981: 53; Wilson 1987: 61 ).
Disastrous torremial rainfall occurs with periodic El Nino events. During El
Nino, the cool Humboldt Curren! is displaced by the warmer tropical waters flowing
from the north resulting in the disturbance of the generally prevailing temperatura
inversion. Rainfall resulting from El Nino events floods river basins and adjoining
Quebradas causing severe erosion which worsens as one moves up the narrow steep
valleys (Moseley 1983; Victor Pimental personal communication, 1994). The boulders
strewn in Quebradas, and the deep levels of alluvium found at their mouths, testify to the
destructiva force of the El Nino and its power to alter the landscape (Moseley 1983;
Moseley & Feldman 1981; Moseley et. al. 1981 ).
Natural Vegetatjon and Agricutture
The natural vegetation of the majority of the valley is xerophytic in nature and
consists primarily of scrub vegetation. low spiny Algarrobo (Prosopus SD.,.) and Huar-
ango (~ SJ2,.) trees. Locally this type of vegetation is callad !lli2!lte... and it needs a
minimum of ground water to survive, although in times of excess water it thrives.2
The Salinas/Carabamba and Huacapongo Basins combine for a total area of 150
km2 of which 102 km2 are cultivated today, (West 1981: 49), nearly all in the Huaca-
pongo Basin. The total area of the Virú Basin trom the coast to the bordering Andes
6
at 4,275 m a. s. 1., has been calculated as 2052 km2 (Uceda et. al. 1990), of which
10,240 hectares were cultivated in 1981 (West 1981: 53). Only a small percentage of
the basin is arable owing to the lack of water in the Salinas/Carabamba Basin and the
narrow floodplain of the Río Huacapongo and mid-reaches of the lower Virú. Quebrada
areas and hill slopes are without water or too high above current canals to be irrigated.
Over the last decade, the area under cultivation along the coast has increased
dramatically from the 3 km wide band cited by the Virú Valley Project of the 1940s as
land continuas to be opened to commercial asparagus cultivation. In the central Virú
Valley, the band of cultivated land reaches its widest at about 7 km. From there the area
cultivated progressively narrows until in the upper reaches of the Huacapongo, it is less
than 1 km wide. The total area of cultivation in the Huacapongo Basin has changed lit1le
since the Virú Valley ProJect's summary, since the area is limitad geographically by the
surrounding dry and barren mountains.
Agncultural crops are temporally and spatially disiributed with regard to soil
type and climate.J The warmer. sheltered, upper valley is given over to chili peppers
and fruit such as lemons, limes, grapefruit, oranges, avocado, guava, bananas, papaya
(~papaya), lucuma (Pouterja lucuma). and chirimoya (Annooa cherimolia), as
well as maize. tomatoes, cucumbers, and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris and Phaseolus
lunatus). In the upper valley the soil is primarily ustifluvent. Ustifluvent soil of the
lower valley is planted in late summer with beans, squash, cucumber, maize. and sugar
cane. Salty Psamment soils of the coastal zone are currently being developed widely for
white asparagus farming. Sorghum. sweet potatoes. and manioc are plantad in early
summer, while maize, asparagus, and sugar cane are grown year-round (West 1981:
58). Maize (Zea m.ay,s) is the predominant crop of the valley. These crops are grown
with the aid of a variety of strategies including canal irrigation, bucket irrigation,
7
floodwater irrigation. water-tabla farming, and drained fields (Eiing 1978; 1986;
1987; West 1979; 1981: 58-74).
Modero lrrjgatiQQ
Canal irrigation predominares in the Huacapongo Basin where two prinicipal
canals have been constructed on ~s north and south sidas. Fields are crossed by
secondary N-S and E-W furrows running off the main canals. A single. generally dry,
canal runs down from the Las Salinas/Carabarnba Basin. Two main canals parallel the
Virú River in the lower valley. the largar of the two on the south sida of the valley. This
canal runs to the town of Virú. In the coastal areas many small canals run north and
south off the Virú River. The greatest changa to the valley water system has come as a
result of the Chavimochic Project which seeks to construct a principal canal to divert
excess water from the highland-fed Santa River to the dry coastal basins of the Chao,
Virú and Moche Rivers. The main Chavimochic canal passes just north of the town of
Virú and runs up and over the hills. several hundred meters south of the site of Castillo
Tomoval. As noted. most of the lower and middle Virú valley lacks sufficient moisture to
grow anything without sorne form of irrigation.
In addition to the wild birds (Mlm.u..s. ~audatus 'chisco". Zenaida auriculata
'paloma de campo", e.uwrua cruziana 'tórtola". Amazilia amazjlja ·colibrí". 6JJ..b.Q
vjrginicus nacurutu 'buho". and Speotyto cunicularia nanodes 'lechuza de los are-
nales"); foxes (Lycalopell, sechurael. cats ~s..Q.J. marsupials (Didelphis marsu-
pjaljs), and rodents (CRICETIDAE family) populate the valley. Reptiles include ~
constrictor. Dicrodoo guttulatum ·canan·. Dicrodon heterolepis "borregón", and
Callopjstes flavjpuoctatum 'falso varano·. Domesticated species include ducks.
turkeys, and chickens as well as larger livestock: cows. sheep, goats, pigs, and
8
household pets, cats, dogs. rabbits and finally guinea pigs which are also used for food.
Snakes and scorpions inhabit the rocky Quebrada areas, and the coastal regions have
bountiful resources in the great number of fish, shellfish, and crustaceans available.
Although deer and larga cats have been reportad for Virú in the past, they are currently
not found in the middle or lower reaches of the valley.
Modero population of the Vjrú Yalley
The human population of the Virú Valley is overwhelmingly mestizo. The 1970
census for total population recorded was 9, 712, with an annual groW1h rate of 5.53%
(mostly due to immigration to the valley) (ONERN 1973: 13). In 1981, West noted a
population of roughly 4000 for the town of Virú, and suggested a total population of
15,000 for the valley as a whole. The valley has continuad to experience groW1h in
population since 1981 , bU1 it is confined to the town of Virú itself and to those areas
along, and to the soU1h. of the Pan American Highway. In the upper reaches of the Virú
Valley. especially in the Carabamba and Huacapongo Basins the population has decreased
slightly smce the 1980's as more people are drawn to Trujillo in the Moche Valley.
Many homes have been abandonad in these zones even though surrounding fields continua
to be cultivated.
9
1 Pulgar Vidal (1 981: 36-38) uses the term ~ to refer to the lite zone of the coast
from sea level to 500-700 m. a. s. l. and he feels that the unique patterns resulting in
the generation of this particular climate panero rendar Tosi's terms inappropriate.
2Vasquez S. et. al. (1995: 5) note the presence ot the tollowing types of xerophytic
vegetation in the dry quebrada areas: Borzicactus decumens ·cola de zorro·.
Neoraimoodja macrostibas "gigantón", Furcraea occjdentaljs "cabuya azul", Capparis
angulata "zapote", Capparjs ovalifolia •guayabito de gentil", ~SP.ie.ata "peal",
and severa! small isolated traes of Prosopjs Jla1li.d.a "algarrobo", ~ macracantha
"espino", and ~ lanceolata "chilco".
3Vasquez S. et. al. (1 995: 5·6) identify three types of non-agricultura! vegetation: 1)
riverine (riberena), 2) that associated with cultivated fields (arvense), and 3) that
found on roadsides (Luderao. Type 1 includes S~ californ;cus "totora·.
C~corymbosus "junco·. Tessaria iotegrifolia "pájaro bobo", E.anic.um purpur·
~ "gramalote", Phragm1tes CJmllillJ.ni..s. •carricillo", aod a plant that grows in
contact with watercourses: Commelina tascjculata •ore jita de ratón". Type 2 includes
Amaranthus hybrjdus "yuyo", Amaranthus spjoosus •yuyo espinoso·, Chenopodi.um
ambrosjojdes "paico", Alteroanthera halimifolia "hierba blanca·. Sonchus oleraceus
·cerraja", Macroptjljum lathyrojdes. Nicaodra physalodes ·capuli cimarrón", and
Ambrosía peruyiana "altamisa". Type 3 is primarily representad by Cenchrus
echinatus ·cadillo", Cynodon dactylon •grama dulce", ~ spinosa "barbas de
chivo", Verbena littoralis ·verbena", Chloris vjrgata. Cucumis djpsaceus "jaboncillo
del campo·, lpomosa ~ ·campanilla", and Momordica charlantia "balsamina·.
1 o
CHAPTERlWO
THE DATlNG AND LAYOUT OF HUACA EL GALLO/LA GALLINA
The Dating of the Srte aod Virú Valley ChroflQ!Qgy
The members of the original Virú Valley Project were able to geoerate a cultural
chronology for the Valley based oo their seriation of ceramics recovered from stratified
deposits and its correlatioo with periods developed for the neighboring Moche Valley to
the north. The periods were correlated as follows, with the Virú names in parentheses:
Pre-Ceramic (Cerro Prieto), Plain Ponery Period (Guanape-Early), Cupisnique/Coast
Chavin (Guanape-Middle and Late), Salinar (Pueno Moorin), Mochica Negativo
(Gallinazo), Mochica (Huancaco), Black·White-Red (Tomoval), Chimú (La Plata), and
lnca-Chimú (Estero) (Willey 1953: 29).
The chronology was relative wrth estimated dates, since few Carbon 14 measure·
ments were then available to serve as anchor points fixing periods in time. Since then.
many of the cultural periods have been retained: Inca. Chimú, Moche. Salinar. Cup;s-
mque. and Guanape. In the course of this report the Lanning-Rowe chronology will be
followed for defining periods: Late Pre-ceramic (2500·1800 B. C.), lnitial Period
(1800·900 B. C.). Early Horizon (900·200 B. C.), and Early lntermediate Period
(200 B. C.-600 A. D.). Other Nonh Coast researchers have redated the lnitial Period to
concur with the appearance of ceramics in this geographic zona, however. this runs
counter to the intent John Rowe had in establishing a chronology free from evolutionary
baggage (John Rowe, personal communication, 1995). For Rowe, the lnitial Period
began wrth the appearance of ceramics in lea. Thus, here the dates will stand as given
with the understanding that Preceramic lifeways continuad into the lnrtial Period. The
Virú cultural designations: Guanape, Puerto Moorin, etc., will be used to refer to the
specific cultures being discussed.
11
Willey categorized both Huaca El Gallo and La Gallina as Pyrarnid-Dwelling-
Complexes and assigned Huaca El Gallo to the Middle Gallinazo-Huancaco Period based on
surtace cerarnic collections (1953: 140). He suggested that Huaca El Gallo's primary
occupation was during the Huancaco (Moche) Period. Huaca La Gallina was tentatively
assigned to the Tomoval (Early Chimú) Period, although cerarnic collections were rated
poor (1953: 285-6). Excavation has revealed that both sitas were constructed during
the lnitiaf Period and are coeval. Although the two sections of the sita are here treated as
separate units for the sake of clarity, it must be remembered that the two areas
functioned as parts of a single site.
Location of the Site (Maps 2-1 and 2·2)
The site of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is located in the Huacapongo Basin of
the middle Virú Valley, sorne 24 km from the Pacific Ocean at approximatefy 240 m. a.
s. l. The majority of the surviving architecture is located on an alluvial terrace at the
mouth of Quebrada El Ni~o. nonh of the Huacapongo River (Maps 2·1 and 2·2). The
quebrada is strewn with rocks and boulders. A massive double-faced wall crossing the
quebrada (Map 2·1 a), that once served as a main canal wall, delimits the central part
of the site from other architectural remains surviving to the nonh inside the quebrada,
which include furrows and agricultura! terracing (Map 2·1 b). isolated groups of
domestic structures (Map 2-1 e), walls (Map 2-1 d), and patio-house groups (Map 2·
1 e). The area north of the massive wall (Map 2·1 a) has suffered intense darnage from
erosion and most architectural features are greatly obscured. At least two walls cross
the Quebrada nonh of the main canal wall and just to the south of these are located the
patio-house areas (Map 2·1 d and e).
The northern boundary of the site was established at the second (more complete)
massive wall that crosses the Quebrada nor1h of the core area. To the west, the bordar of
12
Map 2-1: Architectural Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina.
a) the double faced wall delimiting the core area of the site, b) agri-
cultura! furrows, e) domestic remains, d) walls, e) patlo/house
groups, f) ravine on site's western border, g) agricultura! fields
(chacras) south and east of the site, h) level area south of the La
Gallina Pyramid, i) central ravine dividlng the site in two.
A) Huaca El Gallo Pyramid, B) Square plaza, Huaca El Gallo, C)
Huaca El Gallo canal, D) Secondary Platform, E) Secondary
Platform Facing Plaza, F) Area of Circular Wall Footings, G) El
Gallo Enclosure Wall, H) La Gallina Pyramid, 1) Eastward
Projecting Walls, J) East Enclosure Wall, La Gallina Pyramid,
K) North Enclosure Wall, La Gallina Pyramid, L) West Enclosure
Wall, La Gallina Pyramid, M) South Enclosure Wall, La Gallina
Pyramid, N) N-S walls south of La Gallina Pyramid, O) West
Sunken Circular Plaza, P) Eastern Sunken Circular Plaza,
Q) Circular Structures just west of the La Gallina Pyramid,
R) Circular Structures in Northeast sector of La Gallina Core Site,
S) L-shaped wall delimitlng Northeast sector of La Gallina Core
Site, T) Modern canals, U) Remnant canal along ravine edge,
V) Road crossing slte, W) North Canals of unknown age.
N d
---·----
- Q-
-
9
...O -"'2.0 1< M
Map 2-1
N
~
---
--- ~
----
-\
~---
--
-------- ---:=l·r¡
--¡··
.
-¡.
. ·1·
.~·o
1,.
' .
-------- -~....
----- 1
'
------ '-·
~---
---
\._~
--~-
--
!---
,'
O 2 OK M
f---i
Map 2-2: Topographic Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina
A)Huaca El Gallo Pyramid, B)Huaca La Gallina Pyramid, C)Huayco
D)Hill spur north of El Gallo, E)Huayco on west side ot the site.
the site was established by a ravine 15-20 m wide (Map 2-, f), that runs from the
inner Quebrada along the western bordar of the La Gallina area, and to the south and east.
the steep drop-off to the surrounding modern agricultura! fields (chacras) (Map 2-1 g)
was used to delimit the core area of the site. These chacras begin less than 100 m trom
the walls of the site. Roughly 400 m from the western perimeter of the site lies the V-
37N-140 (Huaca Verde-Huaca de los Chinos) complex.
The site's proximity to potable water (the Virú River and occasional run-off
from the surrounding hills), and fuel (xerophytic traes and vegetation in the river
floodplain and algarobbo traes along the hills), would have provided the inhabitants with
incentives to settle. The ease with which building materials (stone) can be gathered in
the QUebrada may have also stimulated the choice of the area for settlement. lt is
probable that during the site's occupation, the area chosen for its construction lay
outside of, but adjacem to cuttivated fields as is the case today. Surface survey of the
quebrada's interior suggests that ruins located there post-date the site.
The Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina Site Core
The surviving core area of the Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina measures 480 m (E-W
axis) by 260 m (N-S) axis. In prehistoric times, the leve! area south of the La Gallina
Mound (Map 2-1 h) may afso have been part of the architectural area of the site, (an
isolated, small, stone-faced mound still exists, although heavily looted, to the south of
the main La Gallina Pyramid at the edge of the alluvial terrace), but modern cultivation
has destroyed any such vestiges. The core area was first mapped by Willey (1953: 210-
213, fig. 45). He also collected ceramics at both mounds. Other than two small cuts
made by the Chavimochic Project in the imerior of Q. El Nii'lo, no excavations had been
carried out at this site.
The ·core· or monumental area of the site comains two large stone-faced
16
platform mounds, originally designated by Willey as two separata sitas: Huaca La Gallina
(V-148) and Huaca El Gallo (V-149) (1953: 140, 210·13, 284·6). A wide and deep
~ separatas the two mounds and led Willey to assign the site two numbers (Map 2·
1 Q. lt has now been established that these two mounds comprise one site as suggested
earlier by Thomas Pozorski (1983; Willey 1953: 211).
HUACA EL GALLO (V-149)
The El Gallo Platform Mound (Map 2·1 A)
The El Gallo Pyramid is the largest found in the Huacapongo Basin. lt measures
68 m (N-S) by 95 m (E·W), is U-shaped, and its orientation is E 122 N. As noted for
many lnitial Period pyramids, El Gallo faces the upstream source of its water, the
Huacapongo River. The mound lies 230 m east of La Gallina, and a 60-70 m wide and 2·
3 m deep drainage wash, into which the El Gallo Mound is curremly eroding, further
divides the site into two distinct zones.1
The U-shaped El Gallo Pyramid may be divided into two architectural sub-units:
the main mass of the platform mound to the west. and a facing plaza unit to the east. The
western mound's base measures 58 m (E·W) by 68 m (N-S), including the lower
terrace annex on its north side, and risas 4-5 m above the surrounding plain; taking
advantage of the natural topography of the landscape so that when viewed from the fields
to the east and south, it appears more massive.2 The mound is very steep on all sidas.
Stone walls 85 cm wide delimit the north and south annexes of the pyramid and
may have served as encircling walls. On the north and south sidas, the areas enclosed
between the collapsed north and south faces of the pyramid and these walls are 4-5 m
wide. Remnants of walls running N-S appear to divide these north and south extensions
into rooms. Because of rubble overburden. no such walls are visible along the south
tace. atthough it is possible that such compartments existed.J The entire west tace of El
17
Gallo has eroded into the ravine.. and only vestiges of the southwest corner of the west
tace remain intact. All these basal walls are preservad to heights of. generally, less than
1 m. These foundation walls project east from the main mound on the nonh and south
side forming the outer enclosing walls of the arms of the sunken square plaza.
The rectangular summit of the pyramid currently measures 45 m (N-S) by 37
m (E-W). Willey (1953: 212) gives an E-W measurement of 41 m and cites the
existence of an 85 cm wide well-defined, double-facad enclosing outer wall, with
roundad boulders set in mud monar, on the summit. The erosion and collapse of the west
face of the mound accounts for the discrepancy of 4 m of summit extension. While
sections of this summit wall still exist, in most placas it has been destroyad by lcoting
and erosion. This activity has also destroyad all the remains of rectangular summit
rooms mentioned by Willey (1953: 212). The majorlty of the mound is a mass of
disorder causad by extensiva looting of the mound summit, and by erosion and its sides
are covered by masses of boulders coming from collapsed retaining walls.
The pyramid's final construction appears to have consisted primarily of a
boulder and gravel fill retained by double-faced walls of rocks set in mud monar. Sorne
relatively intact retaining walls are still visible on El Gallo's south and east sides.
When Willey first examinad the mound he noted the absence of adobes anywhere on the
mound (1953: 211 ). However, the during 50 year interval sinca Willey's visit, the
sita has axperienced a great daal of damage, resulting in the collapse of tha outermost
facings of the western sida of the El Gallo Mound revealing an innar wall constructed of
conical adobes.
The El Gallo Mound's sunken square plaza (Map 2-1 8)
The projecting arms of the El Gallo Platform Mound enclose a sunken square plaza
to the east giving the entire mound complex a U-shape. The facing plaza and arms
18
together measure 68 m wide (N-S) by 47 m long (E-W). The sunken square plaza is 2
m below the surrounding arms which also causes the platform to seem more imposing
when viewed from the plaza. The nonh projecting arm of the U is 15 m wide (N-S) and
1-2 m higher than the south arm which is 19 m wide (N-S).4 Along the east tace
another raised embankment runs N-S and joins the north and south arms of the U to
completefy enclose a square coun approximately 33 m by 33 m. The east tace is in a
state of collapse, partially eroding down the slope, thus obscuring the true structure of
this face. The court lies above the level of the plain to the south outside the structure.
The court is surrounded by terraced embankments of two levels on all sidas, and a
possible third step-like bench is visible along the east tace of the El Gallo Pyramid. The
retaining walls of these terraces or benches are made of stones one course wide and deep
set in mud menar, and most of these benches survive intact.
The terraced embankments on the north and south are flat-topped. The higher
step-like bench measures 3 m, while the lower terrace has an average width of 1 m and
rises only 20 cm abo ve the plaza floor. Willey mentions that a number of dividing walls
on the south flanking arm summit were visible, and in 1994 one such wall was located;
however. the bulk of the south arm and terraces have been severely looted since the
1940's and if any other walls are present they have since been obscured by huaguero
activity.
The El Gallo Canal (Map 2-1 C)
About 80 m nonh and 6 m up the slope from the El Gallo Pyramid runs a 5 m
wide prehistoric canal that continuas across to the other (La Gallina) side of the ravine
Willey (1953: 211) notes that this canal was one of the highest found in the Huacapongo
Basin. Along the nonh side of the canal, at the base of the steep hill spur around which it
runs, is a stone wall three courses high, built to keep water-borne material from wash-
19
ing downhill and filling the canal. Remnants of another larga stone wall are present at
the southern edge of the canal. This lower canal wall reappears on the other side of the
ravine, and here has been used to define the nonh bordar of the core area of the La
Gallina side of the site (Map 2-1 a).
The canal was apparently designad to carry water from quebradas and slopes up-
valley to the more open fer1ile plains of the central Huacapongo Basin. lt resembles
many other canals found in this pan of the valley which have been tentatively datad to
the Gallinazo Phase.
The El Gallo Secondary Platform (Map 2-1 D)
The area enclosed by the pyramid and this canal includes a smaller platform
mound with rustic rock-walled structures on its summit and a facing rectangular
enclosure. Several stone circular wall footings are found between this secondary
platform and the El Gallo Pyramid.
The small platform-mound lies about 40 m nonh of the El Gallo Pyramid,
measures 28 m (N-S) by 25 m (E-W). and rises 4 m above the facing east plaza. lt
seems to share the orientation of the main El Gallo Pyramid ot E 12 2N. The small mound
slopes gently to the west before eroding downslope into the ravine. Several stone-walled
chambers are found on top of the mound, and walls of stone and mud monar survive to
0.50 m high. Heavy looting ot burials found in the floors of these structures has
resultad in the displacement and destruction ot many walls so that their overall panern
is unclear, even more so than in the 1940's, before this mound was looted. A narrow
causeway of eanh and gravel still connects this secondary mound with the lower south
wall of the old canal.
The El Gallo Secondary Mound 's East Plaza (Map 2-1 E)
The large quadrangle (25 x 22 m) Willey mentions to the east of this secondary
20
mound is incorrectly 1llustrated on the 1953 map (1953: 212-213, fig. 45). This
map shows the walls of the eastern enclosure sharing the orientation of the small secon-
dary mound (E 122 N), with the more southerly wall projecting beyond the limits of the
enclosure to the east. The 1994 map illustrates that the walls of this enclosure. or
facing plaza, are not oriented in the sama direction as the platform mound, but run NW-
SE at E 102 S. They were likely to have been constructed after the mound. They enclose a
large rectangular plaza which is divided into two nearly equal-sized areas. The west
plaza measures 28 m (E-W) by 21 m (N-S) and the more eastern enclosed area is 29
m? (E-W) by 21 m (N-S). Willey notes the possible existence of more divisions or
enclosed areas, but states panerns were unclear.
The walls appear to overhe an earlier terrace wall whose orientation is shared
by the secondary platform, though lit11e trace remains ot this earlier enclosure. The
eastern plaza is open to the east. Just north of the wall dividing the west and east plazas
a small circular stone wall footing was found one to two courses wide. lt had suffered
huaguero damage~ and severa! sherds were scanered around it. lt appeared to be a tomb.
The Spiral and Circular stone wa/1 footings (Map 2-1 F)
Between the main El Gallo Mound and the secondary platform are a number of
circular stone wall footings. The widest was 7 m in diameter and spiral shaped. The
structure líes 14 m north of the El Gallo Pyramid and was flush with ground level. This
is the same structure noted by Willey ( 1953: 213), which appeared to have double-
faced cyclopean walls 80 cm wide. At least six other similar round stone structures
were notad on this same terrace in poorer states of preservation.
The El Gallo Enclosure Wa/1 (Map 2-1 G)
The entire El Gallo area is enclosed by a waJI which runs trom the SE comer of
the pyramid off to the NE for about 100 m before it disappears. Another limiting wall
21
appears to have been located south of the mound. but because of heavy disturbance and
clearance of this area by local inhabitants to make a soccer field, the structure's shape
and extent is unclear.
HUACA LA GALLINA (V-148)
The La Gallina Plafform Mound (Map 2-1 H)
Huaca La Gallina (V -148) is located 230 m east of the El Gallo Mound on the
sarna outwash plain at the mouth of Quebrada El Nit\o. Like El Gallo. the La Gallina
Pyrarnid is stone-covered and rectangular in shape measuring 38 m wide (E·W) and 61
m long (N-S), but it differs both in orientation at E 102N and in layout.s The entire
mound is bisected by a trench into separata north and south plaforms. Whether this
trench is the product of intensa huaQuero activity, an artifact of the original construc-
tion layout as posad by Willey (1953: 284), or a combination of the two, is unclear.
These north and south levels cover roughly the same area. but the south platform is 3 m
taller than that to the north. The southern terrace rises 4-5 m above the slopmg plain
to the south. while the north terrace is only about 2 m higher than the facing enclosed
area north of the mound. A 3 m deep and 2-3 m wide pit has been dug at the NE corner of
the southern platform. roughly where an atrium would have been located if any ever
existed. lt reveals an interior construction of boulders and small rocks set in mud
mortar and grave!.
The degree of disturbance by huaQueros has destroyed any trace of surface
architecture with the exception of a number of circular stone wall footings one course
wide on the north terrace. Willey believes that these structures are tombs. Sorne
ceramics and bone fragments were visible in a number of destroyed circular structures,
supporting this assertion. However. ceramics were mostly absent from the mound
summit, and those found were all from later phases. Circular rock-lined cists
22
mentioned by Willey on the southern terrace no longar exist. Ongoing examination ot the
La Gallina Mound tailed to turn up any conical adobes suggesting that if they were used in
its construction, they are buried beneath later constructions, or that the La Gallina
Mound may be somewhat iater in its construction than the El Gallo Mound.
The Walled Enclosures around the La Gallina Mound (Map 2-1 I·M)
The La Gallina Mound is surrounded by a number of walls enclosing areas to its
north, south, and west, while projecting walls run toward the east. The two double-
taced east projecting walls are 1·2 m wide and have rubble till (Map 2-1 1). Another
wall runs along the eastern tace of the mound to the north and links to an NW-SE wall,
tound north of the mound (Map 2-1 J). This NW-SE wall is also double-faced with a
rubble core (Map 2-1 K). Another double-taced wall parallel to and west of the mound,
links to the NW-SE wall (Map 2-1 L) . These three walls join with a wall and canal
along the south tace ot the mound to completely enclose the La Gallina Platforrn Mound
(Map 2-1 M). The largest and sturdiest wall in the La Gallina area lies north of the
enclosed mound along the prehistoric canal which starts along the hills on the El Gallo
side of the ravine (Map 2·1 a).
Other less massive walls (50-70 cm wide) project trom the better constructed
walls, or in sorne cases, from the upper levels of the massive walls. This type of wall is
found in sorne enclosures off the SW corner of the La Gallina Mound, and on top of the
massive wall foundation which runs trom the SW corner of the mound towards the west.
Modern cultivation has destroyed all features except large walls in the area south of the
mound and the eastern sunken circular plaza.
The La Gallina Secondary South Platform
The wall parallel to the west face of the La Gallina Mound continuas south through
a modern cultivated field, ultimately ending at the cerner of a small stone-faced
23
platform. This platform is greatly destroyed and was usad extensively for burials in
Chimú times. judging from the surface ceramics. Two other partial walls run into this
culitvated area to the south, but they have suffered damage (Map 2-1 N).
The La Gallina Sunken Circular Plazas (Map 2-1 O and P)
Two sunken circular plazas are found at Huaca La Gallina. The first is filled in
with sediments and líes 9-10 m west of the mound (Map 2-1 0). lts diameter appears
lo have been about 15 m. The other sunken circular plaza líes 90 m from the SE corner
of the mound to the SE (Map 2-1 P) and its outer diameter is about 18 m.
Circular wa/1 footings at La Gallina (Map 2-1 Q-S)
In addition to the large circular plazas, a number of circular structures of
varying size are found in the area enclosed around the La Gallina Mound (Map 2-1 Q).
Larger circular structures of double-faced walls measuring up to 7 m in
diameter are found in the NE corner of the La Gallina site, along the ravine and just south
of the massive wall paralleling the upper canal (Map 2-1 A). This area is further
delimitad by an L·shaped double-faced wall lo the west and south that is partially
destroyed by erosion (Map 2-1 S).
La Gallina Canals and ROBds (Map 2-1 T-W)
Severa! canals cross the La Gallina site area, two passing south of the mound are
modern (Map 2-1 T). Traces ot an E-W canal bed are found at the eastern side of the
site along the ravine edge, but erosion has obscured this canal as it runs west (Map 2-1
U). A road mentioned by Willey runs from the ravine west and crosses just above the La
Gallina enclosed mound (Map 2-1 V). At least four canals cross the quebrada north of
lhe massive canal wall which delimits the core area of !he site (Map 2-1 W).
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina appears to have been one of a number of dual-
24
pyramid sitas to have existed in the Virú Valley during the lnitial Period. Survey of the
sites of Huaca San Juan 1 and 11 01-77 and V-103) resultad in the discovery of a similar
layout to Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and the employrnent of like construction techniques
and mataríais. most notably the use of conical adobes. These sites lie roughly 5 km down-
valley from El Gallo/La Gallina where the Carabamba and Huacapongo Basins meet.
Only 400 m from the edge of the La Gallina side of the site líes the Huaca Verde-
Huaca Los Chinos complex (V-37 and V-140). Conical adobes were found on the surface
of the Los Chinos Mound, apparently having been dug out by huaqeros. Excavation by
members of the Chavimochic Project at Huaca Verde led to the discovery of conical adobes
at the heart of the Verde mound also. Examination of Willey's 1953 survey reveals
several other sitas manifesting conical adobes that may date to the lnital Period. The
natura of the lnitial Period senlement of the Virú Valley will be discussed further in
Chapters 6 and 9.
25
1Atthough, as yet, the ravine's age is unclear, circular burial structures built wrthin
the ravine that resemble those found both in the site core as well as in the inner area of
the quebrada argue for the ravine having been present when the site was occupied. lts
extent has clearly increased over time.
2fn this respect it is very like other platform mounds of the lnitial Period and Early
Horizon, such as those of Caballo Muerto which also make use of natural high terraces to
increase the appearance of height and size (T. Pozorski 1976).
3Willey (1953: 212) afso notes the existence of these rooms.
4 These measurements of width are taken trom the inner tace of the second terrace in the
interior plaza area to the outer wall. Willey's measurements differ, but it is urrclear
from where they were taken.
SWilley gives a N-S distance of 57 m (1953: 284). The greater distance cited here is
accounted for by the area now covered over because of the collapse of the south tace of the
pyramid which obscuras its original structure. The orientation of E 10º N is shared by
mounds of the Caballo Muerto Complex of the Moche Valley which have been dated to the
lnitial Period and early Early Horizon (T. Pozorski 1983).
26
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY. EXCAVATION TECHNIQUES. ANO SELECTION OF UNITS
Choice of Afeas for Excavation Units and Problems of Selection:
As stated in Chapter 2. prior to the work of this project no scientific excavations
had ever been made in the core area of the site. Thus. in 1994 the decision was made to
test a variety of areas across the site in order to clarífy traces of structures visible on
the surface. anempt to locate domestic structures and refuse, (so as to establish a
ceramic chronology and test the applicability of the Virú sequence to the Huacapongo
Drainage). and establish, more clearly, the site stratigraphy and quantity of overburden
present in the various areas of the site. Evidence evaluating the proposition that the two
areas of the site, El Gallo and La Gallina, were contemporary was also sought. Because
sites in similar locations in other valleys had been found to have large overburdens
(notably at Caballo Muerto in Moche) it was necessary to locate areas of the site easily
accessible to excavations smce both time and funds were !imited.
The excavations of 1994 revealed severa! important data: 1) domestic structures
and middens dating from the main occupation of the site were absent in all areas tested.
and no hearths were identified; 2) architectural remains located north of the double-
faced wall delimiting the core area of the site were scanered and generally destroyed, and
3) in most areas of the site there was virtually no overburden. Surface survey of both
sides of the site failed to turn up more than isolated sherd scaners.
This evidence illustrates the greatest impedimer.ts to data recovery at sites
located in quebradas and at quebrada mouths: torrential rains and a general degradational
regime caused by El Nii'\o events. These rains have scarred the landscape, the most
visible of these scars being the deep and wide ravines cuning the site in two (Map 2·1
i). Other washouts are clearly visible across the site, since the light blue color of
27
disturbad and water-borne materials contrasts with the deep brown color of the
quebrada pediment.
This disturbance was notad to have been greater on the La Gallina side of the site
than the El Gallo sida, because La Gallina is the more exposed of the two sidas. El Gallo
being shielded from the worst erosiona! torces by a hill spur delimiting its northern
boundary (Maps 2-1 and 2-2). The water rushing down the quebrada disturbad and
destroyed virtually all of the stone structures in the quebrada interior and has obscured
artifactual panerning across the site. The absence of surface materials is the most
visible proof of the power of water to erase cultural remains.
Conversely, the action of torrential downpours has prevented the accumulation of
a thick overburden so that Gual'lape Phase structures were visible on the surface.
Gual'lape Phase ceramics were recovered especially in Units 1-6 (Sector: East, Sub-
sector: South) just north of the El Gallo Pyramid, and in Cut 1 (Sector: East, Subsector:
North) on the east face of the secondary platforrn on the Huaca El Gallo side of the site
(Map 3-1 ). Burials dating to the occupation of the site and Gual'lape Phase archrtecture
were also recovered in Units 1-5 (Sector: West, Subsector: SE) on the Huaca La Gallina
side of the site (Map 3-1). Sufficient material evidence had been recovered by the end
of the 1994 season to establish the contemporaneity of the two areas of the sita.
The evidence recovered during the 1994 season led to a new strategy of excava-
tions for the 1995 season with work concentrated on the terraplein between the El Gallo
Pyrarnid and secondary platform on the El Gallo side of the site (Map 3-1 F. r, s,t, u. v,
q). This zone had a number of stone wall footings visible on the surface. lts location
between the El Gallo Pyramid and the secondary platforrn mound also shielded it from
major erosiva torces. Most of the diagnostic Guai'lape Phase material recovered in
1994 had been found in this zone and the further exploration of this area was warranted.
28
Map 3-1: Excavation Unlts of the 1994 and 199S Seasons at Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina. (1994 units are hatched).
A) V-148, Sector: W, Subsector: Extreme North, 8) V-148,
Sector: W, Subsector: N, C) V-148, Sector: W, Subsector: SE,
D) V-148, Sector: W, Subsector: W, E) V-149, Sector: E,
Subsector: S of .l, F) V-149, Sector:E, Subsector: S, G) V-149,
Sector: N, Subsector: N, H) Ravine. a) El Gallo Pyramid, b) La
Gallina Pyramid, e) Domestic Zone 1, V-148 (W/W), d) Domestic
Zone 2, V-148 (W/W}, e) Tomb A, V-148 (WIW) f) Tomb 8,
V-148 (W/W), g) Tomb 1, V-148 (W/W), h) V-148 (W/SE)
Units 1-4, i) V-148 (W/SE) Units S-6, j) V-148 (W/N) Unit 4,
Str. S, k) V-148 (W/N) Unit 1, Str. 10, 1) V-148 (W/N) Unit 3,
Str. 6, m) V-148 (W/N) Unlt 2, Str. 2, n) V-148 (W/Ex.N) Cut
S, o) V-148 (W/Ex.N), Domestlc Zone 3, p) unexcavated, q) V-
149 (E/S), Unit 1, Str. 1, r) V-149 (E/S), Unit 2, Strs. 1-3,
s) V-149 (E/S), Unit 3, Str. 1, t) V-149 (E/S), Unlt 4-S,
Str. 1, u) V-149 (E/S}, Unlt 6, Str. 1, v) V-149 (E/S of ~).
Str. 1, w) V-149 Pyramid East Stairway.
~' ;...
-...::..
+ :..
.·-:
·-
,·
-
..
O 20KM
,. ...
Nlap 3-1
Work in 1995 on tha La Gallina side of the site was fixad on a number of larga
circular stone wall footings visible on the surface (Map 3-1 8, j, k, 1, m). Eactr
circular footing was partially filiad with rocks and alluvium washad down from the
interior of the Quebrada This area of the La Gallina site had been delimitad by an L-
shaped wall, still partially extent to the southwest (see Maps 2-1 S and 3-1 8). An
apparent burial area was also further explorad in 1995 at La Gallina (Map 3-1 i). No
excavations were made in the interior of the quebrada.
To conclude, the selection of axcavation units was basad on multiple criteria
including amount of overburden. degrae of destruction caused by torrantial rains, and
project goals. The determination of the most propitious area for further axploration
during 1994, and the expansion of units in those araas in 1995, resultad in the
recovery of a great deal of data partially fulfilling many of tha objectives set forth by
tha project. Unfortunately, the problam of where the domestic structures and resident
population at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina were located remains unsolved.
Excavation Techniques:
During the 1994 season extensiva sampling was chosan daliberataly to test a
number of areas across the site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and to clarify the natura and
extent of the aarly occupation (Map 3-1, cross-hatched units). A more intensiva
strategy was chosan in 1995, especially for the El Gallo side of the site (blank units).
During both seasons excavation units were laid out in 1O x 1O m units, although rarely
was an entire unit excavated. Generally, units were placed so as to encompass architec-
tural remains visible on the surface. In sorne cases, units of 5 x 5 m were usad, especi-
ally if the structure to be enclosed was of a smaller dimension. Sorne 2 x 2 m test
excavations were also made to clarify stratigraphy.
Given a relatively large crew, averaging 18 to 24 people in 1994 and 12 to 15
31
people in 1995, excavations were carriad out in several units, on both sides of the site,
simultaneously. The excavation technique (use of trowels, screening of all soil, fine
screening of all burial fills, etc.), slowad down the pace of work so that rarely was an
entire 1O x 1 om unit explorad for more than half of its total area. Architectural fills
were screenad with 1/4" screen while fills of burials and soils immadiately above
floors were screenad with a fine mesh.
Units were orientad to magnetic north and larger units of 10 x 10 m were divided
into smaller 2 x 2 m units codad by two axes. Starting from the NW corner of each unit
the y-axis was codad with numbers 1-5 while the x-axis was codad with the leners A-E.
In smaller 5 x 5 m units the area was divided into 1 x 1 m subunits codad the same way.
Structures were excavated in their entirety except in cases where they lay partially
outside the excavation units. Excavations were also undef1aken on the structures'
exterior in order to relate adjacent structures to floors and construction phases. The
srte of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina was divided up into two sectors and a number of
subsectors for the sake of clarity (Map 3-1). Huaca La Gallina was the west sector and
excavations were undertaken in the west. north, and southwest subsectors of the site and
in the extreme north subsector in the ~ interior. Huaca El Gallo was the east
sector and was divided into tour subsectors: south of pyramid, pyramid east stairway,
south, and north (secondary platform) (See Map 3-1). In the following chapters these
same sector and subsector designations will be used.
In nearly all units, excavations were carried out until sterile soil was reached.
Excavations were carried out by natural and occupational levels; in no case were
artificial levels employed. At Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina the nature of the quebrada's
natural subsoil is very clearly defined. and it is uniform across the site so that when it
is reached it is clear no further human occupational remains will be discovered.
32
Human burials were often measured in the field because of their fragmentary,
delicate composition. No solutions or glues were used on bones. Ceramic material was
washed and dried at the end of each day. Cataloguing of all artifactual material was
carried out at the end of each day of excavation. Anifact and ceramic illustration was
also during the field season. Each occupational surface was drawn in the field and
profiles of stratigraphy were also drawn at the conclusion of the excavation of each cut.
A uniform symbology was employed for most of the cuts in architectural areas (Figure 3-
1) . All fa un al and organic material was sent for analysis to the Arqueobios laboratory at
the University of Trujillo and human skeletal material was analyzed by John Verano
prior to its being depositad at Huaca El Dragan.
At the end of the field season all cuts were backfilled with quebrada stones and
soil. An effon was made to preserve wall foundations by filling each excavation up to the
level of such walls and then burying the foundations in an additional layar of backfill din
to keep them trom being further damaged by erosion and huaQueros. The 1994 excava-
tion season began July 1, 1994, and concluded September 30. 1994. The 1995 season
began July 1. 1995 and continued until September 5, 1995 for a total of slightly over 5
months of excavation. Ouring these seasons workdays ran from 7:00 A. M. -4:30 P. M.
five days a week. Saturdays were spent doing extensiva informal surveys in the Quebrada
interiors. and along the hillslopes wllich resultad in the discovery of severa! early sites
likely to be coeval with Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. These surveys also revealed the
extensiva occuption of the Huacapongo Drainage especially during the Gallinazo Phase.
The lnitial Period material. architectural, ceramic and monuary, recovered by
the project will be the focus of the following chapters. The original cultural phase
names coined by the Virú Valley Project of the 1940's were retained here since they
have been used extensively in the literatura.
33
Symbology
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lnclrnell P lane
CHAPTER FOUR
HUACA EL GALLO/HUACA LA GALLINA STRATIGRAPHY ANO ARCHITECTURAL REMAINS
lntroduction
Although the site of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina is considerad a single site,
tor the sake of clarity the excavations units and architectural remains at La Gallina are
discussed first followed by those of El Gallo. In each subsection the general location of
the excavation unit and any structure(s) contained within is cited followed by a detailed
outline of the stratigraphy. Although burials are mentioned >Yhere they were encoun-
tered in the excavation units, detailed discussion of them is not undertaken here. but in
Chapter 7-Mortuary Analysis.
Huaca La Gallina- The Eastern Sunken Circular Plaza and Associated Circular Structures
(V-148, Sector W, Subsect.SE) (Maps 2-1 P and 3-1 h)
The excavations at Huaca La Gallina (V -148 Sector: W. Subsector: SE. Units 1·
4, hereafter WISE) were centered around the circular wall footings of Structures R-1.
R-2. & R-3. Four 1O x 1O m excavation units were la id out and coded by the numbers
1·4 as the excavation advanced (Plan 4-1 ). Of this 400 m2 area, 85 m2 were exca-
vated. The principal objectives of this sector's excavation were to date the structures.
to determine the function of the circular enclosures, define their stratigraphy, and
establish the correlation among them and between them and other areas investigated at
the site.
Structure: R-1: (Pians 4-2·4·6)
This structure is located at Huaca La Gallina in the SW comer of Unit 1 (W/SE).
lt is a circular structure with a probable access 0.90 m wide on the NW side. lts
externa! diameter is about 3.40 m. lt is delimitad by a wall footing of stone masonry and
35
N
2 3 4 5 3 4 5
"
A
B
U-1 U-2
e ~7.~~·7<_-
)~~-~};~/:;~~:
o 1;>X .· / ,-.,' :;/. /
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·)7777
e u- 3 1 ~ ;.3// U-4
~~
o
Figure 4-1: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlts 1-4 Each
Unlt ls a 10 x 10 m block. Areas excavated withln the unlts
are shaded.
mud mortar with gravel, one course wide that measured about 0.50 m thick.
Uní1..._1; (Plan 4-1)
This was the first excavation unit located at La Gallina (V-148, W/ SE). A 5 x 5
m area that encompassed Structure R-1, located in the SW corner of Unrt 1, was
excavated. lt comprised squares 1C, 2C, 3C; 10, 20, 30: 1E, 2E, and 3E.
S1r.allg~ A total of seven layers were registered.
SURFACE: The 1O cm thick surface layar corresponded to a windblown deposit of gray-
beige, loase soil made up of fine sand, and small pebbles. The entire interior of the
structure and its southern exterior side were excavated. Oxidized sherds, donax shells,
carbon, and fragments of possible lithic artifacts were recovered. The excavation
included squares 2C; 1O, 20, 30: 1E, 2E, and 3E (Pians 4-2 and 4-4).
LA YER 1 (Fill 1): A 35-40 cm thick fill of beige, serni-compact soil dispersad with
small pebbles comprised this layer. On the SE side of the enclosure's interior, this
layer was almost uniformly semi-compact with a concentration of small and medium-
sized stones. In contrast. on the NW s1de. it was dark-beige and loase. Toward the
exterior on the southern side, rt was semicompact and light beige. The wall footing of the
enclosure continuad below this layer without any plastering. Land snail shells, frag-
ments of purple crab, animal bones, carbon, and vegetable stems and shoots were found
in the interior of the structure. Land snail shells, Choromytilus shells, quartz crystal
fragments, sherds, and lithic remains were collected from the structure's exterior. The
excavation included squares 20, 30: 1E. 2E, and 3E (Pians 4-3 and 4-4).
LA YER 2 (Fioor 1): A semicompact gray-beige floor survived only as a fragment in
square 20 in the enclosure's interior. However, on the south exterior side, a large area
ot this floor remained preservad. lt was broken and partially destroyed toward the SW
corner. This floor was comprised of compact beige soil, 5 cm deep, with small dispersad
37
z -.....-L-_
-'
0/\
\...,/

1C-3E, Surface. The 5 x 5 m excavated area with Structure
1 at the center.
z-.....-•L-
.,
- --'
)
1
1
'-....
/'
- ''
v

1C-3E, Layer 1, Structure 1.
Figure 4-4: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1 North
Stratigraphic Profile of the Interior of Structure 1.
A. Surface, B. layer 1, C. Layer 3 (FIII 2), D. Layer 4
(Fill 3), E. Burial 1, F. Layer 5 (Fioor 2), G. Layer 6
(Sterlle), and H. Outer Walls of Structure 1.
W
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stones. and it covered squares 1E, 2E, and 3E. The outer wall footing of the structure
continuad deeper and was three courses high. This layar was excavated in a 2 x 2 m cut
on the structure's exterior in squares 2E and 3E (Pians 4-5 & 4-6).
LA YER 3 (Fill 2): A fill of compact beige soil with small and medium-sized rocks was
located immadiately below several amorphous medium-sizad rocks that delimitad the
cyst-like tomb of a Burial (E-1 ). The tomb was orientad E-W and was connected to the
west side of the structure's interior. This burial was located in the central part of the
structure. The pit was circular with a diameter of about 1.1 O m and was about 1.0 m
deep. lt was slightly elongated toward the west sida. This burial containad a flexed
female skeleton orientad NE (Chapter 7, Figs. 7-6 and 7-7). The burial may have been
made in the structure prior to the laying down of Floor 1 (Layar 2), but postdated Floor
2 (Layar 5). Animal bones. carbon. quartz crystal. two small blue-green soapstone
beads. and a possible lithic artifact were collected. The area excavatad comprised square
2D. The burial intrudad into Layers 4, 5, and 6 (Pians 4-4. 4-5. 4-6. see Chapter 7).
LAYER 4 (RII 3): A 20 cm deep fill of loase and semicompact beige soil with a large
quantity of amorphous rocks was in evidence both inside and outside (SE corner) the
structure. Squares 2D, 30. 2E, and 3E were excavatad (Pians 4-4. 4-5, and 4-6).
LA YER 5 (Fioor 2): A very eroded floor of compact beige soil. 5 cm thick, with larga
rocks intruding into it was found below Layer 4. lt was exposed on the exterior of the
structure in squares 2E and 3E (Pians 4-4 and 4-6).
LAYER 6 (Sterile): A compact brownish-yellow fill of coarse sand and gravel with
medium-sized rocks representad the sterile quebrada subsoil (Pians 4-4 and 4-6).
Structure R-2: (Pians 4-7 through 4-12)
This enclosure. located at Huaca La Gallina ( W/SE), spans the SE corner of Unit
and the SW corner of Unit 2. lt is a circular structure with an externa! diameter of
41
N
/7
()
Figure 4-5: . SE) Unit 1 Squares

W Subsector. 2 (Fioor 1),
1C-3E, Structu~e
Huaca La Gallina (Sector:
1. A. Sur f'ace, B.
(FillLayer
3), an d E·. Burial Pit
D. Layer 4
C. Layer 3 (Flll 2),
01 Burial 1.
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about 3.70 m. A wall footing of stone masonry, about 0.50 m wide of one course set in
mud mortar with gravel, delimits the structure. Other features were attached to this
outer wall. Two small horizontal wall segments were linked to the exterior of Structure
R-2 and projected approximately 80 cm to the east. Arc-shaped walls were located
parallel to the NW and SW exterior sides, and one other horizomal alignmem was found
in the structure's interior located on the NW side and oriemed SW-NE.
u..o.iLL. (Plan 4-1)
A second area of Unit 1. 4 m (N-S) x 3m (E·W), Huaca La Gallina (V-148.
W/SE), was excavated which encompassed part of Structure R-2. lt was comprised of
squares 40, 50, 4E, and SE. This excavation was amplified into the SW corner of Unit 2
(Pians 4·1 and 4-7).
IJnU (Plan 4·1)

This unit is located adjacent to the east side of Unit 1. A 4 m (N-S) x 2 m (E-W)
area was excavated comprised cf squares 1D and 1E.
Stratigraphy: In both unrts six layers were registered.
SURFACE: A 10-15 cm deep layer of wind-carried loose beige soil wrth gray tones. and
small and large rocks covered the surface. Both the structure's interior and exterior
were excavated. The circular structure was delimitad by a stone wall footing one course
wide without any sign of plaster. There was no evidence of an access. Two small stone
alignments linked to the enclosure's exterior east side projected toward the east. At the
NW and SW sides. two arc-shaped alignmems of stones bounded the structure. Another
horizontal stone alignment was located at the NW of the imerior of the structure.
orientad SW-NE. At the exterior NE corner. square 1D. Unit 2, a concentration of
carbon was found. At the interface of this layar and Layer 1, a concemration of
Choromytilus valves was found between the two small eastward projecting walls
44
N

Squares 40-SE and Unit 2, Squares 10-1 E, Structure 2,
Surface A. Interior NE-SW alignment of stones,
B. Exterior alignments of stones projecting from Structure
2's east side, C. Western outer bounding wall.
(squares 1o and 1E, Unit 2), and a fragmentad Guanape Phase bowl, together with the
remains ot Choromytilus shells were tound between the SW arc-shapad wall and the
enclosure's SW exterior (square 4E, Unit 1). All anifacts, animal bones, and plant
remains were collected (Plan 4-7).
LA VER 1 (Fill 1): A 60-80 cm deep fill of semicompact beige soil and small and madium-
sizad rocks was excavated both inside and outside the structure. The wall delimiting the
structure was found to continua deeper without plastering, and the stone alignments that
were encounterad were not associatad with Layer 1. Donax and Choromytilus shells were
collectad. This layer was similar to Layer 1 of Structures A-1 (Unit 1) and R-3 (Unit
2) (Pians 4-8 and 4·9).
LA VER 2 (Fioor 1): A 5-7 cm thick floor of beige semicompact soil with a slight
grayish tone abuttad the inner and outer walls of the structure, although it was not
connectad to them. Elsewhere. it was completely destroyad by erosion. Associatad with
this layer was a small stone U-shaped structure found in the center of the circular
enclosure and orientad NE. A halt-moon shaped stone alignment was locatad on the south
side of the structure's interior and was orientad nonh. Animal bones and sherds were
collected. This layer corresponds to Layer 2 (Aoor 1) of Unit 1. ExcavatiOns were
carried out both inside the enclosure (Pians 4-9, 4-1 O, and 4·11 ).
LA VER 2A (Fill 2): A fill of yellowish-beige compact soil with large, mediurn, and small
rocks lay on the exterior side of the enclosure. Carbon, animal bones, and shells were
collected. Excavation of this layer was restrictad to square 1E, Unit 2. This layer was
similar to Layer 4 (Fill 3) of Enclosure R-1.
LA VER 3 (Aoor 2): Fragments of a gray compact eanhen tloor, 20 cm thick, underlay
Layer 2A. lts surtace was destroyed. Toward the interior of the enclosure, on the north
and south sides, and at the center, the soil was beige in color and semicornpact. At the SE
46
Figure 4-8: Huaca La Gallina (Sector:W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares
40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 1D-1E, Structure 2, Layer 1
(Fill 1 ).
B.~-
-
.

Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 1D-1E, South Profile
of Structure 2. A. Surface, B. Layer 1 (Fill 1 ), C. Layer 2
(Fioor 1), D. Layer 3 (Fioor 2), E. Layer 4 (Fioor 3),
F. Layer 5 (Sterile), and G. Walls of Structure 2.
Unit 1 Unit2
- l-
N
\
1
E
o 1m 2m 3m 4m 5m

Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 10-1 E, Structure 2,
Layer 2 (Fioor 1). A. Half-moon shaped stone alignment,
B. Eastern exterior projecting walls, C. Western
exterior bounding wall.
N
~
,(
E
o 1m 2m 3m 4m 5m
Figure 4-11: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit

Squares 40-SE and Unit 2 Squares 1D-1 E. Structure 2,
Layers 2 & 3. A. Layer 2 (Fioor 1) and B. Layer 3 (Fioor
2).
corner (squara 1E. Unit 2) a fragmant in tha soU1h profila ramained axposed with red-
oranga stains from burning. This layar was associated with tha construction of the
anclosure. sinca the wall footing of Structura R-2 raached this depth. lt was thrae
horizontal courses high. Tha surfaca stones ware largar. while the other courses wara
made up of smaller stones. and all lacked plastering. Animal bones. carbon, and fish
bones were collected. This layar is the sama floor noted in Layar 5 (Fioor 2) in
Structure R-1. Unit 1 (Pians 4-9 and 4-11 ).
LA VER 4 (Aoor 3): A floor of gray eanh with yellow tones was best preservad in the
soU1hern half of tha interior of the structura. Tho rest was destroyed. grayish-baige
samicompact soil remaining to the NE. and small and medium-sízed rocks with grayish-
beige semi-compact soil to tha NW. In tha SE corner, tha dastroyed floor was in evidenca
immediately balow Layar 3. This floor passed below tha enclosure wall. Animal bones
were collected. This !ayer is similar to Layer 4 in Structura R-3, Unit 2 (Pians 4·9
and 4-12).
LA VER 5 (Steríla): A fill of coarsa yellow sand with grave!. devoid of cultural material,
was excavated in squares 40. 50, and SE (Unit 1). This !ayer is the same found in Layer
6 in Structure R-1 (Pians 4-9 and 4-12).
Structure R-3 The Sunken Circular Plaza (Pians 4-13 through 4-24)
A sunken ceremonial plaza spans Units 2, 3. and 4, Huaca La Gallina (V-148
W/SE). The sunken circular plaza is surrounded by a double-faced stone wall 1.20 m
thick with a grave!, earth, and sand core. The structure's exterior diameter is 16.50 m
and its interior diametar is 14.8 m. The structure had been affected by alluvial pheno-
mana. wind-causad erosion. and huaQuero activity. lt had also baen used as a modarn
well. This activity destroyed not only a great part of its architecture. bU1 also disrupted
the stratigraphy.
51
~J
Q 1
/. '
'
'
/1
.....'
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/
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"
1
.--1
~-
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z ..

Squares 4D-4E and Unit 2 Squares 1D-1E, Structure 2,
Layers 3, 4 & 5. A. Layer 3 (Fioor 2), B. Layer 4 (Fioor
3), C. Layer 5 (Sterile).
Ul1iL2: (Plan 4-1)
This unit was located adjacent to the east sida of Unit 1. A 2 m (N-S) x 4 m (E·
W) area was excavated in the SE corner encompassing squares 3E and 4E.
Stratjgraphy: Nir¡e layers were registered.
SURFACE: A 3-6 cm deep layar of wind carried, grayish-beige loose soil with dispersad
small rocks sloped from W-E. Sherds were collected. The externa! wall of Structure A·
3 continuad deeper. but lacked plastering.
LAYER 1 (Fill 1): A 15-20 cm thick fill of beige semicompact soil with small and
medium-sizad rocks lay below the surface. Sherds, donax, and clam shells were
collected. Excavation in the SE corner revealed that the enclosure wall continuad deeper.
This layar is the same as that of Layer 1 (Fill 1) registered in Structures R-1 and R-2.
LAYER 2 (Fioor 1): A 3-5 cm thick floor of yellow-beige compact soil survivad toward
the exterior of the enclosure. Animal bones and a seed were collected. The structure's
wall footing continued below this layar. Excavation below this !ayer continuad only in
square 4E. This !ayer is the same as Layer 2 (Fioor 1) in Structures R-1 and R-2
(Plan 4·13).
LAYER 2a (Fill 2): A 10-12 cm deep fill of beige semicompact soil with small, medium,
and large rocks and sand underlay Layer 2. The structure's wall footing continuad deep-
er. Choros, fish bones, fragments of plaster, and carbon were conectad. This !ayer was
similar to Layer 4 (Fill 3) in Structure R-1 and Layer 2a (Fill 2) in Structure R-2 .
LA YER 2b (Aoor 2): A fragment of a floor, 3-5 cm deep, of whitish-green earth with
clods of beige soil was found almost destroyed. lt is probable that this floor was asso-
ciated with the construction of the sunken circular plaza (Structure R-3) (Plan 4-14).
LAYER 2bi (Fill 3): A burial was discovered after dismantling the wall of Structure R-
3. A fill of gray compact soil with medium-sized amorphous rocks was located in the
53
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Figure 4-14: Huaca la Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2

Squares 3E &4E, layer 2 & 2b. A. Layer 2 (Fioor 1 ),
B. Layer 2b (Fioor 2), and C. Perlmetrlc wall ot Sunken
Circular Plaza (Structure 3).
interior of Burial E-2. The burial pit was orientad SW-NE, delimitad by madium-sizad
rocks, and had an elongated plan measuring 1. 70 m (SW-NE) x 0.80 m (SE-NW), and
0.40 m deep with respect to its matrix (Chapter 7, Fig. 7-8). lt contained a female
skeleton in fetal position with the head located toward the NW and facing slightly toward
the NE. This burial intruded into Layers 2c, 3, and 4, and amplifiad toward Unit 3
square 4A (Pians 4-15 and 4-16).
LAYER 2c (Fill 4): A 25-30 cm deep till of loose beige soil, dark yellow sand. gravel,
medium-sized, and larga rocks passed below the enclosure wall. Animal and fish bones
were collectad. This layer is similar to Layar 1 of the interior of Structure R-3, Unit 3
(Plan 4-1 7).
LA YER 3 (Floor 3): Fragments of a gray-beige, 20 cm thictc: floor with stones were
found both in the N and SW areas of square 4E. This !ayer is similar to Layer 5 (Fioor
2) of Enclosure R- 1 and Layar 3 ot Structure R-2 (Plan 4-1 8).
LAYER 4 (Fioor 4): A grayish tloor with yellow tones was exposed balow Layer 3 (Floor
3) at the exterior ot Enclosure R-3. This layar is similar to Layer 4 (Fioor 3) in
Structura R-2 (Plan 4-18).
UD.iLJ: (Plan 4-1)
Located adjacant to the south side ot Unit 2, Unit 3 encompassed pan of the
interior of Structura R-3 along the center of the north side. Excavations took place in a
6 m (N-S) x 2 m (E-W) area, with a 2 x 2 m amplification toward tha SE ot the
axcavated area and comprised squares 4A, 48. 4C, and 5C (Plan 4-1 ).
Stratjgraphy: Three layers were registered.
SURFACE: A 1O cm thick layer ot debris and rubble with sedimants and wind-carried
deposits constituted by gray-baige loase soil. sand, sadiments, and small and large
amorphous rocks sloped N-S. On the north side of square 4A part of the enclosure wall
56
3 4
~~--------------------------~
2m
o
o 2m

Square 4E and Unit: 3 Square 4A, Layer 2bi, Burial 1.
Square 4E and Unlt 3 Square 4A, Stratlgraphlc Proflle SW-
NE axis. A. Burlal 1, B. Layer 2bl (FIII 3), C. Layer
2c (Fill 4), and D. Wall of the Sunken Circular Plaza
(Structure 3).
sw
§ NE
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Squares 3E & 4E, layers 2 & 2c. A. Layer 2 (Fioor 1),
B. Layer 2c (FIII 4}, and C. Wall of Sunken Circular
Plaza (Structure 3).
J 4
,z- -: ' ~-1
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Figure 4-18: Huaca la Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2

Squares JE & 4E, layers 2, 3 & 4. A. layer 2 (Fioor 1),
B. layer 3 (Fioor 3), C. layer 4 (Fioor 4), D. Wall of
Sunken Circular Plaza (Structure 3).
of R-3 remained. Oxidized and reduced-fired sherds were collected. The sediments were
mostly located in square se (Plan 4-19).
LAVER 1 (Fill 1): A 40 cm thick fill of dark yellow, coarse, loase sand, and grave!
passed beneath the wall of Structure R-3 and was intruded into by 8urial E-2 in square
4A. Organic remains and carbon were collected. Only the eastern halves of squares 4A
and 48 were excavated. This layer was similar to Layer 2c (Fill 4) in Structure R-3,
Unit 2 (Plan 4·20).
LA VER 2 (Roor 1): A floor of grayish·beige compact earth with gravel of rustic
finishing surfaced the ringed terraces or benches around the interior of Structure R-3.
These benches had been built prior to the construction of the outer wall of the sunken
circular plaza. The terraces descended N-S in the cut. Excavation did not continu~ below
this floor (Pians 4-21 and 4-22).
IJ.rliLA: (Plan 4-1)
Located along the east side of Unit 3, Unit 4 encompassed pan of Structure R-3.
Excavation took place in a 4 m (N-S) x 4 m (E·W) area covering squares 3A, 38, 4A
and 48.
Stratigraphy: Two layers were registered.
SURFACE: A 5·8 cm deep wind-carried layer of loase grayish·beige earth, sand, water-
depositad sediments from the construction of the well, and small and medium-sized rocks
covered the surface. Part of the masonry double-faced wall with an earth and gravel
core was uncovered. Plastering was absent. The surface sloped from NE to SW. Remains
of Choromytilus shells and a few sherds were collected.
LA VER 1 (RII 1): A fill of beige compact and semicompact soil was found both in the
exterior (NE) and interior (SW) of Structure R-3. The layer was cut by the well. This
layer remained exposed (Plan 4·23).
61
Squares 4A-4C & SC, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Surface.
3 4
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Figure 4-20: Huaca La üaflina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 3
Squares 4A-4B, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Layer 1. A. Perimetric wafl of Sunken Circular Plaza,
B. Concentric benches or tiers of Sunken Circular Plaza.
z---•<•L--
¡ 1
-,
1

Squares 4A-4C & SC, Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza),
Layers 1 & 2. A. Perlmetrlc wall of Sunken Circular Plaza,
B. Benches of Plaza, C. Layer 1, D. Layer 2 {Fioor 1).
. rr.· . . . -.~. ~!;,• -,_,:·~¡ '~-.
~'¡o0 --~ •o,~
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~·
· ..·• •-·~~G<~~
,· -~·: . •• . • ••· • •
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.
...., ' :-.'- ...... -· '-· ··/',-
. ·~
'\rl'·
T
' .. . '· . " '--'""~· ~- --

·1-UIL'JOC>•
. 1
·.d, 1
r- T-!- T-,:.,_ l1
.. . ·- ,,.""'~ ' . .
. I?l ' • . ,· ($-,'¡
.... 1 •. •
. , ._.,,,(,•
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. '1
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<> (;.'<·,.
- . .
'-
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. , ...• ,.... "'.
p .. , ..• r.
H
, •., ,,-,-cPi,~·}>'oc·e ~-o.;·.·:- ·.f>.:/i_/ .. A"-"· " • ' • o. <:¡ ··' ' • · · . e ·
1 '- - :V', .y~<:Jc,

, t.P._
r ·e>~
b'0°
,.. ..,__.........- - LJ. ó-../1Yn'-•"-
-..- 1•n·
; -' -
~
~/
0
l ' ' ..,. - . 1 ...... \\'
- --- -- B2
B2
1 .... ·¡ L-... _ _ .' ---------d
t- - - - -
1
·-e~-~--
U- 2
,
4E, Unlt 3 Squares 4A-4C, West Stratlgraphlc Proflle.
A. Surface, B. Layer 2 (Fioor 1), 82. Layer 2 (Fioor 1 )
surfacing terraces In Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza,
C. Layer 2a (FIII 2), D. Layer2b (Fioor 2), assoclated with
the perimetric wall of Structure 3 (Sunken Circular Plaza,
E. Layer 2c (FIII 4) whlch passes below the base of the
outer perimetric wall of Structure 3, F. Burial 1 and Layer
2bi(FIII 3), G. Layer 3 (Fioor 3), H. Layer 4 (Fioor 4),
and J. Perlmetrlc wall of Structure 3 (Sunken Circular
Plaza).
N
o m

Squares 3A-4B, Structure 3, Layer 1 (Fill 1). A. Layer 1
(Fill 1) and B. Perimetric Wall of Structure 3 (Sunken
Circular Plaza).
Construction Phases of Structures B-1. B-2. and B-3
The excavation of Structures B-1, B-2, and B-3, Huaca La Gallina (V -148
W/SE, Units 1-4) revealed that stratigraphically the majority of layers of all the
structures are correlated on both their exteriors and interiors, and that in the differem
profiles the same sequence is in evidence (Plan 4-24, souJh profile of Units 1-4). This
suggests that these structures were roughly comemporary in their construction and use,
although it is clear that the sunken circular plaza predated the smaller exterior struc-
tures. lt appears the later structures were constructed around the circular plaza as the
same time that the double-faced wall was built to delimit the plaza.
The discovery of a concentration of larga mussel valvas in the eastern exterior of
Structure B-2, and of remains of mussels and sherds of a bowl of Guanape cultural
affiliation in the SW exterior cerner, support the dating of the structures to the Middle
Gua.,ape Phase. That these layers are as clase to the surface as they are is the result of
erosive torces which have washed away surface layers.
Finally, the discovery of two flexed female human burials, facing toward the NE in
Structures Al and B-3 (Burials E-1 and E-2) repeats Gua.,ape burial panerns at other
areas of this site and at other early sites (Chapter 7). In spite of not having encountered
ceramic offerings that would have helped to date them with greater precision, the
position of the burials and their orientation up-valley argue for their early dating. All
this demonstrates that Structures B-1 and B-2 likely functioned ceremonially, and
Structure 1 ultimately had a burial function. Structure B-3 (the sunken circular
plaza) had a ceremonial function and Burial E-2 was dedicatory. The lack of cultural
materials in the ritual enclosures may be evidence of the necessity of keeping sacred
spaces clean. This panero has been noted elsewhere (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1985).
The lack of cerarnics in burials may also reveal a system of burial wherein ceramics
67
Figure 4-24: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Units 1-4
South Stratigraphic Profile. A. Surface Layer, B. Layer 1
(Fill 1 ), C. Layer 2 (Fioor 1 ), D. Layer 2a (Fill 2) in Unit
1 this layer corresponds to Layer 4, E. Layer 2bi (FIII of
Burial1, Unit 2 Square 4E), F.Layer 2c (Fill 4), G. Layer
3 (Fioor 2) in Units 1 and 2, Structures 1 &2. In Unit 1
this floor corresponds to Layer 5.
rr]·~~·.;\ ~ .:. ;.-'"1

, ..-.·- ·-·~··11 .. ,_,., ~· .• ft.~···· _:¡-: ~_11. ~ • :¡_-~
, -1 ), l , ·.-·L~ ·.'l ..•• :
t
·.,. ; .~,.u~ ••~·\~~.._:.._~::.:..-~~~;:~
...
-~-- ... ~·
·-~--~~~3 ·.. --·
.____ _;_:.__ . .;;~:~.r .<.~--: . ·····-
. ·1• • ·"'
::'.-...-;.-·., ... -A •'JiwiP.._~~ ·"'~r"'...,·~-~· ..':"'-::.\p·-:~...,. -A.~~-',.
~~:~e~~- ..E.:?.c.•"<?. ······"··'·· ·~ ·~·~l~~-'
~~:::-~c.J· _\.•~~e-~~-- ~
E ,_
(..'
..
,.
1 •
c.
Y·L
I.·U
10•'
·~
were intentionally omitted.
Structures A-1 and A-2 originally had perishable superstructures which have
since disappeared. No evidence of post-holas or hearths were recovered. Neither
structure had been ritually interred, rather, it appears, both were simply abandonad at
the end of the site's occupation. The wall footings of at least two more structures are
located just east of Structure 2, adjacent to the outer wall of the sunken circular plaza.
lt is likely they had functions similar to those of Structures 1 and 2 perhaps serving as
settings for more intimare rituals for smaller audiences as has been suggested for
similar circular sunken structures found at the site of Cardal in Lurin (Burger 1992).
Huaca La Gallina (V-148, Sector: W, Subsectors: W & Extreme N) Domestic Zones
Given the original focus of the project on domestic architecture, three zones
containing possible domestic remains covering a total area of 400 m2 were cleared and
panially excavated on the La Gallina side of the site. Two zonas (1 and 2) were located
just west of the Huaca La Gallina Pyramid (Maps 2-1 c. d and 3-1 0. while the third
zone (3) was located nonh of the E-W massive double faced wall delimiting the core area
of the site (Map 3-1 o).
The excavation of probable domestic zonas turned up little evidence. Zone 1 was
the most complete of those excavated and based on its artifactual content and cornparison
with nearby V-147, dates late in the cu~ural sequence, probably to the Tomoval or La
Plata Phase of the Chimú culture Zone 2 contained a single structure of indefinite age
and function. Zone 3 had suffered intensa erosionar damage that had not only displaced
and destroyed sorne of the crudely fabricated walls, but had also washed away any
anifactual remains. Though it is possible these structures were occupied by the
original inhabitants of the site, firm evidence is lacking. Thus, the problem of where
the builders of the La Gallina and El Gallo Pyramids lived remains unsolved. No domestic
69
structures or remains dating to the Middle Guanape Phase were found in any of the
surveys on surrounding hills. lt is possible that many many have lived outside of the
main ceremonial core of the site in single dwellings closer to their fields as has been
suggested for the population of other lnitial Period monumental sitas. lt is possible that
the remains of dwellings found in Zone 3 represent temporary structures that may have
been occupied by people for short durations, perhaps during ritual gatherings. Further
excavation is needed to clarify this issue.
HUACA EL GALLO: Circular Structures (V-149, Sector E, Subsect. S, Units 1-6)
The circular structures and Units 1-6 were located in the relatively level area
between the El Gallo Pyramid and the secondary platform to its north (Maps 2-1 F and 3-1
F, q, r, s, t, u). The excavations at Huaca El Gallo (V-149: Sector: E, Subsector: S,
hereafter E/S) were centered on Structures R-1 (Unit 1), R-1, R-2, R-3 (Unit 2), R-1
(Unit 3), R-1 (Unit 5), and R-1 (Unit 6). Units 1·4 measured 10 x 10 m, and Units 5
and 6 measured 5 x 5 m. The units were ceded by the numbers 1·6 as the excavation
advanced. Discussion will first consider the individual units, their architecture,
stratigraphy, and artifactual content. The overall building phases 10 each unit will then be
discussed. The principie objectives of this sector's excavation were to date the structures,
determine their function. define their stratigraphy, clarify the sequence of construction,
reveal the existence of independent building phases or reutilization of structures, and
establish the correlation among them and between them and other architecture at the site.
Additional cuts were made on the secondary platform at El Gallo (Map 2·1 D. 3-1 G)
and a small cut was made south of the El Gallo Pyrarnid (Map 3-1 v). The eastern stairway
of the El Gallo Pyramid was cleared to establish and clarify the orientation of the mound.
Descrjption of the Excavated Unjts and Structures. El Gallo, Units 1-6:
Uort 1, Structure R-1: (Plan 4-25)
70
Figure 4-25: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E. Subsector: S) Unit 1 Structure
1 Surface. A. Exterior wall, B. Interior wall.
.S
' . '
'
.-
/1
·~ ,').' .'
•• 1 \ i
:.: -..
-X:.'·:::~~-~-~
' ' .:...)·- ·
•• .. r-:0...
\ .
'
, -· ~ . . J
V , '' \
'"~ .
. .. ,,
=
·/
---------=======--------· .
This structure is located at Huaca El Gallo (V-149, E/S) in the center of Unit 1. lt
appeared spiral on the surface and was citad by Willey because of its unique shape (1953:
213). Subsequent excavation revealed it to be circular in shape with a probable access on
the south siete. This side of the structure had been destroyed by erosion. The structure had
an exterior diameter of 7.0 m, and was delimitad by a 0.70 m thick stone wall footing of a
single row wide set in mud mortar and gravel. An interior arc-shaped waJI parallels the
east extericr wall and defines a passage into the structure's interior. The passage was 1.0
m wiete. Remnants of a yellowish-orange floor were encountered between these tNo walls.
unrt..J.;. (Plan 4-25)
A 1O x 1O m unit was established over Structure R-1 that entirely encompassed this
structure. The entire unit was cleared and excavation was carried out both inside and
outside of the structure.
~ A total of 15 layers were registered and the cut reached sterile.
SURFACE LAYER.- A 10-15 cm thick aeolian layer of beige-gray loose soil mixed with fine
sand. alluv1um. and small. medium. and large rocks covered the entire interior area of the
structure. Four 2 x 2 m cuts were made in the cardinal directions on the structure's
exterior. Sherds, bones. and shells were collected (Plan 4-25).
LAYE R 1 (Fioor 1): A 5 cm thick floor of grayish-beige compact clay was associated with
the externa! tace of the perimetric wall of the structure on the north and west sietes. Sherds
and bones were collected. On the north exterior side of the structure this layer was
excavated in a 1 x 4 m cut in squares 2A and 3A and in a 1x 4 m cut on the west side of the
structure in squares 18 and 1C (Plan 4-26). In the north cut, circular ruptures were
found that corresponded to intrusive burials of infants. Also on the west side in square 18,
an infant burial was found flush against the exterior wall of the structure. lt lay in a flexed
position without offerings. Fragments of red, yellow, and black colored plaster were also
72
.~
-~ ~ -- '1
1-
~-- --:---
-
--
-
- .__ -A:---~ --- --~-- '~-- ~-- ~·
- -- --
~ -- ':""
L
r
-
----.
-~
~-
- _....
- ... ~ - - _-·_1
...
.'
J -
-\/~
~~~\_] --
~.:'~-- ~ ,;; - -.
(\
u
\J( ,)\J e --0¿:... -

~\~:~~{W _v ~
aog¿
•.-sQ=i(
2 m
. - - - [) .- -
1 Layers 1, 2 & 3. A. Layer 1 (Fioor 1), B. Externa!
plaster adhering to the outer tace of the perimetric wall
and assoclated wlth Floor 1, C. The perimetric wall ot
Structure 1, D. Layer 3 (Fioor 2), E. Plastering on outer
face of inner wall of Structure 1, F. Stone interior wall, G.
Limit of intrusive huaquero pit, H. Mortar, mud and clay
forming the base of the outer wall, l. Layer 2 (Fill 1), J.
Pit of Burial 3, K. Traces of burnt clay.
~
' .~J~}[_>i)f
~~
,.......
o"~L~ ;{.~,~--~
~~-;~_.l~~f)-.c~~-~~.,~·.-'?1"
. ·. ~:;~<>:·"'); ~ ~ / '~c":_j_)i:___C;>-~J
___ .--__¿------ .....----
" [) ·•"' ... ,-<·h•·l .\J ,,,¡ '\ - . - •'" A • .

.
.-·· _/•• • '~-:
é) a
~-
=D ()~-_.A
0
1}
,
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f-lo~~--}
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~~>~+¡' ¡~
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.::. . -o 0.· ''-....I'-1 ... ":- V
oq,j. o'Yl 1 . . '¿;_'D. il ._ - - }
o (J;~L/o
¡_·._ :; >_;:· 1
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--\ _ ~o
c;c:, ao(Jo .
o'IPo
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.. DO:
OQ ·c::::r)
1 - o í jl J
K
_ r--?:·:>J
~-----~
O 1 m
l.. _..- __. - - - J

1, West Stratlgraphlc Proflle A. Surface, B. Layer 1 (floor
1), C. Layer 3 (Fioor 2), D. Layer 4 (Fioor 3), E. Layer
5 (Fill 2), F. Layer 6 (Fill 3), G. Layer 7 (FIII 4), H.
Layer 8 (Fioor 4), l. Layer 9 (Wall 1), J. Layer 13 (Tomb
Flll 1), K. Layer 14 (Tomb Flll 2), L. Layer 15 (Tomb Flll
3), M. layer 10 (FIII 5), N. Layer 11 (FIII 6), O. Layer
12 (Fioor 5), P. Tomb 2, O. Outer wall of Structure R-1.
-~
./ ' ~ ~ 1L.....!....·r-- ,~l

-~~ a.
--.~--
_ ~L J,:~; .'& ,Jii-::;;~: .J ~•· Y ~"' ;-, ~ '~;,L..J,_o~ . ~ "~ ~ ~:e · ~~
1 · \ / ·) ·
t -----.--;\
_
r tt·--~-Y"Cjél..r-n-rc~ _l:r-:di e·/\ Llo, . F(
,--:--- u•'i __ - --L .-.
'1 \-/"" (.\ )_, \. \--z~'g ~-----1 \ )<-,L.._,.~)

:..''o:·l
j, ' ,. • / :..----(
~b.-~""""'""''
~ -' ,~~e-;:,~-... '~-~ "'~·-~•c:c·o·~· e. )_ .
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H-·~-·; ~
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---o.:
-·~e' ',.,
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f- ~~J.ri::),¡¡-')~::::17.. ~~-H~.: .~'-7 L P-""'; n:~L7):~>~;r;./~0 1 ,:~~r;~v-;~-';-~D~~~k
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~
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~ · u =~u 1\,~-J~'-: . :;.
'~¡/ •~ ~· '...Z· :-:: ~-·:=::::o,CL) :;.;;~-?:<:.::~!~ <)<~~~? bl I
'L.J(
(
::::.../...b \o - -- '· \
1
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tr.c..-=.,.: ' ;_'::_ ..,_.Ü 'i:: ·•..'>;(/J le--. J.--:1-;¡;.
J ¡'-
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{ 1 • · , ,- · -- •J
OJ : í
~"·-·o-.,·,c·,,-ú<•·~oL~ ~- ~ ~;~
•-=-- -
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: ' .-1>,,;..J •- o u b" \F •t..c:::.,• ¡) ll LJ" oe o • o, , = 1
, .;·>
r_,;:;·.,·c:~¡>J~\<ll,- O,n~\·~ .:~ ,~}
t11
1
b (_) L)L' L (• ú
-.. S\/
",
\' ) . ) ¡r-¡tl~l-
' ,-vf l--.--:.:
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"-' -.
.:;_;e, t/.-:Ói'l \..: e

.. • "
1':!.-c:: . 0 =L ..:.....r
-· 1 .r ) ._y \.
_ _ 11___1
< -
.l- -
.. -
o==-
e •
~~~-s==_
Figure 4-28: H~aca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 1 Structure
1, North Stratlgraphlc Proflle. a. Surface, b. layer 1
(Fioor 1), c. Layer 2 (FIIJ 1), d. Layer 3 (Fioor 2), e.
layer 4 (Fioor 3), f. layer 5 (FIII 2), g. layer 6 (FIJI
3), h. layer 7 (Flll 4), l. layer 8 (Fioor 4), J. layer 9
(Wall 1 ), k. layer 10 (FIIl 5), l. layer 11 (FIIJ 6), m.
Layer 12 (Fioor 5), n. layer 13 (Tomb Flll 1), o. layer
14 (Tomb Flll 2), p. Layer 15 (Tomb Flll 3), q. Outer wall
of Structure R-1, r. Co'fer of Tomb E-4, s. Stone
Sculpture, t. East wall of Tomb E-4.
encountered (Pians 4-26, West profile-4-27, and N profile-4-28).
LA VER 2 (Fill 1): A 15 cm thick layar of slightly compact beige sand and clay with gray
stains. and a large quantity of medium-sized rocks lay under Layar 1. The decomposition of
the plastering associatad with Floor 2 (Layer 3) and its mixing with disturbad material
resulting from the profanation of tombs in the interior of the structure contributad to Layer
2 (Pians 4-26. 4-27. and 4-28).
LA VER 3 (Fioor 2): o

An approximately 1 cm thick semicompact layer of light gray sand and
clay formad Floor 2. locatad in the corridor between the interior arc-shaped wall and the
eastern exterior perimetric wall. lt was different in color and textura from Roor 1 . lt was
associatad with the outer perimetric wall of the structure. and was the surface upon which
these wall footings were originally placad. lt clearly pradates Floor 1 on the exterior of the
structure. Floor 2 was only uncovered in the north and west éil'eas of the structure's
interior. Fragments of yellow and orange plaster were found mixed in the decayed areas of
the floor. and in sorne cases. still adhered to rts surface (Pians 4-26, 4-27. and 4-28).
LAVER 4 (Fioor 3): A 5 cm thid< beige-yellow tloor composed ot compact clean clay and
sand was present in the passage between the perimetric wall and the interior wall. and also
outside of the perimetric wall on the western side of the structure. The floor was not found
in the interior of the structure. since this area had been destroyed by the construction of
three intrusive tombs. This floor passed beneath the perimetric wall of the circular
structure. lt predated the construction of the structure (Pians 4-27 and 4-28).
LAVER 5 (RII 2): A 15 cm thick fill of compact sand and gravel formed the base of Floor 3.
lt was found below Floor 3 in the same areas of the structure as Layer 4 (Fioor 3). In the
SW part of the structure's interior fragments of burnt ciay were found in this fill. No
artifacts were found associated with this !ayer (Pians 4-27 and 4-28).
LAVER 6 (Fill 3): A fill of medium and large rocks, 35·50 cm thick, formed the foundation
76
of the area later sealed ovar by Floor 3 and which formad the base for Floor 2 on which the
circular structure was later constructed. This layar was also present in the 2 x 2 m cuts
made on the exterior of the structure to the east and south. No artifacts were found (Pians 4-
27 and 4-28).
LA YER 7 (Fill 4): A 50-80 cm fill of loose small and medium-sized stones with rubble and
beige-yellow clay was limited to the interior of the structure. lt was partially composed of
backfill from the excavation of pits for intrusive burials. Toward the south of the structure
it contained small and medium-sized rocks with light beige clay and sand. lt was in this
disturbad fill that Burials 1, 2, and 3 were found (Pians 4-27 and 4-28, Chapter 7).
LAYER 8 (Fioor 4): A 3-5 cm ttlick, very eroded floor of gray compact clay had been
destroyed in the majority of the interior of the structure, as a consequence of the excavation
of pits for Burials 2 and 3. lt was also exposed in the cut made on the west exterior side of
the structure (square 1C), where it was 50 cm below the level of the surface. This floor
originally surfaced a plaza and was encountered also in Units 2 and 6 (V-149 E/S). lt
sealed earlier architecture including Wall 1 (Layer 9) (Pians 4-27 and 4-28).
LA YER 9 (Wall 1): Wall 1 formad one side of the first architectural unit constructed in
this area of the site (a sunken rectangular plaza). The 0.70 m wide wall was of composed of
piers of stone in a mud matrix interspersed with gravel and small to medium-sized rocks.
Wall 1 was orientad along a N-S axis and ran through squares 2A, 28, 2C, 20, and 2E
(Pians 4-27, 4-28, and 4-29).
LAYER 10 (Fill 5): A 70 cm-1.30 m thick fill of semicompact clay and sand mixed with
medium-sized and larga rocks occurred below Floor 3 and east of Wall 1. lt was the upper
of two layers that filled the original sunken architectural unit associated with Wall 1. This
layer was only found in the interior area of Structure 1 (Plan 4-28).
LAYER 11 (Fill 6): An, approximately. 40 cm thick fill of dark brown compact clay with
77
1- "i
--. i
-·E·
. E'·.
o 2 ....,

1, Layer 12. A. Layer 12 (Fioor 5), B. Wall of pit of
Burial 4, C. Layer 13 (Tomb Fill 1), D. Layer 9 (Wall 1),
E. Layer 8 (Fioor 4), F. Layer 8 (Fioor 4) with traces of
burning.
clots of clay and small rocks was located immediately below Layar 10 (Plan 4-28).
LA YER 12 (Fioor 5): A very compact beige-yellow floor composed of clay and small rocks
was associated with the base of Wall 1. lts surface was pitted and bore the impressions of
rocks. lt was found in squares 2A, 3A, 28, 38, 2C. 3C, 20, and 30. A rupture in the floor
was discovered that had been surrounded and covered over by stones in which Burial 4 had
been placed. Probes through this floor revealed that it had been constructed on the sterile
quebrada subsoil and representad the first architectural unit in this part of the site (Pians
4-27, 4-28, and 4-29, Chapter 7).
LAYER 13 (Tomb Rll1): A 20 cm thick layer of semicompact dark brown granular sand
mixed with a rich earth filled the upper level of the tomb cavity (Pians 4-27 and 4-28).
LA YER 14 (Tomb Fill 2): A 5-15 cm layer of sand and clay filled the majority of the lower
half of the tomb cavity (Pians 4-27 and 4-28).
LA YER 15 (Tomb Fill 3): A 5-25 cm layar of compact clay was limited to the west side of
the tomb and covered the head of the individual interred and the offerings (Pians 4-27 and 4-
28).
Se.Q.uence ot constructioo: Unit 1, Structure 1:
Three major construction phases can be identified in Unit 1, which were clarified by
subsequent excavations in Unit 2 (V-149 E/S). Ouring Phase 1 a sunken rectangular plaza
was constructed, delimitad on the west side by Wall 1 (Layer 9). At the end of the use of
this structure the tomb for Burial 4 was dug into the floor (Fioor 5) of the plaza.
Phase 2 corresponds to the filling and sealing of the sunken rectangular plaza and its
conversion into a raised platform capped by Aoor 4. Ouring this phase a series of terraces
were apparently constructed to the north along the north sida of Unit 2 where the ground
rises. Phase 3 saw the addition of fill over the Phase 2 Floor 4, the subsequent laying down
of another floor (Fioor 3), its resurfacing (Fioor 2), and the construction of the circular
79
stone wall footings. The floor was subsequently resurfaced again (Fioor 1). The ultimate
circular structure was likely to have had a perishable superstructure, but because of the
intrusive tombs and huaguero hales, any evidence of post hales was absent. Almost all the
ceramic and artifactual material is associated with the Phase 3 constructions, which dates to
the Middle Guanape Phase.
Description of Structures R· 1, 8-2 and 8-3. Unit 2 Y-149 E/S:
!..!.n.tL.2.;, (Plan 4-30)
Located at Huaca El Gallo (V-149 E/S), Unit 2 was adjacent to the north side of Unit
1. This 1O x 1O m unit was established to investigate a number of arc-shaped stone wall
footings visible on the surface that were believed to correspond to ceremonial enclosures
like that of Unit 1 (V-149 E/S). Three circular wall footings constructed of ouebrada
stones set in mud mortar were uncovered.
The objectives of the excavation of Unit 2 were to establish the relation between the
structures of this area and Structure 8-1 of Unit 1 . to see if the stone and mortar wall
(Wall 1) of N-S orientation found in Unit 1 continuad into Unit 2 and to clarify its function,
and to define the three enclosures in Unit 2 in terms of their function, contemporaneity,
stratigraphy, and relation to other units at the site.
Stratigraphy: Eleven leveis were identified befare the excavation reached sterile.
SURFACE LEVEL: A 20-30 cm thick aeolian and alluvial deposit of beige-gray loase soil
with sorne semicompact areas composed of small, medium, and large amorphous rocks sloped
N-S. lt was irregular and was pitted by huaguero hales and animal burrows. Large numbers
ot rocks were present on the surface, sorne apparently laid as part of walls torming at least
three, and possibly tour, circular structures. In the NE corner of the unit (squares 20 and
2E), was a circular stone wall footing, one stone thick, laid in beige mortar of earth and
grave!. This structure was designated Structure R-1. The second circular structure
80
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- - - - ....\. . -- -- =-- - __.. ,_-:: ---- _,.,_- . ·+--
Figure 4·30: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2 Structures

1·3. Surface layer. A. Wall remnant of Structure 1,
B. Wall on surface of Structure 2, C. Wall remnant of
Structure 3.
identified lay in the SW corner of Unit 2 (squares 4A and 5A). lt was constructed in the
same fashion as Structure 1 and was designated Structure R-2. Structure R-3 was tound in
the south-central area of Unit 2 (squares 38, 3C, 48, and 4C) and was largar and better
constructed, atthough it was the least complete of the three structures. lts stone wall was
double-faced with an interior fill of earth and gravel. An additional structure, that lay
partially outside of the excavation unit, may have existad just SE of R-3, but time did not
permit the excavation of this area.
A wealth of material including shells (clam, choromytilus, donax. scallop, land snail,
and crab claws), roots, animal bones, fish bones, human remains, mineral (worked and
unworked quanz fragments), lithics, carbon, a spindle whorl, and diagnostic Guai'lape
ceramics, littered the surface of the final !loor. The majority of the ceramic material carne
from the interface of the surface layar with Floor 1 and in between the floors of the third
construction phase. !n the SE corner of square 5A the remains of truncated conical adobes
were found. This suggests that the superstructures of the structures may have partially
been constructured of adobe (Pians 4·30, 4-31. 4-32, and 4-33).
LA YER 1 (Fioor 1): A beige-yellow !loor of semicompact earth was best preservad in
squares 1A-5C, 1O, 20, 30, and 40. Many rupturas and eroded areas were present on the
surtace, sorne corresponding to huaguero pits and others to intrusive tombs (Chapter 6).
8urials E-1 (square 5C) (Plan 4-35), E-2 and E-5 (square 58) (Plan 4-35), E-7
(square 38), E-8 (square 1D) (Plan 4-36), and E-9 (squares 1D and 1 E) (Plan 4-35)
all cut through this !loor (Plan 4-34). Two of the burials E-2 and E-3 included diagnostic
Guai'lape ceramics (Chapters 5 and 7). Shells. sherds, and carbon were recovered. This
!loor was associated with the three structures, and in sorne cases, the floors and remnants of
exterior plastering on the structures' wall footings were bondad without a break. Excava-
tions continuad through this layer in the interior of R-1, R-2, and R3, and in squares 18,
82
o 4 ~ J01n
------------.,-•----------- ---- ___.
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ue
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Figure 4-31: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Sub sector: S) Unlt 2 West /f .: --f
=jftj
1 1 1
Stratlgraphlc Proflle. a. Surface, b. Layer 1 (Fioor 1), , Ll__ 1
c. Layer 2 (Fioor 2), d. Layer 3 (Fioor 3), e. Layer 4
(Fill 2), t. Layer4A (Fioor 4), g. Wall M-1, h. Layer 5
(FIII 3), l. Wall M-2 (the West wall of the Sunken
rectangular plaza-the contlnuatlon of the N-S wall tound In
Unlt 1), j. Wall M-3 (the North wall ot the sunken
rectangular plaza, bonded to wall M-2 tormlng a rlght
angle), k. Burla! E-10, l. Layer 8 (FIII 5), m. Layer 7
(Fioor 5).
fj
L 1-1--l-=1~~~
~ '-1--t-t--t-:
'f ""'--s L __ e
Ont 2 4¡ - - - - G
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f ,--; •.- (/·¡·Q¡ )t-. /J[l- ~-v~ e ~4-"'~~~ t~-::-~-.
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1--.:"- F._,~! ;....;.)~~:->--:7-.vo,Y~·-b_ ···~-~ o~"'i 111
, t- .. ~v.-~-.,.· a-.-~¡;;; ..:-,.-.:-~---l.!. 0~·~·-
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""·'-'•·..:,•.{ :•. >W!':l~ 1~~:~~:;:_:~~'.:'

--~-- ·. '--·
Figure 4-32: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 South

Stratlgraphlc Profile. a. Surface, b. layer 1 (Fioor 1},
c. layer 2 (Fioor 2), d. layer 3 (Fioor 3), e. Layer 4
(FIII 2), f. Layer 5 (Fill 3), g. layer 6 (FIII 4), h. layer
7 (Fioor 5), i. Layer 8 (FIII 5) j. Burlal Plt E-1,
k. Burla! Plt E-5, l. Wall of Structure R-2, m. Wall M-2
of the sunken rectangular plaza of constructlon phase 1 (a
contlnuatlon of the N-S wall found In Unlt 1 ).
-~ ~ -¡- -- -t -- -- - - - - -t- - - - - - - - + . (•···.
----- L - b ,
~==---==_1_~- __ _,,=.,_~--o:=:= e""' "J_CR3~--~=__Q_ 1_'.E. ____ ; 11 I
----------------- ----------------e-----Lff __ é .11
- ~~- ~-~---- ---h_L: 1

Figure 4-33: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Schematlc
lllustration of constructlon phases In Unlt 2 by West s t r a t 1-
graphlc proflle. R-3 Circular Structure 3, 111. Construc-
tlon Phase 3: a. Layer 1 (Fioor 1), b. Layer 2 (Fioor 2),
c. Layer 3 (Fioor 3), d. Layer 4 (FIII 2). 11. Constructlon
Phase 2: e. Layer 4A (Fioor 4), f. Wall M-1 of terraced
plaza. l. Constructlon Phase 1: g. Wall M-3, the Northern
boundary wall of the sunken rectangular plaza, h. Layer 7
(Fioor 5) the floor of the sunken rectangular plaza.
Figure 4-34: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2, Entire
Unit. Layer 1 (Fioor 1) and Layer 2 (Fioor 2), Structures
R-1, R-2. R-3, Burlal Plts E-1, E-2, E-3, E-4, E-5, E·
7, E-8, E-9. A. Structure R-1, B. Structure R-2.
C. Burial E-1, D. Burial E-2, E. Burial E-3, F. Burial E-
4, G. Burial E-5, H. Burlal E-7, l. Burial E-8,
J. Burlal E-9, K. Layer 1 (Fioor 1), L. Layer 2 (Fioor 2).
M. Structure R-3 and plasterlng of the outer structure wall
,
-~-~- .- -.- ~- -.;- (J~ - ~ ~~ -
• ,, 'TJ .
N
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1
1 ~
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G
1C, 28, 48, 4C, 58, and se. Clearing of the wall footings revealed the dimensions of the
three structures(Pian 4-34):
Structure R-1 was constructed of stones set in mortar of beige earth and gravel one stone
wide. A probable access 1 m wide was identified on the NE side. The wall was 0.42 m wide
and had an inner diameter of 3.20 m. Burials E-8 and E-9 were eventually found to have
been intrusive ínto Layer 1, Floor 1. 8urial E-3 restad on Floor 1 (Chapter 7). This
structure was located in squares 1C, 1O, 2C, 20, and 2E.
Structure R-2 was built of medium-sized Q.Uetllild.a stones set in a single row in mud
mortar with gravel and small amorphous stones. The wall was 0.40 m thick and its
diameter measured approximately 3.20 m. This structure intruded into the west and south
profiles of Unit 2 in squares 4A and 5A respectively. The structure was only partially
excavated and this cut did not reach sterile.
Structure R-3 was the largest of the three structures with a diarneter of 4.70 m. The
surrounding 1 m w1de wall was double-faced with a core of rubble, grave!, mud, and small
and medium-sized rocks. Sorne of the exterior plastering that bonded to Roor 1 was still
intact on the structure's exterior. 8urial E· 7 was intrusive through Floor 1, Layer 1. The
structure was found in squares 2A, 28, 2C, 3A, 38, 3C, 4A, 48, and 4C.
LAYER 1A (Fill 1): A fill of beige-gray soil wi!h a large quantity of small and medium-
sized rocks was present in the interior of Structure R-2. Shells (Choromytilus and
Scutalus) and a seed were found. Only half of the interior of this structure was excavated
(squares 4A and 5A), since the remainder of the structure lay outside of the excavation unit
(Plan 4-34).
LAYER 2 (Fioor 2)- This floor's surface was found to be superficially uniform across most
of Unit 2, presenting an eroded and broken surface with many rupturas caused by huaguero
holes. intrusive tombs, animal holes, and erosion. lt was composed of compact light beige
88
A 13 e
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Unit 1 1
Figure 4-35: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 1 Square 1C

and Unlt 2 Squares 5B-5C, Layer 1 (Fioor 1 ), Burlals E-
1 and E-2. A. Burlal E-1 and B. Burlal E-2, C. Burlal E-5.
e D E
-1 1- 1 - 1 -1 t -·1 1!
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1· - 1- 1- 1 1- 1 1· 1· -1 - 1- 1- t- + -1 - ¡- 1- 1- -t-
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Figure 4-36: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Squares

10 & 20, Circular Structure R-1, Layer 1 (Fioor 1),
Burials E-8 and E-9. A. Burlal plt for E-8, B. Olsturbance
caused by lntruslve Burlal E-9, C. Layer 1 (Fioor 1).
soil with small rocks. 8urials E-1 (square SC), E-2 and E-5 (square 58) (Plan 4-37), E-
7 (square 38), E-8 and E-9 (square 1D) intruded into it. Floor 2 was tound in squares
18, 1C, 28, 48, 4C, 58, and se (Pians 4-31. 4-32. 4-33, and 4-34).
LA VER 3 (Fioor 3)- This floor, of gray semicompact earth with pebbles, had an irregular
surface, ruptured, cracked, and eroded in many areas. The burials pits ot E-1 (square 5C)
(Plan 4-34), E-2 and E-5 (square 58) (Plan 4-38), E-4 (square SC/50) (Pians 4-38
and 4-39), and E-6 intruded through this floor. Floor 3 was excavated in squares 18, 1C,
28, 48, 4e, 58, and se. Clams shells, quartz crystals, animal bones, seeds, carbon, and
Guaflape sherds were collected.
LA VER 4 (Fill 2): A fill ot beige-gray soil, sand, clods ot earth, rubbte, and small,
medium, and large rocks passed below Structure R-3 and sealed earlier walls M- 1 (a
retaining wall for terracing along the north side ot the unit), M-2 (the same N-S wall ot
the sunken rectangular plaza found in Unit 1), and M-3 (E-W wall ot the sunken rectan-
gular plaza that bonded to M-2 forming a right angle) (Pians 4-31. 4-32. 4-33, 4-34
and 4-40). Three burials E-6, E -7 (Plan 4-40), and E -9 (Plan 4-41) had intruded
through the upper layers into thrs fill. Fill 2 was excavated in squares 18, 1C, 28, 48, 4C,
58, and se. elam. mussel, and ScU1alus shells were collected along with animal and fish
bones, quartz crystals, and a few body sherds. Excavation of 8urial 7 in the interior ot
Structure R-3 (ehapter 7) revealed, following the removal of the fill, a wall of stone and
mortar (M-2) that had a N-S orientation. lt was located on the west side of R-3 in squares
28 and 38 and corresponded to the same wall (Wall 1-Layer 9) encountered on the west
side of the area excavated in Structure R-1, Unit 1 (Plan 4-40). This wall formad one of
the sides of a sunken rectangular plaza that had been the first architectural unit built in
this area of the site.
Excavation of 8urials E-8 and E-9 in the interior of Structure R-1, Unit 2 revealed
91
48-4C, Layer 2 (Fioor 2). A. Exterior wall of Structure R-
3, B. Pit of Burial E-2, C. Pit of Burial E-5, D. Layer 2
(Fioor 2).
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Figure 4-40: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unít 2 Squares

2A-3C, Layer 4 (Fíll 2), Structure R-3 and Burial E-7.
A. Wall M-2 (the contínuatíon of the N-S wall found In Unít
1), B. Burlar Plt for E-7, C. Perímetríc wall of Structure
R-3, and D. Survíving plaster on the outer wall.
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1O, 1E 20, Structure R-1, Layer 1 (Fioor 1), Burl al s E-8
& E-9. A. Burial Pit E-8, B. Burla! Pit E-9, C. Layer 1
(Fioor 1), D. Outer wall of Structure R-1, E. Wall M-1
(Basal terrace wall of series of terraces on N slde of U-2
dated to construction phase 2).
Wall M-1 along the N side below the structure's wall footing (Pians 4-31, 4-33, and 4-
41 ). E-8 had used this wall to define the N side of its burial pit. The wall had an E-W
orientation and was constructed of flat stones set in mud mortar two rows high.
LA YEA 4A (Floor 4): This floor of beige-gray soil was eroded on its surface. lt was
associated with the south tace of Wall M-1 and bonded to it. lt appeared that this floor
functioned as part of a terraced plaza of which Wall M-1 defined the first of a series of tiers
along the north side. This plaza was open to the south and its floor sealed the earlier sunken
rectangular plaza. This floor was found in squares 1A, 18, and 1C, and was also evident in
sections in Unit 1, R-1 (Pians 4-31 and 4-33).
LA YER 5 (Fill 3)- A fill of small and sorne medium-sized rocks and beige semicompact soil
was excavated to the east of the stone and mud wall (M-2) (Wall 1 of Unit 1 E/S) that ran N-
S in a large 4 x 4 m cut (squares 48, 4C, 58, and SC). This level was also excavated in the
interior of A-1 and R-3. Additional cuts through it were made in square 18. Fish bones.
quartz crystal. and ceramics were found (Pians 4-31. 4-32. 4-33, and 4-42).
LAYER 6 (Fill 4): This fill, semicompact and dark brown, was uniform across the excavated
area, constituted by a large quantity of small and medium-sized rocks, sandy beige soil, and
clots of brown earth. Wall M-2 continuad deeper. This level matched the same dark brown
layer encountered in the fill of A-1 Unit 1 (Layer 12). lt was excavated in squares 48, 4C,
58. and se. and in the interior of R-3. lt overlay 8urial E-1 O (Pians 4-31 and 4-42).
LAYER 7 (Fioor 5): This semicompact floor of beige-brown soil with small rocks was
uniform where excavated. lts surface was pitted by impressions of overlaying rocks.
Carbon and two lithic artifacts were found on its surface. lt was associated with. and bonded
to, Wall M-2 (the N-S wall from Unit 1) and Wall M-3 (that bonded to M-2) of the sun-
ken rectangular plaza (Pians 4-31, 4-32, 4-33, 4-42, and 4-43). Wall M-3 lay
beneath the N side ot Structure A-3 and bonded to M-2 forming a right angle with M-3
97
Figure 4-42: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 2 Entire
Unit. Layer 1 (Fioor 1)-Layer 8 (Fill 5), Structures R-1,
R-2 & R-3. A. Structure R-3, B. Wall M-2 (West wall of
the sunken rectangular plaza), C. Structure R-2, D. Wall M-
3 (E-W wall of the sunken rectangular plaza), E. Wall M-1
of north terraces from constructlon phase 2, F. N-S wall
segment llnked to M-1 dating to construction phase 2,
G. Structure R-1, H. Wall disturbance caused by Burial
E-9, l. Level 7 (Fioor 5), J. Level 4 A (Fioor 3) K. Level
(Fioor 1), L. Level 2 (Fioor 2), and M. Plastering of outer
wall of Structure 3.
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48-SC, Layer 7 (Fioor 5). A. Wall M-2 (the continuation
of the N-S wall found in Unit 1), B. Layer 7 (Fioor 5),
C. The outer (perimetric) wall of Structure R-3.
projecting to the east. This floor was excavated in squares 58 and se. and in the interior of
R-3 around Burial E-10.
LAYER 8 (Fill 5): A thick fill of yellow sand. gravel. and small. medium. and large rocks
was found below the floor in all areas excavated in Unit 2 and in Unit 1 am apparently was
placed to level the surface of the ground prior to the construction of the floor of the sunken
rectangular plaza (Pians 4·31. 4-32, and 4-42j. Below this level lay sterile.
A similar layer of sterile redeposited quebrada subsoil was found to the north of Wall
M-1 (the E-W wall that formed the first in a series of tiers). This fill had been used to
form the fill of a terrace or tier (squares 1B and 1C).
Construction Phases:(Pians 4-31, 4-32 and 4-33)
Three main construction phases have been identified in Unit 2 which correspond with
the sequence first identified in 1994 in Unit 1.
PHASE 1: This pllase is defined by the walls of stone and mud mortar (M-2) and (M·3)
associated with Layer 7. Floor 5 which were found in Units 1 and 2 and were sealed by the
later Floor 4 of a terraced plaza (Pians 4-31. 4-32. and 4-33). The structure delimitad
by Walls M-2 and M-3 was a sunken rectangular plaza which appears to have shared the
layout orientation of the El Gallo Pyramid. lt is the earliest structure erected on this part
of the site. Small quantities of carbon and fragments of burnt clay were the only cultural
remains on the floor other than two small carved grinding stones. Burials 1 o. (Unit 2) and
4. (Unit 1) had been placad 1n pits dug into this floor prior to the sealing of the entire
architectural unit. Deep impressions of stones used in the fill were found in the surface of
the floor of the sunken rectangular plaza.
PHASE 2: Wall M-1 orientad E·W and constructed of a single row of stones set in mud
mortar defines the north edge of a terraced plaza constructed over the sunken rectangular
1 o1
plaza (Pians 4-31, 4-33, and 4-42). lts floor (4) sealed the earlier architecture and
was bondad to wall M-1. The terraced plaza was apparently of greater size than the sunken
rectangular one as the E-W wall (M-1) projects to the east beyond the dimensions of the
earlier sunken plaza at least as far as Units 3 and 6. Wall M-1 retained the lowest ot a
series of tiers which likely ascended in three or more steps up to the top of the secondary
platform mound that lay along the north side of Unit 2.
PHASE 3: This phase is representad by the construction of Structures A-1, R-2, and R-3.
Fill was placad over the surtace of the terraced plaza and sealed by a floor (Fioor 3) (Pians
4-31, 4-32, 4-33, 4-34, and 4-42). Floor 3 was resurfaced (Fioor 2), and the wall
footings for the three structures were laid upon this surtace. Subsequently, the floor was
resurtaced a final time, and this level (Fioor 1) was directly associated with, and bonded to,
the exterior walls since the plaster of the floor and lower walls was unbroken. This
construction phase tool< place in Middle Guanape times. The site had apparently been
abandoned prior to the end of the Late Guanape Phase. The presence of quartz crystal in
many of the structures and over the final floor, as well as stains trom burning but absence
ot hearths, argue for this area's having played a ceremonial role. The superstructures were
likely to have been constructed of perishable materials that have left no trace.
Huaca El Gallo Circular Structure R-1, Unit 3, V-149 (EIS)
Unit 3: This 8 x 10 m unit was established adjacent to the east side of Unit 1. Excavation
was limitad to the clearance of the Unit to the base of the wall footings of the circular
Structure A-1 (Unit 3), and deeper excavations inside R-1 and on its west exterior side
(Plan 4-44).
Structure A-1: (Plan 4-44) This circular structure was built of large boulders set in
mud and grave! mortar, one boulder wide and two high. A tomb was found located directly in
the center of the structure and 3.0 m down (Chapter 7). The outer diameter of the complete
1 02
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Structure !t:,.
~ Figure 4-44: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 3 ·.';f
R-1, Layer 1.
A

R-1, West Stratigraphic Profile. A. Surface, B. Layer 1,
C. Layer 2, D. Layer 3, E. Layer 4, F. Layer 5.
structure was 4.60 m and the imerior diameter was 2.60-3.0 m. While the tomb will be
discussed in Chapter 7, the stratigraphy of the cut made in the structure's imerior will be
considerad here since this data clarifies part of the construction sequence of the architec-
ture at the site.
STRATIGRAPHY: A total of six layers were found, and the cut was excavated to sterile.
SURFACE: Semicompact material, the product of eroded wind and water-carried materials,
composed the surface. Since Unit 3 is slightly down-slope from Units 1 and 2 (located to
the NW), a greater arnount of eroded material had accumulated on its surface. Small and
medium-sized rocks were mixed with fine and coarse sand, sediments, and light beige-
brown soil. Sherds and shells were collected including diagnostic Guanape sherds of the
lncised Rib type (Pians 4-44 and 4-45).
LA YER 1: Diverse materials and textures ranging from compact (Squares 2A, 3A, 28 and
38) to semi-loose (squares 18, 28, 1C, 2C, 1D, 20, 1E, 2E) to semicompact characterized
Layer 1. The looser material was composed of small and medium-sized rocks. earth, and
sand. and seemed to correspond to an intrusive cut into the surface. perhaps a huaguero pit.
The semicompact material was composed of small and medium-sized rocks mixed with beige-
gray soil. This material predominated over the unit except in the areas noted above.
Circular Structure R-1 was in the center of the unit. The interior of the structure
presentad a semicompact fill of earth, sand, small, and medium-s1zed rocks, and a couple of
large boulders that had slid in from the perimetric wall footing. In squares 1C and 2C a wall
was found linked to the exterior ot the structure and projecting westward that appeared to
have served as a retaining wall. Middle Guanape sherds, shells, and lithics were conectad.
Cleaning of the east, north, and, west profiles revealed two well-marked events. In the west
profile was an accumulation of loose material composed of rocks and earth that intruded imo
the semicompact layer, and in the north profile there was a concentration of water-borne
105
material overlying the more compact layer. The first disturbance appears to be an
intrusive huaQuero pit or tomb that has since been destroyed. A test pit into this fill
revealed disarticulated and fragmentary human bones. The second is a manifestation of the
increased erosiona! damage suffered by this unit (Pians 4-44 and 4-45).
LAYEA 2: A concentration of large rocks associatad with a fill of compact and semicompact
earth, small rocks, and yellow and beige sand sealed a large part of the circular structure.
This material was an arcMectural fill laid down during the terracing of the area on which
restad the circular structure. Guanape sherds, shells, and lithics were recovered. In this
layer the excavation defined an ruptura in the central western section of the interior of the
circular structure that cut through a fill of compact material composed of beige-yellow
earth and small rocks. This probable intrusion contained two large rocks resting on a fill of
loase brown earth and rocks. and it projectad toward the west profile of the circular
structure (Plan 4-45).
LA YEA 3· A considerable concentration of semi-compact. culturally sterile. dark brown
earth mixad with abundant rocks was distributad thoughout the interior of the structure
LA YEA 4: Compact mud and stones sealed an orderly disposition of large rocks (Plan 4-45)
forming a structure, that on the west side was delimitad by a retaining wall compasad of
stones set in mud mortar. This wall was found uttimately to form the west side of the
funerary chamber.
LA YEA 5: A compact fill of beige-yellow earth and mud filled and sealed the tomb. The
sterile subsoil of the Quebrada underlay the tomb's base (Plan 4-45).
Coostruction Seguence El Gallo. E/S Unit 3:
Excavation of Unit 3 helped to clarify the architectural sequence best illustratad by
stratigraphic profiles in Unit 2. Although the three floors of Phase 3 were not found in LJnit
3, it is clear that the circular structure on the surface was contemporary with those in Unit
106
2. The floors in this area had been destroyed by erosion as was amply illustrated in the Unit
3 profile.
The interim tloor ot the terracad platform of Phase 2 was not encounterad in this
area. possibly also because of erosion or the prior destruction of this floor in those areas
excavatad to deeper levels in Unit 3. However, a wall, level with the exterior of the first
layer of boulders making up the circular wall footing of Unit 3 Enclosure 1. appears to have
been a retaining wall, and it resembles the wall found in Unit 2 just north of Structure R-3
(Wall M-1 ). The Unit 3 wall should be considerad part of the Phase 2 construction. The
tomb chamber was constructed of stones set in mud mortar, but this construction was
limitad to the area immediately around the tomb. No floor was found at the leve! of the tomb
opening as opposed to the cases in Unit 1. Structure 1. Burial 4, and Unit 2. Structure 3,
Burial 10.
The absence of a floor. combined with the difference in the stratigraphy of Unit 3
compared with Units 1 and 2. suggests that the area of Unit 3 lay outside of the area
delimited by the sunken rectangular plaza that made up the first construction phase at the
site. As was the case with all the circular structures, the superstructure was likely to have
been made trom perishable materials that have left no trace in the archaeological record.
Huaca El Gallo, Circular Structure R-1, Units 4·5, V-149(EIS)
~ This 1O x 1O m unit was located immediately to the SW of Unit 1. lt included an E·
W wall and half of another circular structure, the other half of which was locatad in Unit 5
established adjacent to the west side of Unit 4.
STRATIGRAPHY: Only two layers were registered for this unit since it was not exca•1ated. but
merely clearad. Only the southern half of the circular structure was excavated more deeply
(Plan 4-46).
SURFACE: A wind and water-carriad layar of loase beige-gray soil, fine sand, medium and
107
j
1
1
1
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small amorphous rocks, and cultural material covered the unit. The area had suffered a
great deal of erosion, more so than Units 1 and 2 since it lay down-slope trom them. A
modern path also runs through the unit. The excavation began by defining an erec1 wall
of stones orientad E-W and located in the SE pan of the unit. This wall was apparently a
retaining wall marking the southern edge of the raised area on which all the circular
structures in Units 1-6 had been constructed.
LAYER 1: A floor of compact gray earth was associated with the retaining wall that ran
toward the NE and with a circular structure at the west side of the unit.
J..!.ni1...í Located adjacent to the west side of Unit 4, Unit 5 was of irregular dimension since
its western edge corresponded to the eroded edge of the ravine.
STRA TIGRAPHY: Five layers were registered, but the cut did not penetrate to sterile.
SURFACE: was similar to Unit 4, composed of small and medium-sized rocks mixed with
beige clay and eanh. Scant sherds and shells were on the surface.
LA YER 1: The same floor found in Unit 4 was present in Unit 5. The circular structure was
associated with this floor. lt measured 4.80 m across on the exterior and approximately
3.85 m on the interior. Pan of the southern wall of the structure had been destroyed by
erosion, as had been the case for the Unit 1 structure.
LA YER 2: This !ayer. made of dry loose clay mixed with a large quantity ot medium-sized
rocks corresponds to the architectural fill found beneath the Phase 3 floor in Units 1 and 2.
Donax shells were found. This and the succeeding layers were excavated only in the southern
half of the interior of the circular structure.
LAYER 3: A more compact fill of beige-yellow soil mixed with sand, small and medium-sized
rocks, and rubble was uniform across the excavation. Fine sand was found in greater
quantity as the cut deepened. No cultural debris was noted.
LAYER 4: A uniform deposit of stones ot medium size mixed with loase soil and grave!
109
overlay a tomb.
Construction seguence: lt is clear that the circular structure and retaining wall date to
Phase 3 of the El Gallo sequence. The fills in the interior of the structure also correspond
with those found under the Phase 3 floors in Units 1 and 2. Units 4 and 5 both lay outside,
and to the west of the sunken rectangular plaza. and because excavations did not continua to
deeper levels, the form of the initial phases of construction in this area is unknown. The
burial found in the Unit 5 circular structure predates the final construction phase as the
interior floor of tl"!e circular structure was intact and the upper layers of fill were undis-
turbed. The burial may have been made at the end of Phase 2 when the open plaza was in use.
Huaca El Gallo. Circular Structure R-1, Unit 6, V-149 (EIS)
Unit 6: This unit lay to the NE of Unit 2 and was a small 3 x 3 m cut made in and around
another circular structure that was located north of retaining Wall M-1 that formed the
basal terrace of a number of levels along the south side of the secondary platform.
STRA TIGRAPHY Four layers were registered and the cut was pursued to sterile.
SURFACE: conformed to loose beige clay and earth with medium and small rocks. A circular
structure was delimited at the center of the cut that had an exterior diameter of approxi-
mately 3.5 m and an interior diameter of about 3.0 m. The wall footing was constructed of
large stones set in a mud and gravel mortar. The top of an E-W retaining wall was defined
immediately to the south of the circular structure. This wall was about 1.0 m thick and
appeared to delimit the base of this first terrace along the south side of the secondary
platform to the north. The same beige-yellow surface that corresponded in the other units
to the final floor of Phase 3 was revealed below the surface on the exterior side of the
retaining wall (M-1 ). This floor was unbroken in the interior of the circular structure.
LAYE R 1: The beige-gray compact floor. intact in the interior of the structure. also
survived near the terrace wall exterior and on the exterior of the circular structure.
11 o
Guanape phase lncised Rib sherds were found on the floor and along the wall.
LA VER 2: Composed of small and medium rocks compact earth. and clay, this cutturally
sterile layer became progressively more rocky as the excavation continuad.
LAYER 3: Essentially a continuation of the cutturally sterile architectural fill of Layer 2,
Layer 3 differed in that it was made up of an even greater number of very larga boulders
interspersed with sand and gravel. Excavation continuad to the depth of 2.50 m whereupon
sterile was reached. This layer corresponds to Layer 4 found in Unit 5. This unit lay
outside of the area originally encompassed in Phase 1 by the sunken rectangular plaza.
Place in Coostructjon SeQuen~
The circular wall footing of the structure in Unit 6 is contemporary with all !hose
other structures found in this area of the site. The ceramic evidence includes maoy of the
same diagnostic Middle Guar'\ape types includiog lncised Appliqué Rib. lt is probable that the
1.0 m wide wall found just south ot the structure had been buitt during Phase 2 as the
retaining wall of a series of terraces along the south sida of the secondary platform mound.
El Gallo, Secondary Platform(V-149, Sect.·E, Subsect:N, Units 1-2)
Structure 1 (Secondary Platform Mouod) :
The secondary platform mound is located to the north of the El Gallo Pyramid and
Units 1-6 (E/S). lts basal terrace corresponds to M-1 found in Units 2 and 6. lts western
tace is currently eroding into the huayco. Along the east and south faces of the platform a
modero irrigation canal has been excavated so that the true dimensions of the mound are
obscured. A large double-faced wall is located along the north side at the base of the hills
just nonh of the mound. This wall delimits the northern edge of the core area of El Gallo/La
Gallina and likely dates to the original occupation of the site. Currently the pla!form's
dimensions are approximately 33 m (E-W) x 30 m (N-S), and the mound rises 1-2 m
above the surrounding plaza areas to the south and east. Along the north side it slopes
111
gradually uphill to the base ot the cliffs.
The surface ot the platform has suffered a great deal ot damage from huaquero
activ~y. On ~s surface are the remains ot a series ot walls ot rooms and corridors. Tombs
had been excavated in the floors ot the rooms. but most had been destroyed by looters. The
material on the surface contorms to Chimu ceramics. Test excavations on the mound
revealed a heavy Chimu overburden. A single burial was recovered that, based on ~s
position and association w~h Guañape ceramic material. may date to the Middle Guañape
Phase
Since excavations did not penetrate to sterile soil the initial construction ot the
secondary plattorm is unclear. lts shared orientation with the El Gallo Pyramid and the
discovery of Guañape lncised Rib sherds in the fill ot Trench 1 argue tor its having been an
integral part ot the layout ot the s~e during its original period ot occupation. No interim
tloors or levels were tound during the excavation suggesting that the bulk ot the platform
may have been erected toward the end ot the occupation ot the site during Phase 3.
The El Gallo Pyramid (Huaca El Gallo, V-149 Sector:East. Pyramid Stairs)
During the course of mapping the site, the decision was made to clear the middle ot the
eastern tace of the pyrarnid of accumulated rubble that had resutted from the collapse of the
tiers ot the pyramid. HuaQuero activity, concentrated especially on the summit, had
contributed to the rubble. Since the east tace ot the pyramid is fronted by a sunken square
plaza (Map 2-1 8), it was assumed that a central stairway would be located in the center of
the east tace. Tne right side-wall delimiting that side ot the stairs and constructed of large
rectangular stones laid in mud mortar was discovered after initial clearing. Clearing
proceeded from the N side wall to the south along the east tace for 6.0 m withou1 discovering
the S side wall delimiting the S border ot the stairway, and it is believed this wall was
destroyed by the collapse of the pyrarnid on that side.
112
The clearance of the base of the east tace revealed that the three banks or terraces
that surrounded the sunken square plaza (33 m on a sida) were also present on the east side
of the pyramid tace. The floor at the base of the pyramid stairs was compact and had sherds
imbedded in it. On the surface of this floor were traces of burning and sorne ash. On the east
sida of the floor was a large ruptura that may have mar1<ed an intrusive tomb, although it
was not investigated further. However, the evidence presentad by a great many huaguero
pits dug at the base of the pyramid and the scanered human rernains and Chimu sherds on the
surface support its designation as a tomb.
The final stairway was composed of eight stairs with a landing between steps 4 and 5
and a second landing at the top. Each step's outer tace was constructed of a single row of
square or rectangular stones laid in mud mortar. Each step was about 20 cm high and had a
plastered upper surface of compact white clay. The landings preservad sorne of this
plastering as well. From the floor of the plaza to the upper landing, the stairway rose
approximately 2.5 m (Plan 4-47).
On the final landing another intrusive tomb was found clase to the surtace. lt had
suffered sorne damage from the erosion and collapse of material from the summit and from
huaguero activity. This tomb was excavated as part of the clearing of the upper landing in
arder to clarify the construction sequence in this area of the pyramid. The intrusive tomb's
profile was cleaned and it was deepened in arder to better observe the sequence of construc-
tion of the pyramid's east tace (Plan 4-48).
SURFACE: A large quantity of large and medium-sized rocks on the surface carne from the
collapsed retaining walls of the pyramid or had been thrown down from the huaquero
trenches on the summit. Under the rocks was a loase layer of beige yellow soil, sand, and
gravel mixed with small, medium-sized, and large rocks. Many human remains were mixed
in this layer with Chimú sherds. This layer was uniformly thick and sloped from W-E
113
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Figure 4-47: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: Pyramld East stalr),
Unlt 1 Layer 1 (Fioor 1), Burlal E-1. a. Lower three
benches of sunken square plaza frontlng the El Gallo
Pyramld, b. Layer 1 (Fioor 1), c. Landlng 1, d. Landlng
2 and Burlal E-1.
H
o
1
m.
Figure 4-48: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: Pyramid East stair),

West Stratigraphic Profile. A. Surface, B. Layer 1 (Floor
1), C. Layer 2 (Fill 1), D. Layer 3 (Floor 2), E. Layer 4
(Floor 3), F. Layer 5 (Fill 2), G. Layer 6 (Fill 3),
H. Layer 7 (Fioor4), l. Wall 1.
following the slope of the eastern pyramid tace (Plan 4-48 a).
LA VER 1 (Fioor 1): A noor of compact gray earth was found surfacing the steps and
landings. In from of the stairway this floor was ruptured so that half of it was destroyed.
On the upper landing a burial had panially destroyed this floor (Plan 4-48 b).
LAYER 2 (Fill 1): A fill of semicompact rubble, small rocks, and clay mixed with sediments
was found at the base of the intrusive tomb (Plan 4-48 e).
LAYER 3 (Aoor 2): A noor of compact yellow eanh had been ruptured by the tomb.
Clearance of the area of the intrusive tomb and its superstructure revealed this floor which
had surfaced the entire upper landing. lt lay 10-15 cm below Aoor 1 (Plan 4-48 d).
LAVER 4 (Fioor 3): A floor of compact beige earth lay below Floor 2. The tomb had not
intruded into this floor. The floor had suffered sorne darnage and initially appeared ro show
evidence of another intrusion on its west side. On the surface were orange stains-evidence
of burning (Plan 4-48 e).
LA VER 5 (Fill 2): The SW quarter of the upper landing was tunher excavated below Floor 3
and was found to contain a homogenous layer of medium-sized and small rocks and rubble for
almost a meter. The fill was culturally sterile (Plan 4-48 f).
LAVER 6 (Fill 3): Approximately 1.0 m below Floor 3 the fill changed becoming more
cumbersome and consiSted, almost entirely, of large rocks and mud. Excavation continuad
along the east side of the cut and revealed that this fill was panially the result of wall fall
from Wall M-1 found at the base of the cut. This wall uttimately proved to be 2.0 m
high and was constructed of angular rocks set in mud manar (Plan 4-48 g).
LAVER 7 (Aoor 4): At the base of Wall M-1, and bondad to it by plastering, was Floor 4.
Floor 4 lay over 3 m below Floor 1 and probably represents one of the earliest, if not the
earliest. construction phase of the pyrarnid. On the surface of the floor and in the fill just
above it were sherds easily identified as Guaflape Black Plain. Excavation ceased at this
1 16
leve! because it would have been dangerous to continua given the narrow size of the cut
(Plan 4-48 h).
QQnstruction Phases of the El Gallo Pyramid:
At least tour construction phases exist at the El Gallo Pyramid. The first is
representad by Floor 4 and Wall M-1. Whether Wall M-1 was a retaining wall for a small
truncated platform mound or for sorne enclosure could not be established. Phase 2 began
with the filling in of the area with rubble and large rocks. A second fill was later added of
lighter consistency after which the entire area was sealed by Floor 3. Because such a small
area was excavated, it is unclear if any floor or use-phase existed between the two different
fills. The third and fourth construction phases appear to have been minar remodelings as is
clear from the thinness of the layers separating Aoors 3 and 2 and Aoors 2 and 1.
Although it is impossible to directly correlata building phases identified at the
pyramid with those suggested for other areas of the El Gallo site, it is interesting to note
that three main construction phases were identified in Units 1 and 2 (V-149 E/S). The
first phase of initial construction at the site (manifested by the sunken rectangular plaza)
was succeeded by a second massive phase during which this early plaza was completely filled
in and sealed over. The final phase marked a raising of the plaza area, the construction of
the circular enclosures, and the subsequent resurfacing of the final floor an additional time.
Perhaps these phases correlata with those found at the pyramid and represent site-wide
phases of construction and renovation.
Huaca El Gallo, Rectangular Structure (V-149, Sect: E, Subscr: S of Pyramid)
1.!.niL.1:. (Plan 4-49)
This unit 5.0 x 3.0 m was established to the south of the El Gallo Pyramid and close to
the edge of the ravine. lt encompassed a rectangular structure. lt was established to clarify
the nature of the structure and to anempt to locate other structures.
1 17
1 2
rLL
A
~o- - - - - - - - ' - J m
Figure 4-49: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: South of ~) Unit: 1
Structure 1, Layer 1.
Structure 1 · was located in Unit 1. lt was a rectangular structure with stone walls one
stone wide and high set in mud mortar. The structure measured 3.0 m (N-S) x 2.0 m (E-
W) on the exterior and surrounded an interior area 2.20 m (N-S) x 1.30 m (E-W). The
structure had suffered damage trom erosion and looter activity. The outer area of the unit
was cleared to the base of the walls, while the interior of the structure was excavated in its
entirety.
STRATIGRAPHY: Four layers were exposed, and the cut went to sterile.
SURFACE: A 10-15 cm deep wind and water-borne fill of loose beige-gray eanh with small
and medium-sized rocks and sand covered the surface. The interior area of the structure
had been disturbad by looters. Sherds, shells, and quanz were recovered. Diagnostic
Guanape decorated sherds were found.
LAYER 1 (Fill 1): A 10-15 cm thick semicompact beige-yellow fill of eanh gravel, and
small and medium-sized rocks was ruptured in the interior of the structure by a larga rock.
Sherds, lithics. and shells were recovered.
LA YER 2 (Fill 2): A uniform 40-50 cm thick compact brown fill of eanh wrth gravel and
rocks of all sizes was excavated only in the structure's interior.
LA YER 3 (Sterile): The sterile floor of the quebrada was gray-yellow and compact and
consisted of gravel, coarse sand, and rocks of all sizes.
Place in Construction SeQuence:
Because this sector líes to the south of the pyramid, and the structure is isolated from
those other structures excavated at the site, it is impossible to directly correlata this
structure's place in the construction sequence. However, the presence of its wall footings
on the surface argue for its rough contemporaneity with those structures excavated on the
level terrace between the El Gallo Pyramid and the secondary platform mound to the nonh
(Units 1-6 E/S). All the circular wall footings were at least panially visible prior
119
to excavation. The ceramic material found associated with this structure included diagnostic
decorated wares of the lnitial Period, like those from Unrts 1-6 including Guanape lncised
Aib, Guar'lape Punctate. and Guar'lape lncised Appliqué Nubbin. The rectangular structure
may originally have been one of severa! built to the south of the pyramid, however the
clearing of this zone by the local inhabrtants has obscured any other structures.
Qonclusion:
The site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina shares a number of characteristics already
identified at many other lnitial Period srtes of coastal Peru including sunken circular.
square and rectangular plazas. the use of surrounding benches. U-shaped mounds orientad
NE to the source of water. and secondary platform mounds. Similar construction materials:
conical adobes. truoco-conical adobes, and rubble with stone and mortar walls are also noted
for many other north coast srtes. The general location of the sites, adjacent to, out not on
arable land. is paralleled at sites in neighboring valleys, such as at Huaca Los Reyes in the
Moche Drainage.
Desprte these many parallels. Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina does feature a number of
distinct structures. Among these are the many circular structures found both on the
terraplein between the El Gallo Platform Mound and the secondary mound to the north, and a
number of others on the La Gallina side of the site associated wrth the eastern sunken
circular plaza and also in the NE corner of the La Gallina core area delimitad by the L-
shaped incompleta double-faced wall. Such structures have not been noted elsewhere. Their
location neX1 to ceremonial structures. and in the ceremonial precinct of the site. argues for
their having been used for rituals-perhaps of a more private or restricted nature as has
been suggested for similar small sunken courts found on the lateral arrns of the Cardal site
(Burger 1992).
The hypothesis that they served a primary ceremonial function is supported by the
120
artifactual content associated with many of them which included quartz crystals and
decorated vessels of diagnostic Middle Guanape types. The location of tour of the circular
structures at El Gallo (Unit E/S) directly above earlier burials, such that the burials
occurred directly in the center of the later circular structures, although severa! meters
below, suggests that the structures may have been places for ancestor worship. The
stratigraphy in these tour structures (Unit 1, Str. 1; Unit 2, Str. 3; Unit 3, Str. 1, and
Unit 5, Str. 1) indicares that the burials in each were depositad in Phase 1 of the
construction phases oU11ined above. The placement of the later Phase 3 circular structures
such that these burials were in their center, although severa! meters down, suggests one of
two things: either a very short time passed between the burial of the individuals in Phase 1
and the ultimare construction of the Phase 3 circular structures, or the burials were
marked with wood or stone grave markers for an unknown time prior to the final
construction Phase 3.
The circular structures from the NE cerner of the La Gallina side of the site are less
clear since no final floors were encountered in this zone because of the heavy El Nir"lo caused
d1sturbance. The structures were probably not simply used as burial structures. The
larger size of many when compared with the small area needed for flexed burials tends to
argue against burial being the only function of these structures. Structure 6 in this zone
(discussed in Chapter 6) has many characteristics in common with the Temple of the Llamas
at Huaca Negra.
The circular structures near the eastern sunken circular plaza yielded two burials,
both of which appear to have been dedicatory. Such burials were likely made beneath the
floors of structures, or in the case of the sunken circular court beneath its perimetric wall,
in arder to assure the success of rituals ongoing in the structures.
Although the preservation of the structures is limitad to wall footings, since their
1 21
superstructures were constructed of perishable materials, evidence suggests that originally
at least the wall bases were plastered and painted. Evidence of exterior plastering was
present in several of the circular structures excavated at El Gallo in Units 1 and 2 (E/S)
and in the case of Unit 1 Str. 1 exterior painting was also indicated by the discovery of
yellow. red and black pigment. lt may ha ve been the case that all these structures were
brightly painted.
The lack of domestic architecture. remains or middens leaves the picture of Guar"lape
daily lite dim. None of the circular structures had heanhs, and any trace of burning was
rare. lt appears that the suppon population of the site lived in the surrounding fields in
small homesteads or hamlets as has been suggested for other lnitial Period sites (Ravines &
lsbell 1976). Only funher exploration and excavation will clarify this issue since it is
clear that surface survey will not encounter these small early sites which are likely to be
deeply buried.
In conclusion. the excavations at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina have refinad the under-
standing of Guar'lape ceremonial architecture. Heretofore the Guar'lape occupation of the
Huacapongo Drainage was theorized, but not definitely established. The pattern of Guar'lape
ceremonialism in this area is very different from that identified by Strong and Evans
( 1952) at Huaca Negra. fitting more securely with other inland lnitial Period sites
excavated in other valleys. lt is clear that the Guañape occupation of Virú was substantial
and other sites dating to this period include Huaca San Juan 1 & 11 and VV-512. lt is likely
that the Huacapongo sitas were in communication with coeval srtes in Chao including Cerro
Cabra which as yet has not been tested scientifically.
The architecture revealed on the El Gallo side was built in three phases: 1) a sunken
rectangular plaza was constructed nonh of the pyramid, 2) Burials 4 (Unit 1) and 1 o
(Unit 2) (discussed in Chapter 6) were laid in pits excavated in the floor of the rectangular
122
plaza. which was subsequently ritually interred and sealed by a floor forrning a raised plaza
area stepped to the north, 3) the plaza was raised and sealed by a floor. the circular struc-
tures were constructed and the floor was resurfaced prior to the abandonment of the sita.
On the La Gallina sida three phases can also be identified: 1) the sunken circular plaza
was excavated and the area around it was surfaced with a plaster floor. 2) the outer ffoor
was resurfaced and the foundations for the two excavated circular structures and that of the
perimetric wall were laid down, 3) fill was added to raise the level of the area surrounding
the plaza and a final floor was laid down. lt is possible that these building phases were
coeval on both sides of the site, but at this point there is insufficient evidence to press this
point.
Following occupation. the sita was abandonad at the end of the Middle Gu;¡l"'ape Phase.
Ceramic material (Chapter 5) clearly supports a Middle Gual"'ape date for the sita abandon-
ment as do the burials (Chapter 7). Although the site was occupied by later cultures,
especially the Chimu. its use was primarily for burials which were concentrated on the two
platforrn mounds. Only the secondary platform at El Gallo seems to have been extensively
reutilizad in later periods for habitation.
123
CHAPTER FIVE
THE CERAMICS OF HUACA EL GALLO/LA GALLINA ANO HUACA VERDE
INTRODUCfiON
The ceramics of the Early Guanape Phase constitute the earliest use of this tech-
nology in the Virú Valley They are characterizad by a limitad number of vessel shapes
and forms, and a small repetoire of decorations, representad by the collections recovered
by Strong & Evans {1952) at Huaca Negra. The variety of decorativa techniques and
vessel forms increases and changes during the Middle Guañape Phase. The Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina ceramic collections are representativa of the decorativa styles and
forms of this phase. Late Guañape Phase ceramic collections from Huaca Verde show an
increase in mastery over firing technology and the introduction of new decorativa
techniques and elements which replace the original Guañape decorations. A number of
intrusive Late Guanape tombs on the La Gallina side of the site add to the characterization
ot this phase's ceramics.
The description of the Middle GuaMpe ceramics is basad on collections recovered
from excavations at the site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina {V-149/148). The majority of
the material dating to the Middle Guanape Phase from El Gallo was recoverad in Unit 2
E/S bet-ween the El Gallo Pyramid and a secondary platform to the north. Three
construction phases were revealed in Unit 2 {Chapter 4). The third phase encompassed
three circular structures and associated floors. Two intrusive burials assocrated
directly with Guañape diagnostic vessels allowed a relative date to be assignad to the
architecture {Chapter 7). The earlier two construction phases lacked ceramics.
Additional Guañape ceramics were recoverad in Units 1, 3, and 6 E/S, in Unit 1 Cut 1
E/N on the secondary platform, and in Unit 1 E/ S of Pyramid, a rectangular structure.
Middle Guañape ceramic material was scarce on the La Gallina side of the mound and, in
124
general, few sherds were recoverad at La Gallina because of the destruction causad by
eros ion.
On the La Gallina side, Late Gu~ape sherds were recovered near Unit 1
Structure 2 W/N, and a few scanered surface finds were made in disturbad tombs in
Unit 3 Structure 6. Late Guañape partially reconstructable vessels were recovered in
looted Tombs A and B WfWE In the interior of the quebrada, severa! surface finds of
Late Guañape sherds were made, but none associated directly with structures.
The absence of any typical Late Guañape or Cupisnique sherds in the collections
from archaeological contexts at El Gallo/La Gallina, except from intrusive tombs, sup·
ports the contention that the public architecture at the site was abandonad by the end of
the Middle Gu~ape Phase. This dating is supported also by burial data (Chapter 7).
This prevalence of typical Middle Guanape ceramics and the lack of sherds manifesting
techniques which emerged subsequently during the Late Guañape Phase (Ancón decorated
types. Cupisnique sherds) argue for the site's dating to a pre-Cupisnique phase.
Because many of the ceramic decorativa techniques and vessels forms found in
Early Guar"lape times continua into the Middle Guar"lape Phase (Table 5·1) the dating of
the first occupation at Huaca El Gallo is not secura and Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina's first
occupation may date from the end of the Early Guanape Phase. However, certain artifacts
at Huaca Negra, such as stone mortars and spindle whorls, are present only in Middle
Guar"lape levels and this leads one to suggest that Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina is primarily a
Middle Guañape site since these same artifacts are present in burials dating to the final
use of the structures of the first construction phase at El Gallo.
DECORAT!ON
The variety of techniques used in Middle Guañape ceramics is limited and consists
essentially of punctation, modeling, and appliqué modeling, used in combination or indivi·
125
dually, to decorate the exteriors of vessels or appliqué ribs on the sides of vessels.
These decorativa techniques are usad most commonly on ollas and, occasionally, bowls.
Few bottle sherds were recovered at El Gallo/La Gallina, and the few necked jar sherds do
not manifest any signs of decoration, although this lack of evidence may be a product of
the sample of sherds. Sorne constricted body sherds with decoration may be from the
chambers of bottles, however the absence of bottle necks and spouts in the rim collection
suggests that the bottle may have been a rare form. The use of modelad or appliqué ribs
in which incisions or punctations are made is the most common decorativa technique
(Guai"'ape Finger-Pressed and lncised Rib). Such ribs are generally applied to the
shoulder area of the exterior of a vessel, usually an olla. Rarely is the rim or lip
decorated. Most bowls are plain.
Decoration of Middle Guai"'ape Phase vessels is limitad to exterior vessel
surfaces; no instances of interior decoration have been recovered. Curvilinear designs,
the use of graphrte. red pigment, and cane or rocker stamping are unknown in the collec·
tion made from archaeological contexts. The use of pigmentad slip to form contrasting
zones on vessels is limitad to one sherd, and this is almost certainly an intrusive piece.
Sorne vessels appear to have been burnished or polished, although the erodad, worn
condition of most sherds precludes the calculating of how common this practica was.
Panern burnishing, common in the later Puerto Moorin ceramics, is absent.
The description of the Late Guai"'ape material offered in this chapter is basad on a
ceramic collection trom excavation Unit 111 of nearby Huaca Verde. This mound, and its
pair at Huaca Los Chinos, appear to have succeeded El Gallo/La Gallina as the focus of
ritual activity in the Huacapongo Drainage. Finds of conical adobes at Huaca Los Chinos
and at the core of Huaca Verde suggest that the sites of Huaca Verde and El Gallo/La
Gallina may overlap in time, however, it is possible that these finds may simply be a
126
manifestation of the continuad use of this building technique into later phases as has been
suggested in other valleys (Proulx 1985). lt is also possible that the adobes represent
Early or Middle Gua,ape occupations unrelated to the ceramic collections. The ceramic
collections from Huaca Verde are very different from those from archaeological contexts
at El Gallo with both Middle Guanape decorativa techniques and vessel forms replaced by
new ones.
The proveniences of all sherds discussed is given in Appendix 2 which also lists
sherd color with reference to Munsell as well as wall thickness and diameter. The
terminology used to categorize decoracted sherds is taken from the typology proposed by
the Virú Valley Project.
THE EL GALLO/LA GALLINA CERAMICS
PUNCTATlON
GJ.!añape Punctate (Fig. 5-1 A-E)
Five axamples ot Gua,ape Punctate ware found, all having smoothad. but un-
polished surtaces. Two were decorated olla rims (Rg. 5-1 A, 8). The decoration was
made on olla shoulders and more often near the rim. In each case, the design consists of
coarsa ovoid, ellipitical, or oblique punctations made in wet paste by holding a blunt or
pointed tool at an angle to the surtace. Strong and Evans identified two sub-types of
decoration. Type 1 is characterized by an irregular organization ot punctations into
·closely spaced rows [whichJ do not form any definite pattern or design, but merely give
an ovarall decorativa effect (1952: 284, fig. 48 A & 8).' Such a decorativa technique is
more like a surtace taxturing. In Typa 11 ·punctations are arranged in regular rows'.
Decorated rims conform to Type 11, punctations baing mada in one or more horizontal
rows around tha mouth of tha vessal (Strong & Evans 1952: 284. fig. 48C-F).
Collier had only 8 body shards of this type in his sampla, while Strong & Evans
127
.
F .
A
B
G
F
Figure 5-1: Gua"ape Punctate (A-E), Gua"ape Gouged (F), and Guañape
Zoned Punctate (G-H)
had 18 sherds (15 rims, 3 body). They identified one vessel form, a large olla w~h a
direct rim with either tapering lips or lips with a strong interior bevel (1952: 284,
fig. 48), and note an average lip thickness of 4.3 mm and an average wall thickness of
6.9 mm. Mouth diameters differed depending on lip type with tapered lipped vessels
varying 13-15 cm in diameter and beveled lip types (representad by only 1 sherd) at
17 cm diameter.
Given the lack of base sherdc;, ~ is unclear whether vessels were rounded or flat,
but considering the similarity of the vessels' sizes to the Guanape plain types, they were
likely to have had rounded bases. Collier notes one of his decorated sherds carne from an
open bowl, the exterior wall bearing the decoration (1955: 206). 8oth Type 1 and Type
11 punctate varieties were present in Collier's small sample (none are illustrated).
Elongated punctation (dashes. 8urger 1984: 58), and slashed (escarificado) punctation
(8urger 1984: 58-9; Fung 1972: 83) are absent in the collections of Collier, Strong &
Evans. and in that of El Gallo/La Gallina, and may be temporally significam as they seem
to occur only later in the Zoned Punctate varieties.
Two Type 1 sherds were found that were likely to have been from the sarne vessel
(Fig. 5-1 D. E). 8oth had wall thicknesses of 5-6 mm and were decorated with trian-
gular and elliptical punctations in an irregular arrangement. 8oth were very dark
brown on the exterior and interior surfaces indicating firing in a reduced atmosphere.
In the Gallo sample, 3 sherds (2 rims, 1 body) conform to the Type 11 decorativa
technique (Fig. 5-1 A-C). One rim sherd has an interna! wall thickening at the lip (Olla
4a) (Fig. 5-1 A). The other has a rounded lip without any tapering or thickening (Olla
3a) (Fig. 5-1 8). The thickened lip sherd has a diameter of 11 cm, a rim thickness of 5
mm, and a wall thicl<ness of 6 mm. The rounded lip has a diameter of 9 cm and rim and
body thicknesses of 5 mm. 8oth of the ollas are small. Color varies from yellowish red,
129
to red. to reddish-brown on the exterior surfaces depending on firing. The thickened lip
sherd carne from a surface collection made from the interior of the quebrada and may
date to the succeeding Late Guanape Phase based on the shape of its lip.
In the Gallo sample. the two Type 1 sherds were found in the fill of a rectangular
structure located south of the El Gallo Pyramid, while the Type 11 sherds were found on
and above the final Hoor level of Unit 2 which lies just north of the El Gallo Pyramid.
The sherds may reflect temporal difference of the two areas of the site or different
functions.
Guanape Gouged (Subcategory of Punctates) (Fig. 5-1 F)
Onty one sherd of this type was recovered. The exterior surface is smooth but
unpolished. while the interior surface has been scraped. The paste is like that of
Guanape Black and Red Plain. The design is only partially extant. but consists of three
deep gouges made into still wet clay by a pointed tool held at an angle so that the gouges
are deeper at one end than the other. No information is available on vessel shape.
although the interior finish suggests a constricted form. most likely an olla.
Ford who first designated this type (1949: 78) noted this design was most
common at rims. but was a rare variety. Wall thickness is 6 mm. The exterior and
interior color was a uniform reddish-brown (5YR 5/4). The decoration resembles a
Finger-Pressed Aib sherd from Strong and Evans's collections (1952: 270, fig. 45 H)
with the exception that no rib is present. Although Strong and Evans (1952) and Collier
(1955) lump this variety with Guanape Punctate. 1 have chosen to maintain rt here due
to the difference in design technique. Like other punctate varieties. this type first
appears in the Middle Guanape Phase and is later superceded by Ancón Punctate in the
Late Guanape Phase.
Guanape Punctate (RouleUing & Zoned Roulening) (Fig. 5·1 G, H)
1 3o
Only two body sherds were identified for this technique. both from the surface
Unit 2 E/S north of the El Gallo Pyramid. 8oth come from a restricted vessel. The form
of punctation known as rouletting was used on the surface of both sherds. This technique
involves applying an object with a dentate surface to the surface of the vessel in such a
way that vertical or horizontal bands of equally spaced parallel small punctations are
made. The punctations made are very small, about 1mm. Neíther of the two sherds
examinad exhibíts any surface polish. The incised lir.e delimíting the upper edge of the
punctated area on one of the sherds is lustrous on the inside, the resu~ of its having been
incised after the paste had become leather hard (5-1 H). This sherd, unfortunately, was
very eroded on the inner surface so that wall thickness is unknown; however. the other
sherd has walls 4 mm thick. The paste in both pieces was friable with coarse quanz
temper and exterior coloration ranged from yellowish-red to reddish brown illustrating
the poor control the potters had over firing.
The technique identified here as rouletting originally formed a sub-design in
Collier's GuaMpe Punctate type, "minute closely spaced punctations prcducing a
stippled eHect or in roughly parallel rows (1955: 206)." The sherds were found in
adjacent excavation units and likely carne from the same constricted vessel. No other
Zoned Punctate varieties were recovered. lt is likely that these sherds carne from an
intrusive Late Guaflape tomb.
Strong & Evans recovered 13 'Guaflape Zoned Punctate' sherds in Strata Cut 1 01-
71 ). and Collier had a total of 12 (1952: 286; 1955: 206). Collier illustrates five
sherds (1955: 207, fig. 70 A·C). but fails to indicate from which cut or level the
sherds carne. Strong & Evans illustrate five of their sherds (1952: 285, fig. 49 A-E).
None of these sherds exhibít the rouletting technique. suggesting that it may have origin-
ated elsewhere. Rather Collier's and Strong & Evans's examples are very similar, with
1 31
lhe zoned-punctated areas pendant to the rim with plain areas below. Zoning lines are
both straight and curvilinear and enclose areas of punctations that vary in shape and
size from "fine stipple to widely spaced, deep conical hales lo streamlined gouges
(Collier 1955: 206) ."
Strong & Evans note two vessel forms: a larga direct-rim olla with rounded lips
and 'slight thickening on the interior surface' in sorne cases, and an olla with a slightly
outslant9d rim with thinned lip (1952: 285, fig. 49 1-2). The Type 1 olla w1th lhick-
ened lip has 5.4 mm lip thickness and 3.6 mm body wall thickness, while those lacking
thickening are a uniform 4 mm thick. Mouth diameters vary from 8-16 cm. Type 11
ollas have lip thicknesses of 3.5 mm and body wall thicknesses of 6.5 mm with mouths of
14 cm diameter (1952: 286). Basal information is lacking in both cases.
Collier's sample includes the Type 1 and 2 ollas (although the angle of the neck is
steeper in Collier's example) and the open round-bot1omed bowl shape. Bowl diameter
is 12.5 cm and the design is limitad 10 the exterior wall below the rim ( 1955: 207. fig.
70). Bowl walls are outcurving and the lip is rounded.
Aocan Zoned Punctate (Fig. 5-2 A-G)
This technique cannot be securely dated t~ !h9 Middle Guar'lape Phase at Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina. Although a total of seven sherds of this type were recovered from no
fewer than four different vessels, none come from secura occupational levels. Evidence
suggests that those sherds bearing this decoration at the site were from intrusive Late
Guaape contexts.
Three body sherds were found in Unit 2 E/S, Huaca El Gallo, all coming trom the
globular chamber of a constricted vessel, most likely a bottle (Fig. 5-2 A-C). One of the
sherds lacks any punctate design, but was found in association with a punctated sherd
with similar surface finish, polish, color, and wall thickness, suggesting that this body
132
_-: ··:,;J:::;:~~h~~~~/:~'}'j~1:~:C;,,
...... ,. .
G
F
Ancón Zoned Punctate (1\-G)

Figure 5-2:
---------
sherd belonged to the same vessel. The third sherd was in a neighboring unit and may
also come trom the same vessel (5-2 8). All three exhibit hard, fine paste with even
breaks, and fine sand temper. Coloration is more uniform with intentional color differ-
ence between the punctated area and the undecorated part of the vessel. The undecorated
body was slipped red and fired a bright red, while the punctated area fired yellowish-
red. This sherd is the only one with evidence of zoned slip (a type identified as Guanape
Zoned Red by Collier). Red slip was not noted on any of the other sherds in the El Gallo
collection and has been determinad to date in Virú to Late Guanape contexts.
The punctations are irregularly distributed to form a stippled band delimitad
above and below by a broad incised lines. The decorated band seems to have been placed
around the widest part of the body of the vessel.
The first two sherds were found in the same square as one of the earlier men-
tioned eroded sherds decorated with rouletting. lt is possible that this one sherd also
belongs to this same vessel. These sherds were all found near the surface and may be
from a single bottle included in an intrusive Late Guañape tomb.
Two similar sherds were found at Huaca La Gallina on the surface, north of
the double-faced wall delimiting the core of the site trom the interior of Quebrada El
Niño (5-2 D, E). One found in the backdirt of the Cut 5 Tomb has a reddish-brown
exterior color with walls 4-5 mm tr.1ck (Fig. 5-2 D). A horizontal broad incised line
delimits the decorated band trom the undecorated part of the vessel. Within the band of
decoration (which was likely to have been delimitad on the top also by a broad incised
line) are columns of roulette punctation. The sherd is hard and the exterior is polished.
The tornb frorn which these cerarnics may have come is datad to the Late Guañape Phase.
Unfortunately, the association of these sherds with the tomb is dubious.
Nearby on the surface a second sherd was found having similar characteristics (5-
134
2 E). Dar!< red in exterior color and polished, this sherd has two broad incised lines
running parallel and vertical separating an area of zoned rouletting on one side from an
undecorated area on the other. lt is unclear from what form vessel either this sherd or
that from Cut 5 carne. The deep red color on both of these sherds appears to have been
the result of the application of red slip to the vessel exterior prior to firing. These
sherds are almost certainly Late Guanape in date.
The final two sherds were found on the surface together at the SW corner of
Structure 3, Huaca La Gallina W/N {Fig. 5·2 F. G). 8oth probably carne from the
looted Structure 3 tomb. One was heavily eroded so that only traces of the punctation
design were visible {5·2 F). The other more clearly preserves the design, one of
broad, but shallow incised lines between which were rows of punctations {5·2 G). The
sherds were reddish-brown to dark red in exterior color and may have been polished,
although erosion had left no trace. 8oth were highly eroded. but wall thickness is
estimated as 4-5 mm. The paste was not as fine as the sherds from Unit 2 E/S, El Gallo
and exhibited small white quartz 1nclusions These may also have been red slipped prior
to firing. These sherds probably carne from the looted Late Gua~ape tomb.
Strong & Evans only found 11 (3 rims. 8 body) Ancón Zoned Punctate sherds in
Strata Cut 1 {V· 71 ). Six sherds are illustrated {1952: 292, fig. 52 A· F). Collier's
collection included only tour sherds {1 rim, 3 body) of this variety, all polished {1955:
207-8. fig. 71 A). All authors note the designs are usually at, or just below. th'=! rim
and are essentially the same as those used in the unpolished, more poorly fired Guanape
Zoned Punctate. Collier notes the use of both "circular and linear punctates·. and
illustrates one example with incised triangles pendant to the rim delimiting zones of
linear punctation {dashes) (1955: 208, fig. 71 A). The absence of dash punctation in
Middle Gua~ape contexts may indicate the use of dashes as temporally significant (i.e. a
135
Late Guanape diagnostic). This type of punctation was present at Huaca Verde.
Collier identifies one vessel form bearing this type of decoration- a small direct
rim olla with mouth diameter of 12.5 cm. The lip is slightly thickened in Collier's
illustration. This is Strong & Evans's Form 1-olla with 'direct and incurved rim with
either unthickened rounded lips or thickened slightly beveled lips (1952: 292. fig. 52
1-3). • The first variety has a uniform thickness of body wall and rim of 4.5 mm,
whíle in the second variety the rím and wall thickness vary 1 mm with rim at 5 mm and
body at 4 mm. Strong & Evans's small olla is slightly bigger than Collier's with mouth
diameters varyíng from 13-15 cm. No information on basal shape is available from
Collier's or Strong and Evans's collections. Strong & Evans also note three other shapes:
ollas with slightly outslanting rims with thickened, slightly beveled, flat lips (rims 4.5
mm. body wall 4 mm. diameter 13 cm). shon necked jars, and globular bowls or .iars
with body diameters of 15-16 cm and flat bases. This laner shape is the only one for
which evidence was found at El Gallo. a~hough here it was clearly from a bonle or
necked·jar. and not from a bowl.
Based on the similaríty of this decoration to that found by Willey and Corben
(1954) at Ancón. Strong & Evans suggest three additional forms that may have been
employed in Virú wrth this decoration: spouted jars. small bowls. and flaring bowls. The
use of this decoration on small bowls with direct incurved rirns and large mouths is
supponed by finds made by Larco (1941, Fig. 85). However. no sherds have been
recovered in Virú supponing the use of this decoration on these vessel forms.
MODELING
Guanape Modeled (Figs. 5-3. 5-4, and 5-5)
No instances of three-dimensional modeling were recordad for the collections
from Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina nor were any recovered by Strong & Evans at Huaca
1 36
Negra or by Collier in any of his cuts. Two-dimensional modeling was employed, most
often in the form of raised ribs, or through the use of applíquéd ribs or nubbins, which
were then alterad by modeling, punctation or incision. In rara instances, clay was added
to the surface of a vessel in such a way as to depict animals or faces. Another modeled
type. recovered at La Gallina affects the design through the pushing in of the exterior
wall with the thumb. This is similar to the 'boss and node technique' first identified by
1zumi and Son o at Kotosh (1963: 97; Collier 1955: 204-5; Burger 1984: 59), and
which Burger places under the non-applíqué modeling varieties.
NON-APPLIQUE (Figs. 5-3. 5-4, and 5-5 A·D)
Two types of modelíng were identified in the sarnple from El Gallo/La Gallina: non-
appliqué and appliqué. The first is representad by a par1ially reconstructed vessel from
a looted Late Gua!lape tomb Structure B WNI Huaca La Gallina, west of the La Gallina
Pyramid (Fig. 5·3). The tomb was constructed 20 cm above the final floor associated
with the west plaza wall at La Gallina and, thus. postdatas the final occupational phase at
this site. This decorativa technique is Late Gua!lape and was also found by Collier
(although he does not indicate the cut or level from which it carne). The olla had incurv-
ing walls which ended in rounded lips. The diameter was 10 cm, the rim 5 mm thick,
and body walls 4·5 mrn thick. Essentially the vessel's form corres-ponds to Strong and
Evans's Form 1 (1952: 282·3, fig. 47). The curvatura of the walls of the vessel after
partial reconstruction indicates that the bonom was rounded.
The design was limited to a row of thumb impressions with raised areas between
them on the shoulder of the vessel and around the mouth. The design matches that notad
by Collier (1955: 204·5, fig. 68E, p. 203) in style of execution:
The first two fingers were pressed trom inside and the thumb was
pressed between them from the outside producing, on the outside,
two nades with a depression between them. The thumb prints were
blurred by the sliding motion produced by pinching the thumb to-
137
Figure S-3: Guañape Modeled (Non-Appliqué) Late Guañape Olla.
ward the index finger. This operation was repeated to obtain a hori-
zontal row of alternating nodes and depressions running around the
vessel below the rim.
Sorne of the thumbprints were still visible on the La Gallina sherd. The exterior
color of the vessel was generally reddish-brown, but many fireclouds discolored its
surface.
The remaining Guañape non-appliqué modeled sherds all carne from occupational
contexts in Unit 2 E/S north of the El Gallo Pyramid, and probably represent two differ-
ent vessels decorated in the same style (Figs. 5-4 A-E and Figs. 5-5 A-0). The decor-
ation is limited to a horizontally raised band (O. 7-1.3 cm in width) located on the
shoulder of the vessel. Two rim sherds both reconstructed from a total of seven sherds
belong to the same vessel (Figs. 5-4 A, C). This was a constricted-mouthed olla with a
diameter of 18 cm, rim thickness of 5 mm, body wall thickness of 5 mm, and modeled
rim thickness of 9-1 O mm. The vessel color was dark reddish-brown. The olla is wid-
est at rts shoulder, which is also where the modeled rib occurs. A point of inflection is
found at the top of the modeled rib. This point is defined on the exterior, but not on the
mterior of the vessel wall which maintains a smooth curve. The upper walls slant
inward from the shoulder and end in a rounded, tapered lip. The modeled rib curves
upward around the shoulder of the vessel.
The third rim sherd is very similar to the first two with the exception that the
neck of the vessel is somewhat shorter, and the modeled rib curves downward around the
shoulder of the vessel (Fig. 5-4 8). o

lts mouth diameter is only 7 cm, rib 1 mm thick,
rim 5 mm thick, and body 6 mm. lt shares a very dark reddish-brown exterior color-
ation ( 5YR 3/4) with the first vessel.
Two body sherds come from the up-curving modeled rib vessel, and tour appear
to come from the down-curving modeled-rib vessel. One of these laner sherds has part
139
A
B e
!/
/
D
Figure 5-4: Guañape Modefed (Non-Appfiqué) (A-E)

of the modeled rib ending in a sideways U shape (Fig. 5-4 E). lt is unclear what was
intended, atthough the presence of a fingernail impression on the upper sida of the U may
indicate an eye. lt is tempting to suggest that a snake is depicted. Collier (1955)
mentions the discovery of similar animal faces in his sample.
Atthough no other decorated sherds of this type were discovered, many body
sherds were found whose similarity in color, paste, textura, exterior finish, hardness,
and association in the same square (1 E) of the excavation Unit (2 E/S) as the decorated
sherds, suggest that they belong to one or the other of the two ollas. Severa! sherds
appeared to have come from a rounded base.
Strong and Evans date the first appearance of this type to the Early Guar'!ape
Phase, slightly later than the lncised varieties. lt continuas to decline in trequency until
the Late Guar'!ape Phase.
APPLIQUE NUBBINS: (Fig. 5-5 E-G)
This iS a sub-variety of Guar'!ape Modeling not separated from Guanape Modeling
by Ford, Collier or Strong & Evans. 1 have chosen to separate it because involves a tech-
nique more similar to Guar'!ape Finger-Pressed and lncised Rib varieties than Guar'!ape
Modeling. Only three sherds were found represeming this type. Only appliqué nubbins
were used. These are made by applying small pellets of clay to the exterior surtace ot a
vessel while the clay is moist so that they adhere to the vessel's surtace. These raised
nubbins could be circular or elongated. All of the nubbins in the Gallo sample were
subsequemly punctated. One rounded appliqué bears a single finger-nail punctation
(Fig. 5·5 E). The second circular appliquéd nubbin has two oblique punctations in its
center (Fig. 5-5 F). The third appliqué, elliptical in shape, was decorated with two
punctations on its lower edge (Fig. 5-5 G). The circular appliqués have diameters of 1
cm and 1.2 cm respectively, while the elliptical appliqué is 1.7 cm long by 7 mm wide
1 41
A e
Figure 5-S: Guañape Modeled (Non-Appliqué) (A-O) Guañape

Modeled (Appliqué Nub) (E-G)
at its widest point. The circular nubbins project only 3 mm from the vessel surface.
while the elliptical nubbing projects about 5 mm outward.
lt is unclear what shaped vessels were decorated by the appliqué modelad tech-
nique, or whether appliqué nubbins were used in isolation or with other decorativa
techniques. The sherds from El Gallo/La Gallina resemble a number from Strong &
Evans's collection (1952: 283, fig. 47 D-E). Of the three sherds, the circular nubbin
with fingernail impression carne from the rectangular structure to the south of the El
Gallo Pyramid, while the other circular nubbin and elongated nubbin carne from Units 2
and 3 E/S El Gallo, respectively, both units to the north of the El Gallo Pyramid and all
from Middle Guanape levels.
Strong & Evans recovered 22 Guanape Modelad sherds (2 rims 20 body) from
Strata Cut 1 (V-71 ), but do not indicate how many are modelad vs. appliqué modelad.
Collier's collection (3 rims. 5 body) included six modelad sherds. the remainder being
appliqué modelad. Collier notes only one vessel shape-an olla with direct rim and
diameter of 12.5-15 cm. The olla lip has an interior bevel in two examples. and the
third has an exterior thickened lip (1955: 203, fig. 68E). Strong & Evans also note the
direct rim olla, but their vessel differs in having ·a flanened lip with rounded edges and
no thickening, both lip and body thickness are .55 cm (1952: 282). Neither Collier
nor Strong & Evans have definite data on basal shape.
Strong & Evans's second vessel form is a short necked jar (olla) with a small
mouth diameter (12 cm) (1952: 282, fig. 47 (2)). "The rim is sfightly curvad with
thinned beveled lips, a rim thickness .4cm. and body thicknesses ranging from .4·. 7 cm
(1952: 282)." The lip shape of this lanar type is like that of Collier's jars. Strong &
Evans fail to indicate which type of modelad decoration (appliqué or non-appliqué) is
associated with each vessel type.
143
The El Gallo collection included both Strong & Evans's first vessel form (non·
appliqué olla) and a variety of the short-necked jar. The three short-necked jar sherds
all have longar necks than those illustrated by Strong & Evans. but are otherwise very
similar. No information is available on vessel forms used with appliqué nubbins other
than that offered by the scraped interior walls which indicare a constricted vessel.
APPLIQUE-RIBS (Figs. 5·6, 5·7 A·L, 5·8 A·l, and 5·9 A·L)
The use of appliqué ribs on ttle exterior of vessels, which were then further
decorated by finger and fingernail impression or by punctation with a tool, is the most
common decorated technique at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina.
Guanape Finger-Pressed Rib. (13 examples) (Figs. 5·6 and 5· 7 A·L)
This type shares the same paste type, firing, and vessel forros as the plainwares.
Ford noted (1949: 78) that for his sample the large appliqué strips of clay were applied
vertically to the sides of vessels so that they ran trom rim to base. He noted their subse-
quent punctation was done with the fingers or fingernails at regular intervals to produce
·a rope-like effect." He also cited the possibility of horizontally running ribs intersect·
ing the vertical ones producing a net-like design. This decorativa technique has also
been recovered in Chao at the Temple of nzal (Huapaya 1979 Lam 111, 8, 9).
Collier's failure to encounter this variety in those cuts he analyzed is a manifesta·
tion of temporal difference. All evidence supports Strong & Evans's assumption that this
variety is the earliest type of decoration in Virú first appearing in the Early Guanape
Phase. The occurrence of Guanape Finger-Pressed Rib in the collections of El Gallo, and
that of the similar Guanape lncised Rib, suggests that this site dates to no later than the
Middle Guanape Phase. The failure of either type to appear at Huaca Verde adds further
credence to this dating.
Strong and Evans (1952: 277-9, 278, fig. 45) identify two Finger-Pressed Rib
144
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varieties, one primarily horizontal in its placement on the vessel exterior, and the
other vertical. In the Type 1 variety the rib is placad horizontally on the vessel near
the shoulder. No Type 1 vertical sherds exist in Strong & Evans's collection nor in that
made at El Gallo/La Gallina Aibs are described as thick and heavy, better made than the
Type 2 variety, and bear Finger-Pressed decoration on the upper slope of the rib. Aibs
are characterized as triangular in cross-section (1952: fig. 45 A, 8).
Type 11 is that described by Ford. Type 11 ribs are generally vertical running
from vessel mouth to base and rarely horizontal. Type 11 ribs are 'thinner and less
prominent than those of Type 1 (Strong & Evans 1952: 277).' A second difference
between Type 1 and 11 is the placement of the decoration, in the latter type, at the apex of
the rib rather than on its upper slope creating what Strong & Evans refer to as a 'Cfen-
elated contour'.
Horizontal ribs do not encircle the entire vessel. Rather, sections of decorated
ribs are applied to the vessel exterior. Strong & Evans felt that at maximum only two to
three nb sections would be found on any given vessel. In the Gallo sample only one
instance was recordad where a vessel had two distinct rib sections (one horizontal and
one U-shaped) (Fig. 5·6 and 5-8 A). Strong & Evans recordad ribs lengths from 3.9
to 11.8 cm. Most of the Gallo exarnples were incompleta, but the smallest whole rib was
3.4 cm long and the longest fragment measured 11 cm, supporting Strong & Evans's data.
TI1e Finger-Pressed decorations encountered in tne El Gallo sample are not as
varied as those recordad by Strong and Evans, but are representativa of the general
technique. El Gallo sherd finger impressions vary from fingernail indentations to gouges
produced by pressing the finger into the upper sida of the rib at an angle. Larga gouges
and combinations of gouges and fingernail impressions were not encountered. Finger-
Pressed sherds differ frorn the Guar'lape lncised Aib sherds in the irregularity of their
146
B D
A e
F
E
G
I
J
H
K
L
Figure S-7: Guañ~pe Modeled (Finger-pressed appliqué rib) (A·L)

pressed punctations.
All the sherds in the El Gallo sample are of Type 1 rlb. lndentations are made in
the upper surface (except in the case of a U-shaped rib and a V-shaped rib where they
are made at the apex). The ribs themselves. however, are not notably thicker than those
used in the lncised Rib variety. lndentations are irregularly spaced, and even individuai
ribs carry a variety of indentations with regard to depth and shape, illustrating the lack
of cara put upon creating a regular pattern. The indentations are not aJways in the sama
direction either, sorne lean left-right and sorne right-left on the sama rib. Other im-
pressions are very small and were probably made by sinking a fingernail corner into the
rib and than gouging it (Figs. 5-6 and 5-7 A-L).
Strong & Evans note one odd sherd having an incompleta V-shaped rib w~h Finger-
Pressed punctations whose arms. 'probably continuad up to the rim (1952: 278-9, fig.
45 J).' An identical shard was located at El Gallo (Fig. 5-7 K). lt is clear from this
sherd that the rib did not continua far up tha sida of the vessal. Anothar U-shapa rib of
the Guanape lncised Rib variety was aJso found complete (Fig. 5-8 A). Thus, it seems
that V and U-shaped ribs wera occasionally employed, but that they did not form part of
largar designs as thought by Strong & Evans.
Finger-Pressed sherds recovered at El Gallo are mostly highly eroded, and many
are no largar than a thumbnail. No bases or rims wera found. lt is very likely that tha
many small body sherd fragmants encountared balonged to thasa decorated vassels, but
reconstruction was impossibla. Based on tha two rim shards encountered by Strong &
Evans in their sampla, two shapes ware suggested: ona, a larga necklass olla with a
direct rim and beveled lip; tha othar, a short-necked olla with curved rim and tapering
thinned flat lip (1952: 279). The lack of base sherds laaves basal shape open to
conjacture. Wall thicknesses in tha Strong & Evans sample varied from 5.5·7 mm.
148
In the El Gallo examples waJI thicknesses of the body sherds measurad from 4-7
mm with most between 5-6 mm. The thidmess of the vessel at the rib was always
greater than wall thickness and variad trom 5-9 mm, with most averaging between 7-8
mm. One partially reconstructad vessel was an olla with incurving waJis and a taperad
rim and thinnad rounded lip (Olla form 1a) (Fig. 5-6).
A single rim sherd recoverad south of the El Gallo Pyramid differad from the
usual Finger-Pressad technique in having a modelad (not appliquéd) raisad horizontal
band at the rim into which fingernail impressions had been made (Fig. 5-7 J). The
vessel was an open bowl with a mouth diameter of 16 cm, and an outflaring rim with
rounded lip.
Gual'lape lncisad Aib (20 examples) (Figs. 5-8 A-1 and 5-9 A-L)
This type is a variation of Guanape Finger-Pressad Aib, the central difference
being that punctations in appliquéd ribs are made by an implernent other than a finger.
In most cases. a blunt or sharp pointad instrument is usad to create a notchad surface to
the rib. Punctations are at regular intervals and may be either round, indicating the
instrument was held perpendicular to the vessel surface, or ovoid, indicating the
instrument was held at an angle. Ford (1949: 78) characterizad this type as having
smaller ribs than those of the Finger-Pressad variety, but for his sample, continuad to
note a greater number of sherds with a vertical not horizontal rib.
Collier (1955: 206) only had nine body sherds of this variety in his collection,
all having Guanape Red Plain paste type and smoothed exterior surfaces, with three
having visible polishing tracks. As with the Finger-Pressad variety the decoration
consists of an appliquéd rib appliad either horizontally (as in the case of all of Collier's
sherds) or vertically (as was the case for most of Ford's sherds) to the exterior of the
vessel. Punctation is limitad to this rib and occurs either on the upper slope of the rfb
149
A
~r;-:'1
~~+r·
e
I
D
F G
H
Figure 5-8: Guañape Modeled (lncised appliqué rib) (A-H)

(as in Ford's sample and on five of Collier's sherds) or on the rib's lower slope (two
sherds in Collier's sample). Collier notad his horizontal ribs to be triangular or
rounded in shape, 2-4 mm thick and 6-1 O mm wide at the base.
As with the Guanape Finger-Pressad type Strong & Evans identify two rib
varieties, one always horizontal (Type 1), while the other is primarily vertical ~ype
11). Again, they are found at, and above, the shoulder of vessels. Vertical ribs run from
shoulder to rim, while horizontal ribs run discontinuously around the shoulder. Strong
& Evans note that while ribs are generally appliquéd, as was the case in the Finger-
Pressed rib variety, sorne very low Type 1 ribs may have been modelad. In the El Gallo
sample all ribs with incision were appliquéd. The modelad variety was rare even in
Strong & Evans's sample with only three sherds extant.
Strong & Evans's Type 1 is akin to Type 1 of the Finger-Pressed variety. Yet
incised ribs are described as 'lower, thinner, and less prominent' (1952: 279, 280: fig
46, A·D). Decoration is limitad to the upper slope of the rib, and consists of puncta·
tions made, in most cases, with a blunt tool. although the size and shape of punctations
varias trom vessel to vessel dependent on the size and shape of the tool used and the angle
at which it was held while the vessel was being decorated. Punctations are generally the
same size and shape on a given rib and are more regularly spaced than in the Finger·
Pressed type.
Type 11 is more common in Strong & Evans's sample and shares characteristics
with the Finger-Pressad Type 11 variety. All vertical incisad ribs are Type 11 as are
most horizontal types. Vertical Type 11 ribs are usad in combination with horizontal
Type 1 or Type 11 ribs more often in the lncisad Rib type than the Finger-Pressad Rib
type, although it is still not common (Strong & Evans 1952: 280·1, Fig. 46 G·l). The
main distinguishing factor between Types 1 and 11 is the position of the decorativa puncta·
1 51
e
B D
A
E F
G
I
H
J
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\, ,.
-· .•1
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Figure 5-9: Guañape Modeled (lncised appliqué rib) (A-L)

tions in Type 11 at the apex of the appliquéd rib and not on the upper slope. Punctations
are like Type 1, however, consistently smaller and more regularly applied than in the
Finger-Pressed variety.
The El Gallo sample lacked any combination of vertical and horizontal ribs. All
ribs in the El Gallo sample were Type 1 horizontal ribs. Punctation shape varias from
sherd to sherd with many circular in shape while others are lozenge-shaped.
Strong & Evans (1952: 28()-1, fig. 46) identify two vessel forms for this decor-
ated type, essentially the same shapes given for the Finger-Pressed variety. Vessel
Form 1 is a larga neckless olla with direct rim and either rounded, flat, or beveled in-
terior lips. Strong and Evans's rim thicknesses vary trom 3-5 mm and wall thicknes-
ses trom 4-5.5 mm. The rim diameters ranga from 13-14 cm. Strong & Evans's Fonn
2 is a short-necked olla with outslanting rim with thinned lips. Rim thicknesses and
wall thicknesses are basically the sama as those for Form 1. Given the complete absence
of base sherds in their sample and in the El Gallo collection, the shape of the bases is
unknown. Wall thicknesses of the body sherds at El Gallo range trom 4-7 mm with most
between 4-5 mm. The rib thicknesses vary trom 6 mm-1 cm with the majority 7-8
mm thick.
INCISION
Ancoo Eine-Lined lncjsed (Fig. 5-1 O A-E)
Ancon Fine-Uoed lncised is absent at Huaca El Gallo and was only presem at
Huaca La Gallina in surface finds and in intrusive Late Guanape tombs. No finds of sherds
with this technique were made in Middle Gua"ape levels. lt is the most trequently
encountered decorativa technique at Huaca Verde where it is securely datad to Late
Guanape comexts.
Only three sherds of this type were recovered south of the double-faced wall in
1 53
'
t
.
'
A e
B
H I
Figure 5·10: Ancón Fine-line lncised (A-F), Ancón Broad-line lncised

(G-H), and Ancón Rocker-stamping (1)
the main core area of the site, all associated with the looted intrusive Late Guanape tomb
at Structure 6 Unit 3 W/N (Fig. 5-10 A-C). Severa! sherds having this decora1ive
tech-nique were recovered north of this wall, however, all using the fine-lined decora-
tiva technique in combination with others. Nearty all of these come from a surlace sherd
scaner and all of these sherds would likely have mended to form one vessel -a bottle
(Fig. 5-10 E, F). ldentical sherds were recovered at an unregistered site in Vinzos
Bajo on the south sida of the Huacapongo Basin associated with circular structures
reminiscent of the tombs at El Gallo/La Gallina. The designs found on fine-lined sherds
vary.
The first design type is fine-lined crosshatching (Fig. 5-1 O A, 8). This
decorativa technique is representad by only two small body sherds, both recovered in the
bacl<dirt of a looted tomb at Structure 6, Huaca La Gallina W/N. lt is possible tha1 both
come from the same vessel since they share wall thicknesses (5 mm) and were found In
the same excavation unit. Yet their colors differ. one is reddish-brown, while the other
is red. This could be a reflection of poor control over firing in oxidation atmospheres.
In both cases fine lines intersect one another at anglas to form a crosshatched pattern.
The hatching is more apparent on the largar sherd (Fig. 5-10 b). Neither sherd
exhibits any polishing. While vessel form is unknown, it is clear that it was a constric-
ted form given the scraped interior surfaces of the sherds. This decoration is equivalent
to Strong & Evans's decorativa sub-type 111 (1952: 287-88, fig. 50 F-1). They re-
covered ten cross-hatched sherds at V-71. Collier also mentions the use of crosshatch-
ing in his sample of 36 Ancón Fine-line sherds, but fails to note how commonly it was
employed or the cuts and levets in which it was found.
The second fine-lined design type is a continuous zig-zag (Fig. 5-10 C). The one
sherd with this design has walls 5mm thic!< and its exterior is yellowish brown. lt was
155
also found on the surface of Structure 6, Huaca La Gallina W/N, with the two cross-
hatched sherds. lt is possible that bottl decorativa techniques may have been used on the
same vessel. The zig-zag design was absent in Strong & Evans's collection, but its use is
mentioned by Collier (1955: 208).
One sherd found nonh of the double-faced wall delimiting the core area of Huaca
La Gallina from the interior of the quebrada uses fine lines to form rectilinear designs
outside of which are semi-conical punctations (Frg. 5-10 O). The sherd was found on
the surface and was unassociated with any structure. Mention is made by Ford (1949)
of sherds in his collection where such ·punctations are used in conjunction with the
broad line incised technique· so this unique sherd is a variation of a known decorativa
technique. lt differs from Zoned-Punctate sherds in that the incised lines form indepen-
dent decorativa motifs and are not being used solely for the purpose of delimiting areas of
punctation. The punctations are generally rounded and would have been made by a sharp
tool held perpendicular to the surface of the vessel. The clay was dry (leather hard)
when the punctations and the incisions were made. The punctations fall just shon of the
rim. The vessel was an olla with rounded direct lip and rim. There was sorne thickening
of the sherd at the rim. The paste was of better quality than Guaflape paste. lt is likely
to have been made in Late Guanape times judging from the paste and finish and the bener
control over firing which it exhibits. lt may even date to the Gallinazo Phase The olla
had gray paste and reddish-brown exterior coloration (2.5 YA 5/4). The thickness of
the rim was 6 mm with sorne interior thickening, and the walls were 4 mm thick. lt has
rims and lips like those identified by Strong and Evans in their collection (1952: 288,
fig. 50) Although basal shape is unknown for this type, Strong and Evans argue for a
rounded base because of the similarities to the Plain Guaflape types.
A sherd scaner, also north of the double-faced wall, was ot dark brown sherds.
156
The paste had small white inclusions, probably trom quartz-rich sand temper. All the
sherds were found on the surface in a limitad area and appeared to come trom a single
vessel, most likely a bottle. The final type of design is a cornbination of the use of
curvilinear incised fine lines and rectilinear fine lines with appliqué nubbins (Fig. 5-
10 E, F). lt appears the nubbins were used to break up the curvilinear designs. Two
sherds, both reconstructed frorn smaller pieces are typical. The first has two rectan-
gular forms one inside the other and two nubbins outside of the concentric rectangles
(Fig. 5-10 E). A second sherd depicts curvilinear designs, perhaps fonning a mouth
with a fang, outside of which is a nubbin (Fig. 5-1 O F). lt is interesting to note that
cerarnics with similar designs with nubbins were found on the surface at a site in Vinzos
Bajo, funher up the Huacapongo Drainage. No rim sherds of the vessel were recovered.
The cornbination of fine-line and modeling techniques was also present on a single
sherd in the collection of Strong & Evans (1952: 288, fig. 50 1). On their sherd cross-
hatched lines were associated wrth a modelad coil shape. The Gallina sherd differs in that
the modeling was of appliqué nubbins.
Several forms bear fine-line incised decoration. Collier notes two forms: small-
medium sized ollas with direct rims and mouth diameters of 15 cm and ollas with short
upturned rims (1955: 208). In the formar shape, lips are rounded. In one case the
rim tapers to the lip while the other thickens at the lip and there is a slight interior
bevel. Collier does not provide pfOvenience information for the illustrated examples.
Strong & Evans note the use of this design on large ollas with direct or incurved
rims (1952: 287). They note a variety of lip shapes: thickened, unthickened, slightly
thinned, and beveled with ·unthickened rims [having) rounded lips. thickened rims with
either flat, rounded or convex lips, and thinned rims [having) rounded lips (1952:
287)." Their olla diameters are largar than Collier's and ranga from 15-18 cm.
157
Strong & Evans also have evidence of a globular-body necked-olla/jar with a
neck diameter of 6 cm (1952: 288, fig. 50 2). Based on the similarity of the Virú fine-
line decorativa technique to that found by Willey & Corbett at Ancón and Supe (1954),
Strong & Evans suggest the possible use of this technique on several other vessel forms:
open shallow bowls, flat beakers, and globular pots, however, no evidence exists in Virú
associating this decorativa technique with these forms. Similarly, the recovery of
globular stirrup-spout vessels with this decoration by Larco (1941, fig. 49, 51, 58)
in Chicama suggests this form was employed in Virú but evidence is lacking.
Ancon Broad-Lined lncjsad. (Fig. 5·1 O G-H)
This technique was absent at El Gallo and is representad by only two sherds (1
rim, body), both found in surface collections nonh of the doubla-facad wall delimiting
tha core area of the La Gallina site. Naithar could be associated with any structure and
cannot datad securely to tha Middle Guanape occupation of the site.
The rim sherd is trom an olla with a diameter of 9 cm (Fig. 5-10 G). The rim
has an imerior bevel and is 6 mm thick. lt most nearly resembles a rim shape illus-
tratad by Strong and Evans for their Ancón Fine-Lined type (1952: 289, fig. 50). The
exterior was tirad to a dark grey brown and was highly polishad. Two up-curving round
bottomed lines decorate the area around the mouth of the vessel. This design is equi-
valent to Strong & Evans's decorativa sub-typa 1 (1952, fig. 51 A, 8).
The body sherd also features two round bottomed broad incised lines, but this
time straight and parallel to one anothar. lt was fired red in an oxidized atmosphare. lt
is also equivalem to Strong & Evans's decorativa sub-type 1 (Fig. 5-10 H).
Collier only had thrae examples of this decorativa techniqua in his collection: two
body sherds from ollas or bottles and one from a small open bowl of unknown diameter
(1955: 209). Strong & Evans's 27 Broad-line sherds exhibited a much greater variaty
1 58
of designs. Their collection included evidence of tour dlfferent vessel shapes associated
with the Broad line technique: 1) ollas/jars with very short curvad necks, 2) round or
globular jars with necks of unknown height or stirrup spouts, 3) straight·sided bowls
with slightly flaring rims, and flat bases, and 4) small flattened ovoid jars with short
flaring necks, and rounded bases (1952: 290, fig. 51, 1-4, Plate IV O). They also
suggest the possible use of this decorativa technique on open shallow bowls, flat beakers,
and globular pots basad on evidence associating this technique with these vessel fOfTTlS at
Ancón & Supe (Willey & Corbett 1954). The possibte use of broad-line incision on
stirrup-spout bottles, round bowls with direct incurved rims. restricted orífice and
rounded base, and on squat rounded bowls with direct rim and large mouth, is also sup-
ported by evidence recovered by Larco in Chicama (1941 figs. 23, 62, 90, 103, 108 &
111; Strong & Evans 1952: 291 ).
Ancon Rocker-Stamptng (Fig. 5·10 1) (Collier 1955: 208-10, fig. 71 O, 72).
Only one sherd with rocker-stamped decoration was found. This sherd was collec-
ted on the surface of Structure 6, Huaca La Gallina W/N and likely eroded from the back-
dirt of looted Late Guanape tomb at the northwest corner of the structure. lt is similar to
the single sherd representing this decorativa technique in Collier's sample in that it
combines Ancón Broad Line lncised with Ancón Rocker-Stamping (1955: 209, fig. 72).
This sherd differs, however. in its use of plain as opposed to dentate rocker stamping.
No evidence of the use of dentate rocker stamping, or any other stamping was
recovered at El Gallo/La Gallina. An area of broad incised lines radiating off a diagonal
broad incised line decorates the upper part of the sherd. Below the diagonal broad
incised line is an area of rocker stamping done with a broad implement. The exterior of
the sherd is smooth and polished. lts walls are hard and 5 mm thick, and exterior
coloration is dark gray indicating its havi~g been fired in a reducing atmosphere. In
159
paste, textura, and temper it is similar to Ancón Polished Black types. The sherd's poor
interior flnish indicares it carne from a constricted vessel. The looted burial is intru-
sive into Structure 6, and the absence of this decoration in the Cuts of Strong & Evans
suggest it is diagnostic of the Late Guanape phase in Virú. This assignment is supported
by Collier's sherd which was found in Leve! 5 at V-'l:T2C, a clear Late Guanape context.
Collier's rim sherd carne from an open bowl with diameter of 15 cm. The walls
of the bowl were incurvad and there was slight thickening at ~he rim and rounded lip
(1955: 208, fig. 71 D). The late use of the Rocker Stamping technique is supported by
its discovery in Chicama in contexts which Larco refers to as Cupisnique Transitorio
(1941, figs. 113, 209).
Summary of the El Gallo/La Gallina decorated sherds:
Basad on the decorativa techniques, their frequencies, and the comparison of this
collection with that from Huaca Negra, Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina's primary occupation
likely occurred during the Middle Guanape Phase. The most popular decorativa tech-
niques are the diagnostic appliqué rib types. All Fine and Broad-line sherds were found
in disturbad contexts (lootad tombs) or on the surface. This indicares that the sita may
have continuad in use as a burial area during the Late Guanape Phase. The identification
of Collier's Guanape Modelad type in a disturbad Late Guanape tomb allows for the refine-
ment of the definition of this type. The discovery of appliqué rib decoratad sherds in
tombs dug into the final floor of Unit 2 E/S allows one to date the final public architec-
ture of the sita to the Middle Guanape. This is further supportad by the prevalence of
Finger-Pressad and lncised Rib decoration at El Gallo contrastad with the absence of the
forrner technique and rarity of the latter at Huaca Verde.
FORMS
Bowls are the second most common vessel form in the collection from Huaca El
160
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Gallo/La Gallina. A total of 17% of the rim sherds were trom bowls. In many cases the
bowl rim fragments are so small that diameter measures were impossible to ascertain.
These bowls vary in wall contour, angle, and lip shape, and may be divided into tour
basic shapes.
8owt 1: (Figure 5-11 ): This bowl form is the only one for which sufficiem sherds
were recovered to reconstruct the vessel. lt had apparentty been buried as an offering in
one of the annexes of Structure 2, Units 1-2 La Gallina (W/SE). lt has convex-curving
sides which are incurving at the rim producing a slightly restricted opening. The base is
rounded. The walls vary trom 4 to 6 mm thick, thickening toward the base. The lip is
rounded on the exterior and interior. The vesset has an inside depth of 6 cm and its
diameter measures 14.8 cm.
Despite the eroded condition of many of the sherds it was clear that onty poor
control of firing had been achieved by this vessel's maker. The surface color is reddish-
brown, but many firing clouds were present. The exterior appears to have sorne evidence
of pebble smoothing which left tracks on a mane surface. although in places traces of
polishing remain, especially on the lips. The interior was smoothed but lacked pebble
tracks. The vessel conforms to many of the characteristics noted by Collier for his
Guar'lape Polished Red type (1955: 200, 202). The temper of the vessel consisted of
fine and medium grain sand and many non-plastic inclusions (especially quartz) were
visible on both the exterior and imerior surfaces. This particular vessel appears to
have become misshapen during firing and does not rest evenly on its base. This vessel
form is undecorated. Given its location in the upper strata, it may have been buried
after the site had fallen out of use or during the final episode of site occupation.
The vessel is a variety of Strong & Evans's Form 3 (Open bowl with curved sides
and rounded bases, 1952: 253); Collier's Form 4 (Open bowls with outslanting walls,
162
Figure 5-12: Bowl Form 2 (Bowl 2a (A), Bowl 2b (B-0), Bowl 2c (C))
Dotted vertical llne lndlcates mldpolnt of the vessel
dlameter.
1
' A
\ 7
8
\ 1
')
\ o
•.-----------------r---- --
\ E
1955: 198-199, fig. 66 G); Wilson's Cayhuamarca Bowl Form 1 (Globular bowl with
slightly constricted mouth and rounded lip, 1988: 35g.7o, fig. 191) trom the Santa
Valley, and Ulben's Ware A Form AS from the site of Momegrande in Jequetepeque.
Bowl 2: (Figure 5-12 A-E) This bowl form has straight outslanted or slightly concave-
curving walls and direct rim with flattened lip and rounded edges. In three cases there is
slight interior thickening of the walls just prior to the lip (FIQ. 5-12 8-D). The base
shape is unclear, but is likely to have been flat. This bowl form was deeper than Form
1. Vessel wall thicknesses vary between 3 and 5 mm. The diameters of these bowls
varíes from 12-22 cm.
The surface treatment and color (Munsell 1988, see Appendix 2) is poorly
controlled and varíes from reddish-brown to red. No slips are present. The matte
surfaces are smoothed only, and no traces of pebble tracks or decoration are evident. The
temper consists of uniformly coarse sand in large quantities and the paste color is
reddish brown. As in Bowl 1, non-plastic inclusions are visible on their interior and
exterior surtaces.
The vessel is a variety of Strong & Evans's Form 4 (Open bowls with straight
sides and flat base, 1953: 253): Collier's Form 4 (Open bowls with outslanting walls,
1955: 198-99, fig. 66 G), and is similar to Wilson's Cayhuamarca Bowl Form 6a
(Open bowl with flat bottom and straight walls, 1988: 373-4, fig. 192), and Ulbert's
Bowl Form A6 and Ware C from Montegrande.
Three variants of Bowl 2 were presem:
Bowl 2a: (Fig. 5-12 A): This is a variant of Bowl 2 with straight flaring walls and a
square lip. Wall thickness is unform to the lip.
Bowl 2b: (Fig. 5-12 B, C, O) This is a variant of Bowl 2 with straight to slightly-
concave outslanting walls that thicken slightly just below the lip. Walls vary greatly in
164
thicknesses from 3 to 7 mm. The lips are flattened.
Bowl 2c: (Fig. 5-12 E) This is a variant of Bowl 2 with slightly-concavo flaring walls
and flanened lip. The walls thin slightly as the approach the rim.
Bowl 3: (5-13 A-D) This form is very similar to that of Bowl 2, rhe primary differ-
ence being the rounding of the lip in Bowl 3. The walls are straight or slightly concave.
The walls maintain uniform thickness to the rim. The lip is rounded on the exterior and
interior. Base form is unknown, but is likely ro have been flat. As with Bowl 2, Bowl 3
is deeper than Bowl 1. The vessel walls are 4 to 5mm rhick, and the diarneters ranga
trom 13 ro 18 mm. Surface color is generally reddish-brown and reveals poor control
over firing.
The vessel is a variety of Strong & Evans's Form 4 (Open bowls with straight
sides and flat base, 1952: 253); Coller's Form 4 (Open bowls with outslanting walls,
1955: 198-199, fig. 66 G), and is similar to Wilson's Cayhuamarca Bowl Form 6
(Open bowl with flat bonom and straight walls 1988: 373-4, fig. 192).
6..<2l'iL..3.a. (Fig. 5-13 A, B, C): A variant with outslanting or flaring walls.
Bowl 3b: (Fig. 5-13 D): A variant with nearly vertical upper walls.
Bowl 4: (Figure 5-14 A-E) This form is very similar to that of Bowls 2 and 3 with the
exception that the walls tapar at rhe lip. The walls of Bowl 4 vessels are straight to
slightly convex and they tapar to the lips which are rounded. Wall thicknesses vary
trom 3 to 5 mm, but in one case the wans are 7 mm thick. The vessels' basal form is
unknown, but may have been slightly rounded. These vessels were deeper ttlan Bowl 1
vessels. Diarneters vary trom 14 to1 8 mm. Surface color is dark brown to reddish-
brown. The outer walls sometimes have tracks left by pebble polishing in their other-
wise mane surfaces. lnteriors were smoothed but unpolished.
Bowl 4a: (Fig. 5-14 A): A variant with outslanting walls and slight tapering at the lip.
165
\ 7
A
' B
,.r----~--
)
1
' E
.,-~--------,..---
Figure 5-13: Bowl Form 3 (Bowl 3a (A-C) and Bowl 3b (0)}, Necked
Jar Form 1 (E), and Plate Form 1 (F)
The walls ot this bowl are thicker than average measlJ'ing 7 mm.
Bowl 4b: (Fig. 5-14 8, O): A variant with straight to convex walls tapering to a very
thin lip.
Bowl 4c: (Fig 5-14 C): A variant with convex-curving walls tapering to a very thin lip
Bowl 4d: (Fig 5-14 E): A variant with thicker walls, but otherwise like 4 b.
NEO<EDJAAS
There was only one sherd encountered at El Gallo which could be assigned to the
Necked Jar shape. This appears to have been a rare form and there iS no indication that
it was decorated. The curvatura of the walls seem to favor the sherd's identification as a
jar neck, although it is possible that the sherd may have tormed a Cup shape.
Necf<ed Jar 1: (Figure 5-13 C) This is a unique sherd with straight flaring walls. lts
walls are unitormly thick to the rim and 1t has pronounced flattening at the lip. Basal
shape is unknown. The walls are 4 to 5 mm thick. The diameter ot this unrestricted
vessel is 7 cm. The exterior coloration is reddish-brown. This sherd shares many of
the same characteristics (paste, temper. firing) of Bowl 2.
PLATES
P-late 1: (Figure 5-13 F) This form is representad by only one rim fragment. 1t is a
shallow unrestricted vessel, reddish-brown in color. The fragment showed sorne evi-
dence of interior and exterior pebble smoothing. The rim thins toward the lip with the
outside edge rounded and the inside surtace flat. The vessel walls are 3.5 mm thick just
below the place where they thin at the lip and the diameter is approximately 20 cm. The
paste was dar1< brown and was poorly mixed with many larga black coarse gravel inclu-
sions. lt was recovered in Unit 2 E/S, Huaca El Gallo.
The discovery of only one sherd of this form and its rare occurence at other
Guatlape Phase sites would seern to indicate that it was not a common vessel shape for
167
\ )
A
\ B
\ )
e
\ )
D
\r-----r-----
E
Figure 5-14: Bowl Form 4 (Bowl 4a (A), Bowl 4b (8), Bowl 4c (C), and
Bowl 4d (O, E)).
Guanape times. The El Gallo example is similar to the two found by Collier at V-272
(1955: 198-99: fig. 66 H). He notes that only two examples of thls form were
recovered in all the cuts he examinad. These were from V-272A Level 7 and V272C
Level 5 with diameters of 22 and 25 cm respectively. One example has a square lip and
the other is rounded. The discovery of a sherd of this form at this site may be evidence of
itS use in Middle Guanape times and itS contined use in the Late Guanape Phase. This
shape was not recovered by Strong & Evans.
NECKLESS OllAS
This is the most common vessel shape found at El Gallo/La Gallina constituting
82% of all rims. All ollas were globular or slightly elongated and lacked collars or
necks. No complete ollas were encountered, although three could be partially reconstruc-
ted. Judglng from the form of these vessels, olla bases appear to have been rounded.
Often fireclouding was extensiva on the exterior of ollas. Like the bowls, many rim
sherds were extremely small so that the diameter was not possible to establish.
In terms of surtace finish the vessels' exteriors were generally left smoothed and
unpolished, while the interiors were scraped or scraped and smoothed. No slips were
evident. In sorne cases pebble polishing tracks are visible in the otherwise mane
exterior surfaces. Only nine olla rims were decorated.
The ollas vary in terms of their wall contours and rim and lip shape and are
divided into five principie shapes.
Neckless Olla 1: (Figure 5-15 A-1, 5-16 A-J, 5-17 A-1):
This form is characterized by convex-curving walls which are incurving at the
rim producing a restricted opening. The rims taper to the lips which are generally
rounded. The angle of the walls varies slightly. Diameters vary from 14 to 32 cm, but
generally cluster between 14 and 19 cm. Wall thicknesses vary from 2 mm at the lip to
169
~
A
,
B
""" e
/ I
Figure 5-15: Olla Form 1 (Olla la (A-C) and Olla lb (D-1))

/----~--
A
--~---------------------------------------------
R
.--------------------~-- --- ---

e
--~--------------------~-- ---- ---
Q.
, F
.r--------~--------~
---------------4----------------"'
H
-
Figure 5-16: Olla Form 1d (A-J)
between 3 and 5 mm below the rim. Surface coloration ls usually reddish-bf'own to
brown with frequent fire-clouding. The degree of tapering and roundedness of the lip
varias from sherd to sherd and permits the separation of Fonn 1 into a number of
subcategories.
Neckless Otla la: (Fig. 5-15 A·C): This variant ls marked by the pronounced
tapering of the vessel walls to the lip. Walls are thin between 2 and 4 mm. Diameters
range between 14 and 19 cm.
Neddess Olla 1b: (Fig. 5-15 D·l): This variant tapers only at the lip itself and
it is less pronounced than in Form 1a. Walls are incurving as before, and are generally
thin measuring 3 to 4 mm thick. In sorne cases walls are direct. Diameters vary trom
11 to 24 cm, but cluster between 11 and 16 cm. One sherd (5-15 1) has more vertical
walls, incurving at the rim. lts walls were thicker measuring 4 to 5 mm.
Ned<less Olla le: (Fig. 5·16 A·J): This was the most common variety of Olla
Form 1. This variant is nearly the same as Form 1b, however it differs primarily in
terms ot wall thickness. Form 1d vessels have thick walls usually measuring from 5 to
6mm thick. Walls tapar at the lip. Walls are incurving in every case. In a number of
instances the walls narrow just below lip and maintain uniform thickness from that
point to the lip. Lips are rounded. Diameters vary from 7 to 20 cm, but cluster be·
tween 11 and 15 cm. One sherd (5·16 J) differs from the others in that its walls are
much thicker (6·8 mm), but it otherwise conforms to the characteristics ot this type.
Neckless Olla 1d: (Fig. 5·17 A·l): This variant has steeper walls which are
straight on the exterior and rounded on the interior. The lip is rounded. Walls are
thinner measuring 4 to 5 mm. Diameters vary from 10 to 18 cm. One variant (5·17
1) differs in that its walls are concave to the mouth. The mouth, thus, rises slightly
above the level of the shoulder. Walls are thin (4 mm) and the lip is square.
172
, ~
, "
,
B
' e
,
~--------~-----------~
D
- - E
, F
.-v---------------~-------------G--"
Figure 5-17: Olla Form 1e (A-1)

A.
~--------7--------~
B
~~------~------~~
e
----------------~~ ----
E
, F
~ G
Figure 5-18: Olla Form 2 (Olla 2a (A-0), Olla 2b (E), Olla 2c (F), Olla
2d (G))
Neckless Olla 2: (Fig. 5-18 A·G): This olla fonn tends to have a slightty everted rim
that causes the rim of the vessel to be slightly raised at the mouth. The ridge fonned by
the eversion is not high enough to justify its designation as a collar or ned<. Walls are
generally uniformly thick to the lip where they thin slighty and then thicken again at the
mouth. Diameters vary from 17 to 30 cm.

Neckless Olla 2a: (Fig. 5-18 A-D): A variam of Form 2 with rounded lip. The
walls are 4 to 6 mm thick and thin just below the lip.
Neckless Olla 2b: (Fig. 5-18 E): A variam of Fonn 2. but with a squared lip.
The walls thicken greatly just below the lip where they narrow again.
Neckless Olla 2c: (Fig. 5-18 F): A variam very much like Form 2a. but with
more vertical walls. The rim is more recessed in this case than it is everted. The
diameter measures 20 cm.
Neckless Olla 2d: (Fig. 5-18 G): This variam has slightly evened walls at the
mouth, and the lip thickens slightly. The lip forms a ridge around the mouth. The lip is
square. This is a unique shape.
Neckless Olla 3: (Figures 5-19 A-1. 5-20 A-F, 5·21, 5-22 A·G): This olla is
characterized by walls of uniform thickness to the rim. In sorne variants walls thicken
slightly as they approach the lip. Lips are rounded and square. 8oth lip shape and wall
angle allow this form to be divided imo a number of variants.
Neckless Olla~ (Fig. 5-19 A-1): This variant is marked by thin walls which
maintain uniform thickness to the lip. In sorne cases there is a very slight thickening of
the walls at the rim. Lips are rounded. Vessel walls vary from 3 to 4 mm and are
rarely 5 mm thick. Diameters ranga frorn 11 to 24 cm. but cluster between 12 and 20
cm. Walls are generally direct. but in sorne cases there is sorne slight inward curving.
This is the most common variety of Olla Form 3.
175
~
A
, ""-
e
B
/ ~
1
1
j
, ---
E
D
,.
-------------------------~
Figure 5-19: Olla Form 3 (Olla 3a (A-1))

--------~- -- ------
A
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D
Figure 5-20: Olla Form 3b (A-F)

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o
u.
/
Neckless 01~ (Fig. 5-20 A·F, 5-21): This variam is only slightly less
common than Olla Form 3a. lt is virtually the same as the above form with the exception
that the walls are thicker. Walls are generally straight, but in sorne cases are slightty
incurved. Walls maimain uniform thickness to the lip and are usually 5 to 6 mm thick.
The lips are rounded. In one case (5·20 B) the walls thicken slightly at the rim.
Oiameters vary from 9 to 17 mm, but cluster at 13 mm. One reconstructed olla was
found of the Olla 3b variety (Fig. 5-21 ).
~less Olla 3c: (Fig. 5-22 A·G): This variety resembles Olla Form 3b, but
has thicker walls and they are more incurved at the rim. Ups are generally rounded
from the exterior inward. Three are more rounded (5·22 A, B, C) and two are more
beveled (5-22 O, E). The latter sherd is also different in that its walls are very thin,
but otherwise conforms to the other characteristics of this variety. Walls are usually 6
mm thick. Diameters range from 12-22 cm, but cluster at 16 mm thick.
Neckless Olla 3d: (Fig 5-22 F-G): This variety is similar to Olla Form 3c, but
differs in two key respects: the walls are usually thinner (4·5 mm) tapering to the lip
and the lip is squared. Walls generally slope very gradually outward from the mouth of
the vessel. At the mouth they curve inward slightly.
Neckless Olla 4: (Figure 5·23 A·D) This form is marked by a pronounced imerior
thickening of the rim at the lip on the imerior side of the vessel wall. lt appears tha~ the
mouth was turnad in and folded back imo the imerior wall. In sorne cases it is slight, and
in others it is very pronounced. The more pronounced cases of interior thickened
sherds all coma from comexts which are dated later in the sita occupation based on strati·
graphy or associated artifacts, or are surface finds that are similar to sherds recovered
from occupation levels at Huaca Verde and suggest a later Late Guanape use of the site.
All these types are rare to unique.
1 79
A
, ""
, F
--..,
Figure 5-22: Olla Form 3 (Olla 3c (A-E), and Olla 3d (F-G))

, ~
A
~ ~
, ~
e
B
~~--------~----------~
E
~-----------+----------------~
Figure 5-23: Olla Form 4 and Olla Form 5. (Olla 4a (A-C), Olla 4b(D),
Olla 5a (E), Olla 5b (F, G), Olla Se (H) and Olla 5d (1))
Neckless Olla 4a: (Ag. 5-23 A-C): Thls variant thickens at the lip which is
rounded. In profile the lip is bulbous. Walls are generally more nearly straight.
Diameters ranga from 14 to 20 cm. Walls are 4 to 5 mm thidt
Neckless Olla 4b: (Fig. 5-23 O): This unique variant has a pronounce interior
thickening at the rim. The lip is flat on the exterior and rounded from the inner wall up
to the lip edge. The diameter is 14 cm. Walls are 5 mm thick and increase to 7 mm at
the rim.
Neckless Olla 5a: (Fig. 5-23 E): This sherd thickens as it approaches the lip
which is rounded on the top and beveled on the interior edge. The sherd carne from a
larga olla, 22 mm in diameter. lts walls are thick 6-7 mm. lt was found in the upper-
most levels of Unit 1 which were disturbad and may not date to the Gual\ape occupation of
the site. The sherds bright red color, harder textura, and unique form support this
assertion.
Necl<less Olla 5b: (Fig. 5-23 F, G): Although both these sherds are very
similar and may securely be grouped together. they were found at opposite ends of the
site. One (Fig. 5-23 F) carne from the area of disturbad domestic structures (Zona 3)
north of the double-faced wall at Huaca La Gallina. The other (Fig. 5-23 G) carne from
Level 1 in excavation Unit 3 at Huaca El Gallo. Both sherds have walls that thicken
slightly as they approach the rim. There is sorne interior thickening. The lips are
flanened on the upper surface and rounded on the lower edge. Diameters vary from 16·
23 cm. The color of two sherds differ. one is redder while the other is a richer red-
brown. The secura comext of the second sherd, dates this Olla shape dates to the Guanape
times.
Neckless Olla Se: (Fig. 5-23 H}: This shape is a variant of Olla Sb. Like the
formar shape, this olla's walls thicken as they approach the rim. The thickening is
182
greater than in the fonner type. The lip is rounded. The vessel was smaller with only
an 11 cm diameter. This vessel was found in the disturbad level below Burlal 7, a Late
Guanape imerment, and likely dates to this phase. As such, lt represems a cominuation
of a vessel fonn first employed in the Middle Guanape Phase.
Necl<less Olla 5d: (Fig 5-23 1): This olla has convex-curving walls and a square
lip. Walls are 4-5 mm thicl<. The walls maintain a uniform thickness to the lip and do
not thicken greatly. This vessel had a 14 cm diameter. The sherds was discovered in the
final floor of the El Gallo Pyramid at the base of the stairs. lt is similar to Olla 3d.
Specjal Case Sherds (Figures 5-24 and 5-25):
A number of sherds carne from disturbad comexts, specifically looted tombs, that
post-datad the occupation of the slte. Subsequent analysis of the Huaca Verde collection
revealed that these tombs date to the Late Guanape Phase as the sherds recovered from
them are identical to many recovered from Huaca Verde.
One of the disturbad Late Guanape tombs was 8urial 7 found interred in the can-
ter of Structure R-3, Unit 2 E/S El Gallo. The sherds found are illustrated in Figure 5-
24 8, e and Ftgure 5-25 A-E. These types are describad in the Huaca Verde section.
Figures 5-24 8, C, and 5-25 E are variations of 8owl Fonn 2 from Huaca Verde that
has straight inward-slanting walls (Figure 5-34 D-E). Figure 5-25 E is identical to
severa! specimens of 8owl Form 3 recovered at H. Verde (Ftgure 5-35 A-8), and
Figures 5-25 D-E are examples of Huaca Verde 8owl Form 4 (Figure 5-35 C-0,
Figure 5-36 A). Figure 5-25 A and 8 also appear to be variants of 8owl Form 4 of
Huaca Verde, but have walls that are sinuous to outflaring at the lip.
Three other disturbad contexts yielded rim sherds. The looted burial pit in the
NW corner of Structure 6 was cleaned. Two rim sherds were recovered (Ftgure 5-24 A
and Figure 5-25 F). The first sherd is a clear example of the incurving wall bowl torm
183
A
Figure 5-24: Special Case Sherds. A)From looted Tomb 1, Structure

6, Unit 3 La Galt"ina W/N, 8-C)From disturbed Burial
7, Unit 2 El Gallo r,·s, and D)From looted Tomb A
La G allí na WIW.
A B
¡---------------
F
F
Figure 5-25: Special Case Sherds. A-F)From dist~rbed Burial 7,

Unit 2 El Gallo E/S and B)From looted Tomb 1,
Structure 6, Unit 3 La Gallina W/N.
identified at Huaca Verde (Bowl Form 1, Figure 5-34 A-C). The second sherd is from a
slightly concave-walled open vessel that corresponds to Huaca Verde Bowl Form 3
(Figure 5-35 A-8).
The final two sherds from disturbad contexts are the decorated olla rim sherd
from Tomb B (La Gallina WIW) already discussed (F¡gure 5-3), and an undecorated red
burnished ollas from neighboring Tomb A (La Gallina WIW, Figure 5-24 0). This lat-
ter sherd is slightly everted at the lip producing a raised rim area. The sherd was bright
red and had many polishing striations. lt is typical of the Huacapongo Polished Plain.
Summary of the El Gallo/La Gallina Vessel Forms
As was the case at Huaca Negra. neckless ollas are the most popular vessel form
at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. Olla Form 1 and its variants, which tapar at the lip, are
the most popular followed by Olla Form 3 in which walls are of uniform thicf<ness to the
rim. Ollas with walls that thicken at the rim are more rara at this sita, and many of
those sherds discovered come from disturbad contexts and likely post-date the Middle
Guanape occupation. lnterestingly, at Huaca Verde the olla forms with interior
thickening are the most popular while those that tapar are the most rare. Given the
dating of Huaca Verde to the subsequent Late Guanape Phase, the changa in shape
trequencies may be a helpful diagnostic of this Phase.
Bowl forms are more rare at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and are limitad to simple
sillouenes with straight and curvad walls. The number of unrestricted vessels increases
over that of restricted vessels during the subsequent Late Guanape Phase at Huaca Verde.
The variety of vessel forms is very limitad and there is a notable lack ot bottles, necked
jars and platas.
1 86
THE HUACA VERDE CERAMIC COLLECTION
lntroduction
The recent excavation of Huaca Verde by the Chavimochic Project (1989)
providad ceramic material with which to compare the El Gallo/La Gallina collection.
Unfortunately, it was only possible to study an estimatad third of the collection since the
other materials could not be located by the officials at the Trujillo lnstitute of Culture.
Those materials studiad do, however, provide an interesting constrast with ttte Gallo
material, both in terms of the varieties and frequencies of decorativa styles and vessel
forms present. These ceramics also offer additional evidence of the later construction
and occupation of the Huaca Verde site, which is corroborated by burial data.
Huaca Verde (V-37) was first identifed by Willey (1953) and named Huaca de la
Guerra. The locals in the area referrad to it as Huaca de la Vega, and it only receivad the
name Huaca Verde after greenish colorad floors were revealed during excavation by the
Chavimochic team when it was renumbered as W. 503·11. The pyramid is located in
the mid-Virú Valley at an attitude of approximately 250 m. a. s. l. on the north margin
ot the Huacapongo Aiver. Politically it is situated in the Pampas del Ni no sector and NW
ot the town of El Nino in the district of Virú. lt lies between &J 22' 40" south latitude
and 780 40'40" west longitude. Directly to its northeast lies a second mound called
Huaca de Los Chinos, and it is likely that the two mounds once formad the nucleus of a
dual-pyramid site like Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina.
The Verde mound is rectangular, orientad E·W, and composad of two super-
imposed platforms. lt measures approximately 45 x 35 m and risas 4-5 m above the
fronting plaza and surrounding plain. The land drops off more rapidly to the south. The
total area of the complex was estimated to have covered about 7,000 m2 (Uceda 1988;
M. Tam personal communication, 1992).
187
Ceramjc material- Proveojence:
The majority of the ceramic material analyzed carne from Unit 3 of the Chavi-
mochic excavations at Huaca Verde. Unit 3 was located to the NE of the Huaca Verde
pyramid in the lower part of Platfonn 1. Here the land sloped from west to east. No
huaQuero pits were notad on the surface. There had been sorne surtace atteration causad
by the construction of a house along the east tace of the structure during the 1960's.
Unit 3 was divided ínto tour su~units of 1O x 1O m whích were in turn divided
into 2 x 2 m squares. The 400 m2 area was partially excavated: Unit 3A (6 x 6 m), Unit
38 (6 x 4 m), Unit 3C (6 x 4 m), and Unit 30 (6 x 4 m), for a total of 108 m2 com-
prised of 174.3 m3 of material. A total of eight stratigraphic layers were registered of
which Layers 2 and 4-8 contained ceramics. The largest sample was recovered from
Layar 2. Significantly the final report states that only finewares were recovered in
Layer 4. In Layers 5-8 ceramic material was rarer. Layar 2 was made up of a fill of
material that had apparently been deposrted over the site prior to its abandonment. The
Chavimochic team interprets thís as an case of ritual entombment. The material found
scanered in Layer 2 appears to be out of its orginial context. The likelihood of redeposi-
tion or dísturbance is reinforcad by the presence in this final layar of fragments ot

conical adobes, which elsewhere at Huaca Verde were only tound in deeper levels.
DECORATION
The variety of decorativa techniques used at Huaca Verde is representativa of the
increase in stytistic conventions that occurrad in the Late Gual'lape Phase and the Earty
Horizon in general. Not only do new techniques develop, such as the use of paint, engrav-
ing and cane and rocker-stamping, but also older techniques, including incision and punc-
tation. are refinad becoming more neat and orderly in their execution on vessel surtaces.
Red slips are also lntroduced. Simultaneously, older decorativa techniques that predomi-
188
nated at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina during the Middle Guanape Phase, such as punctated
and incised appliqués (Guanape Finger-Pressed Rib and lncised Rib) and Modeling fall
out of fashion. No Finger-Pressed Ribs were found, and only a scant few lncised Rib
sherds were present.
Nearly all the decorated sherds from Huaca Verde studied were body sherds, and
many were highly eroded so that it is unclear what types of vessels were subject to
decoration. Bowls and ollas were apparently deccrated on their exterior surfaces,
general! y ctose to the mouth on the vesset shoulder, although it remains unclear how far
down the vessels' walls the decorations originally extended. Lips were left plain.
Decoration of Huaca Verde vessets appears to have been limitad to the exterior
walls, and no instance of interior decoration was present in the collections examinad. lt
is possible that sorne instances exist, however, as only part of the cerarnic collection
from this site was studied. Curvilinear designs are infrequent, and the use of graphite
or red pigment continuas to be absent in the Verde collection. Sorne of the vessels appear
to have been burnished, and severa! instances of possible pattern-burnished sherds
were noted, although since the stratagraphic information is unclear it is possibla that
they are intrusive and date to the Gallinazo reuse of this site. The entire sarnple of
decorated sherds and undecorated rims is listad in Appendix 2 along with each sherds
provenience, color, thickness and diameter (where appropriate).
MODELING
Guanape Modeled/Ancón Modeled
No instances of three-dimensional modeling were recordad for the collections
from Huaca Verde. Two-dimensional modeling was employed and the use of appliquéd
ribs or nubbins, which were subsequently decorated with slashes or combing, was more
common. The ribs differ from those found at El Gallo in that they are smaller, more
189
narrow, generally irregular in width, and appear to have been combad. As before, a
distinction has been made between non-appliqué and appliqué modeling.
NON-APPLIQUE (Figure 5·26 A·C)
Only three sherds were present in the Verde sample that appear to have been
modelad by pushing out the wall from the inside and then subsequemly sculpting the
exterior. The first sherd is trom Cut 3A Layer 8·2 (5·26 A). lt is reddish-grey to
reddish-brown, 4·5 mm thick, and its paste has medium-sized inclusions. lt comes
trom a bowl with a 11 cm diameter. The design begins at the rim. lt is formad by an L·
shaped raised band. This area has not been decorated but has partially eroded.
The second sherd is from Cut 30 Layer 8 (5·26 8). lt is also red to reddish·
brown, 5 mm thick, and has paste with medium sized inclusions. The form of the vessel
from which it carne is unknown. The decoration is limitad to a single raised band. This
sherd is very like those sherds with raisad bands described for El Gallo, but differs in
rts better mixed paste, smaller inclusions, and superior firing, best manifestad by rts
more thoroughly oxidized paste. While both sherds may be included in the Guanape
Modelad types discussed by Strong & Evans, they were undoubtadly made in the Late
Guanape Phase.
The third Guanape Modelad sherd, from Cut 3A, Layar 8·2, is dark grayish·
brown and more poorly fired (5·26 C). lts walls are 4 mm thick. The design is the end
of a raisad band. The surface of the sherd is very weathered. This sherds resembles
those of El Gallo even more than the previous two in rts darker color, poorer fifir.g, and
the largar inclusions present in the paste.
APPLIQUE NU881NS (Figure 5·26 O)
This is a sub-variety of Appliqué Modeling not separated trom the more general
modelad type by the original Virú Valley Project. No instances of Guanape Appliqué
1 90
B e
A
D E
F G
J
I K
M
L
N
o
Figure 5-26: Huaca Verde. Gua~ape Modeled (Non-Appllqué) (A·C),

Ancón Modeled (Appliqué Nub) (O), Gua.,ape Modeled
(lncised appliqué rib) (E-H), Gallinazo Appliqué Rib (1),
Appliqué Bands with Combing (J-0)
Nubbin sherds were encountered, but one textbook example of Ancón Modelad Appliqué
Nubbin was found. lt (Cut 3, Layar 8) is dark gray on the exterior and reddish-brown
on the interior and its walls are 3-4 mm thick. The decoration is limitad to a single
appliquéd nob which has three punctations, one at 10 o'clock, one at 2 o'clock, and one at
5 o'clock. lt is most similar to the example shown by Strong & Evans (1952: 295, fig.
54). Owing to the very small size of the sherd, it is impossible to know the fonn of ttle
vessel from which it came.
APPLIQUE AIBS (Figure 5-26 E-H)
Four examples of Guanape lncised Aib were present, while Guanape Finger-
Pressed Aib sherds were absent. Two of the sherds share coloration: brown-dark
brown, thickness: 3 mm, and paste type: poorly mixed with larga inclusions. These
sherds were both from Cut 3 Layar B. The appliquéd ribs are wide measuring 1.3 cm,
and the incisions are widely spaced. These sherds are most like those found at El Gallo of
this variety. A third sherd was also found in Cut 3 Layar A with widely spaced incis1ons,
but it was much redder in color. lts walls were also 3 mm thick. None of these sherds
preservad any of the rim.
The fourth sherd is very smaJI and preserves only one incision and part of the
rib (Fig. 5-26 H). lts walls are 4-5 mm thick and it is dark gray. The paste of this
sherd was better mixed. lt may be an intrusive Gallinazo sherd.
A fifth is likely to be a Gallinazo lncised Aib sherd (FKJ. 5-26 1). lt was found
in the uppermost layar of Cut 3A, is 5 mm thick and weak red. The paste is homogenous
and the sherd is very hard, much moreso than typical Guanape sherds. The incisions are
closely spaced and deep, making a ribbon effect. Given the presence of intrusive Galli·
nazo tombs in the Huaca Verde mound, the discovery of this type of Gallinazo decorated
ware is not unexpected (for comparison see Strong & Evans 1952: 314, fig. 63 O).
192
APPLIQUE SANOS (Figure 5-26 J-0)
Six sherds were found with decorated appliqué bands. These bands are consis·
tently thinner and lower than appllqué ribs, and for this reason they have been so
designated to separated them from the rib varieties. This type of decoration is absent at
Huaca El Gallo/la Gallina, but compares well to sorne sherds found by the Pozorskis at
Huaca Guavalito at Caballo Muerto in Moche (T. Pozorski 1983: 23, fig. 12 a, b, e).
This appliqué band with combing technique is limitad at Caballo Muerto to Pozorski's
Group 111 mounds, with nearly the entire sample (94%, 30 sherds) coming from Huaca
Guavalito (T. Pozorski 1983: 14, Table 5). This mound has a single radiocarbon date of
440 B. C. ± 70 (Tx-1939) placing it firmly in the Early Horizon (T.Pozorski 1983: 6,
Tabla 2). Such a dating corresponds well with the final occupation date advanced here
for Huaca Verde.
Generally the Verde sherds are 4·5 mm thick and vary in color from reddish·
brown to dark grayish-brown. All the sherds come from Cut 3A, Layers 8-2 and B-3.
Each sherd has one or more appliqué bands that are irregular in shape. Generally, they
are elongated and straight, ending in rounded nobs. At least one band zig-zags. All have a
series of shallow, closely-spaced incisions which appear to be the result of combing.
They are different from incisions made by fingernails in shape and depth. This type of
decoration is not mentioned by Strong & Evans nor by Ford or Collier. Given its occur-
ence in Early Horizon contexts at Huaca Guavalito it is possible that this decorativa
technique may have first been employed during this time and, thus, may be a useful late
Guanape diagnostic.
PUNCTATlON
Guanape Punctate (Figure 5-27 A·E)
Three Strong & Evans's Type 1 Punctate sherds were found (Fig. 5-27 A·C).
193
• A
. .
•-
B
.
1
}
G
F
( ·:.'..">---..._
~-~~-~'
.... __ ..-,
"'-,~~:·:,
H
-· ..
I
Figure 5-27: Huaca Verde. Guañape Punctate (A-E), Ancón Punctate (F·
G), Gual'lape Zoned Punctate (H), and Ancón Zoned Punctate
( 1)
Each Type 1 sherd is decorated with irregularly organizad punctations very closely
spaced in such a way as to create and overall surface textura. Two of the sherds are
clearly from the sarna vessel. both sharing exterior and interior coloring (dark gray to
dark brownish-red), 3 mm wall thickness. and provenience, Cut 38 Layar B-3 (FIQ. 5-
27 A. 8). Each has been so thoroughly punctated that the punctations often overlap one
another such that the effect is one of a roughened textura. These sherds are very like two
already discussed from El Gallo, (E/S) Unit 1, S of Pyrarnid and others frorn the nzal
sita in Chao (Figure 5-1 D. E).
The third sherd also has a large number of irregular punctations ovar its sur-
tace. however, they are not overlapping, but distinct (Fig. 5-27 C). lt resembles
another punctated sherd found by T. Pozorski at Huaca Herederos Chica (1983: 19, fig.
8d). lt was found in Cut 3A in the upper-most layar, however, and it is unclear from
which strata the sherd originally carne, since this surtace layer was a fill that included
material from other areas of this site that had been redeposited.
Two Strong & Evans Type 2 Punctate sherds were found (5-27 D. E). The first
sherd. from Cut 3C in Layer B fill. is a copy of a similar rim punctated sherd from El
Gallo (5-27 D. 5·1 A, 8). A double row of irregularly shaped punctations was made
directly below the rim. This neckless olla had a diarneter of 20 cm and walls 4 mm
thick. The exterior is reddish-brown while the interior is strong brown. The paste has
medium-sized inclusions. Since this fill overlies the first floor found in the cut, and
included material redeposited from elsewhere, it is likely the sherd was not in.....s..i1u..
The second sherd is from the shoulder angla of a necked jar or olla (Fig. 5-27
E). A double row of ovoid punctations occurs just above the shoulder at the base of the
neck of the vessel. The sherd is strong brown on the exterior, brown on the interior,
and the clay is poorly mixed and has many mediurn-sized to larga inclusions. lt carne
195
from Cut 3A Layar A.
Ancón Punctate (Figure 5-27 F, G)
Two sherds are different from the above Type 1 sherds in that their paste is
better mixed, harder, better oxidized, and has smaller finar inclusions. The first from
Cut 3A Layar 2 has 3 mm thick walls, is strong brown in color, and is evenly fired (Fig.
5-27 F). The punctations are very small, irregularly shaped, and dispersad across the
exterior surface without any sense of panerning.
The second sherd is reduced-fired a very dark gray on the exteriOf and is strong
brown on the interior (Fig. 5-27 G). lts walls are 4 mm thick. What separatas this
sherd from those other sherds with punctation are the punctations themselves, which
are more like slashes or dashes than those on the other sherds. These slashes are
elongated and deeply cut into the surface while the clay was still moist. Accumulations of
clay that has been gouged out sometimes are banked on the outer edges of the punctations.
T. PozOfski shows a similar sherd, atthough zoned, with these types of elongated slashes
(1983: 32, fig. 19 e, d). These are dated to the second construction phase of Huaca de
Los Reyes at Caballo Muerto which Pozorski feels dates to the earlier Early Horizon.
This decorativa technique is found in much later deposits elsewhere, however, and it is
more likely that this technique is coeval with the middle to late Early Horizon.
Guan'U)e Zoned Puoctate (Figure 5-27 H)
Only one sherd was found that may be assigned to this decorativa variety. lts
similarity to sherds illustrated by Strong & Evans is striking (1952: 285, fig. 49 a, d,
e). This sherd has a zig-zag fine incised line 1·2 cm below the rim. A double row of
ovoid punctation occurs just above the line. The decorating of the area around the vessel
mouth and shoulders is typical of this variety. This sherd carne from Cut 3A Layer B. lt
compares very well with the few sherds recovered at El Gallo.
196
Ancón Zoned Punctate (Figure 5-27 1, 5-28 A-E)
Six sherds o1 this variety were found at Huaca Verde, one from Cut 3 A, two from
Cut 3C, two from Unit 8, and one from Unit 11. The Unit 11 sherd has two broadly in-
cised lines delimiting a band of elongated deep punctations. The sherd has 4 mm thick
walls and is red (Fig. 5-27 1). The area between the lines is paler, and it is certain
that a red slip was used to differentiate between the decorated and undecorated areas.
Work by Collier has shown that the use o1 red slip is a Late Guaflape diagnostic. lt is
very similar to a sherd from Phase 2 at Huaca de Los Reyes illustrated by T. Pozorski
(1983:18, fig. 7 g).
A second sherd is very like the one above with the exception that the punctations
are narrower and generally comma shaped (FIQ. 5-28 A). This sherd is also a bright
red and appears to have been slipped. lts walls are 3 mm thick. The paste of this sherd,
as that above, is well mixed, the temper very fine, and the sherd is hard.
Sherds 3 and 4 are also similar. Sherd 3 carne from Unit 8 for which no excava-
tion data is available (Fig. 5-28 8). lt is a rim sherd from a flaring bowl. The rim
area is delimitad by a broad horizontal incision below which is a double row of very
small punctations. lt appears that the rows overlap and may be curvad as well as
straight. lt is unclear how far down the vessel walls the design originally extended. The
paste is a dar'r< gray with greenish hu e on both the interior and exterior. The vessel
diarneter is 16 cm and its walls are 4-6 mm thick. lts paste was well mixed and it was
temperad with very fine-grained sand.
Sherd 4 frorn Cut 3C was found under Floor 1 (F¡g. 5-28 C). lt was fired an
even deep red. The walls were 4 mm thick. The design was of small interspersed
puoctations delimitad by a broad incised line. In sorne cases the careless application of
punctations had occurred on the line itself and just over the line into the undecorated
197
A e
B
...;.
.. _... .
.,
E F
o
G
H
I
J
M
lJ
L
\\ r --;;
~---..;tt N p
\\ ' \ - - .•7'
\"'j
\
¿y
' /
Figure 5-28: Huaca Verde. Ancón Zoned Punctate (A-E), Ancón Engraved
(F, G), Puerto Moorin White-on-Red (H),and Ancón Broad-
line lncised (1-P)
area. The sherd was well tirad and the paste was hard, well mixed, and temperad with
fine sand.
Sherd 5 is the only example of zoned rouletting found in the Verde collection (FIQ.
5-28 O). The rouletting is zoned on one side by a broadly incised line. The sherd is
from Unit 8. 1t was dark red and its walls were 4 mm thick. Since this type was absent
from Gallo/Gallina, other than a few isolatad surtace finds, it can be usad as a diagnostic
for the Late Guanape Phase. Examples of rouletting were very rare at Caballo Muerto as
well (T. Pozorski 1983: 27, fig. 16 a).
The sixth sherd may actually belong to an intrusive Gallinazo burial (Fig. 5-28
E). lt has a small band ot punctations, which may be tingernails delimitad on either side
by fine incised lines. The sherd is reddish-brown, but very hard. The paste is very fine
and well mixad. lt is similar to sherds found in Gallinazo contexts elsewhere in the
valley.
~-ed (Figure 5-28 F. G)
The use of engraving as a decorativa technique which became popular in the
Puerto Moorin Phase (8rennan 1978) is representad at Verde by only two examples. In
both cases an irregular roundad line was carved into the paste subsequent to firing. 8oth
sherds were reddish-yellow to reddish-brown and were uniform in color through the
paste. One has walls 4-5 mm thick while the other's walls are only 2-3 mm thick. The
form ot vessel from which the sherds carne is unclear. 8oth were from Cut 3A Layar
8-2. The use of engraving is typically rare and is not reportad for the Caballo Muerto
material from Moche.
Pueoo Moorin White-on-Bed (Figure 5-28 H)
While a small number of sherds were present in the collection that had traces of
white paint on them, in an but one case these sherds were either too small, or the
199
amount of paint too eroded to be able to say more. One sherd frorn Cut 3A Layer 82 had a
single band of white paint placad just below the rim. The vessel was a neckless olla with
uniform red paste and a 24 cm diameter. The lips of the vessel were direct and rounded.
The use of paint was identified on sherds frorn Huaca Guavalito at Caballo Muerto (T.
Pozorski 1983: 18, fig. 7 A). Even countlng those sherds for which evidence of white
paint was present, their total number in the sample was very small.
Ancón 8road-line lncised (Figure 5-28 1-P; 5-29 A-E)
This decorativa technique is one of the most popular at Huaca Verde (13 exam-
ples) topped only by the relatad Ancón Fine-line lncised (26 examples). The frequency
of the use of the lncised-line technique at Huaca Verde constrast markedly with its very
rara appearance at El Gallo/La Gallina where Finger-Pressed and lncised Ribs are the
norm. The increased use of lncised techniques clearly differentiates Middle Guatlape
from Late Guanape decorated ceramics. All the 8road-Lined sherds come from Unit 3.
The majority of them are straight lines which occur alone, in groups or as pan of
geometric shapes such as squares. Three sherds have broad zig-zags which presum-ably
originally made up part of a larger unknown design (Fig. 5-29 C-E). Three of the
sherds are from open outflaring bowls (Figs. 5-28 M, O; 5-29 8). Walls are 3-5
mm thick as a rule. The sherds are fired reddish-brown to dark gray, although the
majority are reddish. The increase in oxidized sherds was notad by Collier as a charac-
teristic of Late Guanape sitas. The sherds resemble others from the second construc·
tion phase at Huaca Los Reyes (T. Pozorski 1983: 22, fig. 11 e, e, t, g).
Ancón Fine line lncjsed (Figure 5-29 F-N; 5-30 A-Q)
This decorativa technique was by far the most popular encountered at Huaca Verde
(26 examples). The frequency of employment of Fine-Line decorations on sherds con-
trasts with its rare appearance in the El Gallo/La Gallina collection. All of the sherds
200
A
e
B
~---~--\
----~
r.~~ ---_, .i
o E
!
~
F
-.-~ .. ;·~
e7 G
I J
H
K
M
L N
Figure 5-29: Huaca Verde. Ancón Broad-line lncised (A-E) and Ancón
Fine-llne lncised (F-N)
B e
A
E F G
I J
K rl((f¡)'
\1 \ . ¡-
.\ l ·¡- ·¡
~
L
o p
M
N
Figure 5-30: Huaca Verde. Ancón Fine-line lncised (A-Q)
LE ·1 '
were from vessel's bodies except one which carne from an outflaring bowl (Fig. 5-29
F). In this example a single incised line was made approximately 1 cm below the rim on
the vessel exterior. Severa! types of incised designs were representad, although the
overwhelming majority were simple straight lines which once delimitad geometric
figures. Another group was made of slightly curvilinear lines that formed parts of lar-
gar patterns. One zig-zag line was incised on a sherd while another had a backward S-
shape (Fig. 5-30 P. Q). In one case an incised line may have zoned an area of diagonal
lines (Fig. 5-30 0). The sherds vary in color frorn reddish brown to almost black. In
most cases it appeared that the sherds originally carne from constricted vessels, but a
few sherds likely to have come from open bowls were present.
Summary of Huaca Verde Decorated Sherd$:
The frequencies of decorativa techniques used at Huaca Verde are very different
than those at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. Sorne of the eartier Guanape decorativa types are
very rare to absent, including the Finger-Pressed and lncised Aib varieties. Other
decorativa techniques are more refinad or are affected differently (such as the use of
punctated slashes and dashes at H. Verde). The use of cornbed appliqué ribs is also a new
variation on an older decorativa technique. Most notable in the collection of decorated
sherds is the replacement of the earlier techniques by Ancón Fine and Broad-Line
lncision. The change in frequency in the different decorativa techniques and dominance of
lncision may be other diagnostics of the Late Guanape Phase.
Severa! decorativa techniques are shared with the site of Tiza! in Chao and the
site of Huaca Guavalito in Moche, both of which date to the Earty Horizon. However, the
quality of the ceramic collections trorn Huaca Verde is poor and all other evidence
suggests that Huaca Verde was abandonad at the end of the Late Guanape Phase.
Subsequent Pueno Moorin Phase material found at the mound is intrusive and
203
represents a reutilization of the site after the ritual entombment of the sacred
architecture by Late Guanape peoples.
YESSEL FORMS
The ceramics of Huaca Verde are distinct from those found at Huaca El Gallo/La
Gallina in that the open bowUnon-restricted vessel shape replaces the neckless olla as
the most common form. Vessel forms also differ in terms of wall thickness, lip and rim
treatment, and firing technology. The very porous, soft. dark brown and brownish red
sherds, common to El Gallo/La Gallina, are absent at Huaca Verde. In general, Huaca
Verde ceramics have thicker. harder. better-fired walls that are a deep red or red-
brown color. In profile, many sherds have a gray core-referred to elsewhere as sand-
wiching, typical of Strong and Evans's Huacapongo Polished Plain type. These sherds are
likely to be intrusive and may represent a Puerto Moorin Phase reutilization of the site
after it had been abandonad during the Late Guanape Phase.
NECKLESS OLLAS
This is the second most common vessel form at Huaca Verde. The olla sherds can
be very broadly divided into three groups: those with walls that thicken as they approach
the lip (Form 1), those with walls that maintain uniform thickness to the lip (Form 2),
and those with walls than thin or tapar toward the lip (Form 3). Sherds of the Form 3
group were far more common at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina than at Huaca Verde while
Form 1 sherds, rare at El Gallo/La Gallina were more common at Huaca Verde. No
complete ollas were discovered. Many sherds had fire-clouding on their exterior walls.
Sorne of the neckless ollas appeared to have had a red slip applied to the exterior
walls prior to firing. The exterior walls were generallly left with a mane finish. They
are similar in technology to sherds grouped by Collier (1955) under the designation
Guar"lape Polished Red. This type is a Late Guanape diagnostic variety. lt was absent in
204
Strong and Evans's excavations at Huaca Negra and was also absent at Huaca El Gallo/La
Gallina in occupational levels. Sorne Guanape Red Polished sherds were recovered at El
Gallo, but only in surface levels near intrusive tombs.
Only one olla sherd was decorated. The remainder are plain matte-finished ollas.
The slope and orientation of the lips and rims allows one to subdivide the three main
classes of ollas into subcategories.
Neckless Olla lA (Figure 5-31 A, 8): This form is characterized by a lip wíth rounded
edges, only slightly thickened on the interior. Walls are slightly convex and the slope
from the mouth is gradual. Walls are 6-8 mm thick and fired a hard red to reddish-
brown with larga quartz inclusions and coarse paste.
~less Olla lB (Figure 5-31 C-E): This form is distinguished by gradually thicken-
ing walls and a rim shape that is bulbous at the lip. Lips are rounded. This type has
examples fired both red and black. One sherd (5-31 E) was much thinner than the other
two and had tire clouds on the exterior.
~ (Figure 5-31 F): This unique torm was characterized by a lip with a
well-defined exterior edge and a rounded, thickened interior. The slope of the walls is
more pronounced. This olla was tired red.
Neckless Olla 1O (Figure 5-31 G): This unique torm was characterized by a sharply
detined exterior edge with a tlat-slightly rounded lip. The walls are parallel and of
uniform thickness just prior to the lip where the exterior and interior wall both fiare
slightly producing a thickened lip. This olla was fired red.
Neckless Olla lE (Figure 5-32 A): This torm is similar to lA except that the
curvatura of the lip rounding is different. In Form lA the exterior edge of the lip
overhangs the interior so that the profile is like a rounded number 7. In Form 1 E the
lip is rounded so that in profile it resembles a rounded upside-down number 7.
205
A
G
Figure 5-31: Huaca Verde. Olla Form 1 (Olla 1A (A-8}, Olla 1 8
(C-E), Olla 1C (F), and Olla 1D (G)).
A
Figure 5-32: Huaca Verde. Olla Form 1 and 2 (Olla 1O (A), Olla 2A
(BL Olla 28 (C), Olla 2C (0), Olla 20 (E), and Olla 2E
(F-G)).
Neckless Olla 2A (Figure 5-32 B): This form has virtually parallel uniformly thick
walls which thicken just prior to the lip. The thickening is very slight. The lip itself is
not thickened. The lip is rounded and the walls have a more pronounced slope.
Neckless Olla 28 (Figure 5-32 C): This form is virtually the sama as 2A with the
exception that walls are uniformly thick to the lip with no evidence of thickening. Lips
are rounded and walls are straight with a more pronounced slope.
Neckless Olla 2C (Figure 5-32 O): This form is distinguished by convex curving walls
which dip in slightly at the mouth. Walls are uniformly thick to the lip which is flat.
This vessel had been fired black.
Neckless Olla 20 (Figure 5-32 E): This form is distinguished by thick 7·8 mm walls
uniformly thick to the lip. The walls are straight with a pronounced slope form the
mouth. The lip is slightly flanened, but is rounded into the interior wall. This was a
large olla with a diameter of 22 cm.
Neckless Olla 2E (Figure 5-32 F-G): This torm is marked by very thick walls that
may either thin very slightly at the lip (F) or maintain uniform thickness (G). Lips
are rounded. In both cases the slope of the walls is very gradual. Both were fired red.
Neckless Olla 3A (Figure 5-33 A·O): Form 3A is characterized by walls which taper
as they approach the lip. The lip is rounded. Oiameters vary from 11 cm to 26 cm. The
slope of the walls is gradual, and in sorne cases the exterior walls are slightly convex.
Neckless Olla 39 (Figure 5-33 E): This form has walls which thicken slightly at the
rim before tapering dramatically to the lip. This rim was thinner than most and had
walls that were slipped and polished red. In cross-section the core was gray, but
sandwiched between red interior and exterior surface layers. This conforms to the
Huacapongo Polished Plain variety. lt may be from an intrusive Puerto Moorin tomb.
208
A
Figure 5-33 Huaca Verde. Olla Form 3 (Olla 3A (A-0) and Olla 38
(E)).
80WLS
Open bowls are the most cornmon vesset fonn at Huaca Verde. In sorne cases the
vessels' shape may have been a jar form but not enough of the rims have been preservad
to be abte to tell. Either way the majority of these vessets are non-restricted.
6.QwL1 (Figure 5-34 A-C): 8owl Form 1 is characterized by sharply sloping walls
and rounded lips. One had narrow waJis that were slightly convex (Fig. 5-31 A). The
walls were slipped red and polished and mark this vesset as belonging to Collier's
Guanape Polished Red type which is also a Late Guanape diagnostic. The second exampte
(5-34 8) also had slightly convex walls at the rim and a rounded lip, but differed in
that the interior wall had a pronounced edge to the lip and the vessel was fired btack with
coarser paste and largar quanz inclusions. Exampte 3 (5-34 C) was very similar to
example 2 with the difference that the lip was more round. In all cases the mouth of the
bowls or jars were slightly restricted.
6ID'iL.2 (Figure 5-34 D-E): This form is characterized by straight vertical or
slightly outward slanting walls of uniform thickness. The lips are rounded. Vessel walls
are rather thick. One example (5-34 E) had traces of polishing lines visible on its red
surface. lt is an example of Strong and Evans's Huacapongo Polished Plain variety which
may have been introduced during the Late Gua,ape Phase, however these sherds may date
to the Puerto Moorin reuse of the site.
6QwU (Figure 5-35 A-8): This form, which may have resembled a jar more than a
bowl, is characterized by nearly venical concave-curving walls that fiare out at the
mouth. 8oth exarnptes were nearty the same, each with rounded lips and walls of uni-
form thickness. One flared somewhat more (Fig. 5-35 A) than the other (Fig. 5-35 8).
Each exhibited traces of polishing marks on the exterior surface. 8oth had coarse paste
with larga quanz inctusions and sorne sandwiching of the paste color in the core (red-
210
-----
1 A
Figure 5-34 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 1 (A-C) and Bowl Form 2(0-E)
A
Figure 5-35 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 3 (A-8) and Bowl Form 4A(C-D)
gray-red). They both conform to those characteristics defined for the Huacapongo
Polished Plain variety of Strong and Evans (1952).
6.QWL4 (Figure 5-35 C-0; Figure 5·36 A·B): Bowl 4 is characterized by concave
walls that fiare outward more dramatically at the mouth. Walls may be thin and tapar at
the rim, ending in a rounded lip (5-35 C), or they may be thick and tapar at the lip (5-
35 O). One example has walls of uniform thickness that fiare more gradually ending in
a rounded lip (5-36 A). These three examples are similar to one another and form a
sub-category-4A. Bowl 48 still has outflaring concave walls but they thicl<en at the lip
which is flatter than in variety 4A. All but 5-350, were fired red and had evidence of
exterior polishing. They can be grouped with Strong and Evans's Huacapongo Polished
Plain variety.
6.QwL5 (Figure 5-36 C-E: Figure 5·37 A·O): Bowl 5 is distinguished by straight
out-slanted walls of uniform thickness and rounded lip. All were fired red, sorne still
having polishing tracks. and are typical of the Huacapongo Polished Plain type sherds
first defined by Ford (1949), Strong and Evans (1952), and Collier (1955). This
form may be subdivided into a number of forms by differences in lip and rim treatment:
Bowl 5A (Fig. 5-36 C-E) has straight walls of uniform thickness and a rounded lip.
Bowl 58 (Fig. 5·37 A) has thicker walls than 5A, but is otherwise the same.
Bowl 5C (Fig. 5·37 8) has straight thick walls which slant outward more. This
variety is marked by a flattened lip and the presence of a polished red slip on the
exterior surface. lt is an example of Collier's Guanape Polished Red type.
Bowl 50 (Fig. 5-37 C) has thicker walls than se and a rounded lip. lt, too, has the same
polished exterior surface as 5C and belongs to the Gual"'ape Red Polished type.
Bowl 5E (Fig. 5-37 O) has slightly convex thinner walls with a flat lip. The walls are
of uniform thickness to the lip. The exterior again manifests a red slip that has been
213
A
E
Figure 5-36 Huaca Verde. 8owl Form 4A (A), 8owl Form 48(8), and
8owl Form 5A (C-E).
A
\ )
o
Figure 5-37 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form SB(A), Bowl Form SC(B),
Bowl Form SO(C), and Bowl Form SE(D).
polished as in the cases of the above two bowls.
6m'lL.6 (Ftgure 5-36 A·C): 8owl 6 is marked by convex outward-curved walls with
either a ftattened or rounded lip and may be divided into a number of sub-types:
8owl 6A (Fig. 5-38 A) has a rounded lip and walls which thicken as they approach the
rim.
8owl 68 (Fig. 5-38 8) is like 6A, but has a flattened lip and walls of more uniform
thickness. lt and 6C were both fired black and highly polished. They both belong to the
Ancón Polished 81ack variety first identified by the members of the Virú Valley Project.
8owl 6C (Fig. 5-38 C) has thinner walls of unlform thid<ness and a flat lip. lt appears
to have been a more shallow Ancón Blad< Polished 8owl.
B..Q.wL1 (Figure 5-38 O): This bowl prefigures shapes later commonly used during the
Pueno Moorin Phase. lt is a large bowl with very thid< walls that thicken just prior to
reaching the lip. The lip is beveled on the exterior, rounded on the interior, and is
triangular in profile. Walls are slipped and polished. This is a typical Huacapongo
Polished Plain Form. The sherd is likely to be from the intrusive Pueno Moorin
material at Huaca Verde.
6m'íLJl (Figure 5·39 A-C): These bowls are marked by more venical walls which
while like those of 8owl Form 6 are less curving. Example 5-39C has vf!Ky straight
flaring walls.
5.ummary of the Huaca verde Yessel Eorms:
At Huaca Verde 8owl forms and non-restricted vessels replace ollas as the most
popular torms. Olla Forms are also different from those at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina.
Generally ollas have thicker walls which thid<en at the rim. Ollas tend to be harder.
better-fired and dull to bright red in exterior color. Often the sherds have ·sandwiched'
color in the paste (red-gray-red) due to incompleta oxidation.
216
A
Figure 5-38 Huaca Verde. Bowl Form 6A(A), Bowl Form 68(8),
Bowl Form 6C(C) and Bowl 7(0).
' A
1
' .
Figure 5-39 Huaca Verde. 8owl Form BA(A), 8owl Form 88(8), and
8owl Form BC(C).
Bowl forms are not only greater in number at Huaca Verde, but include a large
number of new wall-shape variants: incurving, slanted inward, flaring, and convex-
curving. The discovery of similar forms in the fill in and around Burial 7 at Huaca El
Gallo Unit 2 E/S appear to date this tomb to the Late Guanape Phase, however, because of
mixing at Huaca Verde this burial could also date to Puerto Moorin Phase (Figs. 5-24
and 5·25).
The difference in the ceramic assemblages supports the later dating of the site of
Huaca Verde. However, the absence of other characteristic Cupisnique forms of the
Early Horizon such as long-necked bottles and stirrup-spout vessels combinad with the
aforementioned lack of Cupsinique dacorative styles, indicates the site's abandonment
possible prior to the Early Horizon, probably no later than 800 B.C. This site offers the
best case for characterizing the Late Guanape Phase yet examinad since those sites
excavated by Collier (1955) orginially usad to define the phase may not even be
occupied sites. The diagnostics of the Middle and Late Guanape Phases will be further
explorad in Chapter 6.
219
CHAPTER SIX
A RECONSIDERATION OF THE VIRU VALLEV CERAMIC SEQUENCE

DURING THE INITIAL PERIOD ANO EARL Y HORIZON
lntroductlon:
The earlier phases of the Virú Valley Sequence may be reexaminad based on the
research and analysis of the collections trom Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and Huaca Verde
combinad with a reanalysis of the stratigraphy of the original Virú Valley Project cuts.
The original sequence was primarily developed basad on the work of Strong & Evans at
Huaca Negra, and Collier at a number of sitas in the Lower Valley of Virú around the
modero settlement of Sama Elena. Until recently no Guanape Phase sites were believed to
exist in the Middle and Upper Virú Valley. The discovery of such sitas allows one to apply
the Virú sequence to the Middle and Upper Valley sites to see how well it tits. The Late
Guallape occupation at Huaca Verde and presence of intrusive Late Guanape tombs at Huaca
El Gallo/La Gallina also allows for a clarification of this phase and a better definition of
what elements constitute Middle and Late Guanape diagnostics.
This section will be divided into a number of sub-sections. First the viability of
decorated types, defined by Collier and Strong & Evans, for dividing the Guanape cultural
phase into sub-phases will be discussed. Then the stratigraphy of the sites of the
original Virú project will be reviewed and arguments will be advanced for differently
dating levels of these sites. Finally, each cultural phase trom Early Guanape through
Late Guanape will be discussed in terms of its ceramics and diagnostics.
Vlrú Valley sequence: decorated wares
Problematic types:
A number of the ceramic types identified by Strong & Evans (1952) and Collier
(1 955) are not useful for dating sites, or as evidence for the separation of the Guanape
220
ceramic sequence into phases, because of their scarcity in all cuts. lt is possible that in
sorne cases these very rare sherds may represent experimentation or mistakes and. as
such. should not be regarded as true 'types'. Others may be intrusive sherds. Collier,
Strong, and Evans also recognize the possibility that in sorne cases exotic sherds may be
prasent as a result of exchange relationships. lf this is the case, the value of such sherds
in dividing a local culture (Guanape) into phasas is nil, although they can be used for
cross-dating. Aather, such sherds would be indicativa of an increased ranga in trade
relationships or in the varieties of non-local ceramic designs and forrns. lf local
ceramic technology and decorativa style are to be the gaugas by which the designation of
cultural phases is constructed, trade waras can only be of significance based on the
degree to which the development of local ceramics was influenced or changed by them.
The decorativa techniques identified by the Virú Valley Project that are not very
useful in dating their sitas include Fabric lmpressed, Guanape White-on-Aed, Ancón
Engraved, Ancón Modelad, Ancón Brushed and Ancón Aocker-Stamped. In each case the
paucity of sherds or cross-dating evidence from other sitas at which they are found
weakens their utility for the dating of Guanape sites.
Fabric lmpressed
The only sherd representing Collier's Fabric lmpressed type was found in Cut
V272 Level 6. lt had Guanape Black Plain paste, according to Collier, and was from an
olla shoulder. Bird's identification of the impression led to its identification as one of
twined junco (Scripus s.p.) such as that used in baskets at Huaca Prieta, Chicama
(Collier 1955: 207). Junco is also used frequently in matting, and even today locals in
Virú construct the roofs of their homes from this material. Aather than ascribing
intentionality to the impression made, it would seem as likely that this sherd's decor-
ation was accidental. lf completad pots were placed on junco mats prior to firing, it is
221
possible, given a particularly soft wet clay, that an impression could have been made
unintentionally. The uniqueness of the sherd suppons the assertion that it was acciden-
tal. the fabric impression only resulting where the vessel shoulder was in contact with
the matting. Strong and Evans failed to identify any sherds with this decoration and this
technique was also absent at El Gallo/La Gallina and Huaca Verde.
Guatlape White-on-Red
Collier's Guanape White-on-Red variety is limitad to a unique sherd. Collier
admits the weakness of this type (1955: 21 O). The sherd is like the Guanape Polished
Red type in its paste color. textura. temper, and exterior finish, but differs in the
application of white paint. lt was encountered deep in Cut V-302 (Level 8), yet if one
examines the natural stratigraphy (Collier 1955: 68, fig. 33), it is clear that sherds
may have intruded from upper layers. Collier notes (1955: 211) that the shape of the
vessel from which the sherd carne (a small olla with direct rim and diameter of c. 10
cm) is found in assemblages of the subsequent Puerto Moorin Phase wherein white
painting is the more common decorativa technique.
Collier feels the stratigraphic evidence, indicating that the sherd was found in a
'transitional !ayer' between the Late Guanape and Puerto Moorin Phases, combinad with
the stylistic link to the later Puerto Moorin style, suggest the sherd is representativa of
a transitional style linking Late Guanape and Puerto Moorin Phases. This technique was
not encountered in the ceramic collection from El Gallo/La Gallina nor on sherds with
inferior paste in the collection examinad trom Huaca Verde. lt should be considerad
intrusive in Late Guanape levels.
Ancón Engraved
Strong & Evans encountered a single Ancón Engraved sherd in the uppermost level
of Strata Cut 1 (V-71, 0.00-0.25 m). A second Ancon Engraved sherd was found by
222
Collier at V-272C Level 5 (1.00-1.25 m). Strong & Evans's sherd is of the Ancón
Polished Blacl< type in firing, color, and finishing, with the addition of a cross-hatched
design engraved after the vessel had been ti"ed. lt may be notad that cross-hatching as a
design technique is dated elsewhere to the mid-late Early Horizon. Collier's rim sherd
differs in design, with a single engraved line below the lip, and in color, his sherd is
Guanape Polished Red with the added decoration. Collier notes his sherd is from a
straight-sided bowl, 15 cm in diameter. Strong & Evans note Willey & Corbett's
(1954) discovery that outslanting bowls are the shape most frequently decorated with
this technique at Ancón.
SeveraJ suggestions may be advanced: it is possible that the engraved sherds found
in Virú are the result of rare cases of experimentation, and as such do not represent true
types; it is possible that they are intrusive sherds; it is possible that the Virú sherds are
imitations of importad wares frorn valleys farther to the south, where this technique
enjoyed greater use; or the sherds in Virú may themselves be trade wares originating
from beyond the valley. 8oth sherds come from insecure stratigraphic contexts, the V-
71 sherd corning from a surface layer, and the V-272C sherd coming from a mixed layar.
The two Verde sherds lacl< secure stratigraphic context. The technique of engraving was
absent at El Gallo/La Gallina.
Ancón Modelad
The use by Strong and Evans of the Ancón Modelad type to support their dating of
the V-71 Temple ot the Llamas to the Middle Guanape Phase is also inappropriate. Other
types with greater support warranting their identification as types, and possibly locally
made, do support such a dating. Only two Ancón Modelad sherds were found by Strong &
Evans, one of which is never given provenience, and the other of which lacks clear strati·
graphic data. The one modelad sherd found in the excavation of the temple was well fll'ed
223
and highly polishad, indicating that an impraved mastery o1 ceramic technalogy had been
reachad. In these characteristics, it is clase ta the Ancón Polishad Black variety. lt is
entirely passible, glven the clase resemblance af this sherd ta others encounterad by
Willey and Corbett at Ancón, that it is from an imported piece. The association af exotic
wares with religiaus structures has been notad elsewhere, mast notably at Chavln de
Huántar. lf this is the case, the sherd may be usad for relativa dating, but cannot be usad
as evidence ta break up the Guanape ceramic sequence.
lt is equally as possible that early experimentatians with the modeling technique
(Guanape Modelad) had resultad in progressive refinernents, making local productian of
an Ancón-like Modelad ware possible by the Middle Guanape Phase, but more evidence is
necessary. 1t shauld be notad that the earliest evidence tor Guanape Modelad comes frorn
deep layers (Levels 10-13) from Strata Cut 1, V- 71. The finer Ancón piece may also
have been reservad for use at the Temple of the Llamas. Collier did not encounter this
variety nor was not tound at El Gallo/La Gallina, and it was rare at Huaca Verde.
Ancón Brushed
Collier did not encounter this type. Strong & Evans found only three body sherds
in Strata Cut 1, V-71 Levels 1 (0.00-0.25 m), 2 (0.25-0.50 m), and 3 (0.50.0. 75
m). In two cases (possibly from the same vessel) the decoration consisted of closely
spaced parallel lines while the third had groups of parallel lines broken up by a plain
area (1952: 293, Fig. 53 A-C). These sherds are similar to the Ancón Fine-line lncisad
type, and would be better considerad as a variant of that type. The main difference
between the two is that while Fine-line incised designs are made with an implement
having a single incising surface, brushed designs are generatad with incising tools having
muttiple surfaces such that a number of parallel lines are made at once. Thus, while
Ancón Brushad may be considerad a later decorativa style basad on its similarity to the
224
Fine-lined technique, it may be more appropriate to think of it as a variant of the Fine-
lined technique in the Virú case.
Ancón Rocker-Stamped
A unique Ancon Rocker-Stamped sherd was found by Collier at V272C Levef 5
(1.00-1.25 m). Strong & Evans did not encounter this type. Given stratigraphic plot of
272A, it is apparent that foflowing natural stratigraphy Levels 4 and 5 are mixed.
Owing to the presence of later material in Level 4 from Puerto Moorin contexts, it is
possible this sherd is later than the Late Guanape Phase. Similar sherds are common in
mid-late Earty Horizon deposits elsewhere on the coast, and this technique was afso
commonly ernployed at Chavln de Huántar. lt is possible that the vessel which bore this
decoration had been importad given the lack of this technique in any of Strong & Evans's
cuts or in Collier's other cuts or that it was intrusive. This technique was absent in
archaeologicaJ contexts at El Gallo/la Gallina and Huaca Verde and seerns to post-date the
Late Guaflape Phase.
Summary
The six decorated types: Fabric-lmpressed, Guanape White-on-Red, Ancón
Modelad, Ancón Engraved, Ancón Brushed, and Ancón Rocker-starnped are probtematic.
Fabric-lmpressed and Guanape White-on-Red lack compeffing evidence supporting their
designation as types, and Ancón Brushed may be better treated as a variant of Ancón Fine-
line incised. Ancón Modelad, likewise, could simply be a manifestation of better control
over firing comparad to the earlier Guanape Modelad. Ancón Engraved and Rocker-
stamped, while occurring elsewhere in larger numbers and clearly recognizable as
separata tech-niques, may in the case of Rocker-starnping be the result of intrusion, and
in the case of the Engraved sherds, of experimentation. lt must aJso be pointed out that
one or two sherds cannot be used for characterizing the general firing of a type because
225
the degree to which a pan of a vessel is completely tirad will vary basad on its position
relativa to the source of heat during firing and the availability of oxygen (Proulx 1985:
247). Thus. the color of the sherds may have been the result of chanca as much as
intentionality.
Gradually refinad lypes':
A number of types employad by Strong & Evans and Collier, are also problernatic
since they may not represen! cornpletely new developments so much as refinements of
older decorativa techniques combinad with increased mastery over ceramic technology.
Since this implies that 'practica made perfect'. any separation of the Guanape culture
into phases based solely on the breaks in the continuum of development of a style would,
by its very natura, be arbitrary.
Guar7ape Modeled-Ancón Modeled
The case of Ancón Modelad has already been mentioned. The two Ancón Modelad
sherds likely represen! a refinement of the earlier Guanape Modelad Type. Strong &
Evans encountered a total of 29 Guanape Modeled sherds in Strata Cut 1. V-71 in Levels
1, 3-7, 10-13. This type never constituted more than 1.25% of the total ceramics on
any level. Collier's sample included only eight Guanape Modelad sherds: V-272C Levels
7 (2) and 8 (4); V-302A Level 6 (1); V-171C Level 10 (1).
Strong & Evans only account for 22 of their 30 total Modelad sherds. two rims
and 20 body sherds. The most characteristic features of the type are coarse temper
poorly mixed with paste resulting in irregular fracturing. Sherds' exterior color
manifests poor control ovar firing. Exterior surfaces are often irregular and poorly
polished, while interior surfaces are scraped only.
Strong & Evans include severa! sherds in their type which are bener included in
the appliquéd varieties. Specifically, they mention two sherds that have circular
226
appliquéd nodes decoratad with punctation on their sidas (1952: 283, Fig. 47 D. E).
These sherds have more in common with the appliquéd and punctatad rib varieties than
with the modelad varieties. lf these sherds are to be included in the type, one shoukf
distinguish between those modelad sherds which involve the alteration ot the vessel
shape without the addition of appliqué vs. those sherds which have appliqués that are
subsequently modelad or decoratad. In this case, the animal faces citad by Strong &
Evans and Collier would be of the latter variant. Collier's thumb imprintad sherds are
more appropriately viewad as modelad.
Vessel shapes are limitad to small jars (ollas) with constrictad mouths with
diameters 12.5-15 cm, and jars (ollas) with very short curvad necks and constricted
mouths 12 cm in diameter. These vessel shapes are typical of all the vessel shapes for
Guaflape Phase ceramics.
The two Ancón Modelad sherds, in Strong & Evans's collection differ trom the
Guanape sherds in temper. color, and exterior finish (1952: 295, fig. 54). The temper
is much finer and better mixed with the paste so that fractures are even. Exterior color
is darker, and although it still is not unitorm, it evidencas better control over firing
than does the earlier Guanape type. The exterior finish is also highly polished and
smooth. The fact that this type is represemad by only two sherds may be the result of
importation or a successtul experimentation utilizing newly mastered techniques.
Either way the lack of other Ancón Modelad materials would suggest that this style was
uncommon in Guanape assemblages.
Guat!ape Punctate-Guat!ape Zoned Punctate-Ancón Zoned Punctate
The similarities of Guanape Punctate, Guanape Zonad-Punctate, and Ancón Zoned
Punctate are also relevam. Strong & Evans encountered Guanape Punctate at V-71
Strata Cut 1 in Levels 1-2. 4-8 and 12. This type consistently made up less than 1o/o
227
of the total number of sherds present. In Strata Cut 1 at V-71 only 18 sherds were
found (15 rims, 3 body). One Guanape Punctate sherd was found in Test Pits 3 & 4, tour
in Test Pit 5, six at the Llama Temple, and five on the surface. Collier found eight body
sherds of this type at V-272C in Levels 6 (2), 7 (3), and 8 (2).
The most important characteristics of the Guanape Punctate type are the larga
amount of coarse temper in the paste, resulting in irregular fracturing, and its rough,
irregular surface textura which is generally smooth and unpolishad. Decorations are
placad on shoulders and generally consist of punctations of varying sizes dispersad irreg-
ularly, or in rows, between the shoulder and lip of the vessel (Strong & Evans 1952:
284, fig. A-0). Strong & Evans also note the occasional presence of interspersad
grooves between the punctations (1952: 284, fig. 48 E-G).
One shape is notad for the type by Strong & Evans (a larga olla with diameter 13-
15 cm), while Collier adds an open bowl shape basad on one sherd with sorne trace of
interior polishing, and a jar shape based on a shoulder fragment. In sorne cases the
sherds are small enough so that if the punctation were to have been zoned, the evidence of
the zoning lines would have been absent, and thus, the actual number of Guanape Punctate
sherds without zoning may be overrepresented.
Guanape Zoned Punctate is virtualty the same as Guanape Punctate with the
exception that lines delineare the punctatad areas from those left plain. Strong & Evans
found 13 Guanape Zoned Punctate sherds at V-71, Strata Cut 1 Levels 1·4, 6-7 where
they consistently made up less than 0.60% of the assemblage for each level. This type
was also encounterad at the Llama Temple (6), and in the surface collection (16).
Collier encountered the Guanape Zoned-Punctate at V-171 C Level 8 (2); and at V272C
Levels 6 (7) and 7 (6) for a total of 15 sherds, although in his discussion Collier
claims to have found only 12 sherds (1955: 206).
228
The overwhelming similarity of the zoned and unzoned types is immediately
apparem. 8oth types share the use of coarse temper, coarse paste textll"e, irregular
fracturing, and variable paste color evidencing poor control of firing technology. 8oth
are soft (2). The exterior surfaces are mottlad, smoothed, but rarely polished, and the
imerior SO'aped only. Punctations are made with the sama instruments as befare, but
are limitad to the more regularly dispersad variety which are then zonad by incisad
lines. Designs are near the rim (Strong & Evans 1952: 285, fig. 49 A-E).
Strong & Evans identify two shapes: a jar with outslaming rims and mouth
diameter of 14 cm, and a large olla wittl diarneter from 8-16 cm at the mouth. Collier
adds three other shapes: an open round-bottomed bowl with diameter of 12.5 cm, a small
olla with diarneter 10-11 cm like Strong & Evans's second shape, and a short-neckad
jar with diameter of 12-14 cm. Given all the above data, the only major difference
between Guat\ape Punctate and Zoned Punctate is the addition of incised lines delimiting
the punctations (which were foreshadowed in cases where grooves had eartier been added
in punctate designs to separata groups of punctations), and the addition of a new vessel
shape-a jar with outslanting rim. The types appear at roughly the sarne time in similar
frequencies and because of their similarity should be treated as one.
Ancón Zoned Punctate is the final manifestation of this design technique and the
culmination of the mastery of ceramic technology in this type. Not surprisingly, Strong
& Evans only found this type in the three upper-most levels of V-71 Strata Cut 1 Levels
1 (2), 2 (3), and 3 (6). One sherd was found in Test Pit 5, one at the Llama Temple,
and three on the surface. Coilier encountered tour examples (3 body 1 rim) of this
type, all at V-272C in Levels 7 (3), and 8 (1).
Ancón Zoned Punctate does not differ from the earlier types in decoration or in
vessel shapes utilizad, but in the skill demonstratad over firing technology. lts paste,
229
includes finer-grained sand which is well mixed so that sherds have even breaks. Paste
color continuas to reflect a failure to control fully the firing process, but at the sama
time shows a much greater control than had previously been shown with exterior
surfaces usually a uniform darker brown-black color (Strong & Evans 1952: 291-2,
fig. 52 A-F). Another difference is the treatment of the exterior finish which in the
Ancón variety is highly polished. Vessel shapes are the sama as before with the addition
of short-necked jars. Strong & Evans speculate, basad on the findings of Willey and
Corbett (1954) at Ancón, and Larco (1941), that spouted jars, flaring bowls, small
bowls, and smaJI bowls with incurved rims and large mouths may have been present.
Collier's sherds shared the sama vessel shapes as the earlier Guanape types.
The development of the Ancón Zoned Punctate type oot of the earlier Guanape
types is likely to have been a case of local development, given the continuation ot the
sarna designs and their use on the sarna repertoire of vessel shapes. Given the varying
skill of potters, it is not surprising that the older Guanape styles continuad to coexist
with the newer Ancón varieties. The replacement of the eartier types with the better
fired Ancón type is correlated with the reptacement of the more commonly used Guanape
decorated types {Finger-Pressed and lncised Rib) by Ancón incised techniques, and
argues for the emulation of foreign Stytes in local media.
Chronologieally ;mportant types
Guatfape Finger-Pressed and lncised Rib
This replacement of eartier techniques is echoed in Collier's collection where the
Guanape Finger-Pressed variety is absent, and the lncised variety is representad by
only nine body sherds. Collier recovered these sherds from V-171C Levels 9 {3) and
1O {7), and from V-272ABC Levels 5 {2) and 7 {1 ). This results in a total of 13 body
sherds, but Cotlier only accounts for nine {1955: 206). Cotlier states all are of Strong
230
& Evans's Aib type 1, and all appear to be from olla shoulders. Notably, with the excep-
tion of the two sherds from V272C Level 5 (a mixed leveQ, all others come from the
lower levels of Collier's pits. As will be illustrated in the stratigraphic discussion, it is
probable that the lower levels of Collier's sita 272 may be coeval with Strong & Evans's
upper levels in Cut 1 (Level 8 and above) and date to the Middle Guanape Phase.
In Strong & Evans's Strata Cut 1, Guanape Finger-Pressed and lncised Aibs are
the most common decorativa techniques utilizad, with the exception of the uppermost
layers when they appear to be replaced by Ancón lncised varieties. Finger-Pressed Aib
sherds were recovered in Levels 3-5 and 7-14, while 1ncised sherds were found in
Levels 1·5 and 7-14. Finger-Pressed sherds were also recovered at the Llama Temple
(2), and on the surface (1). lncised Aib sherds were also found in Test Pit 5 (1), and
on the surface (2). The absence of these styles in any quantity in Test Pits 3, 4 & 5, and
in the cuts at the Llama Temple and on the surface, supports the conclusion that they
were being replaced in the upper levels by Ancón lncised varieties. This replacement is
also marked by the occurrence of new types.
Ancón Fine-fine & Broad-line lncised
Ancón Fine-line and Broad-line lncised are the decorativa techniques that serve
best to divide the Guanape culture into phases, although the division still has an art>i-
trary nature since the replacement of the earlier types is a gradual process.
Ancón Fine-line lncised first appears in Level 1O of Strata Cut 1 of V- 71, yet it
is representad by few sherds (one each in Levels 4-6, 9 & 10), and only becomes
numerous in Levels 1 and 2 where it is the dominant decorativa style. In Level 1, 91
sherds were recovered making up 11% of the total sherds. In Level 2, 38 sherds were
found making up 5% of the total. Below Level 2, this type is infrequently found. Strong
& Evans also recovered a single Fine-line sherd from Test Pits 3 & 4, seven from Test
231
Pit 5, 32 at the Llama Temple, and 31 on the surface. The discovery of large numbers of
sherds of this type in the upper two layers of Cut 1. in the Llama Temple cuts (45-85
cm in depth), and on the surtace supports its assignment to a later Guanape Phase. This
site may have been abandonad earty in the Late Guanape Phase. lt is possible that the
Llama Temple's ceramics are different because of the special natura of this structure.
Collier's cuts yielded a total of 36 Fine-line type sherds: 171 C Levels 8 (2). and
10 (1); 272ABC Levels 6 (10), 7 (18), and 8 (5). Collier notes smooth exteriors,
but a general lack of polish. Collier mentions two red sherds which "ir. addition to
incising (haveJ a rough brushed surface. which might be classed as Ancón Brushed
(1955: 208)." This linkage of the Ancón Brushed type to the Fine-line lncised variety
has already been mentioned. Collier's evidence supports the linkage of the two typeS and
their assignment to later in Guanape Phase. Collier notes two forms: a small-medium-
sized constricted mouth jar (olla) with direct rim of 15 cm diameter, and a similar jar
(olla) with short upturned rim (1955: 208). Strong & Evans found essentially the
sama vessel forms as Collier with the addition of a large-sized constricted mouth 1ar
(olla). They postulate the existence of other forms as well including: open shallow
bowls, flat beakers. globular pots. and globular stirrup spout bottles, basad on the
evidence recovered by Willey & Corbett (1954) at Ancón and by Larco in Chicama.
Ancón Broad-line lncised was uncommon at V-71 Strata Cut l. Strong & Evans
recovered sherds of this type in Levels 1-7 of the cut, but they never made up more than
1.20fo of the total sherd sample of the level. Two more sherds of this decorativa type
were found in Test Pit 5 and another sherd was found at the Llama Temple. In addition,
nine sherds were found on the surface. Strong & Evans's total number of Broad-line
sherds was 39, only 27 of which were from clear contexts.
Collier's cuts produced only three body sherds, V-272C Levels 6 (1) and 7 (2),
232
having Broad-line incisions with exterior colors ranging from black to red-brown. All
Collier's sherds were polished on the exterior. He notes two shapes: an open bowl and a
constricted vessel (jar or bottle). Strong & Evans note the presence of small necked
ollas uars), round or globular necked ollas uars), or stirrup spouts, straight-sided
bowls with flaring rims, and small flattened ovoid jars with short flaring necks (1952:
289-91). To these forms they add other possible shapes: open shallow bowls, flat
beakerso globular potso stirrup spout vesselso round bowls with incurved rimso and
squat rounded bowls with direct rimo basad on sherds recovered by Willey & Corbett at
Ancón (1954) and by Larco (1941) in Chicama.
The assignment of the Broad-line incised decoration to no earlier than the Late
Guanape Phase is supported by the discovery by Strong & Evans of a complete Ancón
Broad-line lncised vessel associated with Burial 8 at site V-660 the "Puerto Moorin"
type site. The vessel was a small flattened ovoid jar with a short flaring neck and rim
and thin tapering lip (1952: 290-91 o fig. 51 o 4).
Table 6·1 summarizes the project appearances and durations of the various
decorativa techniques. Early Guanape is marked by a relativa paucity of decorativa
variety whereas the succeeding Middle Guanape Phase is marked by an abundance of new
decorativa techniques and a refinement of earlier techniques. Many of the decorativa
techniques developed in Middle Guanape times continua into the Late Phase while many of
those techniques first ernployed in the Early Guanape Phase die out beforeo or at the very
beginning of the Late Phase.
QttJer possjble decorativa types of the Late Guanape Phase:
GUBJ7a¡Je Zoned Red
Collieros Guanape Zoned Red (and Black) type was not found in Strong & Evan's
excavationso and its absence is due to its later occurrence in the Guanape ceramic
233
Table IS-1: Relative chronology of occurrence of decorative techniques
G-Guañape A-Ancón
Decoratlon Early Guañape Middle Guañape Late

Guañape
G. Punctate --------··········
G.GOO]Eld
G. Zoned Punct.
A. Punctate ............................. _ _ _ _ _ _ >>>>
A. Zoned
Punctate ................ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ >>>>
Thumb Mod.
G. non-applique ················----------···········
modelad
G. applique nubs ............. -----------·························
G. Finger-Press
r ib
G. lncised Rib
A. Fine-line . ..................... _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ >>>>

lncised
A. Broad-line . ......................... _ _ _ _ _ >>>>

lncised
Appliqué bands >>>>
Red Slip >>>>
Paint >>
....... 1ndicates present but infrequent

__Frequently encountered, representativa of phase
»»> Continues in use in later phases
sequence. Collier recovered only 1O sherds belonging to this type: Cut 302A Level 9 (1)
and Cut V-272 Levels 6 (3), 7 (3), and 8 (2), and one sherd on the surface o1 V-306.
All have Guanape Polished Red paste with overall exterior red slip, and in the case of
bowls interior red slip also, or zoned areas of red slip delimitad by broad lines. lñese
zonas were often filled with black pigment or panels of graphite zoned with broad incised
lines. Collier identified two forms: a flat-bottomed bottle and an open bowl.
This decorativa type is more common in Larco's collections from Chicama, and
severa! sherds were encoumered by the author during a visit to the sita of Huaca El
Castillo (or Huaca Los Chinos) in the Moche Drainage. This sita lies at the Moche end of a
series of quebradas connecting the Quebrada Alto de la Guitarra to Quebrada Las Salinas
and into the Virú Drainage. lt is entirely possible, given the rara occurrence of this
type in Virú, that it is evidence of trade in exotic ceramics with the Moche Valley. The
type is likely to be underrepresented since small sherds could be broken from Zoned Red
vessels that would not show enough of the panern to be designated as other than Plain
Guar"'ape Polished Red sherds. lt is also possible, given the absence of this decorativa
style from Late Guanape ceramic collections, that this decorativa technique post-dates
the Late Guanape Phase.
Plain types:
Ancón Polished Black
Ancón Polished Black otfers the best supporting evidence among the Plain wares
tor the separation of the Early from the Middle Guar"'ape Phase based on ceramic data.
Strong & Evans first encoumered the Ancón Polished Black type in Level 8 at Strata Cut
1, V-71, Huaca Negra. The type continued to Level 1, increasing in frequency. Sherds
of this type were also recovered in Test Pits 3 & 4 (9), Test Pit 5 (6), at the Llama
Temple (24), and on the surface (3) for a total of 198 sherds. Ancón Polished Black
235
may represent successful experimemation with firing techniques by local poners, and
their increasing refinemem over time. Ancón Polished 81ack derives from the earlier
Guanape 81ack Plain and is the type on which the Ancón style decoration generally
appears. lts occurrence is more representativa of mastery ovar firing techniques than
of the imroduction of new technologies. lts frequency argues for its local production.
Chemical-trace elemem analysis and comparisions with similar wares to the south and
nonh would help to resolve the question of whether vessels were importad.
Collier encountered this type in nearly all of his cuts with Guanape Phase levels:
in Trench V-1718 Level 11 (1); V-171C Levels 7 (1), 8 (2), and 9 (1); V-2728
Level 3 (4); V-2728&C Level 4 (1): V-272A8C Levels 5 (7), 6 (33), 7 (16), and 8
(13): and on the surface at V-309 (1) for a total of 80 sherds. Collier states that
Ancón Polished 81ad< sherds were recovered also at 302A, but his charts do not show
them. Collier notes tour main forms for the type: open bowls with rounded bottoms,
small con-stricted mouth jars (ollas) with direct rims, small jars with flaring rims or
goblets with flaring rims, and bottles with flat bases and cylindrical ned<s or spouts. No
evidence of stirrup spouts was recovered. These sarne shapes are citad by Strong &
Evans.
Guatlape Coarse
Guai'lape Coarse sherds were absent in Collier's cuts and are rare in Cut 1, V-71,
Huaca Negra, first appearing in Level 12 and continuing to Level 1, except in Level 9
where no sherds were found. They generally make up <1.00fo of the sample of sherds on
each level. The type is a thid<er variant of the Guai'lape Red and 81ad< Plain types.
Guatlape Polished Red
Guanape Polished Red is a plain type found by Collier, but not by Strong & Evans.
Collier cites its likeness to Guanape Plain Red, but states it differs in its harder. finar
236
paste textura. thinner walls. polished exterior, and in the bowl's interior surfaces. He
recovered a total ot 119 sherds of this variety: V1718, Level 11 (3); V-171C Levels 7
(4), 8 (4), 10 (6). and 12 (1); V-302A Levels 8 (4) and 9 (1); V-2728 & C Level 4
(2); V272ABC Levels 5 (29). 6 (27), 7 (16), and 8 (21 ). and one sherd on the
surface ot V-306. Collier identifies five forms similar to those already mentioned f()(
other types: globular bowls with constricted mouths and direct rims. open bowls with
flanened bonoms, small constricted-mouth jars with direct rim and sharp-angled
shoulder, small jars with flaring rims and round bonoms. and globular bottles with tlat
bases and cylindrical neck and spout.
Guaflape Polished Red becomes imponant when one considers its relation to other
types. Collier notes its relation to Guanape Red Plain, in that it is derivad from that
type, but has bener paste and exteri()( finishing. He also notes that only bowl forms are
common between the earlier plainware and this type. Bowl shapes are also held in com-
mon with the later Huacapongo Polished Plain variety. Guanape Polished Red may be a
transitional type between the earlier Guanape plainware and later Huacapongo Polished
redware, and is diagnostic of the Late Guanape Phase. lts presence with Ancón Polished
Black sherds, suggests that it resultad from experimentations with firing and new tech-
niques of exterior finish.
Guar7ape Red Pfain & Guar7ape Bfack Pfain
The Guanape Red and Black Plain sherds are the most common in all cuts
excavated by the Virú Project with strata dating to the Guanape culture. These plain-
wares are also the most stable in terms of the percentages of sherds discovered in each
cut. At Strata Cut 1 (V-71) Huaca Negra these plainwares made up 90.8% of the total
number of sherds found. Red-wares constituted 23.7o/o (1672 sherds) of the total
number of plainwares and Black-wares 67.1% (4725 sherds) of the total.
237
In Test Pits 3 & 4 the representation of these plainwares is also dominant,
90.3% of ttle total. In Test Pit 5 88.8% of the total were red and blad< plainwares. At
the Llama Temple the percentage of the total is similar: 85.5%. In each case Guanape
Black Plain outnumbered Red Plain: Test Pits 3 & 4, 72.9% (113) to 17.4% (27);
Test Pit 5, 67.4% (126) to 22.2% (42); Llama Temple, 60.4°ro (316) to 25.2%
(132). One may raise here an issue that detracts somewhat trom the numerical figures.
Neither Strong & Evans nor Collier makes reference to the average size of their sherds,
nor do they present any information on total weights. Because the experience of
excavation at El Gallo showed that most sherds are fingemail-sized and many fracture
into even smaller sherds during cleaning, the data of raw numbers may be deceiving, and
is incompleta in that it does not allow for the expression of quantities by total mass
which may be a more accurate expression of the total presence of a type. Having noted
this lad<, based solely on the numerical figures provided, that Blackwares are more
common in all the cuts made at Huaca Negra. constituting between 60-74% of the sherds
on any given level.
At Strata Cut 1. one may discard the lowest two layers with ceramics because of
the lad< of sherds, and the possibility that those sherds encountered may be intrusive.
From Layer 14 to Layar 1 both Red and Blackwares are present in roughly the sarne
percentage in each layer. Though Strong & Evans note a slight drop-off in the number of
Redware sherds in the uppermost layers, one also notes a drop in the percentages of
Guanape Blad<wares, and in both cases this is attributable to the rise in the more refinad
Ancón Polished Blad< type. lncreased numbers of Ancón Polished Black sherds ;tlso
account for the decrease in Guanape sherds at ttle Llama Temple, which is stratigraphic-
ally more recent and equivalent in time to the uppermost layers of Strata Cut 1.
The division of sherds by exterior color is admitted by Strong & Evans and
238
Collier to be somewhat arbitrary: "Guanape Red Plain and Black Plain representing the
sama basic ware and divided only as they veer toward the reddish pole of oxidized or the
blackish pole of reduced firing, both come in relatively strong and go out the same way
(1952: 36)." Red plain is characterized as an 'oxidized variant' of Black Plain which
shares the laner's characteristics: 'very poorly made', 'friable composition', 'lack of
polish', and 'non-consistent firing' (Strong & Evans 1952: 35-36). The overwhelming
similarity of the two plain types is further supported by more detailed analysis of wares
provided in the Appendix of Strong and Evans. which reveals that both have similiar
paste characteristics: hand-modeled (finger and hand marks on the inner surfaces),
evidence of coíling (because of incompleta interior smoothing), moderate to large
quantities of coase sand temper, friable, poorly mixed paste which resu~s in uneven
fractures. and softness 1.5-2.0.
Paste color is illustrative of the arbitrary nature of the division. Black Plain
paste color is described as "reddish-brown to sooty black; streaked and uneven ...
indicating a very poorly controlled reduced firing; the heat inadequate to properly tire
the clay mixture, making sherds very pervious to water (1952: 253): Red Plain
paste is "brownish-red to light orange-red; streaked and uneven indicating poorly
controlled oxidized firing ... better fired than Black Plain (1952: 254)." The overlap;
reddish-brown and brownish-red, illustrates the variable natura of the firing, and
subjective assignment by the researchers of a particular sherd to one variant or the
other. The confusion mounts when one consíders the surface descriptíon which for Black
Plain is "reddish-brown to a dull, sooty black on both exterior and interior· and for
Red Plain is "brownish-red to a light orange-red." Again, the question of where to
divide the two is arbitrary. The similarity of the two types is further manifestad by
their sharing of the same vessel forms: large jars with constricted mouths (ollas) and
239
round pointed base; round short-necked, small-mouthed jars (ollas); open bowls with
curvad sides and rounded base; and open bowls with straight sides and flat base. Their
sharing of like forms, and discovery in similar percentages, at all cuts suggests that the
two types were used interchangeably.
Several questions are unanswered by the Strong & Evans data, which combinad
with their assumptions and recent data from Huaca El Gallo, call into question the value
of dividing the Guanape Plain type5 by color other than as evidence to show that firing
technology was variable, but gradually improved ovar time. First, Red and Black Plain
are technically identical prior to firing, and it is only in their firing that they differ,
primarily in exterior and paste color. Yet, neither type is fired well, and throughout
Strong & Evans note that control of firing was poor. Thus, one must ask i1 the color
achieved was always the result of intentional reduced or oxidized firing or luck. lf luck
played as great a role as intentionality during the Early and Middle Guanape Phases, then
the division by color is to sorne extent irrelevant. Strong & Evans and Coll:er both
assume intentionality in the determination of exterior color despite the admitted lack of
control over firing.
Similarly, Strong & Evans do not note from what part of the vessel a given sherd
carne. The El Gallo excavations resultad in the discovery and reconstruction, partial and
total, of a number of vessels, which proved conclusively that any given vessel could be
partially oxidized and partially reduced. lf such a vessel were broken into sherds, sorne
would be characterized as Black Plain while others would be characterized as Red Plain,
yet they all would be from the sarna vessel. This brings up a crucial flaw; the Virú
Project members failed to think in terms of whole vessels. This problem has also been
citad by Bennyhoff (1 952: 235) regarding the use by the Virú Project members of wall
thicknesses in distinguishing between types. lf one vessel is composed of both Black
240
Plain and Red Plain sherds, it undermines ttle value of separating Guanape Plain imo
colors while simultaneously illustrating the lack of control Guanape potters had ovar
firing, and the importance of luck vs. imentionality which may have determinad final
color. The position of a sherd in an emire vessel may affect its proximity to sources of
oxygen. just as the placement of a vessel in a batch to be fir'3d.
The ambiguity of color designation in Guanape wares is left umouched by Strong
& Evans who note that many of the decorated Guanape wares were 'earth brown' in color
of paste and had surfaces that ranged from red-brown to black-brown or sooty black.
This implies that the decorated wares were not limitad to Black or Red Plain types, but
appeared on both and further argues for the interchangeabilty of the two types.
Although Collier encoumered Guanape Plainware sherds in Cuts 1718, 171 C.
302A, and 272ABC, he was unable to divide sherds into Red and Black wares in 1718,
and in several levels of the ottler cuts, because of the lack of a sufficiem number of
sherds. lf the types were truly diagnostic and clearly separable. the number of sherds
recovered would not be a factor in their separation into variants. Collier's inability to
separata smallor samples of sherds into the Red and Black variants further undermines
their utility as chronological tools.
Collier is able to separata sherds of the red and black variants most successfully
in Cut 272 ABC where figures are given for five of the eight levels. While red sherds
consistently outnumber black ones. the more striking discovery is the progressive
decline in the number of sherds of both types as they are gradually replaced by Huaca-
pongo Polished Plain sherds from Levels 8 to 4.
The above criticisms are especially relevam in evaluating Collier's findings.
Collier claims that his sitas are Late Guanape and are characterized by the inversion of
the percemage of Black and Red Plain Guanape wares with the reduced-fired Black
241
wares, dominant at Huaca Negra, occurring less often than the oxidized-fired Red-wares.
One key problem of Collier's use of these percentages as a chronological tool is the fact
that he had only rim sherds in his collections, whereas Strong & Evans's collection
included sherds frorn all parts of vessels. As notad the firing of the vessels and parts of
vessels is dependent upon their position relativa to the sources of heat and oxygen. lt is
entirely possible that slight differences in the manner in which pots were placad before
firing existed between the coastal Huaca Negra site, and the more inland sitas of Collier.
lt is also possible that the materials burnad were placad on top of or about the pots differ-
ently at Collier's sites.
Certain weather conditions may be relevant to this issue. The Huaca Negra sita,
close to the coast. is subject to strong winds which are present all of the day, whereas
the inland sitas are more still. lt is possible that, at Huaca Negra, pots were placad in
pits with the flammable material both undei and on top of them prior to firing. This
would result in a higher percentage of black sherds. Similarly, inland pots may have
been placad mouth-up on the ground or on mats, with the firing material subsequently
placed around and on top of them. This would leave a greater number of ceramic surfaces
open to exposure from outside air, especially rims, and would result in larger percen-
tages of red vs. black sherds.
The differences may also be the result of social factors. Different groups of
familias in the valley may have intentionally anempted to achieve a redder color in
order to differentiate or mark ceramics they produced. Thus, the different percentages
would be more appropriately viewed as evidence of social differentiation or ·social
markers'.
The differences may also reflect vessel disposal andlor reuse. Collier notes that
the mounds in which he dug may not represent occupied sites.
242
lt has been convincingly suggested (Ford & Willey 1949: 26) that these
and similar mounds in the lower Virú Valley were built up by repeatad
dumping of salty soil scrapad by the ancient farmers from their salt-
encrusted fields (Collier 1955: 79).
This possibility is further supportad by the absence of the remains of structures and a
high concentration of saftpeter notad in each mound. lt is possible that sorne partially
broken vessels were reusad for other purposes (such as ceramic disc stoppers), and that
these reusad vessels were never depositad in the rubbish. lf the materials Collier
recovered are secondary refuse deposits, their validity is even more questionable.
Collier's use of an increasad number of oxidized rim sherds as the chronological
defining mark of the Late Guai'lape Phase is inappropriate for a variety of reasons. The
technique of oxidized firing is present from the earliest levels of Strata Cut 1, indicating
that even though control was poor, and intentionality in the detennination of exterior
color is unproven, the production of redwares was known. An increase in the number of
red-fired sherds may be the result of increased experimentation or improvad techno-
logical skill. but does not represent a new technology. lf one accepts that there was an
intentional inversion of percentages, it may be more an indication of different prefer-
ence of exterior color, than anything else.
Redatlng the Vlrú Yalley Project sltes: Consjderatjon of Stratlgraphy
One problem of all the cuts of the Virú sequence is their use of 25 cm artificial
levels in excavation which leads to an increased mixing of sherds of various occupa-
tionaVuse levels of different cultural phases. Reconsidering the presence/absence and
frequency of particular sherds with regard to the natural stratigraphy allows for the
compression of artificial levels that are trom the same deposit. In this manner the
presence of sherds out of position can be explained with reference to the natural
stratigraphy. A reexamination of Collier's sitas leads to three conclusions not originally
243
suggested: 1) the hypothetical gap between the Middle and Late Guanape Phase is shown to
be a product of artificial levels, 2) at each of Collier's sites abandonment took place at
the end of the Late Guanape Phase and these sites were not reoccupied until the Gallinazo
Phase, and 3) a gap exists between the Late Guanape Phase and the Puerto Moorin Phase
Reexamination of the stratigraphy of Strong & Evans's Strata Cut 1 results in a more
precise division of the Early from Middle Guanape Phase.
As notad, all of Collier's sites are small artificial hills located within severa!
hundred meters of one another in the Santa Elena area of the Lower Virú Valley. All are
close to the Virú River (Map 6-2 ). The sites are. in every case, reoccupied in post-
Guañape times and their trua size is obscured by this overburden. Collier concentrated
his cuts on man-made hills.
Stte 302A: (Map 6-2, 302)
This site was an oval hill, 40 x 50 m and 11 O m high. The stratigraphy for Site
302A is disturbad in the first six artificial levels by intrusive burials. Examination of
the natural stratigraphy (Collier 1955: 68, fig 33) reveals that, not including the
surface salitre crust, these six artifical levels represent only three natural levels. The
presence of Guallape sherds (three plain and one modelad) in Level 6 may be the result of
mixing. Similarly, the presence of a single Gual'lape Plain sherd in Level 7 may be
explained by noting that this artificial level torms the base of the natural level made up
by artificial Levets 4-7. The one sherd could have been displaced. The 5-18 cm thid<
layer of charcoal and ash making up part of Levels 7 and 8 reflects the burning of large
amount of material and could be a destruction levet, although the absence of floors would
argue against this. Either way, this almost unbroken level appears to mark a clear
border between the earlier and later deposits.
Below Level 7 sherds increase to 274 in Level 8 then decrease to 78 in Level 9.
244
Examination of the natural stratigraphy shows Leve! 8 to contain three different natural
layers; and Level 9 contains the bottom !ayer of Leve! 8 and top !ayer of Level 10. The
differing natural stratigraphic !ayer making up Level 1O argues against its having been
depositad by the Guanape even though Collier includes most of Level 10 in his Guanape
deposits basad on only one sherd.
Levels 8 and 9 at V-302 were depositad during the Late Guanape Phase. Strati·
graphically these artificial levels correspond to two natural layers: yellow sand and
sandy brown earth. Diagnostic sherds using late decorativa techniques are present in
both levels: Guanape Polished Red in Levels 9 and 8 and Guanape Zoned Red in Level 9.
Guanape Plain sherds made up the majority in both levels, but Huacapongo Polished
Plain sherds were also present. No Huacapongo sherds were found above Level 8.
Levels 10-16 may be Preceramic, or may indicate that when these deposits were
made by Guanape peoples, their patterns of ceramic disposal were such that no ceramics
were depositad at V-302. Consideration of the natural layers leads to the conclusion that
the Late Guanape Phase occupation is best limited to artificial Levels 8 and 9. The site
was abandonad at the end of the Late Guanape Phase and not reoccupied until Gallinazo
times.
Site V-1718 (Map 6-2, 171)
Collier V-1718 cut was made in an elongated mound 15 x 40 m and 1.10 m high.
This site lay only 500 m south of the Virú River in an area overgrown by algarrobo
trees. Cut V-1718 was disturbad in the first tour layers by a large pit. Guanape
materials were not encountered until Level 8 where only tour Guanape plain sherds were
found out of a total of 80 sherds. Only one sherd was found on Level 9 . Guanape plain
sherds are found in greater frequency in Levels 10 (46), 11 (57), and 12 (25).
Guanape Polished Red (3 sherds) and Ancón Polished 81ack (1 sherd) were aJso present
245
in these levels.
Examination of the natural stratigraphy suggests that the Late Guanape use of the
area should be equated with artificial Levels 10-12 and the natural layar of dark brown
earth (Collier 1955: 53, fig. 23h). The loss of Level 13's ceramics, their absence in
Level 15, and the presence of only three sherds in Levels 14 and 16 argue for the disrnis-
sal of these levels trom consideration as dating to the Guanape Phase. 8ased on the cera-
mies recovered the site appears to have been sparsely occupied during the Late Guanape
Phase after which is was abandonad until Gallinazo times. Evidence is insufficient to
warrant the identification of a distinct Puerto Moorin occupation.
Sita Y-171C
Cut V-171 C was made on the same hill as V-171 8 to its southwest The corres-
pondence of the natural stratigraphic layers of 1718 and 171 C allows for this latter cut
to be used to check the conclusions reached solely on the basis of 1718. Guar'lape cera-
mies are first recovered in Level 7. This level corresponds for the most pan to a layar
ot sandy yellow-brown clay, which in V-171 B is found in anificial Level 9 and the top
pan of Level 1O. Guanape sherds then make up the majority of sherds from Leval 8 to
12 with nona found below this level.
Levels 8 and 9 in 171 C correspond to the sama layar of dark brown earth found
in Levels 1O, 11. and 12 in Cut 171 B. Lavels 9 and 1o of 171 C correspond to the same
layar of soft yellow eanh and sand found in Levels 11-13 in 171 B. Levels 10-12 in
171 C are made of alternating layers of hard mottled yellow-brown clay and hard brown
earth with yellow clay, the same layers making up Lavals 12 and 13 in 171 B (Collier
1955: 53 fig. 23). The layers lacking caramics below Lavel 12 are the sama lacking
ceramics below Level 12113 in 171B. Thus, it is unnecessary to assume their absence
is due to accidents of daposition (Collier 1955: 54). The very small number of Guar'lape
246
sherds in Level 12 (15) of 171 C is similar to that of Level 11 in 171 B (25), further
arguing for these levels' treatment as the first assigned to the Late Guaflape Phase.
The very small number of Huacapongo Polished Plain wares and their presence
with Guanape sherds in Levels 7-10 is also problematic in that it makes it difficult to
equate any level with the Puerto Moorin Phase. This evidence, combinad with the lack of
sherds of Puerto Moorin type in V-171 B, argues for an abandonment of V-171 during
the Late Guanape Phase and its reoccupation in the Gallinazo Phase.
Site Y-272 A. B. C (Map 6-2, 272)
This site was an oval mound 30 x 60 m and 1. 75 m high located 950 m north of
the Virú River clase to V-302 which lay just west of it. These cuts are the most impor-
tant to Collier's construction of a Virú sequence, and also are the most problernatic. The
loss of sherds from Levels 1-4 of Cut A seriously undermine his evaluation of these
levels since the corresponding levels in Cuts B and C both had experienced disturbance
(Gallinazo caches in the former and Huancaco burials in the latter). His argument is
also weakened by the inclusion of a profile for Cut A only, forcing assumptions that the
stratigraphy is similar in Cuts B and C.
Despite Collier's claims to the contrary, Strong & Evans note that many of those
ceramic types they had identified as belonging to the Middle Guanape Phase were present
in the lower levels of sorne ot Collier's cuts, most notably at site V-272 (1952: 46,206-
7). Collier admits that for that particular site "the ceramics have much in common
with the pottery of the Middle Guanape Period, which was found in the upper half of the
refuse at V- 71 (1955: 88)," but maintains that these layers [the lower five at V-272)
were depositad during the Late Guaflape Phase. He bases this assignment on the invertad
percentage of Gual'iape Red and Black Plain rims. Yet, in light of the criticisms outlined
above, this evidence is insufficient to warrant the separata distinction of an independent
247
Late Guanape Phase, especially when considerad in the light of the ceramic parallels to
the Middle Guanape Phase and the nonceramic evidence which shares many Middle
Guanape attributes.
lf one rejects Collier's definition of the Late Guanape Phase, the developmental
gap he postulates between the abandonment of V-71 and the first occupation of V-272
disappears. lt has already been suggested, in light of new evidence clearly dating
Huaca El Gallo/la Gallina to the Middle Guallape Phase, that the Early Guallape occu-
pation of the valley may very well have been far more extensiva than previously
believed, so that a Middle Guanape Phase occupation at V-272 would scarcely be
surprising. The formar belief that Middle Guanape sites were limitad to the coast (V-
71 and V-100). and that it was only in the Late Guanape Phase that a dramatic changa in
settlement pattern occurred (Willey 1953; Collier 1955: 133; West 1971 a; 1971 b;
Daggett 1983: 51; 1984: 300) must be rejected.
Given the stratigraphic profile of V·272A and its similiarity to V-2728 and V-
272C, rt seems that the lowest levels of the cuts (part of 7 and all of 8) may be assigned
ro the Middle Guanape Phase and not to the Late Guanape Phase (Collier 1955: 80).
Level 8 and part of Level 7 make up a natural layar of dark brown aarth, that is uniform
and sealed in tha upper centimatars of Level 7 by a layar of black earth that is present
across the cut and caps the lower level.
Caramic evidence also supports the assignment of the dark brown earth natural
layar to the Middle Guanape Phase. In Level 8, the Guanape plain types make up 95% of
the total sherds, the remaining sherds consisting of Ancón Fine-fine lncised, Ancón Zone-
Punctate, Guanape Punctate, Guanape Modelad, Ancón Polished Black, Guanape Zoned Rod,
and Guanape Polished Red. The latter two types were not found in Strong & Evans's cut,
and may hava been the result of trade or axperimentation, especially if the social group
248
in residence preferred redwares.
The succeeding Levet 7 assembtage is similar with 92% of the sherds betonging
to one of the Guanape Ptain variants and the remainder consisting of Ancón Fine-tina
tncised, Ancón Broad-tine tncised, Ancón Zoned-Punctate, Guanape Zoned-Punctate.
Guanape Punctate, Guanape lncised Rib, Guanape Modelad, Ancón Polished Btack, as wett
as the two new types Guanape Potished Red and Guanape Zoned-Red. Neither Levet 8 nor
7 contained many Huacapongo sherds. Onty 10 were in Leve! 8 and 52 in Level 7, yet if
one considers the natural stratigraphy, it is ctear that not att of the material in the
artificial Levet 7 is part of the Middte Guanape deposit.
The discovery of a Huacapongo jar set into the strata in Cut B with its mouth at
Levet 6 suggests buriat at the time Level 6 was being depositad or even eartier. A second
largar broken Huacapongo jar found in this sarna cut may have reachad to Levet 3
(Cottier 1955: 89). 8oth restad in sterite sand betow Level 8. lt is possibte that sorne
of the Middle Guanape materiats were disturbad when these vessets' pits were dug into
the strata. The discovery of two Gallinazo burials in the west wall of Cut 8 at Level 7
may also have displaced earlier ma~eriats to the upper levets.
The possibility of sorne disturbance might exptain the presence of a fragment of a
potished red granite bowt in Levet 6. The fragment is noted by Cottier (1955: 86) 'to
fati within the range of stone bowts from the Middte Guanape Phase at V-71 (Strong &
Evans 1952: 43).' The discovery of a single Guanape lncised Rib sherd in Level 5 can
atso be explained as the result ot disturbance.
Evidence of a Middte Guanape presence is further supported by the stone bowt
purchased by Cottier from a farmer who had encountered it in excavations southwest of
Hacienda Santa Elena (Cottier 1955: 84, fig. 42C). lts size is similar to projected bowt
sizes basad on tragments recovered by Strong & Evans at Huaca Negra. Cottier's smooth
249
but unpolished whole specimen had a diameter of 18 cm and was 12.5 cm high (Collier
1955: 84, fig. 42C; Carrion Cachet 1948, PI. XI, fig. 3). Strong & Evans's rim
fragments indicated a diameters of 20-21 cm (T. & S. Pozorski 1992: 172).
Collier arbitrarily assigns the lower meter of the deposit (Levels 5-8) to the
Late Guanape Phase. Level 4 is assigned as the division between the Late Guaflape Phase
and the succeeding Puerto Moorin Phase (1955: 88). Collier accepts the possibility
that the site may have been abandonad prior to the end of his "Puerto Moorin" Phase and
the low numbers of sherds above Leve! 4 support this view of abandonment.
Natural stratigraphy supports the assignment of Leve! 4 as a terminal deposit,
for at least in the profile of Cut A. a thin !ayer of yellow sand seals the earlier deposits
yet, Levels 4, 5 and 6 are all heavily mixed. Despite Collier's claim evidence i.c; insuf-
cient to support a distinct Puerto Moorin leve!. The upper three levels of the cut rack
sufficient evidence to suggest heavy occupation and Collier's claim that many of the
Castillo sherds found in these upper layers derive from intrusive burials or caches of
Gallinazo age is probable.
The natural stratigraphy and difference in varieties of sherds above and below
Leve! 4 suggest a history like that of Collier's other sitas; a brief Late Guanape
occupation, (possibly preceeded at V-272 by a Middle Guanape occupation). followed by
a period of abandonment and finally reoccupation during the Gallinazo Phase. At no site
does Collier offer cornpelling evidence of an unbroken stratigraphic column from Late
Guanape through Puerto Moorin to Gallinazo. At V-272 his 'Puerto Moorin' levels are
heavily mixed with intrusive material. lt seems, rather, that following the Late Guanape
Phase the valley experienced a collapse resulting in the dispersion of the population, so
that evidence of their continuad occupation of the valley is not visible or, perhaps, the
abandonment of the valley.
250
Huaca Negra Y-71. Strata Cut 1: (Maps 6-1 and 6-2, 71)
Strong & Evans assign those levels below 2 m to the Early Guanape 'period' and
the upper 2 m to the Middle Guanape 'period' (1952: 85). They state that the lower
levels of Strata Cut 1 (4.75-4.0 m) were in the Preceramic Cerro Prieto cultural
deposit. Early Guanape Phase materials were found in the levels from 1. 75-4.0 m
below the surface and Middle Guanape from the surface to 1. 75 m (1952: 39) However,
the assignment of Levels 15 and 16 (3.50-3.75 m) to the Guanape culture rather than
Cerro Prieto is basad on a total of 13 sherds, and for this reason is insecure.
The Guanape Phase levels above 3.50 m clearly fall into two different groupings.
Examination of the ceramic plots and natural stratigraphy tends to support the more
precise division of the Guanape Phase into Early and Middle at 1. 75 m below, and
possibly even at 1.50 m below. The profile of Strata Cut 1 (1952: 24, fig. 4) indicates
a layer of packed shelf sloping from 1.75 m to c. 2.25 m below the surface. and then
rising at the other end of the cut to 1. 75 m below. This layar of shell, although not
uniform in thickness, for the most par1 seals the levels below. lt is possible that sorne
sherds from above this level may have worked their way down, and this may account for
the two Ancón Fine-fine pieces found below 2.0 m.
Examination of the ceramic tabla for Strata Cut 1 (Strong & Evans 1952: 36-7,
Tabla 2) reveals that, with the exception of the single Ancón Fine-fine sherds in Levels
9 and 1O, the remaining Ancón types and more complex Guanape types (perhaps influen-
ced by Ancón types) are not found until Level 8 (1.75-2.0 m) and above: Ancón Polished
Black first appears in Level 8, Ancón Broad-line lncised in Level 7, Guanape Punctate in
Level 8, Guanape Zoned Punctate in Level 7, and Ancón Zoned Punctate and Ancón Zoned
Brushed in Level 3. The discovery of Ancón type sherds in the levels between 1.25 m
and 1. 75 m may also be due to an intrusive burial dug from a depth of 1.0 m below the
251
surface to c. 1.7S m below. Strong and Evans admit that to sorne extent the division of
the cut into Early and Middle Guanape at 1.7S or 2.0 m below is arbitrary.
The expansion of the Early Guanape Phase to Level 6 in Cut 1 is supported by the
very smaJI number of sherds of Ancón varieties found below Level 5, the absence of both
Guanape decorated rib types in Level 6 (1.2S-1.SC m) and the generally small total
number of decorated sherds in Levels S (9) and 6 (7), the almost complete absence of
the Finger-Pressed Aib and rarity of lncised Aib above Level 7, and by the correlation of
artifical Level S with a natural salitre formed layar sealing the earlier deposits (19S2:
24, fig. 4; 36-37, tabla 2). The absence of Early Guanape decorated rib types in Test
Pits 3 & 4, which were dug to 1.S m only, and their rare appearance in the excavation of
Test Pit S (2 m depth), and at the Llama Temple, support the division of the Early from
the Middle Guanape Phase at the 1.25-1.50 m leve! (Strong & Evans 19S2: 38-39,
table 3)
The division of the Middle from the Early Gual'lape Phase in Strata Cut 1 between
Levels S (1.00·1.25 m) and 6 (1.2S·1.50 m) is not only supported by ceramic and
stratigraphic evidence, but also by a changa in nonceramic artifacts. Nearly all the jet
mirror fragments and stone bowl fragments and stone spindle whorls recovered carne
from above Leve! 6. Only two jet mirror fragments were recovered below this level,
one in Level 6 and one in Level 8. All but one pottery spindle whorl carne from above
Level 6, the exception from Level 6 itself (1952: 19S). Plain weave cotton cloth with
two-ply warp and paired weft was also recovered by Strong & Evans in the uppermost
le veis of Cut 1 (19S2: 40).
Given all the evidence: stratigraphic, ceramic, and noncerarnic, one may suggest
that a more appropriate division of Strata Cut 1 would be at 1.2S-1.SO m below the
surface. A sloping layer of hard salitre seals the upper levels from the lower beginning
2S2
at c. 1.0 m below the surface and sloping to 1.50 m. Those layers below ttle salitre layar
to c.3.5 m below represent the Early Guanape Phase. and those above the salitre layer
the Middle Guanape Phase. This reassignmem of levels with recourse to natural
stratigraphy suggests a long period of time for the Early Guanape Phase followed by a
somewhat shorter Middle Guanape Phase, given constam rates of deposition. lt should be
noted, however, that the transition was not a radical one in terms of material culture
since many cerarnic types (Guanape Red and Black Plain), as well as noncerarnic
artifacts, continua throughout the cut (Strong & Evans 1952: 40). The overwhelming
trequency of Ancón decorated types on the surface (Level 1) and in Level 2 may suggest
that Huaca Negra's occupation endured umil the beginning of the Late Guanape Phase.
The Guanape Phase:Early. Mlddle. and Late:
The preceeding discussion allows one to identify a number of diagnostic cerarnic,
non-ceramic and architectural features and artifacts which serve to divide the Early,
Middle and Late Guanape Phases from one another.
The Early Guanape Phase
The characteristics and diagnostics of the Early Guanape Phase as first defined by
Strong & Evans (1952: 45, 206-7) are accepted by the current study. lts duration at
Huaca Negra, as indicated by Strata Cut 1 (1952: 24, fig. 4), is lengthened, however. as
a result ot considerations of natural stratigraphy and non-ceramic remains. Early
Guanape runs from Level 6 to 14 (1.25-3.5 m). Only two Early Guanape sites are
known. V-71 and V-100, both near the shore (Maps 6-1 and 6-2).
Noncerarnic artifacts are limited in the Eariy Guanape levels. Fire-cracked
cobbles, small oval polishing pebbles. and quartz crystals occur in every level, and are
not diagnostic (1952: 40). Early Guanape levels also contained round and discoidal stone
beads, discoidal shell beads, and textile remains of two-ply cotton cord. According to
253
Strong & Evans, the Early Guanape Phase represents more of a continuation of the
Preceramic Cerro Prieto Phase than a radical change (1952: 206-7). Strong &
Evans's assumption (1952: 45, 207} that maize was utilizad as a primary food source
by the Early Guanape peoples of Huaca Negra is rejected given its absence at this and
other sites, including Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, and skeletal evidence indicating a pre-
maize subsistence base (Bird 1980; 1990; Verano 1996}.
Unfortunately, no evidence of arcMeciure dating to the Early Guanape Phase was
recovered at Huaca Negra. However, one may speculate that structures were made
primarily of perishable materials, and that they may have been partially dug into the
mound. This latter assumption is supported by the discovery by Bird of such semi-
subterranean habitation structures in the uppermost levels of Test Pit 3 at Huaca Prieta
in Chicama (Bird 1948; Bird & Hyslop 1985).
The Early Guanape Phase subsistence was marine-based with sorne recourse to
industrial agricultura! products, such as cotton and gourds. Evidence both from Huaca
Negra and Huaca Prieta in Chicama (Bird 1948; Bird & Hyslop 1985) support this
primary maritime orientation with the diet supplemented by sorne early cultigens such
as squash, beans, and peppers. Such agricultura! produce is likely to have been provided
by small settlements near the river where the floodplain was utilizad (Moseley 1974).
While Strong & Evans maintain the majority of the population was settled in the lower
Valley and along the shore, the presence of sorne agricultura! products, and evidence of
large scale upper-valley sites during the subsequent Middle Guanape Phase, suggest that
a considerable number of people were already resident along the river valley by the end
of the Early Guanape Phase. even though Collier failed to find settlernents dating to this
phase in the inland area around Santa Elena. This population experimentad with various
forms of cultivation and irrigation which facilitated the rise of the larga centers of the
254
Middle Guanape Phase. The establishment of inland settlements during the Early Guanape
Phase and the Preceramic Cerro Prieto Phase is supported by the discovery of such srtes
in neighboring valleys such as Zana (Dillehay et. al. 1997: Dillehay 1987: Dillehay &
Netherly 1983: Netherly & Dillehay 1986), Chao (Uceda et. al. 1990: Huapaya 1979),
Santa (Wilson 1988), and Supe (Burger 1992).
The Middle Guanape Phase (Map 6-1)
The Middle Gual'lape Phase is representad by Levels 1-5 in Strata Cut 1 at Huaca
Negra (V-71) (0.00-1.25 m), in the excavations of Test Pits 3, 4 & 5, and at the
Llama Temple. At the Llama Temple, an old floor line sloping from .45-.85 m in depth
sealed the ceramic Middle Gual'lape levels from the refuse below (Strong & Evans 1952:
37-8). This phase is also representad by Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina.
lf one accepts conical adobes as typical construction materials of the Middle
Guanape Phase then platform mounds primarily constructed with this technique should
be datad to this phase. The notad shift of sitas frorn Middle Gual'lape times, when they are
located outside of the valley bottom on alluviaJ fans, to Late Guanape times, when they
are surrounded by cultivated fields, may be used as a tentativa secondary indication of
site date. Given these to parameters for the Middle Guanape Phase, combinad with the
hypothesis that nearly all the monumental sitas datad to the Puerto Moorin Phase by the
Virú Valley Project are, in fact, earlier, one is left with a settlement pattern (Map 6-
1) reflecting the shift to up valley locations where irrigation canals would be the easiest
to build. Tentativa sitas cluster in the Huacapongo Drainage and lessen in number one
moves toward the coast with no sites of this phase known in the lower valley other than
the previous two Early GuaMpa sites near the coast.
The Middle Gual'lape Phase cerarnics are marked by the introduction of new
decorativa techniques: Ancón Fine-lined and Broad-lined decorated types, an increase in
255
\
•
tOO
•
7f
o S
"'
Figure 6-1: Settlement Plan lncluding all sltes tentatlvely ldentlfied

as havlng Middle Guañape occupatlons. Fllled clrcles
represent possible domestlc occupations whlle fllled
trlangles represent publlc and monumental archltecture.
mastery over firing (Ancón Polished Black), and the gradual replacement of the earlier
Guanape decorated types. Guanape Punctate and Zoned Punctate give rise to more refinad
Ancón variants. The variety of vessel forms also increases with bottles and short-
necked jars of smaller dimensions added to the assemblage of forms even though neckless
ollas and open bowls continua to predominate. Strong & Evan's cut failed to provide
evidence of stirrup-spouts, and it is possible that this form did not arrive in Virú until
the Late Guanape Phase or later.
Excavations at the Llama Temple showed that it pertained to the Middle Guanape
Phase, and the presence of sacrificad llamas associated with the structure supports the
assumption that it was ritual in function. Strong & Evans suggest the llamas' presence
may indicate that llama herding was practicad on the coast (1952: 207), but recent
research suggests this is not likely (Miller & Burger 1995).
Nonceramic artifacts included a fragments of a stone bowl and a jet mirror. Test
Pits 3 & 4 had two stone bowl fragments and three jet mirror fragments (1952: 43).
Such quality objects suggest that during the Middle Guanape Phase the primary function
of Huaca Negra may have changed from a previously dornestic one, to one of a ceremonial
area. At Huaca Negra, surface finds of 25 stone bowt fragments, a stone mortar, and two
pear-shaped stone pesttes support the assignment of these artifact types to the Middle
Guanape Phase. Pottery spindle whorls and ptain weave cotton ctoth anest to the
existence of Middle Guanape texile manufacture. These same artifacts: stone vessels,
stone spindle whorls, and jet mirror tragments support the contemporaneity of Huaca
Negra with Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina.
The Llama temple illustrates Middle Guanape architectural canons. Here, the
primary construction material is boulders laid in mud mortar. lts northeast orientation
and the use of conical adobes to seal its main entrance also argue for its having been
257
built, used. during the Middle Guaflape Phase and abandonad no later than the beginning of
the Late Gual'lape Phase. The site of Huaca El Gallo sharad the use of conical adobes with
Huaca Negra, along with the Nonheast orientation.
An increase in complexity occurred during the Middle Guanape Phase occupation
of Huaca Negra manifestad by the increase in ceramic varieties and vessel forms, addi-
tion of new categories of nonceramic artifacts, development of trua weaving technology,
and construction of nondomestic special-purpose architecture.
The Late Guanape/Puerto Moorjn Phases: lntroductlon
The identification of the Late Gual'lape and the Puerto Moorin Phases is one of the
most persistent problems of the Virú sequence. These phases have been anacked since
first proposed (Bennyhoff 1952).
The recent work at El Gallo/La Gallina, combinad with evidence from Huaca
Verde, in the Huacapongo Drainage, and reference to Collier's and Strong and Evans's
cuts have begun to clarify the problem by defining a clear Late Guanape Phase repre-
sentad best at Huaca Verde. Diagnostic Huacapongo Polished Pfain sherds first appear in
Late Guaflape Phase levels in many of Collier's cuts with the older Guanape Plain sherds
and Ancón decorated varieties. However, many of these levels are disturbad. At this
point the use of Huacapongo sherds as a Puerto Moorin diagnostic is untenable. lt seems
that Late Guanape sitas were abandonad prior to the Puerto Moorin Phase and that the
valley experience a dislocation and dispersa! of the population such that the post-
Guanape mid-late Early Horzon senlement panero is obscura.
The Late Guanape Phase (Map 6-2)
A tentativa Late Guanape Phase senlement pattern has been generatad through the
use of data from a variety of sources. First all the shallow sitas along Cerro Cornpositan
identified as Late Guanape by the Virú Valley Project have been acceptad as such. Second
258
....,
1
:.
r
•
100
'•
, "'
1 -,.
1
'
\
,--- -,itz1
~:·S ~~~(.·~-.-
84 - - - - - - '
~~as
"'( ~. ~~
o
r 1 s a 1
~kl'\
1
) ~~~
Figure 6-2: Settlement Plan lncluding 311 sltes tentatlvely ldentlfled

as having Late Guañape occupatlons. Fllled clrcles
represent possible domestic occupatlons whlle fllled
trlangles represent publlc and monumental archltecture.
Collier's Sama Elena sites have all been shown to have experienced Late Guanape
occupations prior to their abandonment. A reanalysis of the platform mound/pyramid
sites, idemified as Puerto Moorin originally suggests that many of these site may
actually be Late Guanape in date. Many of them share characteristics with Huaca Verde
including location amidst cultivated fields, construction techniques of stones in double-
faced walls (packed with mortar) and ceramic material. Most notable is the apparent
evidence of a settlemem shift, or at least increase in settlemem in the Lower Valley. lf
one accepts the use of irrigation agricultura as sustaining this population, it appear that
the increased use of the Lower Valley in the Late Guanape Phase may reflect the gradual
spread of irrigation canals across the landscape. As all the arable land nearest the water
source in the Huacapongo Drainage was occupied succeeding groups had to open lands
further down river. While land here was plentiful is may not have been as desireable
because of the distance to the water source and the need of farmers in this area to rely on
water shunted back to the irrigation canals from upstream fields.
Strong & Evans did not encoumer Late Guanape material in their cuts at Huaca
Negra (V -71) thus, the Late Guanape Phase had to be defined basad solely on Collier's
excavations in the vicinity of Sama Elena. New excavations carried out by the Chavi-
mochic Project, and by the author. have helped to refine the definition of the Late
Guanape Phase.
Collier notes that the basic Guanape Plain types continua in use during the Late
Guanape Phase, but his attribution of significance to the inversion in their percentages
as the once dorninant Black type falls in frequency and the Red type comes to replace it
(1955: 1OS) has been shown to be in&ppropriate. Collier also cites senlement panern
shifts inland and increasing reliance on agricultura as Late Guai'lape characteristics.
New evidence allows both of these diagnotic elemems to be discarded as well.
260
The foregoing discussion of the Middle Guanape Phase has already made the case
that rather than being separated from the Early Guanape Phase by a gap in the chrono-
logy, the sites of V-71 and V-272 actually overlap in time. Ample evidence is now
available to reject Collier's hypothesized settlement shift from the beaches to the inland
areas at the end of the Middle Guanape Phase (1955: 133; see also West 1971a: 53).
This shift cloarly dates to the late Early/Middle Guanape Phases. The lack of marinA
refuse in Collier's Late Guanape contexts is not reliable evidence given the non-domestic
character of Collier's sites which may have affected disposal patterns.
Evidence supporting a subsistence shift to primary reliance on agricultura!
produce during to the Middle rather than the Late Guai'lape Phase is provided by the new
discoveries of evidence of Middle Guanape sites well up-valley at El Gallo/La Gallina, and
Site #512, both in the Huacapongo Drainage, and at Huaca San Juan 1 & 11 in the mid-
valley. Although domestic sites have not been found, these monumental centers are very
large and are the result of great inputs of labor indirectly supporting tha existence of a
sizable population in tha area, probably dispersad amidst tha surrounding agricultura!
fields.
Additional support for the Middle Guanapa shift to agricultura is provided by the
Huaca Prieta data from Chicama. Here Junius Bird notad that beginning in the Cupis-
nique cultural strata new crops were recordad including maize, warty squash, pacay, and
brown canon (Bird & Hyslop 1985; Collier 1955: 134). Larca Hoyfe adds peanuts to
the new yiald (1941: 145). lf one equates the first pottery phasa at Huaca Prieta with
Early Guai'lape, then the pre-Cupisnique Phase is equated with Middle Guai'lape, and
Classic Cupisnique with Late Guai'lape (Larca 1948: 15; Strong & Evans 1952: 206-
208). Collier also notes a lika assortment of agricultura! products at the ceramically
similar sitas of Ancón and Supe (1955: 134; Willey & Corbett 1954).
261
Given the evidence marking a shift in the importance and varlety of agricultura!
products in the Middle Guanape Phase. marked by the inland location of many large
settlements and indirect crop remains from coeval coastal sites in other valleys, ~
seems that Collier's tentativa dating of the introduction of these plants to Middle Guanape
peoples (1955: 134} is proven, and that their increasing dependence upon such
cuttigens may have partially dictated the shift inland during that sama phase. The
necesslty of postulating maize as the fundamental crop upon which this changed
orientation was basad rernains unproven, and the most recent data available indicates
that maize was not a stapte crop at this time (Bird 1980; 1990; Vasquez & Rosales
Tham 1995}.
Willey (1953: 392} postulated that canal irrigation was most likely achieved
during the Puerto Moorin Phase. He basad this hypothesis on the targe number of sites
he dated to this phase at the head of the valley, (in the Huacapongo Drainage) where
irrigation woutd have been easier to accomptish. Collier (1955: 135} felt irrigation
technotogy was late atso. and citad large, supposedly early. inland s~es in Casma and
Nepena as possible antecedents. Later West (1971 a; 1971 b} and Canziani Amico
(1989) accepted Willey and Collier's dating. More recent work in these valleys
(Burger 1981; Daggett 1984; Pozorski & Pozorski 1987; Wilson 1988} has shown
these large s~es to predate the Chavín Period, and that most are coeval with the Middle
Guanape Phase in Virú. Additional work in Virú has revealed a number of large Middle
Guanape cemers at the head of the valley. lf the presence of large centers in this area
may be used as evidence supporting the development of agricultura (which Willey did in
postulating a Puerto Moorin dating for this technology), then it would appear that large-
scale irrigation may have been achievad in Virú during the Middle Guanape Phase.
Thus, settlement shift up-valey, dietary change, and incipient irrigation must
262
all be rejected as diagnostics for the Late Guanape Phase. since data now indicate that
they are all earlier.
Those characteristics diagnostic of the Late Guanape Phase which are relevant are
the introduction of new cerarnic decorativa typeS: Guanape Polished Red, Guanape Zoned
Red, and Huacapongo Polished Plain (1955: 107,132). The use of intentionally oxidized
wares is thus, an important characteristic of the Later Guanape phase. Collier notes:
At this time ... potters bagan to experiment with the application of

pigments to the previously monochrome pottery. They decorated
red pots with areas of polished, metallic black and they tried the
effect of white paint on a red background (1955: 132-3).
In addition. sorne other decorated varieties continua including Ancón Rne and
BiOad Line lncised, Guanape Zoned Punctate, Guanape Punctate, and the plain Ancón
Polished Black type. The introduction of new vessel shapes is more important to
consider. In addition to the continuad use of many of the earlier forms, frequencies of
vessel forms shift. Guanape Red Plain Forms 6 and 7. and a variety of new forms
associated with the Huacapongo Polished Plain type are added.
Two types claimed by Collier to continua are Guanape lncised Rib and Guanape
Modelad. Reconsideration of the data reveals that Guanape lncised Rib, which rarely
occurs in any of Collier's cuts. is limited to the lower levels of Collier's excavations.
These lower strata have already been discussed above. and appear to date to the Middle
Guanape Phase. Collier's Guanape Modeled sherds are problematic. The type of modeling
he discusses, thumb and fingerprints pushed into the exterior shoulder area of vessels,
is not the sarne as the Guanape Modeled types discussed and 'typed' by Strong and Evans.
His sherds with this decoration are identical to sorne recovered at La Gallina in clear Late
Guanape contexts. A redefinition of this type of decoration as something other than
Guanape Modelad is in order. Another Guanape Modeled sherd discussed by Collier had an
263
'animal tace'. The illustration of this sherd bares more resemblance to later Gallinazo
animal faces than the earlier Guanape varieties and should be treated with caution.
Although Collier argues stone bowls continuad in use during the Late Guanape
Phase his total sample was one tragment in a disturbad context. The tragment discussed
above is akin to earlier Middle Guanape varieties. Thus, if stone bowl use continuad
Collier has no firm supporting evidence.
Collier feels the best comparativa case for the Late Gual'\ape ceramics may be
made with the Cupisnique Transitorio Phase defined by Larca for the Chicama Vafley
(1955: 107). Here also a shift is notad during this phase from an assemblage dorninated
by black polished reduced ceramlcs, to oxidized wares. lt now appears Cupisnique
Tranistorio may simply be an aspect of Classic Cupisnique. As already argued a competl-
ing case can be made for crossdating Late Gual'\ape with the Classic Cupisnique Culture
also datad to the late lnitial Períod. Many of the forms of the Cupisnique Transitorio
Phase have nevar been found in Late Gual'\ape contexts and many of the decorativa
techniques, such as the extensiva use of graphite and three dimensional modeling are
absent. Typical Classic Cupisnique forms are likewise very rare.
Conclusjon:
Comparison of the material recovered by the original Virú Project of the 1940's
with new data frorn the excavations at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and Huaca Negra has
clarified the Virú sequence as it occurs in the Middle Virú Valley and has refinad the
understanding of the latter two phases-Middle and Late Gual'\ape.
The Middle Gual'\ape Phase witnessed the construction of large monumental
complexas in the Middle Virú Valley and the dispersa! of larga populations across the
landscape, people probably living in small hamlets near their fields. The former
reliance on maritime produce was replaced by an agricultura! focus with irrigation
264
being practicad on a wide scale by Middle Guanape times if not even earlier. The
assemblage of artifacts increases in Middle Guanape times with stone vessels and weaving
implements as well as objects of personal adornment becoming more common.
The Middle Gu~ape Phase also witnessed an increase in societal complexity,
manifestad by the construction of a number ot similar temple complexas in the Midclle
Virú Valley. These temples had their counterpart in the small Temple of the Llamas
identifed by Strong & Evans at Huaca Negra and dated to the Midclle Guanape Phase. lt is
probable that these temples served as centers uniting the dispersad populations and as
symbols of social identity. As will be argued later they also likely provided the means of
social integration between communities in the valley during the Middle Guanape Phase.
The Middle Gu~ape Phase seems to end with the abandonment of many !arge
ceremonial centers. Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina was abandonad by the end of the Middle
Gua'"'ape Phase, and if one employs the use of conical adobes as a temporal marker it is
possible that VV-512 and Huaca San Juan 1 and 11 were abandoned at this time also.
lnterestingly, this same abandonment of large lnrtial Period centers is noted to have
occurred in many of the coastal valleys at the same time (S. & T. Pozorski 1987) or
slightly later at the end of the Late lnitial Period (Burger 1981; 1992).
At least one monumental site-Huaca Verde-continuas into the Late Gua'"'ape Phase.
This site differs from El Gallo/La Gallina in its location arnidst the cultivated fields, its
orientation and in its size which is much smaller than El Gallo. Huaca Verde may
represent an anempt on the part of the people living in the Huacapongo Drainage to
resurrect the earlier Middle Guanape temple system. Late Guanape peoples continued to
use El Gallo/La Gallina as a burial area. indicating that it perhaps continuad to have a
sacred image in the minds ot the local people.
The Huaca Verde occupation does not seem to have been one of long duralion or use
and the Late Guanape Phase apparently ended in the collapse of those vestiges of the
temple system that survived the end of the Middle Guanape Phase. Based on cerarnic
parallels with other sitas it appears Huaca Verde was abandonad no later than 800 B. C.
Moseley has noted the occurrence of evidence of a torrential flood associated with an
massive El Nino event around 500 B. C. and it is tempting to suggest that an already
weakened Late Guanape system may have succumbed partially due to pressures brought
about by the destruction of fields and the irrigation system by such an event.
Folfowing the abandonment of Huaca Verde there is an absence of sites until the
Puerto Moorin Phase, which, if one equates it with the coeval Salinar Phase in Moche,
dates to c. 200 B. C. to c.100 A. D. This chronological gap is most clearly shown by the
lack of Classic Cupisnique cerarnics in the valley and absence of Chavinoide decorativa
conventions that spread during the later Early Horizon (Janabarriu Phase c. 400-200
B. C.. see Burger 1984). When post-Guanape sites do appear in the archaeological
record in the Puerto Moorin Phase. they are ofen characterized by the presence of
complex military and defensiva architecture. Given the lack of precursors of this type
of architecture its development is unclear. The discovery and excavation of sites dating
to the time bridging the Late Guanape and Puerto Moorin Phases is necessary.
266
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE BURIALS OF HUACA EL GALLO/HUACA LA GALLINA: MORTUARY

ANAL YSIS ANO COMPARISON TO OTHER BURIAL SAMPLES.
lntroductjoo:
Mortuary remains have been the tocus of archaeological studies anemptiog to
establish chronologies, delimit culture areas. and to reconstruct social systems. lt is
generally accepted that mortuary practicas, and the way a giveo individual is treated at
death, are relatad to that individual's position in the organization of society duriog his
lifetime. The establishment of an individual's social rank, status, and prestige are
thought to be particulary accessible through mortuary analysis (Saxe 1970: Binford
1971: Tainter 1975; 1978; Chapman et. al. 1981: Humphreys & King 1981: Bloch &
Parry 1982; Quilter 1989: 44). Tainter has argued (1978: 110) that 'death calls
forth a fuller representation of an iodividual's various social identities than any occa-
sion during lite.' These social identities are symbolized by the manner of interment.
varieties of grave goods buried with the individual, and the amount of labOI', energy, and
care going into the construction of the tomb.
Unfortunately, often possibly more complex social identities are lost when
mortuary analysis operates by the simplistic equation that more labor, more burial
offerings, and more exotic material is equal to increased status or indicativa of stratified
society (Ucko 1969). The rule that more energy expent in tomb construction 01' the
production of burial goods necessarily reflects higher status is also flawed (Tainter
1975;1978).
As is clear trom any number of studies, it is essential to set the burials in their
own histOI'ical and cultural context. All too often burial data is used to prop up circular
arguments wherein a certain level of complexity is assumed and burial data used simply
267
to funher prove the assumption. Thus, a rich burial with exotic rare items can be seen
as a sign of status or the ability to arnass economic wealth or power, supporting a
projected stratified society; or an infant or child with larga nurnbers of grave goods is
assumed to have ascribed status reflecting the social status of the parents and social
ranking by birth (Saxe in Tainter 1978: 106). This is probably far too simplistic a
reading of the mortuary context. Although a high correlation between social rank and the
arnount of energy and wealth expressed in burial ritas has been shown to exist through
the analysis of ethnographic cases (Binford 1971; Tainter 1978), these studies pro-
ceaded from known forms of social organization to each society's monuary practicas.
When deaiing with prehistoric societies whose forrns of social organization have yet to be
established, such a correlation remains to be proven and cannot simply be assumed
Compelling arguments have been made against the assumption of implicit social
ranking basad on rich mortuary remains, especially in cases of children (Feldman
1985; Quilter 1989; 1991 ). Similarly, the spatial context of burials is crucial to
consider since burials in given contexts, such as monumental archrtecture, may have
servad a purpose similar to votive otferings, or dadicatory caches intended to increase
the sacredness, power or vitality of a structure.
Binford has argued that the method of subsistence is often correlated with the
method of burial. He maintains that senled agriculturalists were more prone to consider
the conditions of an individual's death and his social atfiliation as the most imponant
factors atfecting the burial mode. Tragic or unexpected death as a deterrninant of burial
practica is not, however, limitad to settled agriculturalists (Quilter 1989: 59, 63),
nor is social atfiliation. Too narrow a focus on too few determinants will limit one's
ability to fully appreciate other factors influencing the method of burial.
A wider appreciation of the multiple roles individuals play in a given society, and
268
TABLE 1: 6!.!RIA~S FRQM V-148-149:
Site-Huaca La Gallina= V-148 E-east, W-west, N-north, S-south
-Huaca El GaliO= V-149
EG/MG/LG-Early/Middle/Late Guañape
PM-Puerto Moorin, CH-Chimú, GZ-Gallinazo, M-Moche
Stte SeClQr SubsectQr Untt Byrial # ~re CQmQllnc ~-1.-

V -148 w S: 1 1 R- 1 e MG
V -148 w S: 2 &3 1 R-3 e MG
V- 148 w S: 5 1 T- 1 e EG?
V -148 w S: 5 2 T-2 e EG?
V -148 w S: 5 3 T-3 e EG?
V -14 8 w S: 5 4 T-4 e EG?
V-148 w N 1 1 1 o e MG
V -1 4 8 w N 2 1 2 e MG
V-148 w N 3 1 6 e LG
V -148 w N 3 2 6 1 LG
V -148 w N Tr.5 Tr. 5 e MG
V- 1 4 8 w w 1 A LG
V -14 8 w w 2 B LG
V- 1 4 8 w NW R· 1 LG?
V-148 w NW 1 ?
V -149 E S 1 R- 1 e CH
V -14 9 E S 2 R-1 e CH
V -149 E S 3 R -1 1 M
V -1 4 9 E S 1 4 R-1 e MG
V -149 E S 2 1 e LG?
V -149 E S 2 2 e MG
V -1 49 E S 2 3 R- 1 e MG
V -149 E S 2 4 e LG?
V-149 E S 2 5 e CH
V -14 9 E S 2 6 e CH
V-149 E S 2 7 R-3 e LG/PM
V -149 E S 2 8 R• 1 e LG
V -149 E S 2 9 R• 1 e PM/GZ/M?
V -149 E S 2 1 o R-3 e MG
V -149 E S 3 R· 1 e MG
V- 1 4 9 E S 5 R ·1 e MG
V -149 E N e CH
V -149 E N cut 1 e MG
V -149 E Pyr. 1 Landing e CH
TOTALS-----------------------------------·-·--·-·------34
the various spheres in which they travel, will allow one to glean more infcrmation from
burials. lt is not simply the location and number of goods. but the uses to which the
goods are put in daily life that are important. Thus, Quilter, in his analysis of La Paloma
burials, notes that ·emphasis on house burials and personal goods including tools of
production, stresses the importance of personalizad social status (1989: 66)."
Similarly, in discussíng burial contexts Quilter points out that the burial of
individuals 'in or near houses rather than in cemeteries suggests that loyalty to the
household group outweighed any consideration of largar social units (1989: 54).' This
situation can be contrasted by that discussad by Burger at Cardal where 16 burials found
in the penultimate floor of the atrium of the central temple were thought to have been
placad there because of their allegiance to the greater social unit (Burger 1992). This
ís far different from simply assuming that these individuals were more powerful simply
because they had been buried on the temple mount.
Tombs cannot be seen as complete representations of burial practicas for even in
the best climate for preservation the ritas carried out by the society prior to burial are
lost to us (Ucko 1969). Time may also distort burials either because of disturbance or
the disintegration of remains after interment that may have servad as symbols of
affiliation to a social group or strata (Tainter 1978; O'Shea 1981; Quilter 1989: 44).
Thus. it is clear that while burials may help us elucidate information on how lite was
carried out at a site, and provide clues to forms of social organization, and even escha-
tological belief systems, they cannot be read like a book, nor is there only one possible
i nterpretation.
THE EL GALLO/LA GALLINA BURIAL SAMPLE (Tablas 1, 2A, 28, 3A & 38)
The burials recoverad from Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina represent one of the
largest collections of lnitial Period burials recovered from the Peruvian North Coast
270
TABLE 7-2A: EL GALLO BURIALS V149 Unit 1 Sector:East/Subsector:Sur R-1 ,{).,
2ndaryf).
Grave# 1/R1U1 2/R 1 U1 3/R 1 U 1 4/R1/U1 ~ 61AN ZAEstair
Depth 45cm 30cm 70cm 1.75m 65cm ?Oc m 15cm

Length 90cm 75cm 2.20m 1.1 Om 1.90m
Width 80cm 60cm 1. 70 65cm 1 .1Om
Pit orient. NE/SW NW/SE NW/SE WSW/ENE E-W E·W
Diameter int. ?Oc m ?Oc m
Diameter ext 1.40m
Circle/Ovoid o o o R o o e
Adult F M M M? F
Child X
Flexed rt.side X X
Flexed lft.side X X X
Ext. on back X
Seaied XLaJS
togeth X X X X X X
Legs crossed X
Orient. of head sw NW NW? wsw w w sw
Faces NE ~ ? S NE NNE down
Cran. deform X
(occip flat.)
Quar1Z trag X
Choro trags.
Shell frag. X
Shell bead X
Spondylus X (3) X
Ceramics
Turquoise Bead X(4) X
Red Pigment Xback of skull
eopperñ aipes X Bone
needle X ( 1)
Stone vessel X ( 1)
Stonemortar /pestle X ( 1)
Textile trag. X X
Skull X Gold
beadsllaminas X
Position of Offerings
1. Behind body Burial: 2 Cultural Affi liation: Burial 1: CH
2. In left hand Burial: 3 Burial 2: CH
3. In rt.hand Burial: 3 Burial 3: M
4. At left foot Burial: 3 Burial 4: MG
5. In front of tace Burial: 4 Burial 5: CH
6. Below chin/at neck Burial: 4, 7 Burial 6: LG
7. Below feet B:.~rial: 4 Burial 7: CH
8. Above head Burial: 6
TABLE 7-28: El GALLO BURIALS V-149 Units 2 , 3 & 5, Sector:East/Subsector:Sur El Gallo
Gl.ill.....!t 1 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7_ 8. 9. 1.Q. 11..UJ 1Z.U..5.
Depth 10cm 35cm 14cm 5tcm 56 cm 50cm 95cm 45cm 1 .so m 3.1 Om 1.20m
Length 1 .70m SO cm SO cm 1.40m 1 .40m 50 cm 1 .20m
Width 1 .20m 50 cm 65cm 1.20m 1.20m 40cm 70cm
Pit ort. NW/SE NE/SW N-S NW/SE NE/SW NEISWNW/SE E-W E-W NE/SW
Diam. 40cm 80cm
Circ./Ovoid e o o o CIO o o R R o o o
Adult M M M? M? M? M F?
Child X X X X X
Flexed rt.s1de X X X X X X
Flexed lft.s1de X
Semi-flexed X
Seated X X X?
Ext. on back X X
Legs togeth X X X X X X X X
Legs crossed X X X X
Feet togeth. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
Onent head E sw N SE sw NE ~l: w Wl Wl w sw
Faces down ESE w Wl SE down SE E SE SE SE SE
Cran. deform
(OCCIP flat.) X?
Ouartz frag X
Charo frags. X
Scutulus X
Shell tragments X X X
Spondylus X X
Ceram1cs
Turquo1se Bead
Red P1gment X X
Wh1te powder X X
Stone vessel 1
Bone tools X
Copper lamtplaque X X
Textlle trag. X
GuMape lnc. Rib X
Guañape 81. PI. X
Huac. Poi. PI. X?
Pos1t10n of Offenngs
1. Beh1nd head Bunal: 2. 6, 12 Cultural Affiliation: Bunal 1: LG? Bunal 11: MG
2. By left leg Bunal: 2. 6 Bunal 2: LG Bunal 12: MG
3. On head Bunal: 3 Burial 3: MG
4. AUon rt. s1de Burial: 5 Burial 4: LG?
5. In mouth Burial: 5 Burial 5: CH
6. Below chin Bunal: 5, 10, 11 Burial 6: CH
7. On head/rt.hand Burial: 8 Burial 7: PM?
8. Below feet Burial: 11 Burial 8: LG
9. Thorax region Bunal: 11 Burial 9: ?
1O.Left Slde Burial: 1o Bunal 10: MG
TABLE 7-3A: LA GALLINA V-148 Units 1-4 West/North(South of Double-faced wall)
Units 1·2 Str. A & B, Unit 1 W/NW, Units 1·3 W/SE & Cut 5 W/N
Grave 11 1LS.2. ~ 3/S10m 5.1..Ia 6/AT1 IJR-18/R2-3 9..Lll

Depth 1. SO m 1 .1Om 1 . 15m 25crn @25cm 50cm 1.OOm 40cm SO cm
Length 1.25m 2.20m 1. 70m
Width 80cm 2.00m SO cm
Pit orient. NW/SE N/S SW/NE NW-SE
Diameter int. 1 .50m 1 .20m 1.30m 1.30m 1.10m
Diameter ext. 2.40m 2.05m 2.00m 2.00m
Circle/Ovoid o e e e e e R o
Adult M F? X F F F
Child X X
Flexed rt.side X
Flexed lft.side X X X X
Ext. on back X
Legs togeth X X X
Legs semiflx X X
Orient. of head NW NW NW w NW S:
Faces S: NNE NE NE NE NNW
eran. deform
(occip flat.)
Quartz frag ?
Charo frags. X
Shell frag. X ( 1)
Shell bead X ( 1)
Ceram1cs 1 • 1 •
Turquoíse Bead X ( 1) X ( 1)
Red Pigment X X skull
Agates X (5)
Bone tools X(2)
Stone Bead X(2) X ( 1)
'Guanape Modeled
'Huac. Poi. PI.
Position of Offerings Cultural Affiliation:

1. At Neck Burial: 1 Burial 1: MG Burial 6: LG
2. Behind shoulder Burial: 3 Burial 2: LG Burial 7: MG
3. At Thorax Burial: 8 Burial 3: MG Burial 8: MG
4. By rt. arm Burial: 8 Burial 4: LG Surial 9: LG
Burial 5: LG
TABLE 7-38: LA GALLINA BURIALS V148 Unit : 5 Sector:WesUSubsector:SE
All but (4) were found to be marked on the surface by circular stone structures
G[ave # 11.!.J...5. 2.LU..5. J.LU..5_ ~

Depth 1.25m 1.30m 30cm ......
Pit orient.
Diameter int. 65cm 95cm 35cm .......
Diameter ext. 95cm 1.20m ?O cm . ....
eircle/Ovoid e e e
Adult F
ehild X X X
Flexed n.side X X
Flexedlft.side X X
Orient. of head NW NW SE w
Faces SE NE NE S
eran. deform
(occip flat.)
Shell frag. X
Turq.pendant X ( 1)
Boneneedle X(1) X( 1)
Stone Pendant X ( 1)
Black mineral X
Sea Lion Tooth X ( 1)
Shell Pendants X ( 1 7)
Bone Pendam X ( 1)
ehungos X (2)
Pos1t1on of Offerings:
1. Behind head Burial: 1' 3

2. Above head Burial: 2. 3
3. At neck Burial: 2. 3
4. Behind back Burial: 2
5. Below pelvis Burial: 2
(Verano 1996). A total of 26 out of the 34 burials recovered can be dated to the Guai'lape
Phase (Table 6-1 ). Although they provide another means of reconstructing lifeways
during the Guanape Phase of lnitial Period Virú, they have limitations. All ot the burials
recovered carne trom within the monumental core area of the site. Thus, the burial
practicas identified here may differ from those at coeval domestic sites. Similarly, the
population of individuals is skewed to the very young, possibly indicating a special
anitude toward the burial of younger members of the community. Likewise. the climate
of the site is such that textiles and organic materials are not preservad, thus. the tull
range of offerings made by the people of the Guanape culture is unknown.
The Guai'lape Phase burials are presentad chronologically (Early, Middle and Late
Guanape) starting with the evidence for each burial's dating along with the specifics of
its content. The Guai'lape Phase burials are then comparad to other lnitial Period, and
Early Horizon burial samples trom the Peruvian Coast. trom the Lambayeque Aiver to
the Lurin Aiver. Finally, the burials are compared to Cupisnique burials in an effort to
refine knowledge concerning that culture and the utility of the term Cupisnique.
Atthough various statistical models have been employed in the analysis of mortuary
remains, the results have not always been satistying (Tainter 1975; 1978; Quilter
1989). Because ot the limitad utility of statistical analysis, especially in cases of small
sample size. its use here has been deemed inappropriate.
Early Guanape Burjals at Huaca La Gallina;
Four burials discovered at La Gallina 0/'1/SE, Unit 5) may date as early as the
Early Guanape Phase. These burials were found together on a terrace faced on the east
side by a low stone wall 0.50 m high. Erosion has disturbad the landscape in this area of
the site so thoroughly that it could not be established if the N or S sides were faced. lt
was also impossible to determine the original dimensions ot the apparently rectangular
275
N
9 1.0 m.
--======--==--'
Figure 7·1: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unit 1
Sq. 3C, Burial 1.
N
::
Figure í -2: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unit 1

Sqs. 18-1 C and 28-2C, Burial 2.
platform. The burials all dug imo the directly into the sterile fill of the guebrada were
all found within 2-3 m of one another and their similarities are such that they must be
coeval. In each case the dimensions of the pits reflectad the size of the individuals
imerred. Ceramics were absem in all tombs and generally in this area of the site. The
platform on which they were found was to the NE of the eastern sunken circular plaza.
Burials 1 (W/SE, Unit 5 Sq. 3C, Fig. 7-1), that of a child 7-8 years of age was
flexed on the left side on an E-W axis and faced SE. The pit was marked on the surface by
circular stone structures that had an exterior diameter of 0.95 m, an interior diameter
of 0.65 m and measured 1.25 m deep from the mouth. Although the surface stone struc-
ture had been disturbad by erosion, the burial was unlooted. Burial 1 had a broken
Camelid bone needle placad behind the cranium that measured 73 mm x 4 mm.
Burial 2 (W/SE Unit 5, Sqs. 1B-1C, 2B-2C, Fig. 7-2), that of a 3 year old
child, was delimitad on the surface by a circular stone structure that was missing stones
along the SW are. The structure had an externa! diameter was 1.20 m, an imernal
diameter of 0.95 m, and was 1.30 m deep from the mouth. The body lay lrLS.i1u on the
left side orientad on a NW-SE axis with the cranium to the NW and facing NE.
Clean sand and loase Oeige-yellow soil without any trace of organic material
other than sorne 'cabuya' roots formad the tomb's base. lt is unclear whether these roots
were depositad intentionally. A circular turquoise-colored pendant (diameter 2.5 cm,
perforatad in the center), sorne shell fragments, and sorne black mineral remains were
found Ln..s.ltu.. The pendant was between the neck and the cranium. The shells were east
of the pelvis and the mineral fragments south of the body.
Burial 3 (W/SE, Unit 5 Sqs. 2B-2C, Fig. 7-3), that of a child 1-1.5 years old,
was flexed, r&Sted on its right side on a NW-SE axis, and faced NE. Medium sized rocks
surrounded the body. A stone circular structure markad it on the surface and delimitad
278
N
o 1.0 m
Figure 7 -3: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unit 1

Sq. 2B-2C, Burial 3.
the size of the burial pit. Given the disturbad state of the circular structure, measure-
ments are estimated: exterior diameter O. 70 m, interior diameter 0.35-0.40 m and
0.30 m deep from the mouth.
The pit's base was formed by clean sand and loose beige-yellow soil without any
trace of organic manar. Of the four burials found in this Unit this one had the majority
of the cultural material. Most of ttle items were found between the cranium and chest at
the neck and included: a sea lion (Otarja sp,) left canina perforated for use as a pendant,
shell pendants, and another of limestone wíth lines carved into ít (Fig. 7-4). A circular
perforated Carnetid bone pendant (3 cm diameter) was found under the head.
Sixteen other whole and fragmentad shells were found, each one perforated for
use as an ornarnent or pendant to be suspended around the neck. These items probably
made up a necklace. Of the 17 shell pendants, 12 could be identified to species. These
were separated into two groups by Vasquez et. al. (1995: 8, 23) 'automorphs' and
·xenomorphs' according to the methodology suggested by Suárez Diez (1977) for malaco-
logical anifacts. lf the alteration is limited to a perforation, and the shape of the shell is
unaltered. it is classifed as an automorph. lf, however. the shell has been cut or shaped
by man, it is classified as a xenomorph.
The species encountered included: Prunum curtum (one complete automorph,
18.5 mm x 11mm).. Littorjnaperuyiana (three complete automorphs, (1) 11.5 mm x 8
mm, (2) 11 mm x 8.3 mm, (3) 14.2 mm x 8.8 mm) .. Poljojcjes u.12.e1. (two complete
automorphs, (1) 13 mm x 9 mm, (2) 11.5 mm x 1O mm).. ItJ.ai.s chocolata (one incom-
pleta automorph).. Trachycardium pocerum (two irregular xenomorphs and one trian-
gular xenomorph).. Argopecten cjrcularjs (one triangular xenomorph).. and Argopecteo
purpuratus (four xenomorphs: two cuadrangular, one rectangular and one circular)
(Vasquez et. al. 1995: 23). Prunum curtum, Fjssure!la limbata, Ljttorjna peruviana,
280
Figure 7•4: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unlt 1
Sqs. 1B-1C and 2B-2C, Burlal 2. Llmestone Pendant.
Drawn Actual Size.
aro Argopecten cjrcularis were limited to this burial and were found nowhere else at the
site. Shell pendaots were lirnited to this buríal.
One Camelid bone needle was also found. lt measured 72 mm x 4 mm. On the
south side of the pit two rounded stones like those noted by Larco (1941) and callad
'chungos' were found that measured 50 cm and 30 cm respectively.
Buríal 4 (W/SE, Unit 5 Sq. 3C, Rg. 7·5), that of an adult male 45·55 years
old, was unfortunately disturbad, and little iofOfmation could be recovered other than
that this tlexed burial had rested on the righ1 side on an E-W axis with the cranium to
the W, and faced S. The hand and foot bones of Burial 4 were found in the fill above it
mixed with cranial fragments from Burial 1 which was superimposed.
The tempOfal difference between these burials and others at the site is suggested
by the discovery of certain shellfish species here and nowhere else. Two of these
shellfish were warm water species were not available locally. Nowhere else at the site
were pendants like those found in Buríal 3 recovered. lt is possible that these burials
were among the first made at the site during the Early Guanape-Middle Guanape
transition. which may also explain the almost total absence of ceramic material on this
side of the quebrada. Radiocarbon dates are needed to clarify the tombs' dating. The
variable burial orientations and positions may indicate that there were no fixed canons
regarding these practicas. Futher exploration of this platform during the 1995 season
failed locate any burials or cultural material other than a single round turquoise bead.
These burials share severa! characteristics with those encountered by Strong &
Evans at Huaca Negra including burial in an irregular pit dug directly into the ground
and the flexed position. While Strong & Evans's sample was very small they noted that at
Huaca Negra individuals were placed on the right side and lacked associated artifacts.
Orientation of the skull also varied (Strong & Evans 1952: 25-7). In one adult
282
N
~---------¡
1
1
1 1
L_ _ _ _ _ - - - - - - - - - - - - ~
o 1.0
Figure 7 -5: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: SE Unit 1

Sq. 3C, Burial 4.
burial they noted that the individual appeared to have been "pushed into the hole" and
not laid out with sufficient room (1952: 25). They noted the lack of artifacts may have
been due to the poverty of the people living at the site. Since Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina
may have been a more important ceremonial center the people may have enjoyed some-
what greater access to goods.
Middle Guanape Burials: Huaca La Gallina
Four burials found at Huaca La Gallina appear to date from the site's Middle
GuaMpa occupation. Two were found in the area of the eastern sunken ceremonial
platform (Units 1·4 W/SE, Structures 1-3, Burials 1 & 2). Two others were found in
what appears to have been a special ceremoniallburial precinct directly north of the
area of the sunken circular plaza (Units 1·4 W/ N Structures 2, 6 & 1O) that is
delimited by double-faced walls to the west and south that meet at right angles forrning a
L-shaped enclosure wall.
Burial 1 (Unit 1 W/SE Sq. 20, Figs. 7-6 & 7-7) was found at the center of
Structure 1. This circular structure had an exterior diameter of 3.40 m and was
delimitad by a 0.50 m wide stone wall set in mud mortar one stone thick. A collection of
medium-sized stones inside the structure and arranged in an are may be the remains of a
circular stone structure that marked the presence of the tomb. These stones were out of
position as a result of erosion. No other stones of this size were found on the same level
inside of the structure suggesting their having forrned sorne kind of burial structure.
The burial pit was circular and had a diameter of 1.1 O m, a depth of 1.00 m, and
was aligned along an E-W axis. The circular pit had an annex to the west which formed a
type of entrance to the burial. A floor remnam through which the burial intruded was
remained on the structure's north. The burial may date to the final period of use of this
part of the site or its time of abandonment. lt cut through the upper Hoor (Level 2) to
284
N
. . . .. ......"
''•
e
.,_ <:;
. .
e ......
l •
. . . -:. ,--;: :". ;~·, .~ ,....,

r,
\
1' • ' •o
L' • ; ... .. B _ .:;_,.. " -::
• ., ......... :::::::::.. "" ... '-::'~ ~ -:o,
o-:__:? ~~-:1 ~
- >
-=-=- ~e '"'
Figure 7.. 6: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1 Square

20, Structu~e 1, Burial 1 A. Burial 1, B. Layer 3 (Fill 2),
C. Layer 4(Fill 3).
N
~
. ';.'.: .. :.. : ...·...· .
,............... --'
'''
o',
.
.... .•
·'. .
' . -· ,._
A
..
¡1
'
' ' e J.,.......___..... 1
·.......- ...._·
't'
......
' •'
""----------· .......... -- ..
g ., 1 • '. • •• : ·.;.
.
' / ...
/",
Figure 7.. 7: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Square

20, Structure 1, Burlal 1. A. Burial 1, B. Layer 3 (Fill
2), C. Layer 4 (Fill 3).
the earliest floor {Level 5) in Structure 1. No floor was found above Levet 2.
This adult temale {20-25 yrs) was interred in a flexed position with the lower
extremities doubled back forrning an inverted V. The body was orientad along an E-W
axis on the right sida with ttle cranium to the W and facing NE. The individual may have
been sacrificad and depositad at the center of the structure as a dedicatory offering.
Clods of compact mud with small and medium-sized rocks surrounded the body and were
encrusted on various bones. The burial goods were limited to two small beads of greenish-
gray soapstone, one cylindrical and one flattened and a quartz fragment found under the
body which may have been associated with it. The position and items found in the tomb
would be consistent with Gu~ape burials.
The discovery of Burial 2 {Units 2 & 3 W/SE Sq. 4E & 4A, Fig. 7-8) under the
final stone wall delimiting the outer diameter of the sunken circular plaza {Structure
3) dates this interment to the occupational period of the site. No mar1<er or exterior
structure delimited this burial. The pit lay beneath the final floor associated with the
neighboring sunken circular plaza's outer wall and was dug prior to its final
construction phase when this outer plaza wall was built. The pit intruded into sterile
soil and ruptured two earlier floors {Levels 3 & 4). Following the construction of the
burial pit and interment, the entire area of the pit was covered by the stone wall built to
encircle the sunken circular plaza along its upper edge. The pit was orientad along a NE-
SW axis and measured 1.70 m x 0.80 m and 0.40 m deep. lt was semi-rectangular with
rounded corners.
This tightly flexed adult female {50+ yrs) lay the left side along an E-W axis
with the cranium to the NW and facing NE. The legs were bent up toward the body so that
the knees and chin were at the same level. The arrns were at the sides and hands at the
abdomen.
287
~·-·-·-·- _, N
1 1
1 1
1 1
!
\ <t'
o
..... ---- : '"
Figure 7~8: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 2 Square

4E and Unit 3 Square 4A, Layer 2c (Fill 4), Burial 1.
Organic material was absent in the tomb. Five small pieces of unwori<ed agate
and a quartz crystal tragment were found near the hands and sorne remains of mussel
shells were to the south behind the back. Carbon was also found.
Ceramics were absent in the tomb. With the exception of a number of sherds,
reconstructed to make a ceramic bowl. that had been placed in Structure 2 as a votive
/dadicatory offering, a total of only 68 sherds was found in the entire 85 m2 area
excavated in Units 1·4 W/SE, none dating to the period of occupation. Whether this lack
of ceramic material is an artifact of disposal patterns (ideas of ritual cleanliness) or of
the lack of ceramics is unclear. Beca use of its location Burial 2 does provide the best
evidence of burial patterns practicad during the period of site use. The position.
orientation, and lack of ceramics are common to Burials 1 and 2. lt is possible that
Burial 2 is older than Burial 1, but both date to the period of site occupation.
The other two probable Middle Guanape burials come from the northern
ceremonial precinct. Structure 10, a small stone circular structure, one course wide
and deep, delimiting a tomb, was found outside of the SW corner of the square platform
(Structure 6) (Fig. 7-9). The funerary structure had diameters of 2.40 m (ext.),
1.50 m (int.), and was 1.15 m deep from the mouth. lt was somewhat larger than those
circular structures found associatad with Late GuaMpa tombs and may represent the
type trom which the later structures were derivad.
A young child (2 yrs.) was interred flexed on the left side orientad along a NW-
SE axis with the cranium to the NW and facing NE. Ceramics were absent. A turquoiSe
bead and two bone needles-one inlaid with a small square turquoise-colored plaque, had
been placed behind the shoulders (F¡g. 7·1 O). The tomb is similar to those from Unit 5
(W/SE La Gallina) and the earliest tombs from Units 1 E/S (4) and 2 E/S (10). This
individual resembles Burial 1 (Unit 3 E/S El Gallo) where similar bone tools were
289
N
i
1
1
1
1
1 2.5m
1
'-
" -
2.0m
1
n
~/
l. 5m
l.Om
.so

0
Structure 1O, Burial 1.
,..
Ql
-
e-N
:::)cn
z ~
-
o< u
-u e
~ J
Q CQ
::::1 ...
ene
- 1/l
3:0
~
...
u e
- o
Ql
Ql o
en m
o:t
,.._
-
c e,..
_
...
>~
::::1
colD
e
co.-
o
e,
Ql
CQ ...
....~E
u
= ~:-::<l ~-?--·~- -""''l~~ll!l'"~t;:p
~~f...:::_~::~,-....:::::_::. ....
---=--~-. ----x. .,;....._:t;?""fr::>
........
u-
CQ
--.
cocn
::::1
l:
o,..
1
......
...
Ql
::::1
Cl
¡¡
found (Figs. 7-16-7-19). lt dates to the Middle Guanape phase or..cupation at La Gallina.
A final possible Middle Guanape tomb at La Gallina of a child (3-4 yrs.) buried at
the bottom of Structure 2 (Unit 1, W/N, Fig. 7-11). This circular structure had an
exterior diameter of 4.85 m and an interior diameter of 3.90 m. The structure was
located 10.5 m south of the double-faced wall marking the boundary of the core site area.
The oval pit dug for the burial was first visible in Leve! 3 and was oriented NW-SE. The
pit was 1.80 m below the surface of Structure 2. Stones delimiting the actual tomb were
found 1.35 m below the surface. The pit was orientad on a NW-SE axis. On the SE side it
abutted the interior wall of Structure 2. lt was filled with loose light gray fine soil and
flat stones which sealed the tomb.
The child had been laid on its back with the legs semi-flexed up toward the body.
The body was oriented on a NW-SE axis with the cranium to the NW facing the surface.
A small piece of shell, a shell bead and a turquoise-colored bead, were all found at
the neck. The shell bead measured 4 mm x 3 mm and was 3.5 mm thick. The perforation
was less than 1 mm wide. The discoidal turquoise bead was 4 mm in diameter by 2.5 m
thick, and the perforation was also less than 1 mm in diameter. The base of the unlined
tomb was composed of the same hardened mud that surrounded the body. This burial was
like that of Burial 1O (Unit 2 E/S El Gallo). Given the similarities of tomb construc-
tion, location beneath a larger circular structure, and type of funerary offerings, it can
be suggested that these two burials were roughly contemporary.
The dearth of ceramics in this area of the site may be a resuft of attitudes
concerning the importance of maintaining cleanliness in sacred spaces. The lack of
ceramics anywhere on the La Gallina side of the site may suggest a temporal difference in
that rituals were first carried out during the earlier occupational history of the site at
La Gallina befare ceramics were widely used. Ceremonial activity may then had shifted
292
N
-
Q
k\
w ----=-
2.0m
.,____.-...
'
\_ .~--'
-~ ¡)
-. o_;;____
'., 1¡
·--y ,1'
Ji~
•,/"'".!
1 / t:-,\ '\--
~/ -..
' -'- ""'

'---..... ~..1
Figure 7 ·11: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: ~ Unit 1

Structure 2, Burial 1.
to the eastern El Gallo Pyramid later in the Middle Guanape Phase when ceramics were in
use. The variety in the kinds of cultural material recoverad from two areas of the sita
may be the result of the two areas having had different functions at the time of ocupation.
Middle Guana¡>e Phase Burjals: Huaca El Gallo
Eight burials were found at Huaca El Gallo that can be datad to the Middle Guanape
occupation of the site or to its time of abandonment either because of their location
stratigraphically or their offerings. Burial 4 (Unit 1 E/S, Structure 1), 1O (Unit 2
E/S, Structure 3), and 1(Unit 3 E/S, Structure 1) and 1 (Units 4 & 5 E/S, Structure
1) all date to the earliest phase of occupation at the site. Burials 2 and 3 (Unit 2 E/S,
El Gallo) are both dated to the Middle Guanape Phase basad on cerarnic associations and
Burials 5 (Unit 2 E/S) and 1 (CU1 1 E/N) are datad to the phase based on sharoo burial
positions and ceramic associations.
Burial 4 was made into the floor of the sunken rectangular plaza that had b&an the
first structure built on the site. The semi-rectangular tomb was delimitad by stones and
abuned the W wall (Layer 9 Wall 1) of the plaza (Fig. 7-12). The tomb had a covering
of elongated flat stones placed ovar it. The stone structure delimiting the tornb was
complete and in sjtu, Similar tornbs have been mentioned by Alva (1986a) in Jequete-
peque. The tornb measured 2.20 m long by 1.70 m wide on the exterior, 1.65 m long by
O. 70 m wide on the interior, and 1. 75 m deep to the mouth from the surface. The fill
was made up of three types: a) pure granular semicompact brown clay 20 cm thick, b)
lenses of sand and clay in the torm of semi-compact sediments aboU1 20 cm thick, and e)
compact clay that covered the head and offerings only and was limited to the west side of
the tomb. This clay was a rich organic material that may have come from the surround-
ing agricultura! fields. a practica also not~ tor burials in Jequetepeque (Aiva 1986a:
30-36).
294
.!
'·~-=~===::::::/
~- "'. '
}. ... '
-, r ,.--,
-,_',\......_..,-',
----
'
;. , r 1~'·
1
,· . \ ~
.
/ --
... ·, \, .
/
1
'-.,
• ¡- ,
~
...-<;_...-~
~'-.,.------ ~· / / -
~-
'-:-----=~
- ~~/
~~~
L ----
. -, j
(
-··
_________
Figure 7 -12:
_.
Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S

-- ---------z
Unlt
Structure 1, Burial 4.
The adult mala (45-55 yrs) was flexed on his right sida on an E-W axis with the
cranium to the W and facing south toward the El Gallo Pyramid. The base of the tomb was
made up of compact clay. No organic material was encountered. One human vertebrae
was found included in the grave, at the leve! of the feet, and did not belong to Burial 4.
Severa! cultural elements had been placed in the tomb as grave offerings: a
cylindrical pestle of black polished stone (Fig. 7-14), a mortar of polished basalt (F¡g.
7 -14), three beads of Spondylus shell (one destroyed), and four turquoise-colored
beads. The mortar and pestle were at the level of the cranium and toward the soutfl.
The stone mortar's exterior diameter at the mouth was 17.3 cm and 16.3 cm at
the base. The mortar was slightly lopsided so that outside height variad from 10.8-11.3
cm. The inside depth was 8 cm. and walls were about 1 cm thick. lt compares well with
other mortars found on the North Coast (T. & S. Pozorski 1992). The pestle was 21.2
cm long, 17.7 cm circumference at the head, and 10.5 cm circumference at the handle.
The stone mortar is a diagnostic artifact of the Middle Guanape Phase first identified as
such by Strong & Evans (1952) who encountered stone vessel fragments at Huaca Negra,
but only in those levels corresponding to the Middle Guanape Phase.
Small amounts of red pigment were found at the back of the skull. The beads were
all found at the neck. The Spondylus and turquoise-colored beads were very crude, not
having been polished or carved. The two surviving Spondylus beads measured 1 cm x 7
mm x 9 mm (cylindrical-3 mm hole) and 8 mm x 3 mm (discoidal-4 mm hole).
respectively. The tour turquoise beads were spherical (2), cylindrical, and discoidal.
Above the tomb, and at the west side of the cover of stones of the tomb and directly
associated with it, was a stone sculpture that measured 86 cm long and 37 cm wide (FIQ.
7-15 a-e). One sida was carved with design of a creature that seemed to be a fish with a
crested pelican on its side. The other sida had a design that appeared to be a frog. The
296
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Figure 7-13: Huaca El Gallo{V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S
Unit 1' Structure 1' Burial 4, Basalt Mortar
found as part of the grave offerings.
Diameter: 17.3cm, Wall thickness: 1 cm.
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Figure 7 -14: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unlt 1

Structure 1, Burlal 4, Basalt Pestle found as part of the
grave offerlngs. Length: 21.2cm, Wldth: 10.5 cm-17. 7
cm.
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Figure 7-15: Huaca El Gallo (V-149} Sector: E, Subsector: S Unit 1

Structure 1, Burial 4, Stone Sculpture found as part of
stone cover over Burla! 4. A) View of the 'fish' side of
the sculpture with a pelican in the act of catching a fish
carved on the side, B) View of the upper side of the
sculpture. C) View of the 'frog' side of the sculpture.
The sculpture is 86 in length.
upper side of the stone portrayed other creatures including a snaka. The designs are
executed in the sama styla as petroglyphs. although sorne degree of modaling was
employed.
Burial 1O (Unit 2 E/S Structure R-3) resembled Burial 1 (Unit 1 W/N .
Structure 2. La Gallina), sharing tha same oriantation and position, and having similar
grave goods. 8oth burials were delimitad by oval stona structuras that surrounded the
intennents. The El Gallo burial was found in a pit that had been dug through the floor of
the sunken rectangular plaza to the sterile subsoil, and it abutted the W wall of the plaza.
lt was orientad E·W. measured 1.80 m x 0.50 m, and was 40 cm deep from its mouth.
The tomb was located directly beneath Burial 7 in the center of Structure A-3.
The young child was interred on its back with its head to the NW facing E and legs
flexed. lt was ifi...Mu oriented on an E-W axis. A small concentration of white powder
was at tha left side of the body (possibly lime as in Burial 1, Unit 3): a fragment of
shell and a turquoise-colored bead were at the level of the first cervical vertebrae.
By stratigraphic association and similarities in tomb construction. it is clear
that Burial 4 (Unit 1 E/S) and Burial 1O (Unit 2 E/S) at El Gallo are contemporary.
Similarities in tomb architecture and burial offerings may lead one to suggest that
Burial 1 (Unit 1 W/N, Structure 2) at La Gallina is also coeval.
Burial 1 (Unit 3 E/S, Structure 1. Fig. 6-16) was encountered 3.10 m down in
the exact center of Structure R-1. No interim floors were discovered. The circular
surface structure, in the center of which the burial had been made, was found intact and
had an exterior diameter of 4.60 m and an interior diameter that varied from 2.60-
3.00 m. The structure's outer wall was formed by larga stones set in mud mortar of
only one stone thick and two high. The individual was interred in a burial chamber
formed by rocks laid around the pit that was dug into the sterile soil. The semi-
300
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Structure R-1, Burial 1.
A. Burial pit, B. Rocks surrounding burial, C.Soapstone
vessel, D. piece of Spondylus shell, E. Bone tools at chest
F. Bone tools under chin.
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rectangular burial chamber measured 1.20 m x 0.70 m along an E-W axis.
This male adult was interred in a flexed position resting on the right side along an
E-W axis. The cranium lay to the W and faced SE. The arms were flexed against the body
with the hand in front of the chin, sharing the position and orientation of Burial 4.
Severa! bone tools were found at the height of the right clavicle including a
decorated spatula, palenes, spoons, and needles (Figs. 7-17-7-19). One of the tools
had an inlaid turquoise-colored bead. Another palene was decorated with incised lines. A
very decayed plaque of Spondylus shell and a few destroyed Spondyfus beads were found
with the tools. Nearby a small amount of white chalky substance was found similar to
that inside of the vessel. At the thorax 5 additional bone tools were recovered. The bone
tools bore a striking resernblance to those found across the quebrada in Burial 1
(Structure 10 W/N, Fig. 7-10).
A small soapstone vessel was recovered below the feet on the east side of the tornb
(Fig. 7-20). lts rim was 4 mm thick, inner diameter 3.2 cm, inside depth 2.5 cm,
outside height 2.9-3.0 cm, and widest diameter 6.1 cm. 11 contained a white chalky
substance on the inside that is probably lime. On the outside it was decorated by a single
incised line that encircled the mouth. The outer walls were also stained on the exterior
with the same red pigment found in Burial 4.
Burial 1, Unit 3 E/S, was found at even a greater depth than Burial 4. lt is
likely that this burial lay outside of the sunken ree1angular plaza. The tomb shared
many of the same characteristics (position of the individual, offerings, and tomb archi-
tee1ure) of Burial 4, Unit 1 E/S and Burial 1O, Unit 2 E/S suggesting that all were
roughly coeval and belong to the first construe1ion phase of this area of the site.
Burial 2 (Unit 2 E/S Sqs. 58 & SC, Figs. 7-21 & 7-22) was dug directly into
the final occupational floor and intruded into Aoor 2 (Level 2) also. The burial pit was
303
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Structure R-1, Burlal 1, Stone vessel. Drawn Actual Slze.
covered with small and madium-sizad stones in a heap, but no clear structure existad.
The oval pit measurad 1.70 m x 1.20 m, and 35 cm deep, and was orientad along a NW-
SE axis.
This adult mate was interred in an extremely flexed position on his right side
orientad SW-NE and facing ESE. The legs were straight and bent against the body so that
the shins were at the level of the cranium, and the feet slightly above the cranium. The
left arm lay beneath the tegs and the right was flexad against the chest. Another burial
in this odd position was recovered at El Gallo Unit 1 EIN, Cut 1 (Fig. 7-23). The size of
the burial pit appearad be in relation to the size of the individual and subsequent
disturbance seems to have enlarged its original size. The differing position may suggest
sorne temporal difference between this burial and Burial 3 which follows.
A fragmentary undecorated olla was interred with this individual. The paste was
coarse, poorly fired, and a dull sooty blacf< to a dal1< brown color. This vessel was of the
type characterized as Guanape Black Plain by Strong & Evans (1952). A fragment of
workad quartz crystal was behind the cranium and to the SE one Choromytilus valve and
another of Scutalus were found.
The odd position of Burial 2 is duplicated in Burial 1 (Cut 1 E/N secondary
platform, Fig. 7-23). No marker or structure delimitad the mouth of this burial pit
which was difficult to define because of erosion and the destruction of the upper !ayer by
the con-struction of an irrigation ditch. The pit was dug directly into the fill of the
secondary platform structure. lt appears to have been oval and at the level of the burial
measured 1.60 m x 1.10 m, and 70 cm deep and was orientad along an E-W axis. The
base of tlle tomb was delimitad by several large rocks laid out around the body forming
an oval. lmmediately above the feet a small circular alignment of stone delimitad an
annex to the tomb which containad an infant cranium.
307
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O) Floor 1, and E) Outer wall of Structure R-3.
r::=- N
Figure 7-23: Huaca El Gallo

. (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: N Unit 1
Cut 1, Bunal 1.
This adult male was interred in a semi-flexed position on the left sida orientad on
an E-W axis with the cranium to the W and facing NNE. The legs were straight, but bent
up against the body so that the skeleton forrned a V-shape with the shins at the level of
the cranium and the feet above the head. The arms were both in front of the cranium
which originally rested on them and the hands were just above the cranium.
lt had no offerings other than the skull of an infant found in a stone cyst just
above the feet. Typical Middle Guanape sherds decorated with incised appliqué ribs were
found in the fill along with a quartz crystal flake, and sorne shell fragments. Although
the sherds cannot be directly attributed to the burial, the duplication of this odd position
in Burial 2 (Unit 2 E/S) suggests that these two burials are contemporary and the
direct association of the Unit 2 E/S Burial 2 with diagnostic Guanape cerarnics suggests
that both these burials were made in the Middle Guanape Phase.
Burial 3 (Unit 2 E/S, Structure 1 Sq. 20, Fig. 7-24) was delimitad by a small
structure of rocks with mortar of loose beige soil and gravel that was destroyed to the N.
The south side of the oval pit was formed by the exterior wall of Structure R-1. lt
measured 80 cm x 50 cm along the NE-SW, and was about 14 cm deep, cutting through
the final occupational floor in the interior of Structure 1.
This child (9 mo. -1 yr) la y in a flexed position on the right side orientad along a
N-S axis. with the head to the N facing ESE. The burial was Ln.s.i.tJ.L. The remains of an
olla had been positioned mouth-down over the child's cranium.
The diagnostic Middle Guanape Olla was decorated with two incised appliqué bands-
one, a long horizontal strip, was located on the vessel's shoulder, while the other in U-
shape was found mid-way down the vessel wall where the vessel had its widest diameter
(Figs. 5-6 & 5-8 a). This decorativa technique begins in the Early Guanape Phase and
continuas through the Middle Guanape disappearing early in the Late Guanape Phase. The
311
Figure 7-24: Huaca El Gallo (V-149)20Sector: S Unit 2
Burlal E,3. Subsector:
A) Burlal , B) Outer
3
Structure R-1, Sq. R-1,' and C) Floor 1.
wall of Structure
e D
o 2m
N :-:- --: .+$-.-;-. ' .
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'i
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olla was of poorly mixed and black-fired paste. A turquoise-colored bead also was
found. This burial is trom the Middle Guaflape Phase given the diagnostic vessel form and
decoration.
The final early burial at El Gallo is Burial 1 (Unit 5 E/S, Structure 1). The
tomb was located beneath the southern half of Structure 1, a circular structure de·
limited by a stone wall of one stone thick set in mud mortar and gravel, with a diameter
of about 2.50 m. The burial was laid directly into sterile soil. The floor of the struc-
ture was unbroken so the burial had been made prior to the construction of the circular
structure. The final floor in the interior of the structure was at the same level as the
floor on which all the other structures of Unit 1 and 2 EIS were constructed, supporting
the dating of this burial to the period of occupation of the site. The tomb was about 1.20
m from the surface. At the level of the burial, large stones had been placad around the
body delimiting the oval pit which was orientad along an E-W axis.
This burial of an old woman was interred tightly flexed on the right side along a
NE-SW axis with the cranium to the SW and facing SE. The left hand was on the chin, the
left leg was flexed with the knee at the height of the right shoulder, and the right knee at
the height of the forehead. The right hand was next to the left foot.
A gray-blue very delicate layer of dust covered the body that disappeared with
the slightest touch. Analysis of a sample of this layer found between the right hand and
left knee showed it to be of woven threads. Other cultural remains were sorne Choro-
mytilus shell fragments found near the head and sorne carbon. The body rested on a bed of
rocks and sterile soil.
Middle Guana¡:¡e Burjals: Concludjng Bemarks
Severa! tentativa observations can be made concerning Middle Guanape burial
practicas which are suggested by the small sample of burials excavated at Huaca El
313
Gallo/La Gallina: 1) other than infants, burials are in a flexed posítion, 2) the earliest
burials appear to have been made wíth the body resting on the right side, later burials
are on the left side, 3) an extremely flexed posítion where the body forms a V-shape
seems to date to the end of the Middle Guanape Phase, 4) earlier burials generally face S
or SE and later burials face NE, S)burials are often made in stone-lined cysts and are
markad on the surface by circular structures of stone, sorne of whích had a functional
role other than as burial archítecture, 6) earlier burial offerings consist of shell
fragments, beads, precious minarais, quartz, stone vessels, and bone tools, 7) burials
from the end of the Middle Guanape (the time of síte abandonrnent) only have ceramics,
8) special areas of the site were designatad as appropriate for burials, 9) no standard
position for burial offerings was notad other than that beads are generally found at the
neck manifesting their original use as pendants or necklaces, 1O) burials are general !y
differentiated more by the effort made in excavating the tomb and constructing tomb
architecture than by the offerings included with the dead, 11) no matting or lining was
placed in the pits which were dug directly into the sterile soil of the quebrada or into
fill, 12) it is not clear íf any shroud was wrapped about the body at death.
L...ate Guaflape Burjals: Huaca La Gallina
Late Guanape burials appear to have been ffexed tightly, and were markad by
small circular stone structures one course wide and deep on the surface that were much
smaller than the stone structures utilizad in the Middle Guanape Phase. The most
securely datad Late Guanape burials are from La Gallina Strs. A & 8, Units 1 & 2 Wf'N.
Other apparent Late Guanape burials were found in Structure 6 (W/N) and Cut 5
(W/extreme N). A disturbed Late Guanape tomb (Tomb 1, W/NW) was cleaned also.
Tombs A ancf B (WIW) were looted and their contents had been destroyad, yet
enough rernained to make severa! observations. 8oth Tombs A and B were marked by
314
N
l.Om;----;~---
l.Sm
o .50
Fig 2.0m
ure 7-25·· Huaca La Gall' 2 •5m
Tomb A. Jna (V- 148) Sector: w' s ubsector: W Unlt 1
circular stone structures roughly the sama size (Figs. 7-25 & 7-26). 8oth tombs were
found in the loase surface layers which were well above the final occupation floor of the
inner plaza West of the La Gallina Pyramid which was found intact below the interments.
Thus, both burials were made at this sita after the sita had been abandonad.
Tomb A was delimitad by a circular stone structure, one stone thick and wide,
that had an exterior diameter of 2.05 m, an interior diameter of 1.20 m, and a depth of
only 25 cm. Tomb B was 3m south of Tomb A and had the sama construction technique.
Although disturbad by erosion, Tomb 8' circular structure had an estimated outer
diameter was 2.0 m, an interior diameter 1.30 m, and a depth of 20 cm.
Enough skeletal evidence was present trom Tomb A to prove it had been an adult
female. Given an adult size, the individual would had to have been tightly flexed to fit in
the space allotted for the tomb and stratigraphy supports this finding.
Both burials contained ceramics. Tomb A's one vessel was a diagnostic Huaca-
pongo Polished Plain olla, the mouth and shoulder area of which was partially recon-
structed (Fig 5-24 d). lt had red paste with polishing marks of typical of the
Huacapongo Polished Plain variety, and dates the tomb to no earlier than the Late
Guanape Phase (this ceramic variety continuas into the subsequent Puerto Moorin
Phase). The size of the tomb, consistent with a flexed burial, strengthens the argument
for a Late Guanape dating since Puerto Moorin burials were extended.
Tomb A's Late Guanape date is further supported with the evidence trom Tomb B.
Although skeletal evidence was negligible, severa! larga sherds were reconstructed to
form another neckless olla with a diagnostic Late Guanape decorativa technique. The olla
had been decorated on the shoulder by thumb impressions (Fig. 5·3). The paste type and
decoration suggests a Late Guanape Phase dating since Collier (1955) found sherds with
this type of decorativa technique in stratified deposits of Late Guanape context.
316
N
2m
1.5
1m
50
o 2m
Figure 7.-26: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: W Unlt 2

Tomb B.
The ceramic evidence trom A and 8 is secure and allows a tentativa date to be
assigned to Tomb 1 (Unit 1W/NW Structure 1, Fig. 7-27) located 8 m north of the
double-facad wall delimiting the north side of the rectangular inner plaza area
surrounding the La Gallina Pyramid. This tomb had also been looted, but the circular
stone structure marking it was buitt exactly the same way as Tombs A and 8 and had
virtually identical dimensions. Stones were lacking on the north and west sides, but the
original dimensions of the tomb are estimatad to have been about 2.0 m for the exterior
diameter, 1.30 m for the interior diameter, and 0.50 m deep from the mouth. Scant
skeletal material was sufficient to identify the individual as an adult. Given the size of
the burial pit, an adult would had to have been buriad in a flexad position.
Three other tombs at La Gallina may date as late as the Late Guanape Phase. Two
come trom Structure 6, Unit 3 W/N. This square platform is reminiscent of the Temple
of the Llamas at Huaca Negra.
In the south-central part of Structure 6 was a partially disturbad stone circle
which must have dated to no earlier than the final occupation/use of this structure. The
circular structure was one course wide and deep (Fig. 7-28). The dimensions of the
structure were 2.20 m x 2.00 m, and 1.1 O m deep trom the mouth. At this depth a larga
number of stones had been laid directly over the body. Given powerful erosiona! torces it
is possible that the entire structure may have shiftad slightly out of position. The
northern are of the circular structure was disturbad.
That the stone may have shiftad slightly is supported by the discovery of the
burial at the northern end of the base of the tomb area marked by the stone structure.
This adult female (50+ yrs) was tightly flexad on the left side, orientad on an E-W axis
with the cranium to the W and tacing N. Red pigment stained the palate. lts assignment
to the Late Guat\ape Phase rests on its flexed position and the likeness of the burial archi-
318
W, Subsector: NW Unat
. 1
TombLa1. Galrm a (V· 14 8) Sector:
Figure 7-27: Huaca
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tecture to that of Structures A and B (WIW) at la Gallina. This is the most insecurely
dated of any of the late Guanape tombs.
A second looted burial from the NW cerner of Structure 6 can be dated to the late
Guanape Phase. This burial had been dug out by huaQueros and had been left open. No
marker or structure delimitad this tomb. Exploration of the 1.20 m deep tomb showed
rts dimensions to be roughly consistent with others in which individuals had been
interred in a flexed positions.
Sufficient skeletal material was collected to determine this was an aduft burial.
Heavily eroded, poorly fired, dark brown sherds with coarse paste were found in the
tomb and in the backdirt pile left by huaQueros. A single copper bead was also found.
The quality of the sherds, their firing, the apparent use of red slip on sorne of them, and
the use of Fine-line design, suggest a late Guanape dating for the burial. Metal was never
recovered from Middle Guanape tombs. The use of red slip began during the late Guanape
Phase, as shown Collier's work (1955), and may be considerad a Late Guanape ceramic
diagnostic. Burial 2 at Structure 6 may be later !han Burial 1, given rts subsidiary
position at the NW cerner, whereas the other burial was found at the structure's center.
Tomb 1 (Cut 5 W/Extreme N, Fig. 7-29), located just North of the double-faced
wall separating the core area of la Gallina from the quebrada's interior, may also date to
the Late Guanape Phase. This tomb was located in an area where many large boulders
were present which, no doubt, once formed surface architecture, but its shape and
dimensions were impossible to reconstruct. The pit was about 80 cm deep. The tomb's
interior was ovoid and was orientad NW-SE.
The individual interred, an aduft female (25-35 yrs) was tightly flexed on the
left side orientad along a NW-SE axis with the cranium to the SE and facing NNW. rne
back of the skull was stained with red pigment. The use of red pigment does not neces-
321
N
1) .50 .80
Figure 7-29: Huaca La Gallina (V-148) Sector: W, Subsector: N of

Double-faced Wall, Unit 1 Cut 5, Tomb 1.
sarily imply a Late Guanape date since it was also found in two of the three earliest
(Middle Guanape) burials at El Gallo. The red pigment similar in color to that covering
the skull of Burial 8 (Unit 2 E/S El Gallo, Fig. 7-31). Tomb 1, Cut 5 W/N may date as
earty as the Middle Guanape, but no later than the Late Guanape Phase.
Ceramic material was found in the upper layers of the fill, but given the degree
of damage causad by erosion it cannot be assigned to the tomb. A single greenish-gray
cylindral stone bead was found at the neck. The bead was cylindrical and measurad 1.5
cm long, 1.2 cm wide, and was perforated lengthwise by a hole 4 mm wide. The stone
may have been agate.
Late GuanaQe Phase Burials: Huaca El Gallo
Three burials may be tentatively datad to this Phase: Burial 1 (Unit 2 E/S),
Burial 4 (Unit 2 E/S) and Burial 8, (Unit 2 E/S. Structure 1). Of the three Burial 8
is the most securely datad. 8oth Burials 1 and 4 lack diagnostic evidence that would
clinch their assignment to this phase.
Burial 1 (Units 1 & 2, E/S Sqs. 1C & 5C, Fig. 7-22) had no marker or exterior
structure. The burial pít was dug directly into Floor 1 (Level 1) of Unit 2 and intruded
into Roor 2 (Level 2). The circular pít had an interior diameter of 40 cm and measured
10 cm deep.
The child (3 yrs) was imerred in a seated posítion wíth legs crossed and the
craniurn resting tace down on the chest and was found Ln.~. The body was along an E-W
axis wíth the head to the E and facing downward. The spine was curvad forward so the
upper body was over the legs.
There was no trace of any organic material nor was any cultural material
presem. lt postdatas the final occupation of this area of the site and is no earlier than
Late Guanape. One may suggest, basad on its seated posítion, that ít dates to the Chimú
323
phase. However, Burial 3 from Unit 2 EJS is in a similar position and was directly
associatad with a Middle Guanape diagnostic decoratad olla.
Burial 4 (Unit 2 E/S Sqs. se & 50, Fig. 7-30) was unmarkad. The oval pit was
orientad N-S and measurad 80 cm x 65 cm, and 51 cm deep. The pit was dug directly
into the surface and intrudad into Level 4 (Flll 2).
This child (2.5-3.5 yrs) was interrad in a seatad position orientad NE-SW with
the disarticulatad upper mandible toward the east. The cranium was first discovered
surrounded by larga rocks. The body was also surroundad by larga rocks against which it
restad. The legs were crossed. Thís position is sharad by Burial 1, Unit 2 E/S. The size
of the pit reflectad the size of the individual interrad.
Upon removal of the bones the tomb's base provad to be of compact earth mixad
with stones that constituted Fill 2. There was no evidence of any cultural material. This
burial may be roughly coeval with Burial 1 basad on its position and location, however it
may also be Chimú in date.
Burial 8 (Unit 2 E/S, Structure 1, Sqs. 1D & 20, Fig. 7-31) lies at the center
of Structure 1 and intrudes into Floor 4 of the second construction phase. The burial had
been made after Structure 1 was no longar in use, its final floor having been destroyad
by the excavation of the pit for thís burial. lntruding into Floor 4, which pertained to
the second construction phase (predating Structure A-1 ), a semi-rectangular stone
structure, one row thick and two rows high, had been laid to indicate the chamber of the
tomb which was located immediately south of a stone wall to the north (M-1). The wall
(M-1) was originally a retaining wall that delimitad the base of a number of raised
terraces on the north side of the plaza constructed during Phase 2. The tomb was semi-
rectangular and measured 1.40 m x 1.20 m along a NE-SW axis, and was 90 cm deep. To
the west of the tomb a second alignment of stones formad a right angla with the wall to
324
Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unlt 2 Sqs.
Figure 7-30:
4B-4C, Burlal 4. A) Burlal 4, B)Burlal 2, C)Burlal 5,
Outer Wall of Structure R-3.
O) Floor 3, Level 3, and E)
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Structure R-1, Sqs.10-20, Burial 8 and Sqs. 1D-1E,
Burial 9. A) Burla! 8, B) Burial 9, C) Wall M-1
delimiting the base of a series of raised terraces, and
O) Outer wall of Structure R-1
the north. The burial pit ruptured Roor 4 and intruded to Level 4 (Fill 2 ).
This adult was interred in a tightly flexed positon on its right sida along an E·W
axis facing E. The cranium was to the W. 8oth it and the right hand were covered with
liberal amounts of bright red pigment. 8oth legs and feet were together. The knees and
chin were in contact. No cultural material was present other than the red powder. The
position and use of bright red pigment with which to color the body argue for the
burial's assignment to the Early Horizon/Late Guanape times.
lts Late Guanape date is supported by 1) its placement at the center of Structure
after the structure had fallen into disuse, clear from the stratigraphy, 2) its tightly
flexed position, and 3) the liberal use of red pigment covering the skull and right hand.
In Middle Guanape tombs red pigment is used much more sparingly. Whereas the two
complete tentatively dated Late Guarn1pe burials trom La Gallina both restad on the left
side, 8urial 8 rested on the right side. Orientations and the direction toward which the
cranium faced were different for all three burials.
Most of the burials tentatively dated to this phase were in a poor state of preser-
vation. However, the data available suggest several observations about Late Guanape
burial practicas which can be tested and clarified with further excavation: 1) burials
were often marked by a circular structure of stones on the surtace that conformad to the
dimensions of the burial pit itself, 2) individuals were buried in a tightly flexed posi-
tion, 3) burials were often malle with ceramics, but other offerings included stone
beads, 4) Red pigment was often used, and its use was more liberal than in earlier
Middle Guanape burials, 5) people continuad to hold sacred sites that had a ritual
function in the past and used them for burial, 6) lndividuals were differentiated to sorne
extent by the mortuary architecture and construction of their tombs. 7) No fixed
orientation was observad.
327
One problem of the sample is presentad by the use of circular structures to mark
tombs of Chimú date and the reuse of older circular structures by the Chimú. This use of
circular stone tomb structures by the Chimú has been reportad elsewhere and needs to
be further explorad since this is also the typical marker for tombs in the lnitial Period
through the Early Horizon in many of the North Coast Valleys from Santa to Chicama.
Puerto Moorin Burials- El Gallo
Burial 7 (Unit 2 E/S, Structure 3 Sqs. 28 & 38, Fig. 6-32) , is the only burial
which may date to the Puerto Moorin Phase. An alignment of small and medium-sized
stones orientad E-W within square 38 covered the tomb of 8urial 7. The burial was in
the SE quadrant of Structure 3. HuaQueros had disturbad the burial pit obscuring its
original shape and dimension. The burial was slightly above the N-S wall, M-2,
delimiting the original sunken rectangular plaza and did not cut into it.
This adult was interred in a semi-flexed position on the left side on a NE-SW
axis. The cranium, which showed signs of occipital flanening, was to the N and faced SE.
Many of the bones had been disturbed. disarticulated or destroyed by huaqueros.
The burial had been made directly into the fill and no trace of organic material
was found. Many red thin-walled sherds with gray cores, that belonged to at least one
Huacapongo Polished Plain vessel, were found directly associated with this burial. The
shanered vessel could not be reconstructed, but had a rim typical of this variety. lt
appears that the individual may have been interred with at least one vessel of the type
identified as Huacapongo Polished Plain by Ford (1949), Strong & Evans (1952), and
Collier (1955).
Since Puerto Moorin burials are usually eX1ended this interment may date from
the Late Guanape Phase. Huacapongo Polished Plain vessels first appear during the Late
Guanape Phase, and their discovery in tombs is insuffiCient evidence to securely date the
328
------- _J_- ·- -- - ,_- - 1 _,-
1
Figure 7.. 32: Huaca El Gallo (V-149) Sector: E, Subsector: S Unit 2

Structure 3, Sq. 28, Burial 7. A) Burial 7, B) Outer Wall
of Structure R-3, and C) N-S wall of the Sunken
Rectangular Plaza of Construction Phase 1.
tombs to Puerto Moorin Phase. Unfonunately, no Pueno Moorin datad burials have been
excavated north of Tomobal, and it is unclear whether the extended burial position of the
Lower Valley Pueno Moorin cemetery (V-66) predominated over the whole valley or
whether in the upper reaches of the valley a different position was favored. Whether the
difference of Pueno Moorin burial positions was temporal or spatial is unclear.
Funher excavation will clarify Pueno Moorin Phase burial canons valley-wide.
Given the small and poorly datad sarnple. funher conclusions regarding Pueno
Moorin burial patterns in the Middle Virú Valley must await Mure excavations at
Pueno Moorin sitas. The semi-flexed position of Burial 7 may indicate that flexed
positions continuad into the Pueno Moorin Phase in this zone.
THE GUANAPE BURIALS AT HUACA EL GALLO/ LA GALLINA IN REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE
In order to better understand the material provided by those burials recoverad
from lnitial Period contexts at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, it is necessary to place them in
a regional perspectiva. All published burials for each coastal valley from Larnbayeque to
Lunn were combad for comparativa data in order to show to what extent burial tradi·
tions and canons identifiad at Gallo/Gallina were shared by other lnitial Period coastal
sites. The identification of shared cultural practicas and rituals of death suggests the
existence of broadly shared views of death's meaning and nature.
The lnitial Perjod-Early & Middle Guanape:
Scientifically excavated lnitial Period coastal burials are few in number. They
have been recovered at sites in Jequetepeque, although they are very poorly documentad
(Aiva 1986a). Small sarnples are available from Gramalote (3). Quebrada El Silencio
(1). Punkurí (1), Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeke (3), Huaynuná (1), Aspero, Ancón,
and Cardal, in addition to the Gallo/ Gallina sample. The Aspero and Ancón and Jeque-
tepeque burials may, in cases. date to the Early Horizon.
330
The Moche Valley: Gramalote (Tabla 4 G1-G3)
The three burials, trom the coastal site of Gramalote, are coeval with the Middle
Guanape burials from Virú and provide one of the best comparativa cases (T. & S.
Pozorski & Pozorski 1979: 415, 417; Donnan & Mackey 1978: 18-20, fig. 11). All
three were in irregular pits lacking any externa! structure or marker. Two were
primary interments, and one secondary. 8oth primary burials were flexed, and all
three burials were wrapped in textiles. Only Burial 3 comained grave offerings which
included fiber wrapping and matting, two gourd bowls, a jet mirror, and red pigment.
The jet mirror and use of red pigment date the burial to as early as the lnitial Period and
suggests that this burial is roughly coeval with those trom Gallo/Gallina. A similar jet
mirror was reportad to have been recovered frorn deep excavations by huaQveros in
Huaca El Gallo. Unfortunately, other details are unknown about the mirror.
The survival of lining and textiles at Gramalote is a function of this site's more
arid environment. The buriafs here may differ from those at Gallo/Gallina partially for
temporal reasons, though it is as likely that the site location, near the coast, or the
site's dornestic function. may have more to do with why the burials differed. More
lnitial Period burial data must be sought in the Moche Valley before final conclusions can
be made. The flexed position, burial in an irregular pit dug directly into the soil, and
inclusion of red pigment, are points in common between Virú and Gramalote.
Santa Yalley: Quebrada El SjlerJCio
The Chavimochic fntervalley Canal Project's recent excavations at Quebrada El
Silencio in the upper reaches of the Santa Valley resultad in the discovery of severa!
early tornbs which are still unpublished. lnformation was secured on one tomb which
shared many characteristics with Burial 4 (Unit 1 E/S, Structure 1, El Gallo). This
burial had been made against a large boulder (Aiva's burial Type G, 1986a: 30-36).
3 31
TABLE 7-4: Burials from the Moche Valley: Alto Salaverry {Preceramic} AS1-AS2"",
Gramalote {Ceramic) (G1-G3). & Quirihuac {Ceramic){Q1 & Q 2}.
Grave # G1 G2 G3 01 02 AS1 AS2

Irregular Pit X X X X X in fill§ in refuse
Depth 0.40m 0.40m 1.66m 1.15m
Length 1.00m
Width 0.65m
Adult{Xambig} X M ~ ? M
1nfant X child
Primary X X X X
Secondary X
Flex on back X
Flex on side X Xlft Xrt.
Ext.on front X
Orient. of head w SW S
Faces N E
Boulders over X { 2)
Cloth wrap. X X X Xconon Xcotton
Fiber wrap. X Xjunco X junco
Cotton cap X? X
Fiber Mat X
Cotton cord X
Gourd bowls X(2)
Jet mirror X ( 1)
Red pigmem X
Necklace of stonelbone X
Bone ring X
Ceramic vessel X(2) X
TABLE 7-4 NOTES
Alto Salaverry burial information from S. & T. Pozorski (1979: 351-354, fig. 9-11)
Gramalote burial information from Pozorski & Pozorski (1979: 415,417) and Donnan
& Mackey (1978: 18-20): Quirihuac burial information from Rodríguez López
(1971).
G 1-Long bones wrapped in twined cotton textile bundle 20 x 40 cm. Blocks of worm
secretion around and on top of ~undle. Irregular pit in refuse w/in a room.
G2-Head to North. Cloth wrap-inner twined, second !ayer plainweave, outer !ayer
coarse twined. Irregular pit. Blocks of worm secretion & cobbles around burial.
G3-Pit oval shape, N part lined w/irregularly placed stones. 13 stones near pelvic
rsgioii. Body wrapped w/textiles. Age: 30-45. Body tace S, head to W. Mirror
6 cm x 5 cm x 2 cm. Red pigment covers mirror surface (see Donnan &
Mackey (1978: 19. Burial 11) for illustration).
#Note these I.P burials are like 9 l. P. burials from Culebras all in ceramic bearing
refuse deposits.
Bodies here were all flexed on the side but lacked fixed orientation. Only one had
ceramic vessels (O & M 1978: 20)
Q1-Rodriguez did not see tomb in situ. Necklace is c.0.50 m long. Bone ring has 5cm
diameter. One vessel is a stirrup spout vessel with appliqué oval appendices with
stamped circles in the center. This same design is repeated on the upper part of
the vessel and on the sides of the body. The remainder of the vessel is decorated
with the combing technique. A second cup-shaped vessel is of caramel color with
round designs of brown coloration and appears to have been designad using
negativa painting techniques. The author theorizes that this second vessel is
actually representativa of the negative tradition of Virú (Gallinazo) and that the
burial is posterior to the burial offerings. likely to have been conservad pieces
or discovered and reburied with this individual.
Q2-No body remained but 1 complete stirrup spout vessel in Classic Chavin style with
modeled decoration was encountered along with severa! sherds from another
similarly modeled bottle.. The complete vessel (Rodríguez L., 1971: Fig. 3) is
Janabarriu in style.
•• The Pozorskis note (1979: 351) that 300 m from the site an associated Precerarnic
cemetery was located and that huaquero activity there had exposed many burials
along with their "meager trappings·. Evidence on the surface suggests people
were buried individually in pits (1979: 355).
§ burial ·was found in platform 4 of Structure D an area artificially filled with yellow
soil and plant fiber' "Except for soil discoloration in the immediate vicinity of
the body there was no evidence of the excavation of a burial pit. indicating the
inhumation must have takon place during platform construction."
(Pozorski 1979: 351)
Like Burial 4, this Santa burial was a flexed adult maJe. He lay on his left side. At the
level of the cranium were a stone pestle and mortar as in Burial 4 at El Gallo. A jet
mirror, a small clay figurine. and a small clay vessel were recovered from this tomb.
The smaller clay vessel was similar to the soapstone vessel recovered in Tomb 1 Unit 3
E/S (Structure 1, El Gallo, Fig. 7-20), and may have been used for a similar purpose.
The individuals buried in the two El Gallo tombs cited above and in this Santa
tomb may have been religious specialists who sharecJ the same kind of responsibilities.
The contemporaneity of this Santa burial with those from El Gallo is very likely. The
site's location in the mid-upper valley makes it one of the best sites with which to
compare Gallo/Gallina owing to its similar spatial location and environment. Examin-
ation of Wi:son's work in Santa (1983; 1987; 1988) and Alva's in Chao (1986b) leads
one to suggest Pampa Yolanda, Tanguche, and Cerro Cabra as other sites where coeval
material would probably be found.
The discovery of similar burial practicas and grave offerings in the Santa and
Virú Valleys may also be a funher indication of the friendly relations Wilson posits to
have existed between these valleys at this time and later (1988). The ease of transpor-
tation between the Virú and Chao Valleys, and Chao and Santa Valleys, may have facili-
tated the beginning and maintenance of such relations from possibly as early as the
Preceramic (Aiva 1986b)
Nepena Valley; Punkuri
The only recorded burial contemporary with the Virú finds is that discovered at
Punkurí by Tello in 1933 in a sub-floor chamber at the ba~e of the staircase on which
was found the famous feline sculpture. The burial was of a headless woman who was
interred with a wealth of offerings including a decorated stone monar, an engraved
Strombus shell trumpet. two Spondylus shells, sorne rernains of guinea pig, and land
334
snails which probably made up pan of the diet (Burger 1992: 89, fig. 71). A kilogram
of turquoise beads covered her pelvis.
Although this burial is much richer than any at Gallo/Gallina. ~ shares many of
tha sama types of material daemed appropriata burial offerings including turquoise
beads. stone monars and pestles. Spondylus shell, and land snail shells. As argued
elsawhere (Faldman 1985; Burger 1992) burials in monumental arcMec1ure need not
imply class or ascribed status, but may hava served the same function as dedicatory or
votive offerings.
Qasma Yalley: Huaynuná & Pampa de Las Liamas-Moxeke (Tabla 5 Huay 1e, PLMX 1·3)
Only tour lnitial Period burials are available for comparison, all coming trom
excavations carried out by the Pozorskis at the sites of Huaynuná and Pampa de las
Llamas-Moxeke.
The three Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke burials were flexed adult tamales. two on
the right s1de. Two of the burials had their heads oriented to the N or NW and facing
south. This burial position. tlexed on the right side and facing south, is shared by the
earliest burials frorn Huaca El Gallo. as is the oval pit shape and the E-W orientation.
Shards were found in two of the three burials, and red pigment was present in one. The
use of boulders surrounding the body, noted in a Preceramic Las Haldas burial. also
continuad to be practicad as evidenced by one of these burials. Other anifactual material
was limitad to a clay spindle whorl and a comb both from Burial 3.
The Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeke burials were all made in architecture at the
site, not in a spatially distinct cemetery. The practica of burying individuals in
domestic contexts or midden is a carry-over from earlier burial patterns of the
Preceramic. The Pozorski's note that Burial 1 had been made in low status archi·
tecture. The discovery of red pigment 'stain[ingJ the left zygomatic arch and frontal
335
TABLE 7-5: CASMA VALLEY-Preceramic Las Haldas, Huaynuná; Ceramic Huaynuná &
Pampa de las Lllamas-Moxeke ••
Grave # LH1pc Huay1 &2pcoo Huay1c PLMX1 PLMX2 PLMX3
Length c.25cm 93cm ?S cm
Width c.20cm 62cm SO cm
Depth 1.osm· ?S cm ..... --
Shape o o o
Pit Orient. SWINE E-W E-W
PrimiSec p p p p p p
Adult F F F
child e
Flexed XIX X· X ( rt) X ( rt) X
Semi-flexed X
on back
Orient. ot head sw NW w
Faces up S S
Textile Wrap X XIX
Fiber Wrap X§
Matting
Canon
Stone bead
Ceramic sherds 1 3 +
Red pigment X
Clay spinwhorl
Comb
Boulder around X X
& on body
depth from upper boundary of Canon Preceramic refuse ( S. & T Pozorski 1987:20,
tig. 8 a.b)
§ ¡unco(Cyperus sp.)
:xo date to Late Preceramic. found in midden not in Temple structure (p.c. T. Pozorski
1 9 96)
buried in midden. pathological problem with hips. no artifacts
TABLE 7-5 NOTES
PLMX1-in 'low-status' domestic structure in pit dug through final floor to sterile leve!.
Oepth is from the final floor to the tomb base. Arms were flexed with hands at chin. Legs
were flexed and parallel. A traumatic injury was noted on the rt.parietal regían near the
back of the skull where a 1.3 x 2 cm hale was present around which was evidence of bone
growth. This is similar to that injury noted on the skull of Burial 1 Unit 5 S at El Gallo. The
ceramic sherd was place in front of the tace and the red pigment stained the left zygomatic
arch and frontal bone (S & T Pozorski 1986: 398)
PLMX2- in 'elite architecture' w/in a subfloor storage chamber. Made in chamber long
after period of use(1 Ocm ot accumulated refuse below body in pit). Rt. arm flexed under
body, left arm flexed at left side. Legs flexed, feet to SE. At least 3 sherds overlay parts of
the body. Mixed adult bones belonging to a second induvidual were found in the fill around
the primary burial (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 398-399,397, fig. 12).
PLMX3-found in domestic architecture (house)(p.c. T.Pozorski 1996)
''These Casma burials share many characteristics with those recovered by Lanning at the
Preceramic site of Culebras to the south (1967: 68). Here burials were found ·wrapped in
many layersof cloth and mats and accompanied by a rich inventory of ornaments. gourd
vessels and foodstuffs." Most individuals at Culebras were buried in domestic architecture
under house floors. as was the case for severa! Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke examples.
Sorne houses apparently continuad in use after the interments according to Lanning. who
cites the evidence of subsequent reflooring. Whether this individuals could have been
dedicatory offenngs is not clear Lanning also notes the presence of an area ot the srte
specifically set aside for use as a large cemetery on a nearby hilltop. All bodies excavated
there were t1ghtly flexed with knees drawn up to the chin and head oriented to the west.
'They wore necklaces, pendants and other ornaments of shell, stone and bone .. Pairs of long
bone hairpins may have seen double duty as bodkins in the production of twined and looped
cloth (1967: 68)." Lanning notes nearly every burial included gourd bonles, bowls or
plates which had contained food among the tomb offerings. Fishhooks and spearthrowers
were found rarely. The crania of the burials suffered from occiptal flanening, the result of
the use of cradleboards.
bone' (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 398) of this burial may indicate that use of red pigment
in burials was not a sign of social status. if one accepts their designation of this
architecture as 'low status'. The inability of one to use red pigment as a mark of social
status is further supported by its discovery in 'community burial areas' at Ancón and
Cardal and in burials in domestic architecture at La Paloma (Burger 1992: 73-74).
Burial 2 at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke was said to have been made in 'elite
architecture' yet it lacks any offerings other than three sherds. lf this individual was
also a former occupant of the 'high status' architecture, the lack of burial goods may
suggest that social differentiation was manifestad in ways other than in burial practicas.
Burial 3 was found in domestic architecture as well. !\lthough no label, 'low vs.
high' status, was given it could be seen as a richer burial since it had both a ctay spindle
whorl and a comb as offerings.
The limited quantity of burials available for study trom Casma, and their paucity
of offerings. may suggest that social differentiation was not shown in burial practicas.
The individuals found may belong to the lower orders of society if one accepts the 'high'
and 'low' status designations for the domestic contexts at the site. Alternatively, Burger
(1992: 88) has argued that not only do burials fail to show evidence of social strati-
fication, but also that comparison of the artifact inventaries of the hypothesized elite vs.
non-elite domestic contexts fail to show any appreciable difference. A greater sample of
burials is necessary to clarify burial panerns in Casma. and to establish whether differ-
ential burial practicas related to status existed.
Supe-Huara Valleys (Tablas 6 & 7)
The ceramic burials encountered in a cemetery at the site of Aspero would seem
to argue for a continuation of established Preceramic burial panerns rather than for
their innovation. The majority of these burials were found in flexed positions.
338
TABLE 7-6: SUPE/CHILLON VALLEYS- Ancon-+ +- & Aspero cernetery(Willey & Corbett 1954:8-
9,14,24.30-34) All were prunary burials in shallow pits in soft sand
Skeleton Ac1 Ac2 Ac3 AsA AsB As3· As4 As5 As6 As7 AsB
Disturbad X X X
Depth 2. 50 m 3-3.15rn 3 25m .5rn-trn .5-1rn 1. 5rn 1. 5rn 90crn 95crn 1.0m 1 .Orn
Adult F M ? M M F
child X X X X X
Flexed X X
Ext.on back X
Textile Wrap X X X X!
Fiber Wrap X
Cane Mat X o ver
Pitch? X
Jrg stones over X X X
body
Rock bed? X
Bird Bone flute X
Rushes/cane X X o ver
TwinedBsktry X X
Cloth fabric X X X
Cord Net X X X
Cotton X X-
Wood stick(s) X X X
Cerarnic sherds X
Shell X(2) X-
Clay spinwhorl X
Cer.olla X
Redware bowl X·
Gourd vessel X( 1) X ( 1 ) X(3)
Gourd frag. X
Fiberplug X
T ABLE 7·6 NOTES
++Willey & Corbett (1954: 5) and Uhle (1913) both failed to find a separate cemetery area at the site of
Ancón. burials only being encountered in midden. Rebecca Carrion Cachot (1948) however did find a zone of
burials closer to the town of Ancón. Uhle note of those burials he did encounter that the 'skeletons were laid on
their sides in a squatting position' that ·no objects of significance were found' and that 'the bodies tound buried
in the interior of the midden represented only the poorer part of the population'.
Note: Aspero skeletons 1 and 2 consisted of skulls only found on the surface
• The association ot artifacts with this burial is 'very dubious' Willey & Corbett 1954:168.
• Reconstructed partially, Ancón Smooth Plain Red type.
~ Skull only wrapped in coarse fabric (W & C 1954: 32).
X- Cotton and bivalve shells were found in two of the gourd vessels located between the pelvis and feet along
with a cotton wrapped stick.
TABLE 7-7: SUPE VALLEY- Aspero cernetery(Willey & Corl>ell 1954. 8-9,14,24,30-34)
All were primar y L>ur ials in shallow pits in solt sand
Skeleton As9 As10 As 11 As12 As13 As14 As15 As 1fo As17 As18
Disturbed X X X X X
Depth 40+cm 1-1.25m 50 cm --- --- 1.25m 1.25m 80crn 1. 3rn
Adult F F M M M F M M M
child X
Flexed/side X X ? X(lft)
Seated X'
Textile Wrap X X X X X X
Fiber Wrap X
Cane/Rush Mat X X
Rushes/cane Xover X
TwinedBsktry X(3) X ( 3). X(l)o X
Cloth fabric X
Cord Net X0
Cotton X
Shell x· X
Cer.inc. bottle X ( 1) •
Cer.pl. bottle X (1)• X(2)~
Cer.sherds X
Gourd vessel X(2)
Cotton plug X X(1)
Fiber plug X
• shells were bivalves located beneath the body

• The incised bottle was of the Ancón Circle and Dot type, the undecorated bottle was Ancón Smooth Plain Red.
1 The position is described as· sitting ... with the knees wide apart, the arms folded across the chest
and the head slumped forward over the ches t. ... the seated position had been maintained as the result of the
tex1ile wrappings (Willey & Corbett 1954: 30).
0 The nelling was possibly used to ti e up the bundle ( W & C 1954: 31) a similar use is noted at La Galga da.
lt is also noted by the authors as being 'identical to sorne of the Lighthouse site burials. ·
~ 8oth are identified as gourd-shaped bottles of the Ancón Black Plain variety.
• One basket contained raw collon. one bivalva shell and one nothing.
iJ Dubious association
wrapped in textiles, and often had more than one textile wrapping which was then
coverad with a fiber wrap made of junco mats. Sorne of the burials restad on cana mats,
although this was less common. In sorne cases reeds or rushes were found depositad over
the body as an additional cover for the tomb. In addition, the burials sometimes showad
evidence of having been containad in netting as a final wrap, as was noted for sorne of tha
burials at La Galgada (Grieder et. al. 1988). The use of stones placad directly on and
over the burial was noted in severa! cases at the Aspero cemetery. This practica is
shared by Preceramic burials at Alto Salaverry, Las Haldas, Los Gavilanes, Aio Seco,
Ancón, Cardal, and Asia, and perhaps such stones were placed to 'prevent the return of
the spirit of the deceasad (8urger 1992: 36) .'
Other than the addition of ceramic vessels in a few cases, (never mo.e than two
vessels appearing in any tomb), the burial offerings were virtually the same for the
cerarnic period burials as for those made during the Preceramic. Most common were:
items of basketry, gourd vessels, cloth fabric, cord netting, and conon. Mari11e shells,
cotton and fiber plugs, wooden sticks, and ceramic spindle whorls and vessels were also
recovered. The majority of the vessels recovered by Willey & Corbett (1954) were
identificd as Ancón Plainwares, and only one vessel was decorated with stamped circle
dots. In general, the Aspero cerarnic burials were not differentiated by goods and fail to
support differentiation of the populace by wealth accumulation, perhaps supporting the
continuation of sanctions against the accumulation of personal wealth.
The burials recovered by Willey & Corbett (1954) from the nearby Lighthouse
site (Li-31, Table 8) are contemporary with those of the Aspero cemetery and share
most of the same practices and grave goods. The majority of these burials were flexed on
the side or on the bad<, wrapped in textiles, and, in sorne cases, covered by or resting on
a cane mat (Willey & Corbett 1954: 21 ). The placement of reeds over the burial was
342
TABLE 7-8: SUPE VALLEY- Lightllouse S1te·
All were prirnary burials in shallow pits 111 soft sand+ + +
Skeleton + L1 L2 L3~ L4 L5 L6 L7 LB L9 L10
Disturbad X X X X X X
Depth 50crn 80crn 80crn 9Ucm 90crn 1.00m 1. 25m 1 . OOrn 1.00m 1.25m
Adult M X X X M X M
child X
Flexed ? X ( rt) X X X X
Textile Wrap ? X X X X X
Fiber Wrap
Gane Mat X X
Reeds X
TwinedBsktry X X X
Cloth fabric X X(dec) X X
Cord Net X X X
Pacaepod X
Cotton X
Bird Bone bead X ( 1 4 )
Wood spatula? X
Ceramic sherds X
Ceramic disc X
Shell t bivalve 2bivalv
Clay spinwhorl X(2) X ( 1 ) X(2)
Wood spinwhorl X ( 1)
Wood Comb teeth X(3) X ( 1 2)
Red pigment X
Redware bowl X X
lncised cer. bowl X X
Corncohs X(2)
Gourd "essel X(2) X ( 1)
Llama loot w/cord X
FP.atherwork X
Vegetal brush X
WtlaleB~'ne object X
Featherheaddress X
Sheet ot beaten gold X
Dogheai
Wrapped leaf X
T ABLE 7·8 NOTES
'The Ughthouse site cemetery is described by Willey & Corben (1954: 17) as lieing 'at the upper
end of the sandy quebrada S and E of the ocean cove and midden zone.' Thus, it appears that here as
elsewhere distinct spatial zones were specially designated as mortuary areas. A 2 x 1O m cu1
resulted in the discovery of 1O skeletons (Willey & Corben 1954: 16, Map 111).
+Willey & Corben note (1954: 167) :'The unit term 'skeleton' rather than 'grave' was used as
both the Ughthouse and the Aspero burials were found under conditions where it was difficult to
detennine the limits of an individual grave in the sense of pit, shaft, tomb or clearly demarcated
physical entity."
Hhe authors mention L3 lacked a skull and that the L1 skull may have been that of L3 especially
since the L1 skull was found directly above this skeleton at 50 cm below the surface.
+++Willey & Corben note (1954: 20) that in addition to the burials a small cache of peanuts was
found 80cm deep in this cut and a section of hollow cane with two perforations at one end was also
found. A small stemmed projectile pt. was also found on the surface.
Ceramic vessels are identified by type in the tombs as follows:
Skeleton 4-Ancón Une lncised bowl, Ancón Smooth Plain Red bowl
Skeleton S-Ancón Une lncised bowl sherds
Skeleton 9-Ancón Smooth Plain Red bowl
Skeleton 4 shell was Concholepas loco

again noted as well as the possible use ot cord netting to tie up the burial bundle (1954:
21 ).
The grave offerings placee! outside ot the bundle most otten included basketry,
cloth tabric, cord netting, shells, gourd vessels, and clay spindle whorls. lnfrequently
discovered offerings included bird bone beads, cotton, wood tools, wood spindle whorls,
wooden comb teeth, corncobs, featherwork, and whalebone. Red pigment was tound in
only one case by Willey & Corbett (Burial 7). A sheet of beaten gold and a llama toot,
comprise sorne of the exotic elements. The ceramics found were generally plain,
although one simple incised bowl was found. Never more than two vessels were tound in
burials. The paucity ot artifacts in most tombs at the Lighthousa site further supports
the lack of personal wealth accumulation by these people.
Ancón Yallay (Tabla 6)
Work by Aebecca Carrion-Cachot (1948) and Thomas Patterson (in Burger
1992: 73-7 4) led to the discovery burials in a separata cernetery are a and others in
midden and beneath domestic structures, although these burials shared most of those
traits identified by the work of Uhle (1913) and Willey & Corbett (1954).
Patterson divided the Ancón burials into three types (B:.~rger 1992: 73): Type 1
covered those individuals buried in a spatially distinct cemetery in shallow pits
excavated in the loose sand. These individuals were buried in the flexed position after
having been wrapped in cotton cloth. They were placed on reed mats and the bodies were
covered with stones. Burial goods rarely differed from grave to grave, and most often
consisted of a single cooking vessel containing food remains and red ochar powder around
the head. All of these trans are common to those graves discussed by Willay and Corbett
{1954) at Ancón and Supe.
One buriaJ in this cernetery was singlad out by Patterson as set apart from the
345
others by its dress and offerings, although the male individual was buried in the
'standard flexed position' in a pit dug into the loose sand. His offerings were much
richer than those in other graves, although most of the offerings did occur singularly in
other graves. In addition to necklaces and armlets, the individual had a tan of red,
yellow, and green feathers, a string of stone beads with a carved stone pendant, and a
string of colored feathers and iron pyrites placad on the forehead (Burger 1992: 74).
Beneath the head was a wooden bowl filled with feathers, and nearby was a single spout
bottle, a decorated bowl, and a mortar and pestle with traces of red pigment wrapped in a
cotton cloth. The unique item in the tomb was a tropical forest cebus monkey covered
with mica flakes located at the knees of the deceased.
The Type 2 burial was made at a distance from the main cemetery. lt was an
interment of a 20-30 year old woman with five fetuses which had apparently been still-
born. The burial goods were typical, consisting of an undecorated bowl, a few baskets,
and simple cotton cloth (Burger 1992: 74). The practice of burying unborn children in
isolation outside of the main cemetery likely reflects cultural notions concerning deaths
of this type and has been noted also at Piedras Negras in Chao and La Paloma in Chillan
(Burger 1992: 74; Quilter1989).
Patterson's third burial type is that of a dedicatory offering reminiscent of that
encountered by Feldman at Aspero. In the Ancón case a child of 3-5 years was buried
preceeding the construction of a semi-subterranean stone residence beneath a cerner of
the structure and in line with one of the walls (Burger 1992: 74). The child's eyes had
been replaced by mica sheets, its stomach replaced by a gourd, and its heart with a clear
quartz crytal. Burger (1992: 74) hypothesizes that the burial may have been made to
assure the success of activities taking place within the structure just as the Aspero
burial had been dedicated to guarantee the success of those rituals carried out in public
346
architecture.
Lurio Yalley: Cardal
Burger & Salazar-Burger's excavations at the site of Cardal (1991; 1992)
resultad in the discovery of two distinct sets of intermeots. On the penultimate atrium
of the central mound of the U-shaped complex 16 burials had been made prior to the
construction of the final atrium. Each was in a flexed positioo face-down in a shallow
pit, and many had red ocher powder sprinkled about their heads (Burger 1992: 74).
The burials are like others of the central coast sites, each wrapped in textiles and placad
on fiber mats with stones on top of the body. Burial items continua to be limited to a
single charred cooking pot or a few spindle whorls per individual (Burger 1992: 74).
The evidence of charring illustrates that items used in daily lite were buried
with the people; items were not specially fabricated for use as burial offerings. One
adult maJe was differentiated from the other burials by a necklace of sea lion iocisors,
red painted bone earspools, and a bone tool in his left hand. Burger noted that males and
female of all ages made up the sample of burials in the atrium, and that the of lack rich
offeriogs or evidence of exotic ritual indicates these were merely members of the
community (1992: 74).
A second set of burials was found in the area of domestic structures behind the
main mound. These burials were also in pits dug below the floors of the structures.
Burials offerings here were also limited to cooking pots and spindle whorls (Burger
1992: 74).
lottial Period Burials: Cooclusions:
As a whole, lnitial Period burials from other valleys share many of the
characteristics of the burials Gallo/Gallina and represent the continuation of many
burial canoas from Middle and Late Preceramic sites iocluding: 1) the excavation of a
347
special shallow ovoid pit for burial which is sometimes lined. 2) burial in house floors
or in sorne cases in ceremonial architecture. 3) the flexed position. 4) lack of clear
orientation. 5) the use of red pigment. 6) the use fiber and textile wrappings and fiber
mats. 7) the placing of rocks on and around the burial, 7) the inclusion of items from
daily lite, generally with signs of prolongued use, as offerings, 8) the lack of items
specially made for incfusion in tombs, 9) the speciaf treatment accorded to infants and
small children, 1O) the lack of compelling evidence from burials of economic strati-
fication. 11) dedicatory buriafs to ensure the success of rituals taking place in
structure and 12) the incfusion of special objects with individuals who served the
community as refigious speciafists or who had experience-based prestige and authority
(Burger 1992 36; Bird & Hyslop 1985: 59-76; Quilter 1985; 1989; 1991).
Offerings continue to resemble those of the earfier Preceramic Periods. In
lnitial Period burials ceramics are generally absent and objects of clay are limited to
figunnes or spindle whorls. however, at Ancón, Aspero, and Cardal, cooking vessels
were found with burials, and at Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeke one burial included
ceramic sherds. Gourd vessefs are sometimes found in coastal sites as at Gramalote .
.A.~per•' and Ancón. Metal is absent.
Olher burial goods incfuded objects of personal adornment including beads of
shell, bone, and stone. Generally, burials of the lnitial Perioa tail to give any evidence
ot differentiation. Those buriafs which are unique because of the presence of large
quantities of grave goods, such as that at Punkuri, may be better seen as dedicatory
offerings or sacrificas as was the casfl for such burials during the Late Preceramic, like
that at Aspero (Burger 1992: 89, fig. 71; Feldman 1985).
The El Gallo/La Gallina Early and Middle Guanape buriafs are typical of lnitial
Period burials (Table 9). Like those noted elsewhere they are flexed. lack consistent
348
TABLE 7-9: Comparison of burial traits of lnitial Period and Early Horizon sites
()samp.size
ME9 Jeq Gr3 GG25 HV2 QS1 Pk1 Px3 Asp Anc e
Pit spec.dug X X X X X X X X X X X
Sur.Housefl. X X
.,
Cemetery X X X X ? X "
Sur Cer.Arch X X X X X
Sur .covered X X X X
w/ stones
Org. soi 1/sand X X
Flexed X X X X X X X X X X
Extended X X
Gravestone X X
Fixed ornt. NE ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
Buring/Ash X
Red p1gment X X X X X X X X
Mat Wrap X X X? X X X
Text.wrap X X ? X X X
Ceramics 1•2 1. 2 o. 1 ? 1.2 1•2
Metal X X
Textiles X X
Gourds X X
Spec.treatmnt X X X X
of infants
Bur.goods X X X X X X X X
per.adorn
ME-Morro de Eten. Jeq-Jequetepeque. Gr-Gramalote. GG-Gallo/Gallina, HV-Huaca Verde,
OS-Quebrada El Silencio, Pk-Punkurí Px-Pampa de las Llama-Moxeke, Asp-Aspero,
Anc-Ancón, C-Cardal. Note only one burial each from QS and Pk, only two burials from HV
and only three burials from G and Pmx. • indicates burial in ceremonial structure or zone
orientation. are interred in shallow pits with rocks often on top of or surrounding the
body. Though evidence of maning was only present in only one tomb (Unit 4/5 E/S El
Gallo) and possibly in one other (Unit 5 W/SE, Burial 2), the environmental conditions
at the sita may have precluded the survival of such material in the majority of cases.
Similarly, burial offerings consisted of items used in daily life and were generally few
in number.
Chifd Buriafs
The large number of younger children in the sample highlights the different way
in which the young may have been treated since the Middle Preceramic. The El Gallo/La
Gallina infant burials differed first in position, generally on the back as opposed to
flexed on the sida. Quilter notes that his Middle Preceramic La Paloma burials of
children and infants were often given were generally on the back and states:
that it is hard to position a small child, given the lack of fixed joints and the
the inherent flexed fetal position which is maintained for at least a year after
binh ... The different lengths of torso and limbs of early childhood perhaps are
not conducive to positioning. The cultural explanation relatad to the physical
propenies of infants. may be that the marginal social status of the young was
recognized by burying them differently than adults in a ·natural' rather than
cultural form (1989: 50).
In many s0cieties the burial of children is treated informally since children are
not yet considerad full members of the community, however, this does not aopear to be
the case at La Paloma or at other Preceramic sites .such at Chilca 1 (Quilter 19A9: 66-
67, 74); El Paraiso, where children were buried inside ceremonial architecture
(Quilter 1985), Aspero, where an infant tomb on the summit of Huaca de Los Sacrifi-
cios had the finest offerings of any at the site (Feldman 1985), or Alto Salaverry (S. &
T. Pozorski 1979). At La Paloma infants' graves contained sorne of the finest goods at
the site and in the greatest number (Quilter 1989: 62, 66). A special facility for the
interment of infants and small children was identified by Quilter at La Paloma (House
350
28) and a similar one exists at Piedras Negras in Chao (Quilter 1989: 62, 75). At
Huara El Gallo/La Galrina children and the very young had sorne of the richest and most
elaborate tombs in terms of architecture and offerings (Unit 5 W/SE Burial 3: Unit 1
W/N Structure 1O, Burial 1: Unit 2 W/N Structure 2, Burial 1: Unit 2 E/S Structure
3, Burial 10).
Quilter feels that the special treatment accorded to the burials of children and
infants was not simply a product of a high infant mortality rate or the practica of
infanticida, but rather that the young •symbolically encapsulated the life force (1989:
83)." The belief, present in other societies, in a reincarnation of the life force or soul
of the recent dead into babies may also have held sway (1989: 85). The importance of
children in fertility rites is notably in later Andean societies and may have first
originated during the Middle Preceramic where special treatment for infants, and infant
sacrificas, may have been seen as necessary to guarantee 'the fertility and propagatior. cf
the society' (Quilter 1989: 85). These beliefs may explain later practicas in the
succeeding Late Preceramic and lnitial Periods.
Burial Offerings and Fertility
The association of fertility rites and burials is manifestad in other ways as well
during the Late Preceramic and lnitial Periods and may even be tied to views of life aher
death (Quilter 1989: 83). Quilter notes two elements in burial practicas that reaffirm
the existence of beliefs concerning the continuance of an individual's spirit or life force
after death (1989: 84). The first element is that of grave goods. The inclusion of items
used in daily life including clothes, items of personal adornment, food, vessels, and tools
of production including grinding stones, all argue for the possibility of the existence of
the belief that the deceased would need these items in a future life. lt is possible that
beliefs existed concerning the necessity of disposing of the items used by the deceased
351
during his life in the burial process, since they would be seen as charged with his spirit
or tainted (Quilter 1989:83).
Certain burial goods may have been associated with regeneration especially red
pigment. Although red pigment is not a common offering at La Paloma, Quilter believes
it was a manifestation of beliefs concerning life's continuance after death and that it
symbolically representad blood. lts use in burials is theorized by Quilter as "having
entered the New World with the first Asían immigrants (1989: 82)." lt is very likely
that its meaning may have experienced changes over the long period of its use. The use of
stone red beads as adornments noted at the Preceramic sites of Aspero, Bandurria, Río
Seco and 1 os Chinos may also be tied to the symbolic color red as representing the life
force. The continued ernployment of red pigment in Early, Middle and Late Gual'!ape Phase
burials at El Gallo/ La Gallina indicates that it continuad to have sorne symbolic meaning.
The use of special fills for the tombs, such as river sand and gravel or organic
rich soil from nearby agricultura! fields, may also relate to concepts of fertility and
rebirth. At El Gallo one tomb (Burial 4 E/S Unit 1) was filled with rich organic soils
that appear to have been brought from the river floodplain and depositad in and above the
tomb. This practica was also noted by Alva (1986a: 30-35) in severa! cases in Jeque-
tepeque lnitial Period tombs.
Post-mortem Activities and the Afterlife
The second element identified by Quilter as substantiating a Preceramic and
lnitial Period view of the afterlife is the practica of carrying out post-mortem activities
associated with burials. He notes evidence in sorne cases of the presence of ash and burnt
rocks or fire-cracked stones in burials or placed on top of bundles. In sorne cases tires
may have been built directly over interments at Paloma and Chilca (1989: 66, 74-75).
At Piedras Negras in Chao the bodies themselves had been burnt (Quilter 1989: 75) and
352
evidence of tire in death rituals has been reportad in Zana (T. Dillehay personal com-
munication, 1995) and Chongoyape (Lothrop 1941; 1951 ).
Fire, like red pigment, may also have been viewed as a symbol of retlirth or the
reyeneration or ralease of the spirt. Burnt offerings are noted in many cultures. where
only through the consumption of items by tire can their essence be received by the gods.
The use of burnt offerings has been noted in the Andes as dating from the earliest times
especially at the Central Highland sites of Huaricoto and Kotosh (Burger 1985). The
trequent discovery of small bits of carbon in tombs may be evidence of the used of tire in
funerary rites.
Coastal lnitial Period Burial Traditions
lt appears that during the lnitial Period certain commonly held views prevailed
along the coast and shared burial canons existed. The Early and Middle Guai'lape burials
from El Gallo/La Gallina are indistinguishable from those discovered at other lnitial
Period Coastal sites. The inclusion of many of the sarne offerings in tombs and the
similarities in tomb construction and body position as well as the differential treatment
of the very young by lnitial Period coastal groups all suggest that a regional burial
tradition existed. This lnitial Period panern changed in the succeeding Early Horizon
with burials becoming more varied in both the number and variety of offerings present.
In Late Guai'lape times the offerings, their number and quality, appear to have replaced
the tomb architecture as the most importan! and most labor intensiva elements. This
change in the variety and number of offerings is especially marked on the North Coast by
the development of the Cupisnique Culture which is contemporary with the Late Guanape
Phase in Virú.
353
CUPISNIOUE BURIALS ANO THEIR CORAELATION WlTH THE LATE
GUANAPE PHASE BURIALS IN VI BU
The Late Guat!ape in Virú
Little is known of Late Guar'lape burial panerns in Virú. Other than the few
burials found during the excavation at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina and Huaca Verde (Table
1O HV 1 & HV 2), no other burials have been recoverad archaeologically in Virú that can
be definitively datad to the Late Guanape Phase. There exists general agreement that the
Late Guar'lape and Classic Cupisnique Phases are contemporary (Strong & Evans 1952;
Bird 1948; Collier 1955; Bird & Hyslop 1985). Yet, Classic 'Cupisnique' burials are
absent from publishad reports of excavations in the Moche, Virú, Chao, and Sama
Valleys. In Virú the Late Guar'lape Phase seems to have been one during which many
formerly large ceremonial centers were already abandonad (as at Huaca El Gallo/La
Gallina), while smaller monumental centers were maintainad for a duration prior to
their collapse (as at Huaca Verde). This collapse is also noted in the Moche Valley at
Caballo Muerto where many of the larger structures are abandoned. lt may be the case
that the Cupisnique Culture contributed to the Virú collapse, although this is unclear.
Given the research focus on senlemem panern surveys in Chao, Santa, and
Neper'la, and the absence of many excavation projects, the lack of reported Cupisnique
burials in these valleys is expected. Yet, their absence may be a factor of the failure of
the Cupisnique Culture to penetrate into these valleys. Despite the large amount of work
done in Casma, few burials have ·been found or publishad. Classic Cupisnique burials
have been located in the Chicarna, Jequetepeque, and Lambayeque Valleys of the Nor1h
Coast and it is to this material one must turn in arder to define this culture's burial
patterns.
354
TABLE 7-10: VIRU & CHAO VALLEYS-SALINAS DE CHAO ANO HUACA VERDE BURIALS:
Grave # CH1 CH2 HV1 HV-2

Ovoid pit X(40 X 15cm)
Rectangular pit X(70 X 40cm)
Depth 1.48m 60cm
Orientation N-S N-S
Primary X1 X X
Secondary )(2
Adult ? X X
child X X
Flexed X X
Semi-flexed onback X
Orient. of head N? N?
Faces Up E
eran. deform.
(occip flat.)
Textiles X
Cotton X
Stone bead XA X( 1)
Clay spindlewhorl X ( 2)
HV-1 & 2 notes presence of 'Cupisnique' sherds under the body and in the fill of the tomb.
it is not clear if these sherds can be associated with the tomb as burials offerings
HV-2 was associated with 2 clay spindle whorls and a gray limestone pendant w1th mcisions.
These objects were placed 1n front of the head.
• Headless 1\ cylindrical
1 In sunken circular plaza, sector F (1 O m int. d)
2 In Pozo 6A
Chao data from Alva (1986), Huaca Verde data from M. Tam (ms. 1989)
Cupisnique Burial Canons
The Cupisnique culture was first defined by Larco based on his work at the
cemeteries of Barbacoa and Palenque located between the Pampas de Jagüey and Sausal in
the upper Chicama Valley. Further work on roughly coeval burials in the Lambayeque
and Jequetepeque Valleys (Aiva 1986a; Elera 1986) has refined the understanding of
Early Horizon North Coast burial patterns. While those burials recovered in Jequete-
peque likely range in date from the lnitiaJ to the late Early Horizon, Elera believed that
the tombs at Eten all date to the late Early Horizon, which corresponds to the Late
Cupisnique Culture (450-200 B. C.), based on comparisons of ceramics and other grave
goods (Eiera 1986: 257, Table 11 ). An examination of Cupisnique burial canons can
best proceed by dividing the material remains into a number of categories: burial
pit/tomb, body position, body orientation and burial offerings.
Burial pit or to.m.tL

Larco and Elera note that Cupisnique burials were made in specialized areas of
sites set aside specifically tor use as cemeteries. These cemeteries tend to be located at
the valley margins outside of the area of cultivation in the Lambayeque, Jequetepeque and
Chicama Valleys. The cemeteries were generalfy undefined, although sorne Jequetepeque
cemeteries at Talambo, Tolón and Limoncarro were delimitad by waJis.
As was the case for burials at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina, Cupisnique buriafs
published for Moche (Ouirigua, Rodriguez 1971, Table 4 01 & 02), Chicama (Palenque
& Barbacoa, Larco 1941, Table 12), Jequetepeque (Al va 1986a) and Lambayeque
(Morro de Eten, Elera 1986, Table 11 ), were interred in unlined pits dug directly into
sterile sand. In the Jequetepeque and other valfeys, graves generalfy lack any surface
markers, however in the middle Jequetepeque Valfey elaborate tombs were found with
architectural structures raised over them in the form of funerary towers. In only two
356
TABLE 7-11: LAMBAYEQUE VALLEY-MORRO DE ETEN-AII pits excavated in stenle sand
Grave # E 1/80 E1/120 E1/130 E2 E3 E1/140 E2 E3 E4
Oisturbed X X X X X X
Rectanguloid pit - - X X X X X X X
L - 2 08rn 1.95rn1.71rn 54crn 75crn 87crn 2.07rn
w 88cm 1. 29m 1. 2m 25cm 30cm 51 cm 80cm
Oepth 1. 5rn 1 3m 1 .26m 1.3rn 24crn 68cm 40cm 1.27m
Orientation 3PNE 66 2 NE 68 2 NE B3 2 NE 73QNE 70 2 NE 75QNE
Fill type e e A/B A A B B e B
Adult X X X X
child X X X X
Exl on back X? X X? X? X X X? X
BrightRed pigmt X X X X
hernatite,
Organic mat. X? X? X? X X X? X?
poss burned"
ordecayed
Wrappings X X
eeramics X(2} X(1) X(4) X(1)?X(1)? X ( 1)
Lithics X X
Textiles X
Bone X X
Shell X X X
Metal X X
Limonita X
Textiles X
Obj in contact X X
w/body
Obj at craniurn X
Obj at feet X X
Unclear X X X X
TABLE 7-11
Data from Elera (1986: 30-67} who notes tomb size is in relation to individual interred (31. 65} and
aiSo notes the possible use of family plots.
A grave marker was present only in the cases of E2 & E4/14D
f,Hematite was only found in adult tombs
'in many burials a friable organic layar was noted that likely corresponds to esterilla
A·clean sand mixed w/ clots of mud. grave! cunural & organic debris result of looting
B·clean sand. semi-compact
C-clean sand. grave! and clots of mud only
E 1/80-gold pendant. stirrup spout vessel and decorated strap handle jar
E 1/120-decorated pouring cup (taza vertedura)
E 1/130-gold tubular bead. 2 turquoise beads, 2 round rocks with hematite stains, 4 open vessels at feet
3 open bowls and one decorated pouring cup(taza vertadura}
E 2 & E3/13D· a bottle neck fragmem linkP.d to a bottle body fragment in the other. dubious association
E2/14D·2 large granodiorite rocks located at tomb mouth seemed to serve as markers. 1 bone bead
E3/14D·1 Thais choco lata. 1 stirrup spout bottle with mo use effigy, 3 Spondylus beads
E4/14D·deer bone spatulas (2}, 2 slate slabs, charo valves. limonite.anthracite mirror. fish bones.
carved bone rattle. Lirnonite was yellow & ochre in color. mirror was decorated with shell. Most artifacts
were found near the head.
of Elera's burials was an exterior grave marker, post or structure presem. Larco does
not mention any exterior structures associated with the tornbs he reports, but does state
(1941: 178) that on the promontory where cemetery Barbacoa A was locatoo a number
of small circular stone structures were found very similar to those found at Cupisnique.
Such structures br:~g to mind those notad at i-iuaca El Gallo/La Gallina and elsewhere in
Virú; and all are probably tombs.
The shape of the pits variad from circular to oval to rectangular. As notad by
Elera (1986) and Larco (1941: 161) the shape of the pit is often directly relatad to the
burial position, flexad vs. extended. Larca notes that in sorne cases pits overlay others,
and often intrudad into earlier burials. Burials in Jequetepeque cemeteries were not
superimposed and Alva states this may have been because of the shallowness of deposits
at the valley margins (30-40 cm) as much as a result of cutural practice (1986a: 30).
At La Gallina superimposition of burials of roughly contemporary age occurrad only in
Unit 5 W/SE. However, superimposition cannot be regarded as a unique characteristic
of Cupisnique burial practicas. since superimposed burials were also found by Strong &
Evans in Preceramic strata at Huaca Negra (1952: 25-27).
Whereas most pits were simply dug imo the ground, occassionally with boulders
being placad around the body prior to back-filling, Larca notes severa! more complex
types. In his 'semi-fosario' type boulders were stackad along the interior walls of the
tomb in order to shore them up. Their circular interior walls were made up of boulders
20-40 cm thick. These tombs were capped by boulders, sometimes also mixad with
conical adobes (1941:161). A second type of tomb was of L-shape, having an annex off
the main pit at the base in which the imermem would be made. This annex would then be
wallad off with stone from the pit shaft, which would be left empty of artifacts and
refillad from the backdirt pile (1941: 161 ). This tomb type continuad in use into the
359
TABLE 7-12: LARCO'S CHICAMA BURIALS: Barbacoa A
Grave # TS T16 T17 T18 T19 T21 T22 T28 Bar. D.T3
All graves in clean sand.
Depth(head) SO cm 42cm 22cm 1 .OOm 1 .60 96cm 87cm 1.80m45cm
Depth(tomb) 98cm 64cm 33cm 1.20m 1 .80 1.41 m 1.07m 2.00m 60cm
Length 1.15m 1.90m---- 1.90m1.48 1.05m 1 .40m 55 cm
Width LJJLm. 9Jkm ~ l...Q8.m.Lti ~ fllim ~
Diameter 1.30m
Circle/oval o 0/A o R o o e e o
Adult M E E M M
Child X M
Semi-flexed B B B e
Flexed n. A
Ext on back E E
Ext. on side
Arms at side X
Legs togeth X X X
Legs flexed X X X X ~
Orient. of head N16E N75E N32E N61E N54W N66E N30W
Faces s urf. S E E NE NE NW
Gran. deform. X X X
(tab.rect.) X X X
Rk.about body ~ ~
Ceramics 1 1 1 2. 2_!.1_ 2.
Ceramic bead 2
Red Pigment X X X X X X
Green Pigment X
Stone Bead X X X X
Stone vessel X 2
Chungos X
Shell frags. X X X X
Shell bead X X
Choro shells X3 X X4
Turquoise beads X X X X
Lapis lazuli beads X ~
GQid lamina ~
Spin.whorls
Bone tools ~ ~ X ~ ~
BQne ring:¡ X
~anz cr~stal X
Textiles X X
Bone sculpture X ~
Animal
t..e.ruh ~
(Extended on back-de cubito dorsal)

TABLE 7-12 NOTES
Position of Offerings:
1. By rt. side of head Burials: 1 ,(7),(9)

2. By left leg Burial: 1
3. Over face Burial: 5
4. By/on rt. shoulder Burials: 5,6,8, 12
5. By left shoulder Burial: 5
6. At/on rt. side Burials: 5,10
7. By rt. elbow Burials: 8,11
8. At rt. hand Burials: 9,12
9. At/on rt. knee Burial: 1O
1O.At/on rt. toot Burial: 10
11. At/on left arm Burial: 11
12. At left foot Burial: 11
13. On left hand Burial: 12
14. Below feet Burial: 11
Burial 18 according to Larco is moche but note its proximrty to 16 & 17

T-19 disturbed no position, orientation data available, 3 conical adobes mixed w/ stones
seal tomb
Other dimensions given by Larco 1941:162

T-7 Circular- 1.5m diam .. 1.45m depth
T-11 Semi-elliptical 1.10m x 1.0m x 99cm depth
T-8 Circular- 1.1m diam .. 2.0m depth
T-15 Semi-elliptical 2.30m x 53cm x l32cm depth
T-9 Ovoid- 1.07m x 1.16m x 1.2m depth
T-10 Circular- 1.0m diam., 1.57m depth
Satinar Phase.
Alva (1986a: 30-36) identifies a number of diHerent types of tombs in
Jequetepeque based on construction technique and materials employed. Type A,
rectangular tombs with lateral stone walls footings marking and delimiting the tomb,
were found in both open areas and in architecture including funerary monuments and
platforms. They were carefully bui~ and often had coverings of flat elongated stones laid
at the level of the original ground surface. Such a tomb of an infant was found looted in
the wall delimiting the W side of the inner plaza at La Gallina. lt had apparently included
a single ceramic bowl. These tombs could also be covered with a series of flagstones and
then buried beneath fill, as was the case with the burial of the religious specialist at El
Gallo (E/S Unit 1 Burial 4).
Type B tombs conform to many discovered by Larca at the cemeteries of Palenque
and Barbacoa in ehicama. These tombs are circular and have their interior walls shored
up by stones. Tney appear in similar contexts as Type A tombs, and have a similar
variety of coverings. Larco's generally lacked surface markers. Those in Virú shared
the shape and were marked by circular structures on the surface, but generally lack the
internal stone shoring up of the walls.
Type e tombs were defined as funerary towers where interments were placed
under cylindrical stone structures plastered on the exterior. Square towers were also
noted, although all trace of them has since been destroyed. As opposed to Types A and B.
Type e tombs were exclusive to architectural units such as at Meseta 2 at Montegrande
(Paredes 1984: 511; Alva 1986a: 31 ).
Type D, simple circular pit burials, were dug directly into the earth with the
interment made at the base. eoverings varied. but were generally of irregular rocks
from the surrounding quebrada fill.
362
Type E tombs were virtually the same as Type D except they were elliptical in
shape and sorne hadan elongated raised stone that served as a grave marker. Such tombs
were found at Morro de Eten. Their coverings varied but were generally of irregular
stones gathered from the surrounding surfaces.
Type F tombs were also pit tombs dug in the earth, but with lateral chambers
extending from the base in which the actual interment was made. Such tombs were those
idemified by Larca in Chicama (Type 2) where they were often walled off from the base
of the pit proper by large paving stones. They are generally boot-shaped in profile
Type G tombs are those made against or slightly under large rocks. The tomb
generally corresponds to a semicircular or oval pit which was later covered by stones
from the surrounding surfaces. Such tornbs were noted at Quebrada El Silencio in Santa
and are frequently found in rocky quebrada areas.
Alva's Type H includes all other tombs such as those made in rack shelters and
natural caves and those under stone tumuli. These are infrequemly found.
In looking for correlations between tomb types, Alva noted that burial position in
tomb Types 8, C. D. and F was fetal or flexed on the side whereas Type A tombs had
extended burials and Types E, G, and H used both positions. lt is unclear whether the
differences in positions is the result of temporal difterence, but given evidence from
other valleys, it is possible that those tornbs with flexed burials may be earlier than the
mixed and extended position tomb types. Alva notes that all types coexisted in the mid-
valley region, but that Types D, E, and F seemed especially characteristic of the lower
valley(1986: 32).
Comparison of published data from Larco's study (1941) and Elera's work at
Morro de Eten (1986) reveals that pit depth varied from as linle as 24 cm (Eten Burial
1/140) to 2.0 m (Barbacoa, Tomb 28). with the shallower burials being those of
363
infants or small children and the deeper burials of adults. Pit shape was correlated with
burial position. Pit lengths ranged from 2.08 m to 55 cm. The burials pits of children
tended to be less than 1 m long, while those of adults were consistently over 1 m in
length. Pit widths ranged from 1.29 m (Eten Burial 2/130) to 25 cm (Eten Burial
1/140). lnfant and small children were consistently placed in pits 50 cm wide or less.
The pit's fill was often of clean sand or a mixture of sand and grave!, generally
the pits were simply filled in with the backdirt generated by their excavation. Elera
notes three different fills: A) crean sand mixed with clots of mud, gravel and cultural
and organic debris (often the result of looting), 8) clean semicompact sand, and C) clean
sand with gravel and clots of mud only. Sometimes agricultura! soils or river sand was
used as at Jequetepeque and at El Gallo, perhaps related to concepts of fertility. Alva
notes (1986a) that burials are most easily detected by the discovery of inclusions in fill
of humid soil, or a layer of brown, moist organic rich soil. He notes that it seems as if
soil from the surrounding agricultura! fields had been used in these burials. At La
Gallina all three types were encountered. The existence of fertility cults related to
concepts of the importance of the river and water may be indicated by the use of fertile
agricultura! field soil and river sands in graves. Larco's burials were also most
typically found in sandy soil or clay.
Burial Position:
Preceramic and lnitial Period burials were all flexed. The side on which a body
rested has not been shown to be temporally significant. In Late Guanape times in Virú
the practica of flexed interment in circular pits with stone footings continuad to hold
sway. lt was only in the subsequem Puerto Moorin Phase that burials were placed in an
extended position.
lf one dates the Cupisnique and Late Guanape Phases as contemporary, as has been
364
done by Bird, Strong & Evans, and others of the Virú Valley project, and assumes
cultural dominance by the Cupisnique as Larco and members of the Chavimochic
Archaeological Project (Manuel Tam, personal communication 1994), then l)ne would
expect, given assertions of the spread of Cupisnique cultural practicas (Larco 1941;
1948), that the canons governing burial position would be very similar among the
valleys of Moche, Chicama, and Virú and possibly even between Virú and Lambayeque.
Yet, this is not the case. Larco's burial data from Barbacoa illustrates the continuity of
local Preceramic tendencias to place the body in a variety of positions and orientations.
In this regard the Cupisnique burials of Larco are similar to the Preceramic burials
located by Bird at Huaca Prieta, which were found in flexed, semiflexed, and extended
positions in the same stratigraphic level (Bird & Hyslop 1985: 66, fig. 37).
Larca identifies five different positions used in the 32 tombs (1941: 162, figs.
226-231 ). The majority of the burials reponed by Larco were found in a semi-flexed
position on the back with legs flexed to the right or left of the body (Type B, N=17, Type
C, N=8, the only difference between B and C being the degree to which tne legs were
flexed, semiflexed-B, tightly flexed-C). A similar variety of positions was noted by
Alva (1986a: 30-36) in the Jequetepeque Valley although this variety may be the
result of temporal differences between tombs.
Two Late Cupisnique burials reponed in the Moche Valley at Ouirigua appear to
share the extended burial position (Rodríguez Lopez 1971, Table 4 01 & 02). Although
one was too disturbed to reconstruct the exact position, the other was extended, but lay
on the stomach. Elera's sample from Morro de Eten contains all extended burials (de
cúbito dorsal). Even the disturbad burials appear to have been originally in extended
positions and Elera believes all were so interred, resting on the back. The data available
suggest that by the Late Cupisnique Phase burials were generally extended.
365
Body orjeotation:
Most of the Late Guanape Phase tombs from El Gallo/La Gallina had been disturbad
so that orientation could not be observad, and even those tombs that were preservad did
not share a single orientation. This lack of fixed orientation is shared by Larcu's sample
(1941). He notes that burials were encountered with the head orientad in many differ-
ent directions, no one direction predominating. The direction in which the skull faced
also did not appear to be significant. This contrasts with Elera's sample where the
orientation was consistently to the northeast (1986). The lack of fixed orientation in
Larco's Chicama burials may again reflect the combining of different notions of
appropriate burial techniques.
Burial Offerjngs
Larco notes (1941: 163) that rarely does one find a Cupisnique burial where the
bones have not been colorad with red pigment. While the use of red pigment present in a
few Middle Guar"iape Phase burials at El Gallo/La Gallina, it was rare. In lnitial Period
burials at Gramalote, red pigment was noted in only one case (Table 4). lt was absent in
Chao burials at Salinas de Chao. The coloration of the bones of the Neper"ia burial
encountered at Punkurí, and recorded instances of its use in burials even further south
at Cardal and Ancón (Burger 1992: 73-74), indicate the use of red pigment as part of a
larger tradition and not simply an indication of dominance by a 'Cupisnique culture'.
In Cupsinique burials the cranium is most often colored, but at other times many
of the othe.r bones are colorad not only red, but also green. Larco cites evidence of the
use of red pigment in his Virú-Cupisnique cemeteries, but never makes clear how often
it was found. He also notes its use in looted tombs trom the Santa Ana area. The thick
layers of red pigment mentioned by Larco, which in sorne instances helped preserve hair
in burials, were never found at El Gallo/La Gallina.
366
Larco observes that in addition to red powder, Cupisnique burials generally
included a wealth of portable objects of stone, bone, and shell, many items of personal
adomment and jewelry, and ceramics as part of the grave furniture. Two to five bone
rings, were encountered with Cupsinique burials. Shells were often encountered, and in
some cases were sewn onto clothing. Skirts made entirely of shell beads were also found.
Necklaces were fashioned from exotic shell and semiprecious stones such as lapis lazuli,
turquoise, quartz crystal, and Spondylus shell (Burger 1992: 91 ). Ear spools and
pendants were fashioned from bone, shell or wood, and were inlaid with turquoise, shell
or other precious stones. In addition, roller and starnp seals were discovered, which, at
times, had traces of red pigment. Such items were likely used to paint the body
(Burger 1992: 90). Anthracite mirrors are also typically found.
Cupisnique tombs are the first to include metal regularly as grave offerings on
the North Coast. Small gold beads and pendants were present in two of Elera's the tombs.
The Chongoyape burials had rich gold crowns and other objects of personal adornment
were found with the burials (Lothrop 1941 ; 1951). Goldwork discovered in the tombs
included a gold crab (Lothrop 1941: 260, lam. XXo), a gold pecten purpuratus shell
(Lothrop 1941, lam. XXq), and gold beads shaped like shells (Lothrop 1941, lam. XXp)
(E lera 1986: 211 ). Elera believes that these burials are contemporary with those at
Eten basad on their position, use of hematite, and grave goods which stylistically
correspond to the mid Early Horizon.
lmplements such as spoons and spatulas were carved from bone, and in sorne
cases, stone mortars and decorated cups were also included in burials. Ceramics were the
most frequently encountered of all offerings, at least one to two and nevar more than
three, appearing in each tomb (Eiera 1986; Larca 1941: 163).
As was the case in Virú, offerings were placad at all parts of the body with no set
367
order governing their placement. ahhough ceramic vessels are often placed near the head
(Aiva 1986a: 31; Burger 1992: 91).
Alva was able to identify signs of intentional concentrations of burials and
hierarchical disposition patterns manifestad by qualitative differences in grave goods
(1986a: 30). lt is possible that such patterns mirror similar social developments at
Morro de Eten where concentations of interments were seen as possible family plots and
differentiation in grave wealth was noted. Alva states that the range of materials differed
from one cemetery to another so that in sorne cases only simple bottles or bones colorad
with red pigment were recovered, while in others many tombs with elaborate offerings
and a wealth of goods were found(Aiva 1986a: 31). Such a variation in tomb weahh is
unknown in the Guanape Phase or in the lnitial Period burials generally.
Conclusions
Late Guañape tombs appear to have far more in common with the earlier Middle
Guañape tombs than with those of the coeval Cupisnique Culture to the north. Although a
greater sample is need before conclusive statements may be advance, based on current
knowledge the Late Guar1ape tombs differ from Cupisnique tombs in terms of the body
position and orientation and especially in terms of burial goods.
The Late Guanape flexed burials in Virú contrast with the consistent pattern of
burial in an extended position in Late Cupisnique tombs in Lambayeque and Moche. The
variety of burial positions used in Chicama suggests that either a number of differem
practicas were seen as equally viable or that the variety observad is the product of
temporal differences. lt is possible that a variety of positions were in use in Classic
Cupisnique times and that it was only in the Late Cupisnique Phase that extended burials
be<'ame the norm.
The large number of burial offerings, which served to differentiate burials in the
368
Cupisnique cemeteries, were generally absent in the Virú sample. Rather than being
differentiated by penable objects included as offerings in the tomb, the Virú Guanape
burials were differentiated by the degree of labor expended in the construction of tombs.
The complexity of the tomb construction, size, and the degree of labor invested in the
surface architecture would serve as tangible reminders to ti'le living of the imponance
anributed to the individuals buried beneath these structures. Unfonunately, since the
Virú sample is based entirely on burials encountered at a ritual center, it is impossible
to know if these burials characterized Guar'!ape burial canons generally. Excavation of a
Guar'!ape domestic site in the mid-valley with burials is necessary before the practicas
identified at El Gallo/La Gallina can be advanced as representing general Guar'!ape burial
canons of all segmems of the society. lt is likely, however, that burial offerings would
be no more elaborare at domesti.: sites than in !hose at the ritual center and that the
absence of diagnostic Cupsinique items, especially metal, at Gallo/Gallina is meaningful.
While ceramics were found in two Late Guar'!ape tombs, they bear linle in
common with the diagnostic Cupisnique forms and decoration. This data suggests that rt
may be the case that the Cupisnique Culture did not anain its full geographic spread until
after the collapse of the Late Guar'!ape Phase.
Based on the ceramic sequence from Huaca Verde, it seems the case that this site
was abandoned by no later than 500 B. C. Diagnostic decorativa techniques and vessel
forms of the Late Cupisnique Phase (c. 450-200 B. C.) fail to appear at Huaca Verde and
local huagueros noted that no Cupisnique vessels had been recovered anywhere in the
Huacapongo Drainage to their knowledge. The lack of concentrated population centers in
Virú following a Late Guar'!ape collapse may have weakened the Cupisnique culture's
ability to achieve dominance in Virú. Burial data and the lacl< of Cupisnique diagnostics,
suggests a gap in the chronology between the Late Guanape and Puerto Moorin Phases,
369
roughly 500 a.c. to 200 B. C. specifically the time of the Late Cupisique Phase.
The apparent dispersa! of the population from concentrated centers at the end of
tne Later Gual'lape Phase confounds easy explanations. More work is r1ecessary at Late
Guai'lape and succeeding Puerto Moorin sites befare this chronological gap can be fully
understood. Moseley (1992: 28) notes evidence of a disastrous flood on the North Coast
that occurred sometime around 500 B. C. the etfects of which would certainly have
caused societal trauma. That the period may have been one of disjuncture and incipient
militarism is suggested by the appearance of full-scale fortresses at the beginning of the
Puerto Moorin Phase.
370
CHAPTER EIGHT
FAUNAL ANO FLORAL REMAINS AT HUACA EL GALLO/HUACA LA GALLINA
All botanical and faunal remains were examinad and identified by Biologist Víctor
F. Vasquez Sanchez and Archaeobotantist Theresa E. Rosales Tham, Director and Co-
director respectively of the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueobiológicas y Paleoecológicos
Andinas "Arqueobios· of the University of Trujillo (UNT). Dr. Alejandro Fernandez
Honores. Director of the Jardín Botánico Precolombino y Morfólogo de Planta Fanero-
gamas y Criptogamas de la Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, helped with the identifi-
cation of roots and wood samples and preparation of slides for microphotography.
The objectives of the analysis of the faunal and floral materials were to: 1)
establish the varieties and rough quantities of species present, 2) reveal possible
dietary/subsistence sources, and 3) anempt to reconstruct the paleoclimate at the time
of sita occupation. Remains wera later comparad with collactions of material from coeval
coastal sitas in neighboring valleys.
Botan/cal ramains: (Tables lA, 18)
Botanical remains were scarce on both the Huaca El Gallo and Huaca La Gallina
sides of the site and were limitad to tour species, only one of which made up part of the
diet of cultivated plants: the variety of squash Cucurbita moschata locally known as
"locha".1 The squash remains consistad of two seeds found associated with Floor 3 which
capped the final major Middle Guanape construction phase at El Gallo Unit 2 (V-149,
E/S). Seed siza nas been used elsewhere as an indirect indicator of the prasanca of
irrigation agricultura (Smith 1988; Bird & Hyslop 1985: 234; West & Whitakar
1979; S. Pozorski 1976; 1983: 34-5, tabla 8). Tha El Gallo seeds were similar in size
to squash seeds found at the lnitial Period site of Gramalote in tha Moche Valley (S.
Pozorski 1983). One of tha El Gallo seeds is 16.7 mm long and 8.0 mm wide whila the
371
Table: 1
A. Distribution of floral remains by site:
T A X A HUACA EL GALLO HUACA LA GALLINA

?rosopis sp. X
Cucurbita rnoschata X
Tessaria integrlfolia X
Furcraea sp. X
8. Quantity and part identified of the floral remains found

at Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina
m. cA
: .. ,. .. ,.;
..l. ;A:::ll.
.. J~= ... . ::::!:
...
•
.
.
"'
.-
•
..
.. .. ..
f •..;¡ ?~:: : ·:: :: :::: :::::
.: ..... .-: ..........

"':"
: :.
:" .. ..,::d
4
; .. :
~.
. ': .....
..
;
:-' ,-:.
' :::;::::~
:.:.:::::¡ l : ; ..
~
"':"'".. .. ;
:: :.~.: .
other is 17.4 mm long and 7.7 mm wide. These figures are comparable to seed sizes
from lnrtial Period Gramalote (average 12.5 mm long (range 9-17 mm) and 7.7 mm
wide (range 5-12 mm)), and are larger than those for seeds of Preceramic La Galgada
(average 12.3 mm long (ranga 11.5-14 mm) and 7.5 mm wide (range 5.5-9.0 mm))
(Smith 1988: 143). Seed sizes are smaller at La Galgada because water is more scarce
(Smith 1988: 143)
The other three botanical species constitute a sample of the wild flora that existed
during the epoch of site occupation and include "algarrobo" E..r.Q.SQQ.i..S. SD... "pájaro bobo"
Tessaria ;ntegrifolia, and ·cabuya" Furcraea SJl These wild species were encountered
during the excavations at Huaca La Gallina (V-148, W/SE Units 1-5). No such remains
were found at Huaca El Gallo. These three wild species were probably used to construct
walls and roofs of shelters and to make mats and rapes. Today they continua to be used for
these purposes in the nearby town of El Nir'lo.
Algarrobo wood was recovered on the surface of Unit 2 (V-148 W/SE), cut stems
from Unit 1. Structure 1, Layer 4 (V-148 W/SE), and carbonizad fragments from the
surface of Unit 1 (V -148 W/SE), all in Middle Guar'lape contexts. Pájaro bobo, a shrub
generally found along river courses, was encountered at Huaca La Gallina (V-148,
W/SE) in Unit 2, Structure 2, Layer 1 (cut stems), and in Unit 3, Structure 3. Layer 1
(bark chips), again in Middle Guar'lape contexts. Cabuya, an herbacious species found in
the lomas vegetation of the Peruvian coast, was found only at Huaca La Gallina (V -148
Wl SE), Unit 5, Level 2 in Burial 2. Here tour root fragments were recovered that may
have been used to make rape or cord. The tombs in Unit 5 may be date to the Early
Guar'lape Phase, but are no later than Middle Guar'lape in date.
lf algarrobo and pájaro bobo were grown at or near the sit~ it may suggest that
this zone was subject to greater humidity during the period of occupation, since the
373
latter plant requires abundan! water. Algarrobales.. stands of algarrobo trees on the
coast, are also encountered near water sources, however, they can survive in arid zones
(Kaulicke et. al. 1985). lt is possible that the microclimate in Quebrada El Nir~o was
less dry 3000 years ago than it is presently (Yasquez S. et.al. 1995: 51).
The lack of evidence for maize Zea ~ combinad with skeletal dental data to be
discussed undermines the idea that the first incipient agricultura! populations were
supported prjmarjly by this cultivated crop (Wilson 1981; 1982; 1987; 1988;
1992). R. Bird (1980; 1990) suggests that maize arrived on the Peruvian North Coast
with the spread of the Cupisnique culture (800-500 B. C.), and supports this idea by
noting íts absence at other Preceramic and lnítial Period sitas such as Las Haldas,
Aspero, and Gramalote (Vasquez S. 1995: 51·52; see Bonavia 1985 for a different view
on maize's age in the Peruvian diet).
The dating of El Gallo/La Gallina to the Middle Guanape Phase (Pre-Cupisnique)
would suggest that it may be only in the Late Guar'lape Phase that maize began to be
utilizad wrth any frequency, although it could have been one of a number of crops
contribu1ing to the Middle Guanape diet as a secondary element. By using stable carbon
tsotope analysis, Burger and Van der Merwe (1990) were able to establish that maize
played just such a role for the population of the highland site of Chavin de Huántar from
Urubarriu times through the Janabarriu Phase (900-250 B. C.). The fu1ure employ-
ment of this method of analysis or. Middle Guanape Phase skeletal material may help to
clarify this issue, although its use on the coast would be complicated by the consumption
by coastal peoples of marine resources.
Fish Remains: (Tables 2, 3A, 3Bi, 3Bii, 3C, 30)
At Huaca El Gallo fish bones were recovered in contexts belonging to the latter two
Middle Guanape construction phases in Units 2 (V-149 E/S). Fish were representad by
374
Table: 2
Distribution of the Taxa(faunal remains) by site
T A X A HUACA EL GALLO HUACA LA GALLINA

mLWSKS
Znoploc~iton c¡qer
F1ssurella liicata
.~mea sp.
?r1soqaster n1qer
Littorina per~v:ana 1
?clinices uher 1 1
:~ais c:~c~lata 1 !
Ianthocborus b~xea 1
Rassar1us dent:ier 1
?runus cur tul !
Scutalus pr~:eus !
~unarca crev:irc~s
:~oro~yt:lus c~:rus
?er~:ytil~s p~rr:~at~s
5e:!lft:!us a!;:s~s
... ........................
l""'~~ar"a"
..,~~~~-
,..,. ..... .:~,.·:
Ar;opec:2n ?~=~~:a:Js I
~ractycard:~~ p:::er~: I
?rotot~aca thaca I
I
5~¡s~la a·:a:s: !
~escdes:a d:jac:~J !
~cm obesul:JS !
Selele c~rruqata I
C";CST .:·.e:::,',: 'S
?latrtanthus orb:;nrt
mmEs
3oa ccnstr:c:~r cons:r:c:or
Callcclstes flav:punctatus
::'I5H
~aralonc~urus peruanus !
~¡nosc:cn anal:s !
sc:aena deliciosa !
An:sotreJus s:apularis
Sc~Jbero~crus lacula:~s s:er:a
BIHDS
Jct~ccroc:a s~.
:.Jan=..r~s
mmmg
Canis sp. 1
Otaria s:. 1
Odccn leÜs s:. I
~a~a sp. · !
CA!!EL!DAE I
~oJo sap'~"·
....... J s=·'e"s
.. ~ . . .
I
Table:3
A. Fish:Geographical Distribution:
Paralo nchu rus peruan us "coco'' "suco"

Peruvian Coast-from Puerto Pizarra to Callao
Cvnoscion analis "ayanque" "cachema"
From Santa Elena, Ecuador to Coquimbo. Chile
Sciaena deliciosa "lorna"
From Puerto Pizarra. Peru to Antofagasta. Chile
Anisotremus scapularis "chita~
From Manta. Ecuador to Antofagasta. Chile and the Galapagos & Cocos ls.
Scomberomorus maculatus sierra "sierra''
Fro m Southern California. USA to Pisco Bay. Peru and Galapagos ls.
8. Fish: Stratigraphic distribution of fish identified at Huaca

El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina
1. Huaca Ei Gallo
;:;: 1 3
2. Huaca La Gallina
........... ........................... .. :';:T : :¡

. . . ..
.. • 4
.... ..
V · - 00.. .. . . - ' " . . .. .. 4 ....... 4 4
.
....
.
.. . . . .
..
.. ..
•
•
.. .
•
1
.. 4
•••
...
.... .. .. :
'
·................. .
..... : ...... : .. : • :
Leaend:
S=Suc:;erficial /ayer N1P1=Level 1. Floor 1 N1aRc2=Leve! 1a. Fiil 2
N4R2=Leve! .1. Fill 2 N5R3=Level 5. Fiil 3 N1=Leve! 1
N2=Level 2 N3=Leve! 3 C1 =Layer 1
C2=Layer 2 C2a=Layer 2a C2b=Layer 2t
C2c=Layer 2: E1=Burial 1 N2E=Leve! 2. Burla/
N3E2=Level 3. Bur1al 2
Table: 3
C. Fish: Quantification of Fish identified at Huaca El Gallo
D. Fish: Quantification of Fish identified at Huaca La Gallina
::¡::
.. . .:s:T
....' ........ ..
•J "( t 3
.. . .' .. .. . .. . ... ....
.. .. . - ... .- ... ..~.
.1 ... ¡~: ;~: ,, ...

1...
'
·•
.... ··-...... .
.. . . . .
; ..• .; "' .... .: .. .:. ... ;
1 ~••:::::~:: .. ~ ~::: .... .:. • • ;

three species at El Gallo: Paralonchurus peruanus. •coco· or ·suco·, Sciaena deliciosa,
"lorna·, and ~ ~• ayanque· or ·cachema". All three of these cold-water
species are fouod off the Peruvian coast. Evidence of all three species of fish was
recovered in surface layers. ·coco· was also encountered in Unit 2, Layar 4 of
Structure 2 and Layer 5 of Structure 3 (V-149, E/S). "Ayanque· was also found in
Layer 4 ot Structure 2 (V-149 E/S).
At Huaca La Gallina fish remains were limitad to Middle Guar'\ape Phase construc-
tions in Units 1-3 (V-148 W/SE). Five spocies were identified, the three already
mentioned for El Gallo, in addition to Anisotremus scapularis "chita", and Scombero-
ffi.QLU.S. maculatus sierra. "sierra·. These latter two species are likewise found off the
Peruvian coast. ·coco· was the most common species found in Unit 1 (Layers 2 & 3,
Structure 2), Unit 2 (Layers 2a, 2b & 2c), and Unit 3 (Layer 1) for a total of eight
individuals. "Ayanque·, "Lorna·, and "Chita" wero limited to Unit 2 Layer 2b for
totals ot one, three, and two individuals respectively. "Sierra· was limited to Unit 2,
Layer 2a. and evidence indicated only one individual was representad. No freshwater fish
bones were found during the excavation. The presence of marine species is evidence of
exchange relationships-agricultural produce for marine resources-between Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina and coastal settlements during the Middle Guanape Phase (S. Pozorski
1979; 1983).
Of the five species recovered at El Gallo/La Gallina, four of them could have been
caught using a hook and line from the seashore or valley headlands. Only one, Scombero-
ffi.QLU.S. maculatus sierra would have necessitated the use of boats aod nets for its capture
(Vasquez S. et.al. 1995: 50).
Crustacean Remains: (Table 2)
Only a single marine species 'Jf crustacean was identified: Platyxanthus orbignyi
378
·cangrejo violáceo·. purple crab. lts claws were encoumered at Huaca El Gallo Unit 2
(V-149, E/S) in superficial layers and in squares 18, lE, 2A, and 20, associated with
marine mollusks. This crab contribUled significantly to the Preceramic diet and
continuad to do so in later times. lt is found primarily on the rocky headlands along the
Peruvian coast.
Bird Remsins: (Tsble 2)
Only one bird species was identified: Nothoprocta SA. "perdiz" or partridge found
in Unit 2, Layer 3, Aoor 3 at Huaca El Gallo (V-149 E/S) and associated wrth the final
Middle Guanape construction phase. Only three tibia tragments were recovered and these
were comparad with modern samples found in the collection of the Vertabrate Zoology
section of the University of Trujillo. These birds are nativa to the coastal lomas. This
species is commonly recovered in archaeological sites and still contribUles to the modern
diet. No sea birds were recovered desp~e the presence of other marine fauna.
Reptile remains: (Table 2)
Two reptile species were tdemified, both indigenous to the region: CAIIopistes
flayipuoctatus. "lagano· or "iguanó", lizard, and Boa constrictor constrictor. These
were identified with reference to modern reptile skeletons housed at the Juan Ormea
Zoological Museum and the Venabrate Zoology collection at UNT. "Lagano· remains
were limrted to Huaca El Gallo, (V-149, E/S) Unit 2, Square 4C, Layer 4, where a total
of 20 vertebrae were recovered in a clear Middle Gual"lape context. Vasquez S. et. al
(1995: 30) maintain this is evidence that this species was consumad as pan of the diet
and add that simiiar evidence has been recovered at Lithic sites of the North Coast, especi-
ally at Paiján campsites in Ascope (Gálvez Mora 1988; 1992). Lizards continua to
comribUle to the modero diet (Holmberg 1957; Gillen 1947: 155).
Eight boa venebrae were recovered at El Gallo in surface layers in Unit 2, Square
379
1O. lt is possible that this species was also eaten since ethnographic evidence exists of
its consumption on the North Coast by people living in the San Pedro de Lloc region of
Lambayeque and in Piura (Vasquez et.al. 1995: 30). Boa bones were also recovered at
Huaca La Gallina.
Mammal Remains: (Table 2, 4A. 48)
At Huaca El Gallo mammal remains were very scarce and were limited to nine
fragments that could not be identified and 34 fragments belonging to mice (CRICETIDAE).
At Huaca La Gallina (V -148, W/SE) Units 1·3 and 5, a wider variety of species were
recovered: CRICETIDAE. Q.aois s.p., Q1aria s.p., Odocojleus s.p., 1..a.ma Sll., CAMELIDAE, and
sorne unidentified remains.
Mice remains were recovered at Huaca La Gallina (V-148, W/SE), in surface
deposits in Units 1 and 3. and in Unit 1 Layer 3. Structure 2. Dog (Qanis SP.J was found
Middle Guanape contexts in Unit 1 Layar 3, Structure 1. Burial 1, and in Unit 2. Layers
1 & 2. Structure 2. Sea lion (Qlarj_a :UW was limited to a single tooth. perforated to be
worn as a pendant. found in Burial E-3 in Unit 5. This tomb may date to the Early
Guanape Phase but no later than the Middle Guanape Phase. White-tailed deer
( Odocoileus s.p.) was also very limitad occurring only in surface deposits in Unit 3.
Camelid (J..ama s.p.) remains were recovered in Unit 1 (Structure 2, Layers 1 &
3) in Middle Guanape contexts. CAMELIDAE remains were found in the Unit 5 burials.
but could not be further identified. Camelid remains are rarely recovered on the coast.
the only other finds in Virú being those Llama skeletons recovered in ritual Middle
Guanape contexts at Huaca Negra by Strong & Evans (1952). The discovery of Llama
excrement at Huaca Lucia by Shimada (in Millar & Burger 1995: 450) has been cited by
Miller and Burger as evidence of the knowledge and use of the llama as a pacl< animal by
lnitial Period coastal peoples. They maintain that it is unlikely that Llamas contributed
380
Table: 4
A. Distribution of Mammal remains identified at Huaca El
Gallo
as!L mr
SJp. NJP3 ~'~cz
..................
... :~,"'7 11 -:":",ii
::~::a::::. ji
Legend:
Sup=Superficial layer N2=Level 2 N3=Level 3
N3P3=Level 3, Floor 3 N4Rc2=Level 4, Structure 2
·small unidentified fragments
8. Distribution of Mammal remains identified at Huaca La

Gallina
.u ; :~:T ;
::::::::::A!
..... . . . ..
"•:··:
. : . ~
::::::~:..:s s;
:a:a :;.
Legend:
Sup=Superficial layer C1 Rc2=Layer 1, Structure 2
C2Rc2=Layer 2, Structure 2 C2aRc2=Layer 2a, Structure 2
C3Rc2=Layer 3. Structure 2 C3E1 =Layer 3, Burial 1
N2E=Level 2, Burial C4=Layer 4
·= Tools of CAMELIDAE bone
to the coastal diet during the lnitial Period, but that they were utilized as beasts of
burden. Miller and Burger reject the possibil~y of herding of camelids on the coast
during the lnitial Period (1995: 450).
Deer were an importan! resource throughout the occupational history of Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina. Deers' importance in the diet of the inhabitants of other upper-valley
lnitial Period settlements has been noted at Caballo Muerto in the Moche drainage (S.
Pozorski 1983). They are probably underrepresented in the faunal assemblage either
because meat was processed off-site or because of the existence of a bone tool industry at
lnitial Period Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina that would have adversely affected the survival
rate of deer bones (Miller & Burger 1995: 445). lt seems likely that doer were
marginalized as their habitat was increasingly reduced with the expansion of irrigation
works and cultivated fields.
Shellfish Remains: (Tables 2, SA, 58, se i, se ii, 50 i, 50 ii)
A total of 317 shell fragments and whole shells were examined. This number does
not represent the total number of shells discovered. however. The rernaining shells were
almost entirely those of land snails Scutalus s.Q., which were found nearly everywhere
and often in great profusion.
In addition, a small numb61 of Spondylu.s fragments were discovered in three
different Middle Gual'lape tombs at El Gallo (V-149, E/S). One in Unit 2. Structure 3
(Burial 1O) was a small Spondylus bead. A very weathered plaque of Spondylus, brol<en
into fragments, was found in Unit 3, Structure 1, Burial 1. Three poorly finished
Spondylus beads were found in Burial 4, Unit 1, Structure 1. Spondylus is native to the
tropical waters off Ecuador's southern coast. lt has been reportad that this species
occasionally moves south with the onset of the El Nil'lo phenomenon (ENSO). lt is
probable that the Spondylus encountered at El Gallo may be evidence of long-distance or
382
Table
MOLLUSKS:
A.- Geographical Distribution
Gecgraphical Distribution of the Mcliusks identified at Huaca

Ei Gallo/Huaca La Gallina. Virú Valley
ro7inc:a P;ovi~~:a ?~r;¡!!cia .... ,.........

,,. ......... l
¡ •
;a :for;¡:a:a ?mJeja
e~ 30Q ..
'"'" !O~
..
·;~
?::·~a:a
: ~J gs m ; ,¡g
~:;1::a:::l
m ,,,, ..
.. .. :
!::;1::::::: j:ger
~-------------------
~:~:5 :::::.::.l
!:::::::::~~ :~!~!
:~::::~ ::~~:~:::s
1..._ ... " ... , . . . . . ,, :: f' "f'l: 1"'1::

......... ~! ................... ..
¡·
::a:a r-----------..,,1
:::::::~:3
... .
!·~:::::.:~ =~::
. . ,____ _______,
~-----·1
Table: 5
B. Mollusks: Vertical Distribution
1. Vertical Distribution of Mollusks of the Rocky Littoral
S p E r'- I ::. S StiFRAL !TORAL 1-!ESOLITORAL INF?w:U.I!GP.AL

:::r.c¡:lcchiton n.:.ger !11//////// /////111///
F.:.ssurella llmbata //////////
_.l..s:naea sp. !111/1/11/
?::.sogaster ::l·;e:- 1
/il///1/1/ //l////!//1
::ttcrina perc:-;:.ana 1
1111/111111 1
/!l//1/1/1 1
r
:::a:.s c!":ccc:a:a /, / 1 1 /
.i
1 1
:(ar.:::cchorus l:L::{ea 1 1
/!///i/1 1/ 1
1
1
/ 1
1
1
::-.c::cm:rt.:.lus e:::=:.:~
1 1
1 i'f/jli/ '
'
~e:-"Jmy~:lus ;l!:;ura:·Js 1 1
1' //,'/i/1!! ' 1 1
1
: e::-~::n:·: .:.1 us - ~ --e::.,':

C::.-'::--¡,..- 1 1 '/1/111!1
2.Vertical Distribution of Mollusks of the Sandy Littoral
-
...~ 1
_
........ _ ·---·- ....---
--...
~·--··----·· 1 ....
·-----·-
::.-·~--=:·
.... -
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 '
.. --
---e
.,.
• ¡' / '
' '1
down-the-line trade between this site and coastal senlemems (Helms 1979; Burger
1984: 257). Because of the fragmentary condition of the finds it was impossib!e to
specify the type of Spondylus encountered. Spondylus was not unearthed anywher~ else at
El Gallo, nor was it found at La Gallina.
Among the other shellfish fragments analyzed 24 species were identified, all but
one (Scutalus) are marine species, one belongs to the Polyplacophora class, 10 are
Gastropods, and 13 are of the Pelcypoda class. Ten of the species inhabit rocky headlands
and 13 the sandy littoral.
All the marine species dwell in the cold wateis of the Peruvian shellfish province
with the exception of Lunarca breyifroos. Pruoum cuoum, and Arg.Qg~ cjrcularjs.
Each of these three is a tropical species that iohabits the tepid-warm waters of the
PanameM shellfish province. The first is present at Huaca El Gallo (Unit 2 E/S) in a
Middle Guanape context and the lanar two at La Gallina in the Unit 5 Burials that date to
no later than the Middle Guanape Phase. Vasquez et. al. (1995: 47-48) offer two
suggestions to account tor the exotic shells: 1) they are evidence of the reutilization ot
shells found in Preceramic coastal shellheaps and cor.served by later populations.
Compelling evidence exists that prior to 5000 B.P a warm water current prevailed along
the nonh and nonh central coasts of Peru and warm water species exotic to the region in
the lnitial Period would have been commonplace (Sandweiss 1996; Sandweiss, Rollins &
Richardson 1983: Sandweiss et. al. 1996).
Vasquez et. al. (1995) offer as their second scenario that the shells' presence is a
result of their having moved south with the onset of an El Nino Event (ENSO). Vasquez et.
al. favor the first interpretation and feel it is supponed by the corresponding absence of
such exotic species at other roughly lnitial Period coastal sitas such as Gramalote (S.
Pozorski 1976; 1979), Puémepe (Eiera et. al. 1992). Las Haldas (Fung 1969;
385
Table: 5
e~ Stratigraphic distribution of Mollusks identifed at El
Huaca El Gallo
. ..
1"""T'
..11. H::
; : ; ' . )::: J:~::: .1;:; iE: i: :;: 1;
Er:q:: lec:-..:. ten r...:.ge:r :<

• . -.iiG-- s;· .
.l.r-1'-c.:: :·:
?:" :s.:~c :.e:- n.:;er ..
!=.:l::.:_(::S t±Er ;~
~..a.:s c::cc:..Lata :\
:< a.nt.::ec::c r ..:.s i:uxe:;. ..
:iassa=::.:..s cent::e:r .. ..
~·=..::.:2.~ ¡;:rcteu.s
._:..:.r..a:-:2. !:revi:::r..s .·. :-: :\ .. .. ..
..
... ""'r-r- ..... · - .. ~ '1c:: ., .. :.: ..
-··-- -·l·: ---- c::c:--...!S :~ ..
;: -= ":'":..71·:--:.: '...l.S f: t.:.:; t.:==.: :.:2 .. :.:
___ ... ____
.:,.,..e!':1..:.::"¡"[-:
.. .:. ..:. '...:.S a.2.~cs~ ..
...._ "'!'-!"''='- --=~- ;t.:.:;t.:.=~:·..:..:o ..
:: 3.:::·t:2.:"-:.:. L:..r:l ;r:~:s:-:..-:-:
~:::::..'-:=.:~ ::-...=.·:2. ..
~~::::r.=.::=. ,.... ·- ~
..
.:;::.;:·...:.._=. E:=C;~.S.:.
~-=~:ce~::-.c. C. e r.c.c: '..:::: .. ..
:cr...::.x e::.a st:2. u..s ;{ ;~ ... ..
~-=rr:~.:.: :::-:-..:;c.:.:: ..
Leaend:
S=Suoerfic!al !ayer N 1=Leve! 1

N 1P1=Leve! 1. Floor N 1aRc2= Leve! 1a. Structure 2
N3= Leve! 3 N3P3= Leve! 3. Floor 3
N4R2= Leve! 4. Fill 2
Matsuzawa 1978). and Aspero (Feldman 1983), where the coeval molluskan species
identified are all cold-water dwellers nativa to the Peruvian North Coast.
At Huaca El Gallo (V-149, E/S) more species are present in the upper layers
than elsewhere. although there is no great difference in the variety of species present
between the upper and lowermost Middle Guanape levels in Unit 2. Similarly, the
variety and frequency of species occurence is no different in the Middle Gual'lape levels of
Unit 1·3 at Huaca La Gallina (V-148. W/SE).
Only in the burial are a of Huaca La Gallina (V -148, W/SE, Unit 5) does the
variety of species differ. Here, not only are a greater variety of species present. but
also the majority of the shells found were worked to form pendants. lt is only here that
two of the tropical shellfish varieties are found: Prunum Curtum and Argopecten
rucularjs. Only one sample of each of these types was found and both had been pertorated
to be worn as jewelry. The species Eissurella ll.m.b.a1a (1 shell). Littorina peruana (4
shells). and Ib.a.i.s chocolata (1 shell) were also limited to Unit 5, and all of these shells
had been perforated to be worn. as were shells of the species ~.in.i.c.e.s. u.b.e.r. (2). Ar.9.Q.:.
~ purpuratus (5), Trachycardium pocerum (3). and Mesodesma donacjum (1).
The majority of the shells recovered at El Gallo/La Gallina were from Middle
Guanape construction fill or refuse and were very fragmentary so that no interpretations
can be advanced regarding the total quantity of the various shellfish consumed (either by
percentage or MNI). Well representad in the various layers at Huaca El Gallo is Spisula
aQams.i "almejita" a small clam for which the largest number of complete shells were
found, after those cf the land snail ScU1alus.
ScU1alus was recovered across the site in nearly all levels. lts discovery in
Guanape contexts is not surprising given ethnographic evidence illustrating its contin-
uing importance in the modern diet. Severa! of my field-workers reportad having
387
Table: 5
O~ Quantification of Mollusks identified at Huaca El Gallo
Js:: .. ,... -
2·~;::: :Jnt:!:
··'· .
S?!:I! ~~ . . . :?. !c. ...."'"' ... . ("..
·~.
, .
?~:s~qas::! ::;ar
?~:::::es ·~:er
~~~a:; c~c::i::a '1
Ia::~::t::~s =~xea
.'
- .t . 1
.,
-
.
'
t
-.'
- - t
. -. 1
: :. t
TOTAL . ; -.. t
..... - ; t
Legend:
Cp=Complete shells
lc=lncomplete shells ( ·-with diagnostic parts and fragments)

harvested them recemly during the wet season to supplemem their own diet. Land snails
have apparently been consumad on the coast since Lithic times as is evident from their
recovery at Paiján campsites at Playa Grande, Virú Valley, and they are frequemly
illustrated in later Moche art (Vasquez et. al. 1995: 48; Galvez Mora 1992; S. Pozorski
1983: 32; Pozorski & Pozorski 1979: 428; Levallee & Lang 1978; Benson 1972).
Choromytilus ~ "choro zapato" is aJso found frequently, not only in
superficial levels, but also in Midclle Guanape comexts at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. In
one instance six whole shells had been depositad as a cache or offering in Structure 2,
Unit 2 at Huaca La Gallina (V-148 W/SE). lts absence in the Unit 5 burial area at Huaca
La Gallina (V-148 W/SE), is surprising and may be evidence of temporal difference. By
c. 500 B. C. the frequency of this species declines as does the size of its shells which
Vasquez et. al suggest may be indicativa of climate changa. They feel decline in the
importance of other larga clams such as Protothaca ~. s..emele corrugata, and

Eurhomalea rJ.L1a at contemporary lnitial Period-Early Horizon sites in the Moche valley
also supports their view (S. Pozorski 1976: Elera et. al. 1992: 14; Vasquez et. al.
1995: 46).2 A more probable cause for the declining size of Choro shells may be their
overharvesting by coastal peoples. Overharvesting has been noted to have had a similar
effect on large clams at the Preceramic sites of Alto Salaverry and GramaJote in Moche
(S. Pozorski 1979; 1983).
The cyclic Nii'lo events are posited to have begun c. 5000 B. P. (Sandweiss 1996;
Sandweiss, Rollins & Richardson 1983; Sandweiss et. al. 1996). The environmental
degradation caused by El Nii'los is believed to have accelerated during the subsequem late
Early Horizon (Vasquez et. al. 1995: 50; Elera et. al. 1992; West & Whitaker 1979:
2 7 5 )3. 4. The greater variety and number of tropical species encountered at nearby
Huaca Verde is further evidence of the temporal difference between it and the Gallo-
389
Table: 5
C:' Stratigraphic distribution of Mollusks identified at
Huaca La Gallina
aHr: 1 oNr:- 1 m: J u. l n:: :
sn::zs S Cl C1 :1 S Cl C2 C2a ::b ::: S e: C2 S !: 5Z~ 51~:
Fissurella limbata
L1ttor1na peruviana :-:
Polinices uber
Thais c.1ocolata
Prum.:m curtum
ScJtalus proteus X X X
Chorcmytilus chorus X X X X X X X X
Arqc~ecten circularis X
ArgcFecten purpuratus X :<
T~ac;.ycardium prccerJm :<
Hesccesma donaci~ :-:
Dcr.a;< cbesulus ;{
Leqend:
S=Superficial !ayer C1 =Layer 1
C2=Layer 2 C2a=Layer 2a
C2b=Layer 2b C2c=Layer 2c
C3=Layer 3 C4=Layer 4
E1= Burial 1 N2E= Leve! 2 Burial
N3E2= Leve! 3. Burial 2
D." Quantification of Mollusks identified at Huaca La Gallina

:~:':'. ; ···-
4.1.1. :.
.. . .
. . .
... 1
-"' .. ..
1
..
't
:::::::a: ~==:
?::::~: =~::::~
• -. 1:
A:;:;e~:~: ::::::a~:s
:-. t
T O T :\ L • -. t ; -, .... 1
......
Cp=Complete shells
lc=lncomplete shells(·with diagnostic parts and fragments)
Gallina complex and the existence of forceful El Nir"lo events.s
The larger, meatier species: Eurhomalea LUla... Protothaca ~ and ~
corrugata are all present at El Gallo in the superficial level and the first also in Middle
Guar"lape contexts. One other larga mollusk had a higher frequency of occurrence: Mesodes-
ma dooacjum, and it also probably contributed to the diet. Other species such as the scal-
lops Argopecten purpuratus and Argopecteo cjrcularis were geoerally used for ornament.
Smaller snails Polinices~ or Littorjna Qilli!Yi.a.n.a may have been brought to the site
unintentionally anached to largar shell, but at El Gallo/La Galllina appear to have been
intentionally collected to be used for ornarnent as beads or pendents (Burger 1984: 259)
The El Gallo/La Galiina assemblage In regional perspectlve:
The evidence presented by the fauna! and botanical materials from the site of El
Gallo/La Gallina suggests a mixed diet which included not only cultivated and wild plant
foods. but also meat from wild animals, fish. and shellfish. The absence of a single
cultigen or carbohydate source that servad as a staple has been noted. Examination of the
twenty odd burials in Guar"lape layers provided further evidence supporting a mixed diet,
since dental caries were absent and tooth loss, even in older individuals. was not
pronounced (Verano 1996).
Marine species: (Tablas 6, 7, 8. 9)
Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina lies 24 Km from the Pacific Ocean, farther than nearly
every other coastal complex dating to the lnitial Period/Early Horizon with analyzed
floral and fauna! assemblages. Pampa de las Llarna-Moxeke lies only 18 km from the
ocean, Huaca Los Reyes 17 km inland. Pampa Rosario 16 km, and San Diego, but 5.5 km
from the shore. There is compelling evidence that both fish and shellfish continuad to be
utilizad to supplement a diet primarily basad on agricultura! produce, and that many of
the same species important to coastal sitas were utilizad.
391
Choromytilus chorus is the most significant shellfish in the diet at El Gallo and is
similarly important at the Preceramic sitas of Huaca Prieta (Chicama), Padre Aban
(Moche), Alto Salaverry (Moche), Huaca Negra (Virú), Salinas de Chao (Chao),
Huaynuná (Casma), and Las Haldas (Casma). lt is found in largar quantities at the lnitial
Period and Early Horizon sites of Gramalote (Moche), Huaca Herederos Chico (Moche),
Las Haldas, Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, Tortugas, and San Diego (all in Casma). Other
species found at El Gallo/La Gallina which have been found frequently at other sites
include Semjmytilus algosus, Mesodesma donacjum, and Donax sp,
Species infrequently recovered at El Gallo/ La Gallina and more abundant at
coastaJ sites include Semele corrugata. Eurhomalea rufa, Protothaca thaca, Iha.i.s
chocolata, E..Q!inices sp., Argopecten purpurat.um. Perumytilus purpuratus. tia.s.s..ad.u..s.
~. Trachycardeum pocerum, and Fjssurel!a limbata. Spisula adamsi, a small clam, was
significant to the El Gallo diet, but is not noted from the other sites. The discovery of the
crab Platyxanthus Q[bjgnü at El Gallo associated with Semimytilus algo..s..u.s., Choro-
mytilus chorus, Protothaca thaca. and Donax sp. illustrates that this crustacean formed
part of the general 'package' of shellfish harvested and traded inland.
The croaker fish Paralonchurus peruanus and Sciaena deliciosa are the dominant
fish in the El Gallo/La Gallina collection. These two varieties are also present in
collections from Salinas de Chao, Padre Aban, Alto Salaverry. and Gramalote. Unfortun-
ately, the lack of detailed data from the Casma sites precludes further comparisons.
One cannot be sure that the sample recovered archaeologically is representativa
ot the relativa importance of each of these species, yet the presence of the same shellfish
species, cited as importan! at coastal sites, at El Gallo/La Gallina is compelling evidence
that this inland site was involved in a direct trade relationship with coastal sites most
likely involving marine resources for agricultura! produce, as has been documentad
392
elsewhere {S. Pozorski, 1976; 1979; 1983).6 . The species recovered at El Gallo/La
Gallina partially reflect the shellfish harvesting patterns of the coastal dwellers,
although they do not indicate the relative importance of these species to coastal dwellers.
Terrestrial remains: (Tablas 6, 7, 8, 9)
Other than the bones of mice CRICETIDAE. mammal rernains were limitad to dogs.
deer, llama, and unidemified camelids. These mammals are the same reportad from the
lnitial Period and Early Horizon sites, and the presence of dogs, specificaHy, is notad by
Larco in tombs of the Cupisnique culture {1941).
Unfortunately, conditions at El Gallo/La Gallina are not suitable for the preser-
vation of floral remains. This lack of plant evidence is mirrored at Huaca Herederos
Chico in Moche. There the indirect evidence of cultigens present at Gramalote was used to
posit which species were grown. Such species are posited to have arrived at Gramalote as
a result of the exchange of agricultura! products by inland sites for the marine produce
ot the coastal sitas (S. Pozorski 1983). They, thus. retlect the variety of crops grown
inland. Given the similar location of El Gallo/La Gallina, this indirect evidence is equally
applicable.
The Gramalote evidence reveals a mixed diet including maize, peanut, common
beans, pepper, avocado, cansaboca. Squash and lúcuma were especially present in large
numbers (S. Pozorski 1979; 1983). Many of these same species are recordad at the
Preceramic sita ot Atto Salaverry including common bean. pepper, avocado, cansaboca,
squash and lúcuma. with the latter two being the most trequently encountered. This
would suggest that the exchange patterns noted tor the lnital Period were likely in place
during the Late Preceramic and that squash and lúcuma cominued as significam crops.
In the Chicama and Casma Valleys these same species occur in assemblages from
Preceramic and lnitial Period sites such as Huaca Prieta {Bird & Hyslop 1985),
393
TABLE ' VIRU-CHICAMA-SALINAS DE CHAO-HALDAS-LA GALGADA
Meat diet remains Viru-Chicama-Chao-Casma-Santa
Species Common Name Latín NameV71 H.Prleta S.Chao""" Haldas
(hab.) cut 1 TP 3 (Al va '8 6)
llollu•lc:
?urple mueeel
!rkl
Choromytilue X
Chorus
• 46\/5.9\ XlaL
~ueeele thir.-aheiledSemimytilue 0/1.58 X la

lrk: a.lgoeue
emall etriated Bra.chidcmtee X
· rk) purpura tus
Perumytilus 9.8/20
pur;:ura tus
Aulocomya. X
a ter
S:valve Doeinia. sp. X
3:.•Jalve Anadora sp. X
EL~ va l. ve ::ardicmaya :>p. X
~:a~a ~~ider.t:::ed X X
i.arge
-'bu::-:ed;
clam Protot!Jaca
tlJaca
•
:arge clam Eur.'lomal ea X
buriedl rufa
~:.am .\feeodeema l8 3/Sl.S Xlak!
dcnacium
::je-zor.-= r:onax X .8/4.3
::am peruvianue
~arge clam Gariet
k:tlrl~d~ solida
Tagelus
dombeii
2emele l..l/0 X la
:::r::ugata
Semele Xlak!
sol ida
Phola
::.':iloensie
Fissurella
sp.
X
• X XlaL
Fi.eeu::ella 1. 5 /2
:-::asea
Fiseurella 1 . 7 1 . ' l.
1. i:nl:a ta
Jdt3:.::-~t:od .::-:-:. ::::epi du 1 a
e:.:.;::p-.:!:-ah~::. diléitélta
::repidula X
atriclata
Tegula acra X X
Turbo niger
P-:Ylinices .39/l-16 X la
uber
Thais . ' /1 . 9 X la
choccla:a
Thais X la
deleesertia!la
Thaie ep.
!latica sp.
•X
Tabla 6 Cont'd V· 7 1 BP se LB
Di adora sp. X
Ocenebria sp. X
Cantharus ct.
inc-a
/lassarius
gayi
!lassarius sp. X
Olivella X
columellaris
Mirta
crientalie
dba:.on~-:.i:.Ce
Mirta sp.
Ccncholepas X
• 1.~/.5 XlaL
concho lepas
Con eh ol epas s¡:;. X
Bursa sp. X
Sinum X
cymba
A=oidian'aea aquir::Piura
chilensis
a~rer Petricola
rugosa
:ti :~r. 1: tlpeciee ~ 0/~ .75
X
:..and Snai: Scutalus s¡:;. X
:..ar.d Sna.:.: Drymaleus
verillium
•""'Por Salinaa da Chao tha firat out of a total of a hall fraq·
manta racovarad(~OSO) and tha aacond ia out of tha total numbar of
whola ahalla(1~00).
la·Fung'ft(1969) Laa Aldaa phaae. Fung notaa and incraaaa in molluaka
from tha pracaramic to ceramic phaaaa. Thia ia followad by a dacraaaa
in ahallfiah in tha latar Chavin phaaa whara amall muaaala and aaa
urchina ara tha only ahallfiah uaad. During thia phaaa fiah raplaca
ahallfiah and cotton amall maah nattinq(1.5·5cm) firat ia uaad.
L·latar lavala, kB·kay aarly lavala
l!'iaauralla \ combina Craaaa and limbata variatiaa.
Cruatacaana V· 7 1 Bpriata Sal.Chao Baldaa
:rab ür.:..der.::. X X X la
:rab .S~:.der ::rab Maidias s¡:;. X
~raO .St.or:-9 ::rab Xanchidae a¡:;. X
:rae P~rple :rab Platyanthus X
crbignii
Balan u a X X 3 . 8 1o X la
e in tinnabul um
·--- ·- ~by ~uy ementa X
análoga
S:chincdarma
s~a :J!":oh:n . >?rizo~ Te trapygus X X X X la

niger
? i ~u re~· 1 i k e a ea ur=hin.' X
etar~i..sh X
6 Cont' d V- 7 1 HP Sal.chao
(Sp.name)
Sand shark :tollo! Hus tel us sp. X X X
Ray (raya• Myliobatis X X
peruvianus
'r.<Jncadorl Paral onchurue X
\Sl.:CO/COCO peruanus
cr-::aker (lornaJ Sci.~ena X
deliciosa
:roai<er Sciaena X
gilberti
R.'Jinoba tos
plani ceps
1 pocochc' Xencscarus
denticulatue
3o::::.:o Sarda
chilensis
:'ramboilo 't!"ambo:lo· Lepisoma
phil ippi
::o:::gr:ol Genypterus
macula tus
:.:. ea¡ .'1ug i .i.
cephalus
C.':a.etodipterus ap. X
ünid~ntitied Fis.~ X X
X
Mammala
s~a :..:.:)n Lobo de~ :nar· Otaria X X? X X
byr~nia
Sea.:. Pi.nnipedia X
Art:J::ephal us ep. X
-::etacea X X X
perr::: ·:a ni a X
tar.liliar...:.:J
::a:na: ::. a::1a g ~a:;, a X•
-::~y 1 :::-avia
f'Orcellu~
ra:o:-. .je~::a:npoRac:uo ep. X
~e:::adc: )dccci.i.eue X
virg.:.nlanue
i.!niden:ified .'1ammals XT/A
T-:er~es:rial!A-aqudti=
.sa:.:::ar : i:::•?B.
Bircio
::~:::::ar. , pe.:.i=an; Pele::a. .."'lUB sp. X
cephalus
Pelecanidae X
:c:noran:: Phalacrocoracidae X
g~anay1 Phalacrocorax X
bouginvilla
tcc!:;y¡ Sulidae X
g~~:.s,:erns¡::.aridae X
pe::guin, Spheniscidae X
, aongbird, Faaei f~r:nee X
·,¡ader 1 Se el opaci da e X
ehearwater;Prcce11ariidae X
a:batross/Diomedeidae X
Bird• V -71 HP Sal.chao Las Haldas
(heronl Ardeida.e X
(stork) Ciccniidae X
( duckl Anatidae X
( skimmerl Rynchopidae X
rdiving petrel)Pelecanoididae X
Unidentified Bird X X X
PLANT RBMAINS Pra/Initial Caramic Sit•• Viru·Chicama·Chao·Ca•ma·Ranta
SpaoiaB Co-onlfamaLatin NamaV 71 !!Prieta S. ChaoHalda• Galgada
(Cultivatad)
Maize (maiz) Zea 1:1a.ize Xclt X eh Xo(lcob)
Arac.'li 8 Xe X la Xe
hypogaea
:..i:na b~an (pallarl Pha8eol U8 a X? Xpconly
lunatu8
-:ommon b~an(frijol) Pha8eolu8 Xo Xpoonly
·.rulgari e
:tick b8an (pallar: Cana·.ralia a
¡;:lagiceperma
Canavalia sp. Xpconly
:ora: bean EryUJr ina 8p. Xpe·c
Pithecell-:;biur.l Xe
a:..godor:, Goo8y¡:iur.l X a X X Xpe·o
barba dense
.aj!. Ca.p8icum s¡;:. a X Xpc·o
ca:..abaza Cur::::urbi ca a • X la Xpc·c••
8p.
Ldgena:la X (pe) a X X Xpc·o
8iceraria
Lage:Jaria X
•.rtllgari 8
A'/::-;, ~rl.iC ?~rBi-3 Xe X X la Xpc·e
a.¡;¡eri::::ar.a
:nga Xe X Xpc·c
:euill~i
Lluncho8ia Xpc·c
armenia ca
:;~ava guayaba: F8idium X Xpeonly
quajava
-.:. :.cur.1a! Lucuma a
bit era
.:.ucur.1a X
abcvaca
::;cuma, Fouteria sp. Xpo·c
·---- Z:l[.lCt"! Capparia ?
angula:a
?a:..m ·¡¡al:na. Falmae sp. X
;;asei.o~ : .:.ower Paaeiflor.J sp. Xpc·c
5W"!"!': ?cta:;:, '¡:¡apa! I ¡:o¡;¡ ea ?
Bata cae
?:::::a:::: .papa. Solanu1:1 sp. Xpconly
.~!a."li:::: ? e
S=u:-::e: S::-Gr:g & :::~Jana : l952); ~:Jw.:.~ ::?5: 1 ; Bi:::-d & Hyolop ::995' ;A:·.¡a .:986a)
:·..:::g .!.9'59·
:a.-::rat noted in =eramic :ae Ha.:.das ?haae; .:h~:i.rat appeara in :hav.i:l phaae.
:·.,¡::g 2.9 € 9
:<=-:-:o:ed i:1 =~rami.c l~vela only.
:.maxima, ~.moscha:a ••,.:.:naxi:na & mcachata ~:1ly
##Of two aet:s of coba from two different cuta {604) and {1711 reapec~ively 35 of
grcup 1 and 44 cf group ;: were exa:nined and were found to exhibit the following
characteristics: group 1- lO row (7 cabal 20%; 1::: row (28cobe)80% group "-lO rcw
(2cobal 4.5%;12 rcw (42cobel 95.5%
For Salinas de Chao (Alva l986bi ¡;ollen atudiee were aleo done which showed t:he
abso:nce of cultiva::ion of plante in ~he area of the Bite includi!'lg co~ton, faigue
& algarroba pol:en.
(Kild) V· 7 l HPE Sal chao Aldaa
Unido:nt.algae Chae comorpha/Rh.izoclonum X X ah
Burr--------- Cenchrus
echinacus
'3raee , grama; Pani cum Bp.
igramiceaa¡ Discichlis X
spicaca
::i!:"d88 ? Xpa·c
:ano: caiia brava: Gynerium X a X eh
sagit:acum
::-aiia brava' Tinerium X
sa.gi t ta turn
Scirpus a
:acera
Sclrpus ap. X
Ty¡:;ha a X Xt~c·c
angustifolia ...
1'illandsia ep X Xpa-c Xpc·a
Puyu Xpa·c
ferruginea
a:gorr:lba: Prosopis X
=hilensia
c1:gcrr.Jba, Froscpis ap. X Xpa·c
..-1qd ~.íe
d.'71:3!!"i.. C.:lJld X
f'·.::-".a.:-¡' ~~.:.a Fur::r.J.e.3 .Jt=. Xpc·c
,\:.:!-::::-.1 ·;~ •• ;;. .::'anna ~dulia Xpaonly
: a.-.na ::1 di .:a a
?.~~d ~raaeicarr-:..zoJ Arundc sp. X X eh
Acacia Xe X Xpc·c
macracancha
:a.:::...:o ::'ac::aceae X eh Xpa·c
Sapindus vr Xpc·c
eaporaria
gra::1:na ;ogo Cal ama gros ti s ap. a
¡::isa El eo;;har-... t:' sp. X
::-:::.·¡:;, arr.arra!Asclepias ap.? X
Ca¡:;paris angula:a? X
~anda ce X
e Additioual rare apeciea at Huaca iuclude kelp/aeaweed, Prieta
horaetail(Equiaatum ap.), cola de zorro(8chi~ochola cruagali),flor
de agua; uña de gato (Himoaa a p.), quinal (?) , Chaquira del Indio,
choloque, awampberry (S&pbi~dull aapmaria), Si!llbolo, willow (aalix
ap.) ,frijol de garbanzilla(C&ja~u• a&j&;o?), '!erba luiaa(Cybopago.c
ait;rat:ua?), and Tamarindo(tamari:Iduai~dic&?) the latter three doubtful
becauae of the view that they are Old Korld apeciea.
=~-:a:: note::i :.:1 :he :.as Haldas :havi!1 phase; pc-cpreaent preceramic :::r:::ugh ceramic
.:.evels.
':!Add.::i.:;::al s~eciee at :.a Gdlgada i:Jclude Ephedz-a !10t local te :he area bt!t i.:nported
:r:::::'. :he :allejcn de Huaylaa, Equieecum a ruahione fragmentl, a:1d a single :ragme!'lt
~~ :.=--.-: ;:ci.::set:a :ar.1ily :Euphorbiaceae).
TABLE 7:MOCHE VALLEY PRECERAMIC & CERAMIC SITES
Meat diet remains (preC.) MOCHE VALLEY I.P.
Species Common Name Latin N ame Padre Alto Salavery Gramalote HHC
(hab.) Aban Cut 1/Cut ~ cut1,.:l•
ldolluek ?urple muaael _'hcromyti 1 us 3 1 . S 17.9 18.~ 7 . ~ ;,¡ l . 9
1rk: ::.':le rus
~~aaele th:~-ehelled St~mimytilus 1 . :,¡ o.3 o.
irk: algosus
7.'
' .9 1
amall at:rlat:.ed Brachidcnt:.es + 1.5 1 . S + +

\rkJ ¡:urpuratus
s~a::~F Scal:oF Argopecten X X
purpurat:.um
~:a:no l.arge ::-lam Prctothaca :,¡ • 3 0.1 13 •7
'buri.o"di thl!ca
+
' • 9
:arge ::a!'!'1. Eurhcmalea 3 •1 :,¡ . 3

b~!"ied: ::-uf a
o. 1 o . .:l 0.1
.icnacium
Dcnax :,¡. ;,¡ 1.3 o. 6 + o . ;,¡
:::a:r. ¡;eruvianus
:argo: ~:am l]arie: 1 . S
aclida
:-azor =.;.am Tagelua +
lcmbeii
Semele o . ;,¡ ;,¡ 6 . o :,¡ 5 . 7
a:::ge L '"::::g Phcla + + +
Fissurel~a .:l.O 1.8 o.1 o . ;;¡

:Jp.
o. J. O.l O . .:l o • J.
:'2gu~.1 a:!·.J O.;;¡ 0.-' 0 . .!. l . l o. :;¡

:'urnc :1i.q2r O. J 0.5 O.::l
+ + +
O.l o • :,¡
::-.1::-::o~a ta
Thai e o. J. 0.3 o .1 o. 6 +
:a:-::tha::-ui' cf. • + +
i:J ::a
:laeearius X X X X
gayi
.:;livel.:a X X
;;clumella::-is
.'!i rta + + +
=rienca.lis
:;;n;;h;;le¡::.as 0.7 o. 9
c;cnc;hclepas
Sinur.r +
;;ymi:::a
Pi.ura J. 6 . 9 + 1 . o
=.i1ilensie
Petri=ola X X X X
o. J. 0.1 o .1 o.9 +
p , A. A.S1 A.S2 G BBC
S;:ucalua ap. + o
::..and Snail
::..and Snail Drymaleua
+ +
+
+
'
verillium
:~·nidencified Shell +
Cruatac::eana
~::-ab Purple r:rab Pla.cyanchuB 1 3 6. 8 6. 7 5 l 1 o
lcongrejo) orbignii
3dr:1acle Balanua X X X X X
:in Cinna.bul um
!chinoderma
S~a t:r:hi.n\erlZOI Te:ra.pygua + + + +
niger
l'iah (Sp.name)
Sand ahark ·:o llo l Muacelus sp. 5 7 4.7 3. 6 5 7
?ay rayal Mylioba:.:.s 1 o 1.6 3. 2 o 5
peruvianus
::-:-ak~~r ::-or:cadcr' Paral cn;:hurus O 4.8 3.3 o 3
'
1
peruanua
:::-odi<~:-- ~orr:d.- Bciaena 1 2 2 3. 6 13 . 8 o 5 o 5
delicicd~
: !~:: tl ;.;, "'! !" :-:-r·.¡ .:..:la..' Sci.:~end o 3 o.1
.¡ilberti
J;~:.:a:-: .:.oh q;.::':arr<11 Rhincbacoa l 5 o 6
¡;l.¡ni :C!¡:s
~ ·l !. !. -:: ~ : : eh r:o~~,::oho~ Xencscarus 0.5
den :i =u la. :u a
~:::::..:::: bcr!lt.:) 1
Sarda o 7 o 3
.. ., .
=nl..J.. en.s19
:'ra~c:::~.:.: ::-~1.;:-;;::-::~~: I.<:!piscr:~a. o 2 o 6 l 5
phi 1 ippi
- -. :-.::::1 :.::.: ]en y¡; te:-ua 0.2
::'la=u~ a :~~l
~~ ·~ .... - --~:. ::aa .'1ugil 3 o o 6 8 7
cephalue
;_'r;.id~r:tifi~d !"i Bh l 1 .7 14.9 15.1 o 5
Mammalo
.'~el :.i::r:. :cbc j~:. :::ar : taria 1 8 7.2 13. o 7 5 1
byrcnia
t:-=r:-::: -:a.n i s o 2
familiarie
glama l 5
:...:ci:7':cl
:·..::..:-:~a
~~ana,
:-:..g :-.:.y·
~ama
:::'avia '
pcrcel..:.u.s
- ~-=-- ·¡~::cld=: Odocoileus
..
•/irginia.nus l7 6
~·:;_;, ien :i f i ed .\fammal e o l 6 g o
' ., '
Sirds
:: .. ~:::a:: Fe:~ca:: Peleca.nus 8[:. l 2 o 2
=ephalue
";:.:.Jentified Bird 15.4 0.2 0.8 6 .o +
!!l 118&lion r•maina at la ter moundo at C.Muerto not B•r•d•roa Chico

(X) preaent·not part of diet
( +) pr•aant·conotitut•s l••• than o .1% of meat di•t
,t) of m•at di•t figurea based 011 S. Pozoraki ( 1979; 19 83)
PLANT RIUUIIilS MOCBB VALLBY
Common !llame Latin Name Padre Alto Salaverry Gramalote
(Spani•hl Aban <n ot plant c1iet)
(Cultivatec1) Cut I / Cut l
~a:ze 'maizl Zea maize +

!mani) Arachi s l . o
hypogaea
:..::r.a beanípallar) Phaseolus o.l o.l
lunac:us
=~mmon bean(fr:joli Phaseolus • • o.8
vulgariEI
,a:godonl Gossypium X X X X
barbaden<Je
?s¡;¡:er a; L ::'apsicum sp. o.l 1 . l 3 . 6
~:¡~a ah calabaza: Curcurbi :a sp lO O 9 6. o 92 .l 63 . S
J::~r.:i ;:,ate; Lagenaria X X X X
<Jiceraria
Fe:-eia o.7 . 6 6 . 7
americana '
In.ga •
feuil1ei
Bunc.'lo<Jia o. 3 l . o l . 1
armeniaca
; ~a ·¡a Fsidium o.7
guaj<~va
Lucuma l . o ~ 3 . 3
cbcvata
·;;..:...:..:::s o. l
(Wild)
,::e::c.':rus X X
echinatua
gra;:,a Panicum s¡;. X X X
~ai'.a brava CJynerium X X X
sagi t ta :um
3cir¡;us X X X X
:atora
Til1.andsia. X X X X
s¡:.
Prcsopis X X X
chilensis
CtTT SIZES:
Padre Aban-Cut 1 m X 1 m X 1.4 m
Alto Salaver1·y Cut l: 1 m X ~ m X 1.1S deep; Cut 2:1 m x 1.7S m
Huaca Heredero• Chico-Cut 1: 1.6S m X l. 4 S m x 6.5 m;
Cut ~-l. 3 m X l.l m X 8.~ m D
TABLE 8: CASMA VALLEY FOOD PRECERAMIC & CERAMIC SITES
Meat diet remains CASMA VALLEY
Species Common Latin Name Huay L.Hpc LHIP PLLIMxTor SO PR LHeh
Chab.)
Molluak ?urple ~.'loromytilus 111 • a 111·a m· a r
muaael lrk:· Chorue
~uaeelathin·ahe:led Semimytilua
'rkl algceue
& r • • • • & r
sma:lat:riated Brachidontes a • & &

• • ll ID
: rk: purpura tus

rk. Auloc-:Jma
dtcr
• 111 & r·a r·m r·m r
Argopec:en 111 r r r
~urpuratum
~ :a;:,e :arg~ :lam Protochaca r 111 111 r ·m r

thil ca
1
b'.Jr.:.~d)
:drge cla:n Eurhomalea r 111 ID

b·~r:ed: rufa
c:am .'!esodesma
Jcnacium
r. a a • ID r r ·m 111
::.:!o?-zor..e Dcnax r r r ·a r
-=-~::: peruvi.!lnue
:a::-ge clam
:c~r:.~d) solida
!':'3.Zor ::arr. Tagel us r • 111 r
dcmbeli
Se:~1ele r
==rrugata
Trachycardum r
pr-:Jcerum
:11i =ne r
,_, uC ru ·]':: t! ~
=.1i..:.cenaic
Fisaurel.:.a r a & r m 111
B~.
::it3:!"":;::J :-k. ~re~iJula

Ji~a:a:a
• 111 r·m 111 • • r :n
Tegu!a at:-.:1 111 111

• r 111·a 111 r :n
Turbo niger
F-::lin1cea =f
•
c:Jra
T.'lais 111 r m· a r·m
cilocolata
Th.:1ia r r ID r • 111 r
del;ssertia.na
.:'a."l:ha.rus sp.r
.'!ir:a
r 111 r r
cc::c.':lcl epas
Sinum
cymba
?runum r r
cur:um
a·abunciant 111·111adium abun4ant r·rara
Sourca: S. " T. Pozoraki 1987
Table B cont'd
Specieaco-on NameLatin Name Hu ay LEpe LHil' PLL/Kx Tor SD l'R LBBH
Aceidian sea equirtPi ura
Tunicate 1 rkl chilensis
111
• • 111 111
9oro:r Petricola
rugosa
Chi.tan
: r;.;.,
~ epe~iee) r • a m· a r a m •
Scutalud ep. í r
:.and .5nail. a a r. • l:
::..and Snai.:. .Jrymaleua veri l l i u~-n
Cruatacaana
-:rab
?'...lr~: e :rab
nct epecif 1ed
?latyanthua
r 111
• r·m r 111 r r
-::Jr!gr.::~o: ::rbignii
Bd.r::a=l..:: Balan u e
tin tinn<~bul um
• m 111 111 m· a m 111 111
!chinoderma
~~a 1r~hin·~rizo1Tetrapyqus
nigt'!r
111 • a r. a r 111 r •
Piah(Sp.c.ame) Onident. Xe X Xe X ve X X
Mammala
S"!a _i.::::::occ ;:¡ar,Ccaria "i
byrcnia
:ani s
fami2iaria X? X?
:...:a:na~.:.:ama, Lama glama X
·~d'.ria X
:..::~~ '/-=?:1djc ,' :Jdcc~ileuB X

?i. r-;¡i~"1i anuB
X
Birda Onident. X
:::et:halue
(X) c.ot rated by S. ' T. Pozoraki (Xc) ·co-on; (Xvc)·very common; X?
PLArJT RE!IlAINS CASMA VALLBY

Speciea/Co-on Latin Na111e Hu ay LHpc LHIP PLL/MxTor SD PR LHBH
(Cultivated)
>!a:.z~·~d~z· Zea maize • a 111
Ara=."li a
hypogaea
111
• a • a 111
r
:..::::a i:ear.! pal:ar ?haseclus r r·m 111 111-. a
1 una tus
Phaeeclua vr 111 r·m vr r ·a a r
::-i.jcl: •.rulgar lB
":2-::.:.::n•a:god:::'.• ']088ypi U.'71 a1 al al a 1 al a 1 a mi
barba dense
:apei::um a,:. r r r · a 111 111 111 r
;o::::a::cea:papaa Solanum r r m· a r
:ubercsum
s·Ñe-=-: t::Jta:::ee Ipcr.tcea r m· a r
:u .ter batatas
'l'abla 8 cont'd Bu ay LBpc LBip P llmx '1' so PR LB ah
Manioc Hanihot 111·a r 111 r
~ :uber 1 eacul en tum
:Achirai Can na r 111·a m 111 r
edulis
S qua oh Curcurbi ta 111
'calabaza; ficofolia
Curcurbltd m 111·a 111 r r r 1
maxima
':Jourd :mate; Lagenaria •• ra+ a• 111·a• a • • • • m+
aiceraria
Avocado 'pa:::a) P-:rsia vr • r . vr r 111 r
frui t cree, americana
,· paca-:1 ::¡ga r vr r r
feuillei
:caneabocaiBunchcsia r vr r &
, f~ui: tree· armeniaca

Juava gt:ayaoa 1 Psidium vr 111 vr r 111
f'r:.zi: tree' ;¡uaj a va
----- •, :ú.=·.,¡ma: Lucuma
.~bcva :a
: ..:..=·J¡;¡a, L., u cuma
bife:3.
m • • 111" a r r r
::.=ama; Pachyrrhizus a¡:. r

tuber 1
B~ar: _·anavalia vr r r r
X' ·pr~e~r.~ :lCt pa;:t cf plant :ocd diet ar.d r.ot ra:.ed by ?-:;zcrak:.e :9 87!
vr·vary rara; ra·ralativaly abundant; Xa·abunda.at but not part of
diat
•·aaada rinda; +·rinda only; /aaada, fibara,bolla and atam 1 ·aaada
"
fibara only
"( 11' i l d)
1:::. =~:: :- .ci:Ja-o; X X X X a X
---- :en =.1:-u::!
-==hi:'1d. t:.J9
Jraas ~grama; Fanicum :lf'.
:ar.•" :ai'.a b!'.'"d'Ja'Gynerium X
saqi t ca tum
:-::era ::;t::rar Bcirpue
:a t~ra
------ · e=h-...9.J.:aia 1 Tillandsia Xra X
E p.
al.gc=:roba Prcaopis
=hilenais
IAB!..E 9
ComgariSQ!J Qf Sgecies al El GallolLa GalliDa ami Qtber ~or:tb CQi!Sl sltes
Mari De; fA AS {illl ~ GL l:f..liC. Lli e..m.x. I SJ)_ e..B..
Choromytílus A A A X X A A A A X
chorus
Semimytilus X X X X X X A A A A A
algosus
Mesodesma X X X A A X X X X
donacium
Oonax sp. X X X X X X X X A X
SemeJe X X X A A X
corrugara
Eurhoma/ea X X X X X X X
rufa
Protothaca X X X A X X X X X
thaca
Thais X X X X X X A X
choco/ata
Polinices sp. X X X X X X X
Fissurella sp. X X X X X X A X X X
Argopecten X X X X X X
purpuratum
Trachycardium X X
procerum
Nassarius sp. X X X X X X
Perumytilus X X
purpura tus
Platyanthus X X X X X X
orbignii
Paralonchurus X X X X X
peruanus
Sciaena X A X X X X
deliciosa
Terrestrial sge¡;ies:
Scutatus sp. X X X X X A A X X A
Canis X X X? X?
Lama gtama X X X
Odocoiteus X X X X
virinianus
_·Huaca Negra(V-71) was not included in this list due to lack of specific data.
X-present A·Abundant
PA-Padre Aban. AS·Mo Salaverry, G/G·H.Gallo/Gallina. SC-Salinas de Chao.

G-Gramalote, HHC-H.Herederos Chico. LH-Ceramic Haldas. Pmx-Moxeke. T-Tortugas
SO-San Diego. PR-Pampa Rosario
Huaynuná, Las Haldas. Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeke, and Tortugas (S. & T. Pozorski
1987). The same species continua in prominence into the Early Horizon as the Casma
sites of San Diego and Pampa Rosario (S. & T. Pozorski 1987).
Conclusjon:
The subsistence system of the inhabitants of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina seems.
given the evidence cited. to have been a mixed one. Although no one staple supported the
population. there is no doubt that cultivated plants contributed significantly to the diet.
Marine resources continuad to supplement a primarily agricultura! diet. lt is also likely
that hunting of deer complementad the diet. However. the larga size of the site. and the
evidence suggesting only three major construction phases of short duration, indicare that
the resident population of this part of the valley anached to this site was quite large and
could only have been supported by irrigation agricultura. There is insufficient rain to
support major cultivation.
The location of the site of El Gallo/La Gallina in the upper Huacapongo Drainage IS
ideal for the construction of canals to irrigare fields both to the north and south of the
Huacapongo River. At least three other larga sites are present in the mid-valley during
the Middle Guanape/Late Guanape Phases (Huaca San Juan 1 & 11; W 512, and Huaca
Verde-Los Chinos) whose populations would have required access to irrigation water in
arder to support themselves. The role of irrigation agricultura cannot be underestimated
and probably influenced the siting of each population center ideally to control canal
intakes and water flow. These centers were likely to have been intimately in volved in the
supervision of the fields farmed by the individuals who served these temples.
406
1 West & Whitaker (1979) failed to encounter C.moschata at the sitas in Virú (V-71,
127, 66 & 434). Thay hypothesized that only C. maxima was cultivated in Virú until
Gallinazo times, but notad the earliar prasenca of C. mosctJata in the Chicama and Chillón
Valleys. Tha avidance from El Gallo, Huaca Prieta. and La Galgada suggests this perceivad
temporal differance was a product of sampling (see S. Pozorski, 1979; 8ird & Hyslop
1985: 232, tabla 21; Smith 1988).
2 Elera et. al (1992: 13) note tha corrasponding importance of thasa species in the
earliest occupational layers at Puémepe (c. 1200·900 8. C.) as well as 8alanus sp.,
Thais chocolata, and Mescdesma donacium.
3 Elera et. al. (1992: 12·13) note the vast differance in the relativa percentages of cold·
water vs. tropical species between strata dating to the Cupisnique occupation at Puémepe
(c. 900-500 8. C.). and thosa dating to tha subsequant Cupisnique Tardlo (c. 5<XHOO
8. C.) and Puémape White-on-Rad (Salinar) (c. 200-100 A. D.) occupation. Whereas
Cupis-nique layers had a total of 58 species, only 11 (19%) of which wera tropical.
subsequant White-on-Red levels had 68 total specias of which 22 (32.3%) wera
tropical. Thesa included species nativa to coastal ·manglares' such as: Cerithium
stercusmus-carum, Cerrthjdaa mazatlánjca, Anadara tuberculosa, and Crucibulum
lignarjum. as well as tha crustacaans ~. Hypollobocara sp., Cycloxanthops
sexdecjmdeotatus, and OctQode gaudjcheudji. The Salinar site of la Poza in the Moche
Valley is similarly rich in tropical molluskan fauna such as Cancellarja urceolatha,
Cancellaria decussata. Argopacten circularjs, Qlivella columallaris, and Cantharus
ele9..aO..s.. as well as the tropical crustaceans Gallinectas toxotes and Hypollobocara sp,
4Moselay (1992: 28) notes the occurrence at c. 500 8. C. or an extremely destructiva El
Ni~o Event.
svasquez & Rosales (1991) report that 'Cupisnique' levels at Huaca Verde yielded
tropical mollusks including: Cerithjum stercusmuscarum, Chione subrugosa, Argopecten
c.ircularis, Ostrea angeljca, and Caocellar;a urceolata, as well as the crustacean Hypollo-
bocera sp .. Many of these were eocountered in Salinar levels at Puémepe and La Poza (see
above) This evidence of temporal difference from Huaca El Gallo corroborares that noted
for the ceramic collections frorn Huaca Verde, as well as the evidence of the construction
methods utilizad at this site .
ss. Pozorski notes. for example, that over 50% of the meat diet at Huaca Herederos Chico
at Caballo Muerto in Moche was made up of marine resources (1979: 426).
407
CHAPTER NINE
RITUAL TECHNOLOGY, HYORAULIC SOllDARilY ANO WATER TEMPLES
Models of Social Complexity for North Coast Peru
lntroduction
The function of the many larga lnitial Period monumental structures on the North
and North Cemral Peruvian coasts has been a irequem subject of debate. Sorne see them
as central administrativa bureaucratic sitas that represent capitals of states whose
powers of coercion they serve to make manifest. Others have pointed to them as temples
whose size was a function of voluntary collective labor and their duration of occupation.
In this case, the temples reify the sense of community and their powers are limitad to
sanctions against individuals which need the backing of the group to have any forr.~.
Economic cooperation has religion as the 'binding element'.
Nearly all have accepted the idea that most of the structures functioned as tem-
ples or locuses for supernatural rites by ritual specialists, who were somehow removed
trom the people at larga. Following a brief review of the various models explaining the
existence and function of monumemal architecture proposed as operating in the coastal
valleys, it will be suggested that one of the cemral functions of these temples was the
supervision of irrigation agricultura, including the scheduling of planting and harvest-
ing, the allocation of irrigation waters, the construction of new canals and intakes, and
the use of fallow periods to control plant pests. 1 will, therefore, refer to the 'temple
mounds', 'pyramids', and ·monumental ceremonial architecture' as water temples.
Carlos Williams first suggested the association of temples to agricultura long ago
with his posited sacred fields and orchards and their function as agro-religious com-
plexas (1980; 1985: 234). Subsequent work (Burger 1987: 363, 366) showed these
hypotheses to be untenable, however, the association of temples with the supervision of
408
agricultura has remained a working hypothesis. 1 will seek in this chapter to develop
this association more fully and offer it as an alternate modal for social complexity that
existed in these coastal river valleys, in opposition to models based on state and chiefdom
categories.
These water temples did not exist in isolation, but were vertically integrated as
part of a coherent river systems running from the headwaters of the rivers nearest
arable land, (incidentally where the temples are first found), to the broader expanses
nearest the coast, and ultimately to the sea, which was likely incorporated as a vital
agent in the ideology of these irrigation-based societies (Bischof 1985; 1988: Soldi
1980). They may also have been conceptualized as 'sacred mountains' reminiscent of
the natural landscape and real mountains from which flowed the rivers (Reinhard 1985;
1987; Stone-Miller 1995). In arder to develop more fully the theory that water
temples were extant, and suggest how they may have func1ioned, a comparativa ethno-
graphic case study of water temples from Bali and ethnographic and prehistoric studies
of irrigation agricultura of North Coast Peru will be employed.
The Roots of Social Complexjty-Preceramjc ·non-egalitarjanjsm'
The impetus to increased social complexity according to the Pozorski's, Robert
Feldman. Jonathan Haas, Michael Moseley, and others can be traced to 'simple incipient
chiefdoms' already in existence by the late Preceramic (Feldman 1983; 1985: 1987;
Haas 1982; 1987; Moseley 1985: Moseley & Willey 1973; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 42,
45; Webb 1987; Canziani Amico 1989). They suggest that evidence of non-egalitarian-
ism is manifestad by the construction of large non-domestic architecture with panerns
of restricted access at this time at such well known sites as Aspero, Piedra Parada, and
Huaynuná (S. Pozorski 1987: 18). These structures were the result of ·corporate
labor', that is, laborees 'drawn trom separate households from a community or
409
communities working under and subservient to an authoritative body' (Moseley 1976.
13; Feldman 1983: 298; 1965: 62; 1987: 11). Such non-residential platforms would
have served as locuses of ceremonias and perhaps the redistribution of commodities
supervisad by the chief (S. Pozorski 1987: 18; Canziani Amico 1989: 54).
Huaca de Los !dolos at Aspero is offered by Feldman as proof of the existence of an
elite authoritative body in control during the Preceramic. He cites the use of architec-
tural ornamentation, panerns of graded access, size, and the placement of caches in the
huaca, as signifying its non-domestic role and as manifesting the existence of an elite
with access to the innermost chamber (Feldman 1983: 298, 300; 1985: 62; 1987:
11 ). Feldman notes sorne differentiation in grave goods, and a special child burial in a
huaca (see Chapter 7), and believes that exotic and luxury goods may have marked those
having special status (Feldman 1983: 302; 1985: 81; Moseley 1978: 13). Canziani
Amico also supports the view that different status groups had arisen by the Preceramic,
and that their rise was tied to the greater complexity of productiva processes leadtng to a
division of labor and specialization (1989: 59). The general failure of leaders to
accumulate large quantities of wealth however. leads Feldman to label Aspero a ·group
orientad chiefdom' wherein the chief controls the population through religious sanctions
(Feldman 1985: 83-84; 1987: 12; Haas 1987: 31; see also Webb 1987).
Other Preceramic chiefdoms have been posited at Salinas de Chao, Bandurria,
Piedra Parada, and El Paraíso (Moseley 1978: 13). In each case the purposeful nature'
of the construction, where there exists a ·continuity of the formal architectural concept
through time', is offered as proof of the organizad control of laborers under the aegis of
an authoritative body or chief (Feldman 1983: 12; 1987: 299). lt is never made clear
why architecture of 'purposeful nature' would have required such an elite body to
guarantee conformity.
410
Jonathan Haas is more extreme in his belief that "ideological power [would have
beenJ insufficient to gain the obedience of the population for monument building (1987:
32). • Haas feels that rt would ha ve been necessary for the leader(s) to have economic
power also, for example, control ovar limitad river floodplain araas and later ovar
irrigation. In this view he is joined by Trigger (1990) who cites the possession of
coercive political power and control of surplus production by the alrte as factors used to
mobiliza the labor necessary to construct platform mounds. Both Haas and Triggar feel
monumental architecture is a form of conspicuous consumption, physically embodying
the anergy of laborers controlled by the elite, whila simuttanaously manifesting and
enhancing elite power (Burgar in press: 13). Trigger and Haas both invoke coercion as
a nece~sary motivating force following the belief that, in general, societies seek to
conserve energy and expend it only in 'practica! ways'. These assumptions, howaver,
influenced by Western notions, impede their ability to analyze monumental architecture
in terms of the monuments' historical context and their theoretical position torces them
to attribute functions and meanings which may be inappropriate (Burger in press: 5).
Webb, for example, notes that ideological power is, to an extent, coercive through the
use of sanction, and would have been sufficient to motivate people to build monumental
ceremonial architecture ( 1987: 162).
A very different view of these Preceramic societies which prefigures the non-
coercive position taken toward the large lnitial Period cemers is presentad by Patterson
(1971; 1983), Ravines (1975), Ravines & lsbell (1975), and Burger (1987; 1991;
1992). Patterson believes that community self-sufficiency first characterized many
coastal settlemems which were located in such a way as to access the maximum number
of resources with the least degree of effort. As populations grew and resources dimin-
ished, such sites carne to rely on exchange networ1<s with other sites to acquire neces-
4 11
sary commodities (1971: 318-19: 1983: 26-7). Such linkages between sites were
·made at the level of the communrty rather than at that of constrtuent households'
(Panerson 1983: 27). This panern was typified by Panerson's Conchas social
formation identified to have prevailed on the Peruvian Central coast trom c. 3250 B. C.
until c. 2350 B. C. (Patterson 1983: 26).
Although sorne unequal accumulation of goods occurred at the level of the domestic
group, this was the result of relativa household size rather than of a developing social
class system (i.e. elite), and such accumulations were temporary, subject to the
vagaries of the 'developmental cycles of the households' (Panerson 1983: 28, 29).
While differences in the quantity and quality of burial goods are present, and, as notad
above, are often cited as proof of wealth accumulation or incipient social classes,
Panerson states that
there is nothing inherent in the grave goods or in their distribution

among the various burials which suggests there was a social division
of labor in Conchas society -i. e., that sorne individuals had exclusive
access or greater access than others to particular goods (1983: 29).
Levelling mechanisms also existed at the level of the community which sought to ·tran-
sfer the surplus product trom the member of one generation to the next' (1983: 29).
One such way of reifying the sense of community was through the appropriation
ot labor and goods for the construction of monumental platforms, such as those at Aspero.
Such projects provided occasions for 'the unequal accumulation of the autonomous
domestic production-consumption units of Conchas society !to bel transformad into the
accumulation of surplus social product by the community as a whole (1983: 30).'
Those households with access to more labor power contributed more

to the reproduction of the community than those wrth access to less,
yet their contributions were structurally equivalent. .. any tendency for
accumulation by the individual domestic groups was continually trans-
formad into the growth of the community as a whole (Panerson 1983: 30).
412
Platfonn mounds would have servad as ritual focal points for the community. and
their construction would have been used as insuring the Mure success of the commun-
ity. In this light the exceptional burials made in the summit of platforms. such as that
at Aspero, would have been made to insure the success of rituals carried out at these
structures (Burger 1992: see Chapter 7).
While Patterson suggests appropriation of necessary local resources may have
been at the community level, the Pozorskis, following Moseley, go further, suggesting
that coastal sites may have exercised 'zonas of control' over certain territories or
resources (T. Pozorski 1982a: 231-232: S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 125: see also
Canziani Amico 1989: 56 for Salinas de Chao). Although Canziani Amico and others
forward the existence of territorial control or the control of fishing zones by small
polities by the Preceramic. it was, perhaps, the issue of rights over limitad sources of
potable water that may have been even more crucial. However, it is not clear in the
view ot these authors whether these resources were controlled outright by the elite of
the settlements. Other coastal societies may have been experimenting with irrigation in
order to make use of riverine areas (Patterson 1971: 320: 1983: 1985; Feldman
1983: 308; Moseley 1985: 47; S. & T. Pozorski 1991: 363 : Burger 1992: 57). Such
technological information rapidly travelled along the coast via a communication network
(S. Pozorski 1983: 11 O: 1987: 18; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 42; 1993: 49: S. & T.
Pozorski 1987: 126: 1991a: 363; 1992a: 865).
The Deyelopment of lrrjgatjon-Based Socjetjes
The replacement of a marine focus by irrigation-based subsistence was reflectad
in the relocation of large sites inland to areas 'propitious' for canal irrigation (Moseley
1978: 10; 1992: 125-6; Haas 1987: 33; S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 127; 1992a: 846,
850; 1994: 66; Burger 1987: 363; 1992: 57). Thus, the settlement pattern carne to
413
reflect the dominance of irrigation agricultura, and the layout of sites in valleys was
congruent with the irrigation system and the adoption and spread of canals (Willey
1953; Collier 1955; Price 1972: 14, 27; Farrington 197 4: 83; Netherly 1984; T. &
S. Pozorski 1987: 43; S. & T. Pozorski 1989: 19; 1991 a: 363; Burger 1992: 57).
"The history of agricultura on the Peruvian Coast is the history of irrigation"
according to Farrington (1974: 83). The experimentation with irrigation during the
Preceramic, and the development of corporate labor concepts 'preadapted' these coastal
societies to irrigation and the construction of larger monumental architecture (Moseley
& Willey 1973: 466; Mos eley 197 4: 78-80; Farrington 197 4: 83; Feldman 1983:
309; Panerson 1983: 31; Burger 1992: 57). Thus, according to Feldman, 'control and
central authority led to the adoption and development of irrigation agricultura rather
than vice versa' (1983: 309). That this need not always be the case, as others have
argued (Panerson 1971; Burger 1992), will be illustrated later by the Balinese case.
Sites such as Pampa de los Llamas-Moxeke were sited near large amounts of
arable land, while Pallka was located at the convergence of two major tribu1aries (S. &
T. Pozorski 1987: 117). The large inland centers constructed by these irrigation-based
groups tended to be U-shaped structures fronted by a series of plazas, often including
one or more sunken circular or rectangular plazas (depending on their location on the
coast), and they generally were oriented and opened up-valley toward the source of
water (often the mountains), perhaps in acknowledgement of the necessity of water for
lite in these valley oases (T. Pozorski 1976: 160; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 43; 1993:
48; S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 114; Williams 1980; 1985: 230; Burger in press: 1O.
While accepting the traditional view that many of 'the corporate labor mounds
were religious structures, and associated friezes represent dieties' (T. & S. Pozorski
1993: 48), the Pozorskis argue for a division of secular and sacred activities which is
414
manifestad by the construction ot non-domestic special-purpose secular architecture, a
division they tirst note at the Preceramic site ot Alto Salaverry (S. & T Pozorski 1977;
1979b). Whereas most scholars of lnitial Period societies tend to view leaders as com-
posed of a small elite 'who personify a combination of early ideological and secular
power, [or at least authorityJ, interrelated aspects indistinguishable to the support
population', (T. & S. Pozorksi 1993: 48), the Pozorskis favor a second type of organi-
zation in which there exists ·a separation ot religious and secular activities' manifestad
by the construction of 'dual facilities' and their adminstration by 'potentially separata
personnel' with differing responsibilities' (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 400, 401; 1991:
363, 368; T. & S. Pozorski 1993: 49). They state elsewhere that many of the centers
functioned as capitals with an adminstrative bureaucracy to supervise their periphery
(S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 114).
Their model combines two differing views on the most important features
constituting a state. Haas typifies the first which sees ·control over the production and
movemem of basic resources by the ruler as central to the exercise of coercive power
over a population' (Haas 1982; 1987: 2, 32). The second position favored by lsbell
characterizes a state ·as having a specialized hierarchical adminstration that processes
information, makes decisions, and enforces compliance' (in Haas 1987: 2, see Wright &
Johnson 1975). Thus, while the first position ·emphasizes the relations of power
between the ruler and the ruled;' the second focuses on the 'formal specialized nature of
government institutions' (Haas 1987: 2). The Pozorskis combine both positions into
one in arder to explain the rise of state-level poiities in Casma and elsewhere on the
Peruvian coast during the !nitial Period. They offer support for this position with data
derived from their fieldwork at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke and other sites in Casma
and project the model derived there to other coastal areas of Peru.
41 5
The Casma Poltties of Pampa de la Llamas-Moxeke and Sechin Atto
and the Coercjye State Model
Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke is ctted by the Pozorskis as capital of an earty
Casma state (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 382) and seat of the theocratic government,
established by c. 1500 B. C.. wtth a poputation of about 3000 people (S. Pozorski 1987:
20). As first articulated by S. Pozorksi (1983):
Temple mounds and the famous Moxeke friezes at Pampa de Las Llamas
-Moxeke argue for theocratic rute, and the 2000 x 1100 m size of the
site, its obvious ptanning, and the three-level structural hierarchy of
larga temples, smatl mounds, and domestic architecture indicate that
we are dealing with a simple state.
The Pozorskis feel that the size of the two main mounds-Moxeke and Huaca A may have
been the result of not only local corporate labor, but also additional labor drawn from
neighboring vatleys that may have been under the control of the Casma polity (S.
Pozorski 1987: 20; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 43).
The Pozorskis see these two mounds as serving different, yet complementary,
functions. Moxeke 1s believed to have functioned as the site of ideological or religious
power (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 383-4; 1987: 34; 1989: 17; 1992a: 856. 866;
1992b: 39). The orientation and layout of the Moxeke mound, fronted by large plazas
where rituals could be viewed by the masses, support the position that it served as a
stage for public ritual (S. Pozorski 1987: 20). The discovery by Tello of large
anthropomorphic friezes on the side of Moxeke also supports this view. since the deities
were intended to be viewed by the public and likely represent deities or ancestor heros
known to all (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 384; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 43; 1993: 51, 53).
Huaca A, on the other hand, is seen as a secular mound that functioned to store and
distribute commodities, the control of which ·constituted the economic power base of the
site elite' (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 384, 400; 1987: 34; 1989: 17; 1992a: 854; T. &
416
S. Pozorski 1993: 54). Evidence of Huaca A's secular function include its layout-a
repeating pattern of square room units. patterns of restricted accass and gatas inside the
structure, pollen evidence showing the storage of larga arnounts of foodstuffs, and rodent
bones (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 384; 1991 a: 347 -350; 1992a: 854; 1992b: 39).
"Restricted access patterns and control mechanisms within the mound reveal that
movement of commodities and people was closely monitored, and that direct access to
storad goods was probably limitad to the sita elite (S. & T. Pozorksi 1991 a: 350)."
As Moxeke, Huaca A was decorated on the exterior atrium by two large friezes on
either sida of the entrance that the Pozorskis believe were large profile jaguars. The
discovery of a carvad stelae of a two-bodied snake in the atrium of Huaca A combinad
with the friezes illustrate that Huaca A was not a completely secular mound and that
activities there ·were inseparably interlwined with religious authority and ceremony•
(Burger 1992: 84; T. & S. Pozorski 1988; 1990a; 1993: 54).
Thus, even the Pozorksis are unclear as to whether their posited locational
separation of religious and secular affairs was complete, or whether there existed
separata religious and bureaucratic elites or a single corps of elite, atthough they seem
to favor the first position in their discussion of the 'proliferation of bureaucracy' and
possible reasons for systemic collapse (T. & S. Pozorski 1993: 51; S. & T. Pozorski
1994).
According to the Pozorskis the proliferation of bureaucracy at Pampa de las
Llamas-Moxeke is manifestad by the many secondary or intermediate-sized mounds that
line the plazas of the site between Moxeke and Huaca A, which the Pozorskis see as seats
of secular bureaucracy (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 393; 1992b: 38) where the movement
of goods and people may have regulated or monitored as they approached or left Huaca A
(S. & T. Pozorski 1991a: 351). They, thus, served as a 'system of commodity control'
417
staHed by 'members of the site elite' íwhoj servad as bureaucratic intermediarias in
transactions between Huaca A and th€ general populace that produced and received
commodities (S. & T. Pozorski 1991a: 351).
Billman (in S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 350) has suggested that each intermediate
mound representad a bureaucratic unit responsible for a specific zona in the Casma
Valley under the control of Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke. Seven enclosures in the
immediate vicinity of Huaca A are also believed to have had a function in the dispersion
or redistribution of commodities (S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 856). According to this
modal. Huaca A, the intermediate enclosures, and the mounds 'formad a cornplex hierar-
chical system of commodity distribution restricted to elite usage (S. & T. Pozorski
1991 a: 347).' Larga amounts of commodities were ·commandeered and controlled by
the ruling elite at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, and such control was likely the major
sourcP of their power (S. & T. Pozorski 1991a: 359)." This ·consolidation of elite
power base' is evident in the increase in quantity and quality of monumental architec-
ture at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke (S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 866)
Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke's leaders were also posited by the Pozorskis to
control and supervise the production of goods at the coastal sites of Tortuaga, Huaynuná,
and Bahía Seca (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 351; 1992a: 850, 853, 858). While stating
elsewhere that Pampa de la Llama-Moxeke and Tortugas engaged in a 'symbiotic inter-
dependence,' marine goods and agricultura! goods being exchanged, or simply linked by
an exchange network (S. Pozorski 1987: 19; S. & T. Pozorski 1987a: 115; 1992b: 42;
Burger 1992: 86), elsewhere, the Pozorskis indicate that this interdependence was not
a voluntary one, rather coastal settlements were satellites (S. Pozorski 1983; S. & T.
Pozorski 1991 a: 352; 1994: 72) or colonias (S. Pozorski 1987: 20; S. & T. Pozorski
1987: 126). They suggest that Tortugas may have been established by Moxeke to gain
4 18
access marine resources (S. Pozorski 1987: 20) As evidence of exchange they cite pre-
processed cotton at Tortugas (S. & T. Pozorski 1991a: 352). The discovery at Bahía
Seca of a mound constructed around a square room unit similar to the intermediate
mounds at Pampa de las llamas-Moxeke has loo them to suggest that this site served as
an administrativa outpost from which marine and agricultura! exchange was comrolled
and overseen (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 352-3; 1992a: 850, 858; T. & S. Pozorski
1993: 56). Thus, Bahia Seca served as one of, perhaps, many ·regional bureaucratic
centers to regulate and monitor fish/shellfish procurement by alf three sites {Huay-
nuná, Tortugas, and Bahía Seca), the movemem of coastal proci'Jce to Pampa de Las
llamas-Moxeke, and the distribution of agricultura! produce to coastal communities (S.
& T. Pozorski 1991 a: 353). Similar relationships are posited for the later Sechin Alto
polity and Las Haldas on the coast (S. & T. Pozorski 1987a: 116, 126; 1991 a: 352) and
Caballo Muerto and Gramalote (S. Pozorski 1976; 1979; 1983: T. Pozorski 1982: 232·
233; S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 352).
The Pozorskis cite high and low status architecture and the distinct spatial
distribution of certain portable items as supporting the existence of an eiite and a
subservient class (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 394- 7; 1991 a: 1992a: 856). High-status
arcMecture is generalfy found associated with the intermediate mounds and is of better
quality and permanence than low-status architecture. They assume these structures to
be contemporary (Burger 1992: 88).
While the artifact inventaries of the two types of domestic architecture do not
differ significantly {Burger 1992: 87-88). certain portable goods were limited to elite
housing or imermediate mounds with which they were hypotheticalfy associated
including jet, turquoise, mica, ceramic figurines, stone bowls and pestles, and pottery
stamp and cylinder seals (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 358). The architecture and exotic
419
items are believed by the Pozorskis to be proof of weatth accumulation by the elrte.
which they feel is also supported by the discovery of storage facilrties in elite domestic
residences, absent in the low-status housing (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 359-61 ). The
cylinder and stamp seals are especially significan! since the Pozorskis maintain they
may have served as symbols of authority or were correlated wrth the administrativa
activity, perhaps used 'in the approval of goods moving in and out of Huaca A' (S. & T.
Pozorski 1989: 396-397; 1991 a: 359; 1992a: 856).
To summarize, the Pozorskis have generally maintained their original argument
that the Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke polrty constrtuted a state, despite a disclaimer (S.
& T. Pczorski 1992a: 862; 1986:401; S. Pozorski 1987: 20-30· S. & T.Pozorski
1987: 43-46). They offer, in suppon of their claim that this sita was a state: 1) the
degree of planning, precise layout of non-domestic mounds and compounds which they see
as an mdication of centralizad control, 2) the doubling of Huaca A's volume during the
final visible construction phase as proof of the mobilization of substantial labor. 3) the
secular storage funetion of Huaca A wrthin the site, suggesting the existence of a large
centralizad surplus controlled iJy and accessible only to the site elite, and 4) that a!igned
mounds and compounds, which were expanding at the expense of domestic architecture,
provide evidence of a proliferating bureaucracy that was probably also concerned with
the control and distribution of surplus goods (S. & T. Pozorski 1986: 401 ).
Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke is seen as the capital of a 'far reaching polity' with
a developed bureaucratic elite and headed by 'a divina rular with considerable power
able to motívate local populations to execute tasks requiring corporate labor (S. & T.
Pozorski 1991a: 364, 366)." According to this model, the Huaca A 'warehouse' served
as ·an economic weapon over the people' (Pozorski in Stevens 1989; S. & T. Pozorski
1992: 865). "Huaca A's function as a central facility for tood and commodity storage
420
(and control) (1986) represents a unique avenue to power acquisition in early ceramic
times-control of water, food, and commodity production and distribU1ion carried to the
extreme (S. & T. Pozorski1992a: 865)."
lt should be noted here that the Pozorskis stress control of commodity production
and distribU1ion above all else. They refer to water control as a way to consolidate power
directly in only two instances, a side comment {S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 865-6) and a
brief statement (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 366-7) asserting that 'patrons of water
deities (possibly symbolized by the jaguar)' gained and maintained control over the
products of water manipulation through irrigation agricultura such that success in
irrigation would increase the power of and legitimize the status of the leader. They
postuiate that as the site occupation continuad at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke ·coercive
mechanisms seem to have superceded inspirational motivating torces as the more secular
bureaucracy proliferated, (economic success) reinforcing the faith in, prestige, and
power of the ruler (S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 368)."
SECHINALTO
The lesser investigated sites of the Sechin Alto complex on the North branch ot
the Casma Valley are also cited as the seat of an 'integrated political entity' even larger
than Pampa de las Lfama-Moxeke (S. & T. Pozorski 1994: 70). The Sechin Alto Complex
combines the tour sites of Sechin Alto, Sechin Bajo, Taukachi Konkan, and Cerro Sechin,
into a collective 10.5 km2, five times the size of Moxeke (S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 82,
117; 1994: 70). The grouping together of thcse sites is justified by the Pozorskis
because of their similar artifacts and architecture {S. & T. Pozorski 1994: 72). This
complex is cited as the capital of another state-level polity encompassing territory from
Chao to Huarmey (S. Pozorski 1983; 1987: 21, 30: T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 44; S. & T.
Pozorski 1994: 72; Mose ley 1992: 141 ). As was the case for Pampa de las LLamas-
421
Moxel<e, Sechin Alto is also seen as operating a number of colonies on the coast to extract
marine resources, the largest found at Las Haldas (S. Pozorski 1987: 21; S. & T.
Pozorski 1987: 116, 126; 1992a: 862; 1992b: 43; 1994: 70). Canziani Amico
makes similar claims that inland sitas in Virú exercised dominant control over coast-
inland trade (1989: 99).
Sechin Alto is also posited as a theocratic state whose ruler may have resided at
the 'Mound of the Columns· excavated by the Pozorskis at the site of Taukacki-Konkan
(S. & T. Pozorski 1994: 72). The Pozorskis believe this ornate structure which they
refer to as a 'palace' may have been the residence of the ruler of the entire Casma Valley
system (1994: 72).
The great size of Sechin Alto and its increasing complexity argue for its having
become the dominant polity by the late lnitial Period (S. Pozorski 1987: 23). Although
no storage facility like Huaca A has been discovared, the Pozorskis feel that 1he monu-
mental evidence of power concentration and conspicuous consumption reflect elevated
social status that produced the monuments (S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 862; Haas 1982;
1987; Trigger 1990).' The massive labor recruited to build the structures was
likely drawn from neighboring valleys (S. Pozorski 1983: 1987: 23).
The Pozorskis point out evidence of intrasite and intersite hierarchy, within
sites of the Sechin Alto complex and among them, as evidence of a developing bureau-
cractic hierarchy (S. Pozorski 1987: 23; Burger in press: 17). Despite not having
found storage areas or large domestic zonas at Sechin Alto sitas. the Pozorskis attribute
those factors they believe were identified at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke to Sechin Alto
including craft specialization, bureaucratic hierarchy, social classes/stratification, and
statehood. In addition, they raise the possibility of other 'far reaching polities in other
valleys (S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 127) Specifically, they point out three other
422
state-level polities which, while perhaps having slightly different organizational
systems, dominated their respective areas. These include the Moche polity, governed
from Huaca Los Reyes, that controlled the coast 'as far north as Jequetepeque and as far
south as Virú', a Supe polity 'dominating the area from Fortaleza to Huara', and a Lurin-
Chancay polity (T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 45; Moseley 1992: 111-112).
HUAQ\ LOS REYES
The only substantial difference noted between the Casma and Moche polities is the
Pozorskis' belief that Huaca Los Reyes's elite may have been organizad along more
traditional lines; that is, that Huaca Los Reyes served as both a secular and religious
structure controlled, most likely, by a single religious elite (T. Pozorski 1976; 1982;
T. & S. Pozorski 1993: 62). Thus, this elite 'maintained a more consolidated power base
by administering secular and reiigious affairs from the sama building in a temple store-
house fashion·, echoed in Mesopotamia (T. Pozorski 1982; S. & T. Pozorski 1992a:
865). Such a structure is posited as having been built through labor recruited through
a coercive mit'a like labor tax supervisad by a small elite and possibly directed by a
single individual (T. Pozorski 1976; 1982a: 249-250; 1982b; 1983).
As at Sechin Alto and Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, Huaca Los Reyes is U-shaped,
faces a succession of increasingly larga plazas, and is decorated with friezes which
increase in ornamentation as or:a approaches the central temple (T. Pozorski 1975;
1976; 1982a; 1982b; 1963; S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 862). This architectural
pat1ern is seen as 'reflecting thl3 different leve! of religious appreciation and/or
participation of the general public vs. elite priests (S. & T. Pozorski 1992a: 862).
Symmetrical secondary mounds are cited as serving many of tf1e sarne functions served
by intermediate mounds at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke.
423
The Collapse of the Casma Polities
Given the development of such highly complex and intricately orgar.ized polities
in Casma by the late lnitial Period, their collapse becomes all the more confusing. The
Pozorskis offer two possible explanations. Until 1994, they favored an invasion of
highland peoples at c. 1000/900B.C. as the reason for the collapse of the Casma polities
(S. Pozorski 1983; 1987: 18, 25-28; T. & S. Pozorski 1987: 45; S. & T. Pozorski
1987: 118-125, 128-131; 1992b: 44; 1994: 72; Roe 1974: 34). The highland
invaders theoretically disrupted the states as is evidenced by the many incompleta or
half finished structures at Pampa de la Llamas-Moxeke, Sechin Alto, Taukachi Konkan,
ant1 1 ;¡s H;¡k1;¡s: thA rApl~r'=.lment of aligned mounds and plazas with non-linear architec·
ture, new ceramic styles, a cessation of large monumental construction, and new artifact
types such as ground stone blades and panpipes, in addition to new subsistence items
including maize, domesticated camelids, and cuy (S. Pozorski 1983; S. & T Pozorski
1994: 72), and the occupation of formerly sacrad areas with domestic architecture and
refuse (S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 124, 128). According to this model, the graphic
depictions of warriors and mutilatad bodies at Cerro Sechin commemorate this conquest
(S. Pozorski 1983; 1987: 27; S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 121, 128; 1992: 44). The
pleated tunics worn by the victims are comparad to those appearing on the Moxeke
friezes aild are believed to be the sama.
The Cerro Sechin carvings are also significant in that the symbol appearing on
the clubs of the warriors was f~und in tt1e preservad frieze of Huaca A and is interpretad
as a ~¡mbol r-.f pov1er and ;:;.utr.crity, which was transferred to secular Huaca A following
the r:onqu~t as a way of furthering the impact of the takeover by the invaders ( S. & T.
Pozorski 1987: 128). The construction of forts on the southern peripheries of valleys
to the north is offerad as further impact of this invasion (S. & T. Pozorski 1987: 45 )
424
This modal can be critiqued from various perspectivas. Elsewhere Panerson
(1983: 22) has cited the appeal to externa! torces as unsatisfactory and ahistorical in
that tney fail to consider existing social and productiva relations of populations. On a
less theoretical note, the highland origin of the invadars is not claar. Forts in the
northern valley were not constructad until the late Early Horizon sorne 800 years after
the postulated invasion {Burger 1989). The Cerro Sechin carvings also post-date the
Moxeke friezes. Tha interruption of building activity at valley sites is, clearly, the
result of disruption, but not necessarily proof of invasion {S. Pozorskí 1987: 25-28).
More recently the Pozorskis have adoptad a second modal to explain collapse
wherein this results from wíthín-vallav dívisíons rather than outside inf!uoíice (S. & T.
Pozorskí 1994: 72). According to this new position, whích at this point has only been
propasad in a very sketchy manner, the dual híerarchy, relígious and secular, is
accepted as having characterizad the Pampa de las Uamas-Moxeke and Sechín Alto
polities (1994: 72). In this case 'the resemblance of the club's symbols at Cerro
Sechin (rectangle in a circle) and that of the Huaca A frieze. argue that the victors were
local (T. & S. Pozorski 1993: 54-6; S. & T. Pozorskí 1994: 72). Tha victíms' clothing
and those of the Moxeke frieze are also notad as supportíng the intra-valley conflíct idea
(1994:72). Thís model clearly needs to be developed further, but in líght of the
problems assocíated with the invasion hypotheses, intra-valley conflict is a more
compelling explanation for systemíc valley-wide collapse. The lack of contemporaneity
between the Moxeke and Cerro Sechín depictions, however, undermines that part of their
model seekíng to use iconography for support.
In summary, tha Pozorskis' position suggests the development of multi-valley,
state-level polities in the lnitial Period arranged either wíth dual relígious and secular
hierarchies, as posad for Casma, or by a unified religíous and secular organizational
425
leadership, as at Huaca Los Reyes. Such polities used coercion to mobilize the labor
necessary for monumental architecture and their maintenance and may even have
acquired labor through a mit'a-like mandatory labor tax as the Inca did centurias later.
Power was rooted in the control of agricultura! production and specialized goods, and in
the exchange of inland and coastal produce, by an elite who enjoyad a standard of living
far above that of the ordinary citizen, who had unequal access to goods and labor, and who
used symbols and the accumulation and demonstration of wealth to mark its status and
power.
lnitial Period Ceremonial Ceoters and the Non-Coercive Model
Keeping in mind Bawden's critique of the lack of utility of such terms as state
(1989:330), and Patterson's position that in order to understand and explain societies
·one must adopt a more materialist stance focused on the production and reproduction of
the conditions of lite, including consideration of the producers, their means of produc-
tion, and their social relations (1983: 22-23)', an opposing position has arisen united
by the belief that monumental centers were not state centers and that they need not have
been built through coercive means (Aavines & lsbell 1975; Aavines 1979; Patterson
1983; Burger & Burger 1983; Burger 1987; 1992).
HUACA LA Fl.OAIDA-PATIEASON
Patterson terms the pattern of organization, arising sometime after 2350 B. C.,
the La Rorida social formation, after his work at Huaca La Rorida. He sees new torces
operating at this !ime, including the predominance of agricultura over other labor
processes and the 'intensification of labor processes involved in the construction of
platform mounds ... ¡reflecting, in partJ the 'increased appropriation of collective labor
power at the community level to ensure the continuad productivity of agricultura!
activities (1983:30)."
426
Collective labor was responsible for the construction of canal systems as well as
platform mounds. While the benefits of the canal system are readily apparent, the
function of platform mounds is less obvious. Such mounds 'involved the appropriation of
labor at the community level and in the context of linkages that already existed between
the residents of economically specialized senlements', primarily between new special-
ized agricultura! communities and fishing stations on the coast, that continuad to main-
tain the mutally beneficia! exchange network of produce developed during the Precera-
mic (Patterson 1983: 32).
The construction activities benefitted the entire community, not only

by intensifying agricultura! production through the development and
extension of irrigation systems, but also by providing the setting for
those predictions, rituals, and offerings that occurred at the pyramids
that were essential for providing and maintaining the conditions required
for successful farming (Salazar-Burger & Burger 1983; Patterson
1983: 32).
While the appropriation of goods continuad to occur also at the level of the
domestic group, and inequalities of accumulation are reflectad in grave goods, such
.:1ccumulation was ·continually transformad into the economic growth of the community
as a whole (Panerson 1983: 34)." All of the domestic groups enjoyad equal access to
community resources and territory 'in spite of any tendencias toward unequal produc-
tion' (1983: 34). Panerson acknowledges the existence of an organizing authority
responsible for the ·management of adminstrative and ritual activities, and the super-
vision of production and redistribution, as well as the performance of ceremonias at the
pyramids,' but does not attribute coercive power, as such, to this body (1983: 35).
For Patterson, changa occurred when this social formation 'gave way to one with
social classes !that occurredJ when surplus labor ceased to be appropriated for the
reproduction of the community as a whole, and was directed instead toward the creation
and maintenance of social classes defined in terms of unequal distribution and unequal
427
access to the collective resources of the community', which for Patterson did not occur
until c. 500 B. C. when monumental constructions ceased to be built.
GARAGAY-AAVINES & ISBELL
Aavines & lsbell (1975; Aavines 1979: 76) agree that large lnitíal Period
structures need not stand solely as 'physícal manifestations of emergent state power
(Haas 1987: 32)'. Aather Aavínes feels that "la construcción de un monumento debió
funcionar como el mecanismo cohesionador de una débil organización política, antes que
representar la manifestación de una sociedad fuertemente organizada (1979: 76). •
Aather than positing a bureaucratic leacership with both ideological and economic
power, Aavines states that the temples are ceremonial and the product of volumary
labor:
la construcción de los grandes complejos ceremoniales del Periódo

Inicial y Horizonte Temprano no tienen una relación directa con la
producción de alimentos ni con los excedentes del trabajo agrícola
efectuado a través de un poder fuertemente centralizado ... Consider-
amos que la panicipación voluntaria y el orgullo comunal de los
campesinos andinos en su sistema ritual y la gloria de sus templos
y jefes, semejante en cierto modo a la de los grupos de poder de
Polinesia... podrían explicar la construcción de estas grande pirá-
mides (Aavines 1979: 76).
The presence of friezes, and the public nature and lack of refuse indicativa of
sacred space of the architecture, is c~ed as evidence of their use as ceremonial or
ceremonial-adminstrative buildings, as in the case of Garagay (Aavines & lsbell 1975:
254; 266: Burger 1985). This center would have served as a unifying locus where
members of ~s congregation, living in dispersad harnlets and homesteads in the valley,
would periodically gather to reity their membership in a greater community (Aavines &
lsbell 1975: 267; Patterson 1985: 66-67). The center would provide them with a
symbol of commun~y prestige, and access to information and goods produced by others
served by the center (Aavines & lsbell 1975: 267).
428
The leaders of the congregation would be charged, among other things, with the
management of the ritual calendar that scheduled the regulation of cyclical rituals of
agricultura! production, and when ceremonias and offerings should be made or building
episodes would occur.
La construcción probablemente debió estar regulada por un ciclo

calendárico con días o festivadades fijas, en el que los especialistas
requerían la ayuda del integro de la comunidad Esto, sin embargo,
no supone necesariamente una temprana polarización clasista de la
sociedad, definida por un diferente acceso a los recursos económicos.
Simplemente hablaba y mandaba por los dioses un pequeno cuerpo de
especialistas, no más que shamanes o individuos de conocimiento y
experiencia que habían alcanzado reconocimiento luego de haber
pasado sucesivos cargos de una jerarquía civil-religiosa, que básica-
mente suponía el conocimiento de secretos religiosos y tal vez el
aprendizaje de rituales y experiencias alucinógenas (1975: 267).
Ravines & lsbell also note that the location of Garagay was probably near water
sources that would have permitted the people to experiment with water control devices
(1975: 268). Such manipulation may have included ritual control as was noted later at
sites in Cajamarca (T~rada 1982) and Chavín de Huántar (Lumbreras 1976). Ravines
and lsbell suggest that the carrying o.1 of rites, and perhaps even ceremonial construc-
tion at Garagay, may have taken place under a cargo systern (see also Burger & Salazar-
Burger 1986 for Huaricoto). In such a system domestic groups accumulate large
surplus quantities of goods that could be transformad into prestíge by taking on of the
responsibility for the provision of resources for specific rituals or construction.
Esto implica, naturalmente, transformar la riqueza familiar en status

individual con el consiguiente beneficio de la comunidad ... Sin embargo,
el status que adquiere un individuo vuelve a sus mismos parientes a
través de la influencia que éstos ejercen y la que ejercita el propio
individuo y que siempre tiende a favorecer a quienes contribuyeron a
sus éxitos (1975: 268).
Thus, while Patterson states such transformations for the good of community were
occurring, Ravines and lsbell provide a means for its occurrence.
429
Atthough no storage facilities were encountered at Garagay, its role as a
redistributive center. perhaps through the context ot rituals is assumed, as is the

similar role played by the other U-shaped centers of the central coast (Ravines & lsbell
1975: 269).
They suggest that the monumentality of the ceremonial centers was likely a
result of competative mound building wherein neighboring communities attempted to
outdo one another through reciproca! invitations to large rituals and feasts at progres-
sively more ornate and larger ritual centers in an attempt to increase community and
leaders' prestige (Ravines & lsbell 1975: 269). Ravines and lsbell see the collapse ot
this preexisting system, much as does Patterson, as a resutt of the transferrence of
status trom the community to an elite who gain exclusive access to certain resources.
Al intensificarse la competición entre complejos debió surgir una

élite, con mayor acceso a los recursos económicos y, en última
instancia, al hacerse necesaria una transformación ideológica cabe
suponer que este élite emergente buscaría interactuar con sus con-
géneres de los sistemas vecinos a fin de lograr una asociación espec1al
que equilibrara rango y prestigio .. [yJ ... al enfatizar en los derechos
de una clase noble, formalizaron rangos y facilitaron la comunicación
entre esferas ceremoniales previamente separados (Ravines & lsbell
1975: 270).
CARDAUMINA PERDIDA-BURGER & SALAZAR-BURGER
Richard Burger and Lucy Salazar-Burger are also proponents of the non-state
position and their work, especially in the Lurin River, has illustrated the need to
examine material evidence closely in order to ascertain whether state correlatas are
present. Burger maintains that the material evidence recovered from excavations at
Cardal and Garagay fails to support the notion that they were constructed by 'complex
societies in the traditional sense of the term' (i.e. coercive states (1991a: 275)).
Cardal was one of tour U-shaped centers operating into the late lnitial Period
430
along a 5 km strip of the lower valley floor (Burger 1987: 365, 373). Burger
believes that
the size and formal attributes of these centers are similar and it
seems likely that the activities carried out at them were also similar
.... This pattern seems incompatible with models positing state organi-
zation as the basis for the organization and construction of U-shaped
complexes (1987: 373; Haas 1982; 1987).
Burger notes, for the Lurin Valley as a whole, a lack of a site that could have
served as the indisputable capital of a Lurin polity with a definable hinterland. Similar-
ly, the 'multitude of small and medium-sized settlements' needed to support the oft·
citad three-tiered settlement hierarchy of a state system is absent, as are lower -leve!
adminstrative outposts and artifacts of hiearchical status (Burger 1987: 373; Wright &
Johnson 1975).
Even the size difference in total mass between sites such as Cardal and Mina
Perdida may be discounted as a 'function of their different durations of building and
occupation, rather than their constrasting position in a hypothetical settlement
hierarchy (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 b: 12). This chronological difference is
supported by the discovery of different construction techniques utilizad in the two
mounds as well as radiocarbon measurements (1991b: 12).
The centers were inhaMated by small resident populations (Cardal's domestic
zone covers 2-3 ha. (Burger 1987: 371; Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a), but
served much larger congregations, hypothetically living in dispersad hamlets and
homesteads nearer and among the agricultura! fields, as posited for Garagay, Huaca La
Florida, and Huaca Los Reyes (1987: 370; 1991 a: 275). Unfortunately, material proof
of this population remains to be found, however, the size of the monuments argues
for the existence of a labor force far larger than that accounted for by the small zone of
residential architecture.
431
The centers were all located near arable land conducive to irrigation agricultura.
Cardal is situated less than 1 km from the Lurin River with 'direct access to the rich
affuvial bottomlands' [includingJ 'sorne of the finest irrigation lands in the vaffey'
(Burger 1987: 366; Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 275). Macro-botanical
remains of cultigens and indirect evidence of a farming economy are present (sita
location. and artifacts such as clodbreakers and digging stick weights) and even though
lnitial Period canals have not been identified, "it woufd not have been possible to
maintain a population large enough to build the lnitial Period centers of Cardal. Mina
Perdida. Parka, and Manchay Bajo based on floodplain farming alone (Burger & Salazar-
Burger 1991 a: 275, 277 -8)."
In Lurin, as in nearly aff the coastal vaffeys with, perhaps, the exception of
Santa, ·water scarcity is the crucial variable' and even today only 3750 ha. of land are
irrigated due to the minimal flow of this river which occurs mostly during the pariod
from May to December (Burger 1987: 365). · Burger & Salazar-Burger suggest that
"during the late lnitial Period the fertile banks of the valley adjacent to Cardal must
have been watered by gravity canals from river intakes further upstream and or springs
like the one today at Pan de Azucar (1991 a: 275)."
While the centers themselves were situated near arable land, they were not sited
on it. Rather, the centers were located outside the limit of agricultura, generaffy just
above it, on hill slopes or alluvial terraces, as was the case at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina
(Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 276). While fundamentally agrarian communities,
these centers also participated in an exchange system with the coastal settlemems, as
noted for other sitas, however, nowhere does Burger imply that the inland centers
controffed those sites on the coast. nor does he suggest thí:L~ the latter were sateliites or
colonias established by the formar (1987: 371; Burgar & Salazar-Burger 1991 a:
432
276).
The monumental centers of Cardal and Mina Perdida, according to the Burgers.
servad as ritual centers for the carrying out of ceremonias and feasting. The courtyard
manifests the function of the site as a gathering place, and the discovery of serving
vessels at Cardal, and remains of foodstuffs and possible cooking areas, furthers the case
that this area of the site witnessad ritual feasting, perhaps, in a reciproca! context. The
Burgers note that the existence of matching plazas at Cardal may even suggest the
existence of a moiety organizational system, such as that that carne to character1ze Inca
and Chimú society (1991 a: 291; Netherly 1984).
The main mound at Cardal was characterized by its lack of artifacts, the resutt of
cultural notions regarding the importance of keeping sacred spaces clean (ritual cleanli-
ness) (1987: 368). The size of the Cardal mound reflectad a 400-year occupation dur-
ing which the mound had grown through periodic building episodes with the earller
constructions ritually entombed (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 287; 1985: 116;
Burger 1990: 7; in press: 26; lzumi & Terada 1972: 30). This mound's growth, and
that of Mina Perdida and probably the other Lurin sitas, was the result of both vertical
and horizontal accretion (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991: 292), small inputs of labor
by the congregation over a iong time. There is no need to impute the existence of huge
squads of laborers working continuously for any long duration (Burger in press: 13).
The Burger's feel that the location of Cardal and its public architecture are
'directly comparable in location and function with Garagay' (1991 a: 281; Ravines &
lsbell 1976). lts public natura is further manifestad by the discovery of a mouth-band
freize covering the walls of the main entrance. Additional sunken court structures,
found on the wings of Cardal, are cited as probably having served as more prívate ritual
areas for smaller divisions of the population, such as lineages and ayllus, and offerings
433
found within them likely guaranteed the success of rituals carried out therein, as was
the case in for early Preceramic mounds such as those at Aspero (Burger 1987: 370;
Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 291).
The 300 or so people who resided at Cardal lived in simple structures at the base
of the mound and anifacts recovered through excavation 'showed that these individuals
were involved in the local production of tools and ornaments [and the collectionsl lacked
anifactual diacritics that generally exist when there are sharp divisions ot rank status
and wealth (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991: 278, 293).' They cannot be explained as
an elite, but rather these residents at the monumental center probably 'belonged to
people having a special relationship to the complex.' (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a:
292-293). The Burgers suggest that these people may have enjoyad their relationship
with the temple due to their identification with sacred knowledge and their mastery of
the means of community ritual (1991 a: 293). This leadership, basad on personal
authority and sacred knowledge, would have been sutficient to direct and coordinate
group labor projects, however. this prestige-based authority would have been
insufficient to coerce large numbes of people (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 293).
Rather "inequalities in status did not translate into long-term differences in power or
wealth or even into authority in other aspects of daily lite" [sincel 'leaders were not
able to appropriate labor or accumulate personal wealth' (1991 a: 293; Flanagan 1989;
Paynter 1989; Clastres 1980).
The grave goods and location of burials provide tunher evidence of the lack of
social stratification at Cardal. While sorne differentiation is noted among the dead buried
beneath house floors, no burials possessed large numbers of items that could signify
wea~h or exclusive access to goods. Similarly, another set of burials encountered in the
atrium of the Cardal central mound contained individuals of both sexes of all ages, also
434
lacking goods indicativa of wealth or power. One adult male burial was unique in its
inclusion of a necklace of sea lion teeth, but this man was also buried with weaving tools,
likely used by him in life (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a: 287). Thus, while this
man may have enjoyad sorne special authority achievad because of his age, knowledge or
experience, such authority was short-lived and was not passed on to succeeding gener-
ations (1991 a: 293)
The earlier center ot Mina Perdida is positad as having suppliad the tounding
population ot Cardal as "demographic increase may have precipitatad tensions over the
irrigatad lands associated with the, yet unidentifiad canal system [at Mina Perdida)'
causing the construction ot a new canal inland at higher elevation that opened up new
areas to cultivation, and the tounding ot the new temple to assure the success ot this new
splinter community (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1990: 13). Similar explanations are
offerad to explain the tounding ot Manchay Bajo and the other U-shapad centers (Burger
in press: 26).
Thus. by the end ot the lnitial Period the Burgers posit the existence of ·several
independent and roughly equivalent social groups in the lower valley (of Lurin] support·
ing centers with public architecture (1990: 13; 1991a: 294; in press: 17)." 'These
centers share numerous conventions in terms of design and construction technique, but
differ, perhaps in ways that exemplifiad and reflectad the difference between their
support populations (Burger 1990: 13)." Thus, 'the contrast in formal design' and
maintenance of U-shaped public architecture was a conscious decision by the support
population of the various centers (Burger 1990: 12-13).
Each of the U-shapad centers was distinctive and perhaps auronomous

(my italics); while sharing aspects of its ideology and rituals with
other local centers of the region, each public cornplex expressad the
individual character of its immediate support!ng population and the
unique social identity of the cornmuntiy that built and utilizad it
(Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991a: 294).
435
This position is very different from that articulated by the Pozorskis. Rather
than being the product of state societies built as manifestations of the power ot the elite,
these monuments were 'intimately linked to the ideology and relations ot production
within weakly ditterentiated agrarian communities' (Burger in press: 28).
This public architecture servad as a center ot social lite, and as a

highly visible symbol of the community's link to the past; as such,
it provided tangible proot of the polity's historical rights to critica!
water and land resources. The monumental architecture also created
a setting in which potentially destructiva torces could be brought into
balance, and in which the representativa of the community attempted
to intluence the torces ot the supernatural realm on behalt ot society
(Burger in press: 27).
These interpretations, offered for Lurin, are also seen as viable for the interpretation ot
cultures ot the North Central and North Coast also (Burger 1992: 76-98).
ETHNOGRAPHIC PARALELLS
lntroduction:
The linkages between supernatural torces, weather, and irrigation, that
characterizes the belief systems of coastal Peru are similar to those of other 1rngation-
based societies. The melding of ritual and irrigation farming is found in severa!
societies ot Southeast Asia that have been studied by anthropologists. The following
discussion will focus on three ethnographic cases that may shed light on the practica of
irrigation as it may have been carried out by lnitial Period societies of the Peruvian
Coast. Georges Condominas's term 'ritual technology' can be ernpjoyed as easily to
characterized Peruvian irrigation practicas as to illustrate the lite of Vietnam 's Mnong
Gar. The beliefs of traditional people living in North Thailand concerning the need to
appease spirrts to assure water flow and the security of the irrigation system shares
certain aspects with the Peruvian beliefs concerning water.
Given the association in the coastal Peruvian valleys of arable lands, remnant
436
irrigation systems, and monumental architecture, it has been suggested that the monu-
mental centers and their leaders were intimately involved in agricultura! production. In
this section the Balinese Water Temple System, recently identified by anthropologist
Stephen Lansing will be analyzed. Following this discussion, the relevance ot this Water
Temple System to the Peruvian temples will be considerad and an argument will be made
that the Peruvian lnitial Period monumental centers ot many ot the coastal valleys
should be thought of as Peruvian Water Temples vertically integrated into valley-wide
irrigaticns systems.
RITUAL TECHNOLOGY
Georges Condominas coined the term 'ritual technology' to express the idea that in
many non-western societies ritual and technology cannot be separated, and that. especi-
ally in agrarian societies, 'religious activities associated with plant cultivation are
indissolubly integrated into agricultura! tasks (Condominas 1986: 28).' This is
opposed to the view espoused by modern agronomists that agricultura be treated 'in
terms of tools, labor, seeds. and phases of the agricultura! cycle' with 'rites treated as
religion and as epiphenomenal or as superstition (1986: 28).' Aather, Condominas
points out that in many societies rituals are sean as vital to the productiva process and
are performed at the initiation of each agricultura! cycle and periodically during the
stages of plant growth to ensure a successful harvest (Lansing 1991: 6).
His examination of the Mnong Gar of the central Vietnam highlands reveals that
not only are rituals performed, but also collective labor tasks involving the whole
village, such as the burning of forest land to open new areas to cuttivation, sowing, and
harvesting are often performed in a ritual context (Condominas 1986: 32, 35-36, 38).
·The Mnong Gar do not rely solely on divina will to assure good harvests, [but
also) have a keen appreciation of the resources, possibilities, and limitations of the
437
environment and the technical means of acting upon it (Condominas 1986: 29).'
Similarly, they are ·aware of, and dread, unforeseen problems like drought, too muen
rain, animal and insect damage, etc .. but attribute these events to malevolent actions of
supernatural beings (Condominas 1986: 29)." The ability of the people to take
recourse in rituals to assuage spirits and guarantee the harvest both through 'collective
ritas and collective rituals of individual execution'. (performed by each household
individually in a kind of complementary series by turn. not simultaneously). g1ves risa
to the term 'ritual technology' (Condominas 1986: 29. 32).
The ritualization of the agricultura! process has temporal and spatial correlatas.
Anr.:.!al and agricultura! cycles are the same for the Mnong Gar, and the
passage of one season to another generally occurs unnoticed and varies
with each household, which having accomplished one agricultura! activ-
ity. starts the next with the appropriate initiatory rite as it pleases
(Condominas 1986: 29).
Thus, 'the agricultura! cycle of rites becomes the master calendar of social lile
(Lansing 1991: 6) • Spatially the term for an agricultura! plot of land changes as each
agricultura! stage advances. ritual and technique acting as a continuous ser1es of
agr1cultural activity (Condommas 1986: 35)
For the Mnong Gar the work of the agricultura! cycle invokes their entire lite aoo
·constitutes the sole content of their ex1stence' since all their activities ·perpetuate two
kinds of production-(that] of the reproduction of the individual and his society
(Condominas 1986: 39) · These activities include '1) the exercise with tools of a
ser1es of human acts to produce an effect or product and 2) the association of human acts
or gestures to influence the production or an effect on a product (Condorninas 1986: 3~
40).' lt is the laner ritual aspect that gives ·a mood of play and festivity and wields
into one collectivity all the social beings of the Mnong Gar world (Condominas 1986:
40).' 'In short agricultura 1s a social as well as technical process. which is structured
by a sequence of agricultura! rites (Lansing 1991: 6)."
AGAICULTUAAL SPIAITS
Spirits connected with traditional irrigation systems are also the recipients of
veneration in North Thailand for the protection of bamboo stake dams and weirs vital to
the canal system (Landa 1983: 121. 139). Landa maintains that not only do spirits:
provide a guarantee of supernatural control over all aspects of irriga-

tion, (lordly spirits protect[ing) assigned sections of canal systems.
and river and dam spirits protecting the irrigation dams).[but also]
that the system of spirit belief.. .in its connection with the irrigation
system enhanced cooperation between villages within the same irriga-
tion system. and between irrigation systems on the same rivers in the
absence of the state control of irrigation (Landa 1983: 123).
In the absence of a state contol of the irngation system to mitigate conflicts and
control matters. the spirits may have acted as 'supernatural policemen to promete
cooperation and proper conduct towards the irrigation system by water users [through)
numerous laws with supernatural sanctions involved with spirits which were used by
local leaders in the past to en force proper behavior (Landa 1983: 123. 143).' The
power of supernatural sanctions was such that water allocation was more equitable and
not the source of factionalism and dissent in North Thailand that it was elsewhere where
contol of water disbursement led to 'the breakdown of patterns of cooperativa labor and
inter- and intra-system conflict' (Landa 1983: 123, 142, 143).
The presentation of offerings to the lordly spirits and to the mountains spins. 'at
the distant source of the waters that fed the system', to ensure the flow of water and
adequate rainfall 'encouraged cooperation between groups and provided a basis for the
sharing of irrigation water in case of drought (Landa 1983: 123). Great offerings
provide occasions for the meeting of 'irrigation officials, local leaders. and elders of the
spirit cults for common purposes which otherwise would not have occurred (Landa
1983: 123, 142).' 439

The unity provided by the veneration of the spirits is enhanced by the structure
of the spiritual hierarchy of control over irrigation which further discouraged ínter-
village conflict (Lando 1983: 124, 142).
The distant forest and mountain spirits that protected the river source,
the spirits of the dam, and the four junior lordly spirits were all under
the direct control ot Great Mountain Lord [whoJ was something of an ir-
rigation headman of the s~pernatural irrigation committee .. the super-
natural order mirroring the human one in control of irrigation (Lando
1983: 142).
The social organization supporting the physical irrigation system is heavily
reliant on collective labor from this common good in which water users contribute labor
and goods to tasks proportional to the amount ot irrigated land they farm (Lando 1983:
139). The collective yearly tasks included dredging the irrigation canals and repairing
or rebuilding dams. An official body now makes decisions regarding water dispersement
and resolves conflicts and enforces its will through sanctions. Yet, spirits are also
involved, consultad by mediums through which the spirit may speak.
THE BALINESE CASE-WATER TEMPLES ANO HYDRAULIC SOLIDARITY
The western preoccupation with the technological aspects of irrigation, was
responsible for the failure of foreigners to identify and realize the predominance of
ritual technology manifestad by a system of water temples in Bali-a system only
recently identified by Stephen Lansing (1987: 1991: 1993; 1995). In Bali, prior to
the Green Revolution of the the 1970's, irrigatiOn was 'organizad by networks of water
temples that constituted an institutional system separata from the state' in which 'the
temples manipulated the states ot the the [irrigation] system at ascending levels in
regional hierarchies (Lansing 1987: 326, 338; 1991: 4-5, 26, 34, 102)." In the
past the rituals of the agricultura! cult 'essentially ignored the boundaries of kingdoms
and principalities and followed instead the natural boundaries of rivers and water-
440
sheds' [so that] 'farmers journeyed across boundaries of kingdoms to perform rituals in
chains of temples extending from the mountain lakes to the seacoast (Lansing 1991: 7)."
Agricultura! and kingship rituals are also symbolically separated for
agricultura! rites invoke an imagery of power that transcends king-

ship: a mandala of water in the moumain lake and a goddess who dwells
in them, gods who inhabit irrigation dams and springs; the Rice Mother
and her sister goddess of the marketplace, and plague-bearing demons
from the sea (Lansing 1991: 7-8).
The temples, and the system over which they preside, represent the labor of
generations who gradually transformad the landscape, resulting in a 'humanized nature',
that is, nature shaped by human intent in the Marxian sense of the term (Lansing 1991:
10-12; 1993: 98). 'When Balinese society sees itself reflected ir. a 'humanized nat-
ure', a natural world transforme<! by the efforts of previous generations, it sees a pat-
tern of interlocking cycles that mimic these cycles of :-~ature (1991: 133; 1993: 98). •
The Balinese temple system fails to conform to Marxian notions of history as
linear time. but rather 'the Balinese have devisad a more biological view of time where
severa! mathematically sophisticated systems of time reckoning that involve severa!
different calendars track both social and natural cycles (Lansing 1991: 11-12; Hobart
1978a, b)." Thus, the irrigation system has both ritual, spatial, and temporal
elements. The Balinese view their relationship with nature as one of imerdependence. ·a
continuing dialectic between man and the humanized environmem which involves a
gradual transformation of both elements (Lansing 1991: 12; 1993: 98) .'
THE SUBAK ANO IRRIGATlON MANAGEMENT
When the Balinese irrigation system was first studied by Clifford Geertz. it
apeared to be 'organized at the local (subak) level by the timing of rituals connected
with the rice cult, which were ~ymiJoHcally linked to cultivation in a way that locked the
pace of cultivation into a firm, explicit rhythm (Geertz in Lansing 1987: 328). ·
441
A subak is defined as 'a small water-user group consisting of about 100 or so
farmers who obtain their irrigation water from a common source, usually a main
canal." and, thus, is not coterminous wittl the village. since farmers from more than one
village may belong to a subak and vice versa (Birklebach 1973; Lansing 1991: 4, 27).
·As many as 100 subaks might depend on a single river for irrigation (lansing 1991:
4).' The physical control of most aspects of lrrigation at the local level by the subak
association first had been posited by FA liefrind<, Dutch colonial controleur in Bali
1874-1878 and Aesident of Bali and Lombok 1896-1901 (lansing 1991: 27, 36-37;
Swellengrebel 1969: 3-4). Although noting the religious aspect in the subak system,
and the existence of water temples built and maintained by subak members. he ·presup-
posed that managerial control of irrigation was a secular maner [and] that religious
activities of the subaks remained outside the domain of irrigation planning (lansing
1991: 27 -28) .' Formar Dutch colonial controleur V.E. Korn echoed liefrinck's
position in the 1930's maintaining that ·irrigation was largely in the hands of the
subaks (lansing 1991: 33)."
Secular aspects are ~tressed in the early analyses and focus on the labor
obligations owed by subak members. Collective labor tasks typically 1nclude
1) maintenance of the darns and conduits of the various installations, 2) inspection and
patrolling of conduits, 3) maintenance of road and culverts, 4) policing the subak and
assisting the klian (elected subak head). and 5) constructing and maintainmg buildings
(lansing 1991: 27). "The most important features of the work performed collectively
are the maintenance of the dams and conduits of the subak irrigation system and the
patrolling of the conduits to safeguard against water theft ... the extent to which each
individual member is obligad to participare in the collective labor is assessed according
to the distribution of water in the subak (liefrinck in Swellengrebel 1969; Lansing
442
1991: 27)."
Geertz, unlike his Outch ,;redecessors. recognized in the religious aspects a vital
element to the success of Balinese irrigation agricultura: the timing of rituals to
coordinare the pace of cultivation in such a way that ·a cornplex ecological order was
both reflected in and shaped by an equally complex ritual order which at once grew out of
rt and was imposed upon it (Geertz 1980: 82: Lansing 1987: 328): However. analysis
at the subak leve! would not detect higher leve! systems of coordination (Lansing 1991:
4)." Lansing, drawrng on the work of Geertz and Hobart, was the first to explore
the possibilities of regional organization of irrigation by water temples-a higher leve!
management system developed in part to address the requirements of rice cultivation and
the Balinese environment.
ENVIAONMENTAL CONSIDEAATlONS ANO WATER IN BALI
The Balinese do not build water storage devices and, thus, are dependent for
irrigation on the seasonal flows of rivers and springs (lansing 1987: 327; 1991: 38:
1993 100). Of 162 named rivers and springs, about 50% flow only during the rainy
season from November to April. During the wet season ten times as much water may fall
as during the dry (Lansing 1991: 38; 1995: 87) "Rainfall varias by season and
elevation. and in coordination with groundwater inflow. determines river flow and
ultimately, the flow water into each farmer's field (Lansing 1991: 38; 1993: 100)."
Rivers do not flow at ground leve!, where irrigation would be easy, but rather in
deep channels on the flanks of volcanoes (1991: 38). Thus, it is necessary to construct
tunnels to siphon water into canals. in sorne cases at distances of over 1 km. The deliver-
ing of adequate amounts of water to the rice terraces is important because of the need in
rice agricultura to create pulses, that is, vary the states of water in the terraces at
precise intervals (Lansing 1991: 39; 1993: 100; 1995: 87-88). A brief break in the
443
flow coufd be as devastating to the rice crop as a torrentia1 downpour which could
destroy the irrigation works (Lansing 1991 : 41).
iECHNOLOOY ANO WAiEA STRESS IN BAU
"Most Balinese irrigation systems begin at a weir (diversionary dam) across a
river which directs part of the flow into a tunnel that emerges downstream at a lower
elevation where water is routed through a systern of canals and aqueducts to the summit
of a terraced hillside (Lansing 1991: 38; 1993: 100; 1995: 87)." These weirs are
generafly constructed of earth, logs, and stones, aff materials localfy avaitable and
temporary, in the sense that they are easily washed away by flash floods and are subject
to frequent repair (1991: 41). As such, they resemble similar Peruvian constructions
'patos de gallo' that serve the same function.
"lrrigation systems originating at different weirs are often interconnected so
that unused water from the end of one irrigation system can be shunted into a differem
block of terraces or returned to a neighboring stream (Lansing 1991: 39; 1995: 87)."
This is especially important in the dry season since "the amount of water that reaches
the weir may be strongly affected by the cropping schedule of upstream neighbors, the
subaks need to return excess water to irrigation systems feeding villages downstream or
those villages will suffer water shortages during the dry season (Lansing 1991: 41,
42)." The dependency of every farmer on this irrigation system, "that originates
severa! kms. upstream and ffows in fragile channels through the lands of many neighbors
before reaching individual fields, is summed up by the term Hydrological intercon-
nectivity or Hydrological interdependence (Lansing 1991: 41, 44, 48).' Thus.
"hydrofogical interdependency extends beyond individual subaks and weirs to include all
of the irrigation system and is built into the very engineering structure of the irrigation
system (Lansing 1991: 44, 48)."
444
In order to guarantee precise control of water allocation necessary to guarantee
large scafe production, 'the physicaf constraints of Batinese irrigation require a system
of control extending wefl beyond the subak leve!, connecting weir to weir and watershed
to watershed (Lansing 1991: 48)." Thus, Lansing's vi~w differs greatfy from that of
Geenz who by focusing only on subak control failed to note the largar picture (Lansing
1991: 41 ).
PEST CON"mOL IN BALI
Pest control is the other factor which with water stress governs the execution of
agricultura! scheduling. Pests traditionafly were controlled either through the ffooding
or burning of fields. Fallow periods were enacted to prevent pest growth. A key elernent
is that the success of any one strategern to rernove pests is dependent on the number of
fields and the amount of land with synchronized fallow periods (Lansing 1991: 39-40;
1993: 100; 1995: 89). No individual farmer can singly rid himself of pests, since
they will simply migrate to neighboring fields. Yet "if farmers with adjacent fields
synchronize their cropping patterns to create uniform fallow periods over a sufficiently
large area, pests are temporaily deprived of their habitat, and pest populations can be
sharply reduced (1991: 40; 1993: 100; 1995: 89)."
The size of ttle area or length of fallow period necessary depends on the pest being
combatted. These traditional techniques of pest control vía coordinated fallow periods
·establish a funher set of constraints for water management since if too many farmers
foflow identical cropping patterns, they will experience peak irrigation demand at the
same time and there might not be enough water for all; especially since the distance
between weirs on Balinese rivers is usually only a few kms. (1991: 40, 48)."
Neighboring subaks dependent on separare irrigation systems may also coordinare
their harvests to minimiza pests. "This method in turn requires synchronized cropping
445
patterns and irrigation schedules which must balance the requirements of water sharing
and pest control (Lansing 1991: 48; 1993: 102)." "These two factors are, thus, oppos-
ing constraints and the optimal scale for the coordination of cropping patterns depends on
local conditions (Lansing 1991: 40)." Yet, hydrological interdependence requires
regional planning.
THE WATER TEMPLES OF BALI
Lansing's research revealed that ·parallel to the physical irrigation system was
an intricate network of shrines and temples, dedicated to agricultura! deities and the
Goddess of Waters, that played an instrumental role in the productiva process by provid·
ing farmers with a structure to coordinate cropping patterns and the phases of the
agricultura! labor (Lansing 1987: 326; 1991: 40, 44, 48; 1993: 97, 100).' This
hierarchy of water temples mirrors the interconnectedness of the fields of individual
farmers, ultimately leading to the source of all water.
The temples increase in importance and size of congregation as follows: 1) a
small shrine in each farmer's field is located at ttle place where irrigation water first
enters the fiP.Id where he performs rituals of 'collective rituals of individual execution'
for the rice cult, 2) the Ulun Carik or 'Head of the Fields' subak temple where subak
meetings and collective local rituals are held, 3) Ulun Swi or 'Head of ihe Terraces·
temple which coordinares irrigation schedules for a collection of subaks and at which are
held larger festivals that punctuate the agricultura! year, 4) Masceti or regional
temples-sometimes replaced in function by the Ulun Swi temples. 5) weir, spring, lake
and river headwater aftars and shrines, and 6) uftimately the Temple of Crater Lake at
Batur where dwells the Goddess of the Lake (Lansing 1987: 332, 334; 1991: 45, 52·
54; 1993: 100; 1995: 95). At the sea are found Sea Temples where rituals are held to
preve m the spread of pests and guard against ·the malign influences of the sea.'
446
-..\
Figure 9-1: Schematic of the Balinese Water Temple System (after

Lansing 1991 ). Circles represent subaks, U-shapes are
weirs and filled triangles are water temples.
Membership is physically manifestad in an upstream direction. Thus, one
belongs to all the congregations ot all water temples located between one's fields and the
weir on the river trom which irrigation water is initially drawn off, as well at to the
cor.gregation ot the Temple at Crater Lake. ·water temples define connections between
productiva groups and the components of the natural landscape that they seek to control
(Lansing 1991: 52)."
All ot these temples vary in the scale ot their construction with the Temple of
Crater Lake at Batur being the largest (Lansing 1994: 146-147, fig. A.1). The sman
field shrines ot each farmer are the smattest usually built ot perishable materials each
year on wooden platforms with dimensiorjs ot generally 1 m x 11/2 m (John Schoen-
felder, personal communication 12/9/96). The Subak Temples are next in size and are
usually in the form ot enclosures of 5 m x 5 m. The Masceti Temples are larger than
the subak temples, usually at least two to four times their size, and sorne ot the more
important ones are much larger, covering severa! hundred square meters (J. Schoen-
felder, personal communication 12/9/96). The Temple at Crater Lake is larger than all
in total area, but is made up of not one, but many small temples with towers, the largest
built on a base with dimensions of between 9 m2 and 16 m2 and rises 8 m tall (J. Schoen-
felder. personal communication 12/9/96).
Preliminary archaeological survey has shown many of the temples to be severa!
centurias old, the oldest dating to the eighth century. While today rebuilding does not
take place often, it is believed to have been more frequent in the past, especially since
many ot the temples have earthen walls (J. Schoenfelder, personal communication
12/9/96). Unfortunately, at this time no archaeological excavation has been under-
taken at any of the temples so construction phases, durations of occupation, and total
labor inputs are unknown. Similarly, no ene has studied how labor is actually mobilized
448
to construct the temples, nor how often temples were renovated in the past. Stephen
Lansing and John Schoenfelder are both set to carry out sorne of this research over the
next three years (S. Lansing, personal communication 11/96). Until more information
is retrieved comparisons between the physical structureand labor requirements of the
Balinese Temples and those of the monumental centers of Peru will remain tentativa.
Regional Masceti temples (or in sorne cases Ulun Swi temples) have a congre-
gation made up of all subaks in the area which meet once annually to fix the schedule for
the coming year and so the temple authorities can divide them into rotational irrigation
groups (Lansing 1991: 44, 46; 1995: 89-90). The Ulun Swi temple sometimes serves
the sama role as the Masceti temple if it is absent and in sorne cases they switch roles
(1991: 46-47). More important Masceti temples are located at the seacoast and at the
headwaters of the river system and these temples' festivals are anended by many subaks
not immediately within their sphere of control because rituals and gods associated with
them are believed to affect the entire drainage.
The Temple of Crater Lake is the supreme water temple of this hierarchy as it is
located at the theoretical source of all irrigation water for the island and is the residence
of the Goddess of the Lake who speaks through her earthly representativa, the Jera Gde
(Lansing 1987: 330; 1991: 73). Unlike many other temples that are left empty except
when festivals are occurring, the Temple of Batur is always open and functioning, staffed
by a cadre of full-time priests chosen in childhood by a priestess who is told by the God-
dess. upon the death of the current Jero Gde, who will succeed him (Lansing 1991: 74).
Officially the Jero Gde speaks for the Goddess on aH maners and his assent is
necessary for the creation of new subaks, the construction of tunnels, canals, and
terrace systems, and in the resolution of inter-subak conflicts over water (Lansing
1987, 1991). He and the other priests are considerad irrigation experts, and their
449
advice is sought when irrigation systems are laid out (Lansing 1987: 336). They also
determine placas for temples and shrines. They do not, however, undertake any of the
construction tasks, nor do they stay to supervise them (Lansing 1991: 81 ). In fact,
tunnels are constructed by an independent set of professional tunnel builders.
OBLIGATIONS TOTHE BALINESE WATER TEMPLES
"The practica! management of irrigation is embedded within the hierarchical
structure of water temples (Lansing 1991: 48)." Individual subaks rotate the
responsibility of constructing and maintaining irrigation works, performing annual
rites at Masceti and Ulun Swi temples, and all share equally in the responsibility of
maintaining the main canal and weir (Lansing 1991: 47-48). Collective laborers are
supervisad in their tasks by secular officials elected by the members of the subak who
are themselves farmers in the subak (Birkelbach 1973). The relation of the subaks to
the regional temples and ultimately to the Temple of Batur, is formalizad by codified
obligations 'basad on the hydro-logic ot irrigation dependency (lansing 1991: 95)."
'Many manuscripts deal with ritual obligations to Batur Temple [and other regional
temples¡ which are attempts to translate the Temple's cosmological role into a legalistic
framework of claims and obligations which ultimately defines the scope ot the Temple's
powers (lansing 1991 :95)."
People supply collective labor for the maintenance of the temple to which they
owe obligations, including the Temple of Batur to which all subaks relying on the water
comrolled by the Goddess of the Lake owe fealty (lansing 1991: 95). Offerings to the
temple consisting generally of toad and decorations are referred to as soewinih (Lansing
1991: 31, 103). These offerings are due the Goddess of the Lake as payment for her gift
of irrigation waters, and failure to make payment results in supernatural sanctions suct;
as the curse of the Goddess:
450
and if they do not offer up the rice 'taxes' to the sacred ruler for
each yearly temple festival, the people who hold the rice terraces .
.. will be cursed by the Goddess ... their crops will fail. .. they will
instantly suffer disasters ... because the Goddess makes the waters
flow; those who do not obey her rules may not possess her rice ter-
races (Lansing 1991: 104, 11 O).
'Neglect of water temples will lead to the spread of pests and diseases and loss of the
water needed to make crops grow (Lansing 1991: 11 O)." The obligations and soewinih
offerings vary depending on the location of each subak with respect to Batur and the
subak's size (Lansing 1991: 105). However, subaks could always give more, and often
did, because soewinih provided an occasion for competition (Lansing 1991: 105). A
second type of offering, pejati, is given in exchange for the receiving of holy water from
the temple (Lansing 1991: 105).
The soewinih 'tax' fuels the temple's ability to serve a reciproca! role, as nearly
all is consumad either in the lavish annual festivals, at which delegares of subaks from
Masceti temples are present, or in providing for delegations of subak members who have
come to the temple for adv1ce or to make requests (Lansing 1991: 106). Only a compar-
atively small arnount is used to feed the temple staff. 'Thus from a purely metaphysical
point of view the Temple at Crater Lake is a place of interchange between the visible and
invisible worlds ... but it is also a major redistributive center, [theJ tons of soewinih
offerings brought to the temple each year provide the raw materials for the grand
rituals and feasts that validate the Temple's cosmological role (Lansing 1991: 106).
Proof of the efficacy of soewinih offering is always to be found

in the next year's harvest, bad harvests necessitating an increased
offering, however, the failure of a temple to amass sufficient offer-
ings or the continuation of bad harvests could be construed as the
loss of the ·mandate of heaven' by the temple authorities (Lansing
1991:109).
4 51
RITUALS OF WATER IN BALI
Despite their obvious practica! role in the running of irrigation, water temples
remain basically social and religious ins!itutions (Lansing 1991: 49). • "Every water
temple has an array of altars and shrines identified with a specific collection of anthropo-
morphic deities that expresses 'in a well defined symbolic vocabulary' !he social and
cosmological role of the temple ... [andJ its specific relationship to the social microcosm•
which Lansing refers to as the ·sociogenic' aspect of water temple rituals (1991: 51-
52). Temple rituals are occasions for all !hose members of its congregation who "have
no separate existence apart from the water temple system· to gather (1991: 52)."
The temples provide a vehicle to achieve voluntary social cooper-

ation in the management of irrigation on which each village and
society as a whole is utterly dependen!. ..in the absence of a 'hydraulic
bureaucracy' to manage irrigation, the temple system itself must
maintain a kind of 'hydraulic solidarity' by persuasively articulating
!he common interest in watershed management (Lansing 1991: 52).
Two elements ritualize symbolically the interdependence of water temples while
simultaneously defining each temple as a social unit and serving to make manifest the
·autonomy' of each individual temple: holy water and the agricultura! dieties.
BALINESE HOLY WATER
Water temples exemplify the basic Balinese cosmology whereby upstream water
is associated with purity, the pristine, and 'the uranic', nourishing and lifegiving
effects. and is a gift from the Goddess, while downstrearn water is linked to 'chthonic
danger' and is used to wash away pollution and "this hydrologic of upstrearn and
downstrearn dependency is imposed on the course of every river by the regional system
of water temples (Lansing 1987: 332; 1991: 54, 56; 1991: 55)." The sacredness of
upstream irrigation water and its cleansing, life-giving power is the motivating force
for soewinih offerings to compensate for the gift of water from the Goddess (1991: 55,
452
105). ·water's importance is reflectad in the Balinese name for their religion-Agama
Tirtha (the religion of holy water) (Lansing 1987: 330; 1991: 55).' Holy water is
usad in every riual as a blessing and purifying agent (1991: 55).
Holy water is more potent dependent on its proximity to the source of all water
(Crater Lake), so requests for holy water are always made from downstream to
upstream subaks, weirs, and temples. and never vice versa (Lansing 1991: 55-56, 58;
1993: 102). "Each temple defines a social unit that is also symbolizad by the holy
water creatad in the temple (1991: 57, 93).' The holy water often comes from weirs
of upstream subaks and temples and, thus, also serves to locate the temple and its
congregat:cn in the :ipatial universe. Holy water trom the Temple at Batur symbolizes
all subaks and temples in the irrigation system (Lansing 1991: 57, 93).
Holy water thus provides a vehicle for symbolizing severa! types

of social relationships 1) it establishes a means to define social
groups by invoking their origins (the higher upstream. the large
the social unit drawn together by the waters) (andJ 2) relationships
between temples and their congregations, social units they represen!,
are symbolized by seeking and joining waters from upstream weirs
and temples with those of the subak's own temple (1991: 57-8).
"The flow of holy water from temple to temple establishes the hierarchical relations
between temples and links them to a common origin (Lansing 1991: 58)."
GODS OF THE WATER TEMPLES
The interconnectedness of temples is also reflectad by the pantheon of gods
worshipped at each temple (Lansing 1991 : 61). Lansing points out that ·regional water
temples do not define themselves as local branches of a wider system [bu1J each temple
is at the center of its own microcosm surroundad by a different constellation of social
institutions and each temple honoring its own specific collections of gods (1991: 59)."
Simultaneously, their interconnectedness is manifestad depending on which gods are
given offerings since ·otterings to these gods and libations of holy water define each
453
water temple's social identity, and its place in the overall hierarchy (1991: 59)."
One of the clearest manifestations of this is the tendency of downstream temples
to revere not only their own temple god, but also gods of temples immediately upstream
from them, weir or spring gods from which the irrigation waters flow, and ultimately
the Goddess of the Waters at Crater Lake (Lansing 1991: 59-64). These gods are
related to the sources from which holy water is acquired for the carrying out of rituals.
Thus, "the sources of holy water. .. provide a more complete symbolic map of the temple's
position in the hierarchy of water temples (Lansing 1991: 66)."
In many cases holy water is also obtained from village temples that are not part
of the water temple system, articulating the interdependency and overlapping member-
ship of subak and vil lag e (Lansing 1991 : 61). Origin gods for importan1 local lineages
and village temple gods. as well as nature gods having greater authority over the entire
irrigation system. and in cases over the entire island, are revered at more importan1
water temples (Lansing 1991· 62-64). "The symbolism of offerings of holy water
establishes a temple congregation's place in the local hierarchy of water temples and
links the temple laterally to other nearby social institutions such as villages of nearby
temples ... and symbolizes the hierarchical relationships between water temples (1991:
61-62)."
BALINESE RITUAL TIME
Time itself is ritualized by the Balinese while also serving a practica! function
'imposing an order on the world (Lansing 1991: 64).' Calendars are used to mark the
groWlh cycle of the agricultura! year and determine when to hold the many rituals that
punctuate it.
Balinese calendars define time not as a linear flow. but as a structure

composed of many interlocking gears, based on rhythms of groWlh of
the natural and social worlds ... the flow of time defines abstract panerns
ot arder, which add further dimensions of meaning to the ritual system
454
(Lansing 1991: 64).
The calendars also serve to coordinate cropping panerns and water usage between
subaks supervisad by the various water temples. The Master Water Temple coordinares
ritual time and the irrigation year providing ·a common calendrical framework for
farmers. essential for scheduling water turns, cropping patterns and, especially, for
ensuring uniform fallow periods (Lansing 1987: 330-331 ).'
The cultivation cycle of the subak represents the aggregate of all indi-
vidual cycles (of each farmer) ... the aggregate of the subak cycles equals
the cycle ot the Masceti or Ulun Swi temple. The structure of the temple
hierarchy is !thusj embedded in these calendrical cycles, which equate
longer cycles with larger and more comprehensive productiva units
(Lansing 1991: 67).
"High ranking water temples are thought to encompass the activities of smaller ones.
meshing many separata cycles into a single productiva unit (Lansing 1991: 56)." The
rank of the water temple in the system is reflectad in its architecture. specifically in
the existence of multi-tiered meru towers. named for the mythical Mount Meru. the
sacred mountain at the center ot the world (Lansing 1991: 70). Mount Meru is the
home of the gods and this idea is transferred to water temples by the use ot these
structures. The temples, thus. become sacred mountains during temple rituals when the
gods of Meru are thought to descend to the temples (Lansing 1991: 70).
THE ORIGIN OF THE BALINESE WATER TEMPLE SYSTEM
Lansing maintains that atthough the water temple system is highly ordered, it
was not the result of planning by sorne hierarchical authority, but instead the ·product
of trial and error adjustments by generations of farmers' wherein ·each temple network
!isj a uniquely optimal solution to the specific ecological conditions of a particular
region (1993: 99-100, 104, 109. 112; 1995: 99).' Against those who believe such
an explanation is unlikely, as it runs counter to traditional models, Lansing argues that
455
'while the evolution of productiva systems like irrigation networks is undoubtedly
shaped by natural constrainls. it does not follow that such constraints mandate a specific
set of cultural and ecological responses (1993: 99).'
Lansing, using computar simulation modelling and theory of adaptation to 'rugged
fitness landscapes' borrowed from biology, showed that ·a spontaneous process of self
organization occurred when water temples [wereJ allowed te react to changing enviran-
mental conditions over time in the simulation model (resultingJ in artificial cooperativa
networks ... that bore a very close resemblance to [theJ actual temple networks (1991:
117-126; 1993: 99,106-7: 1995: 93-101).'
Simulated temple networks with synchronized cropping patterns achieved
greater harvest yields and were raster to recover from environmental stress (pests,
water shortage, etc) than simulated irrigation networks organizad differently (i.e. each
subak planting independently or the entire watershed planting at once), minimizing pest
damage and water stress simultaneously, and striking the optimal local balance between
pest control and water stress (Lansing 1991 117, 122; 1993: 99. 108-9. 112:
1995: 93. 98-99). Aepeated simulation runs with varied cropping patterns and
ecological permutations all ultimately ended with a complex structure of coordinated
cropping patterns resembling that of water temples (Lansing 1993: 106-7,1 09; 1995:
98). Lansing maintains that the more productiva temple network structure ·emerged
witflout conscious planning, through a stochastic process of coadaptation', each suba!<
comparing each year's harvest with that of their neighbors and changing their cropping
pattern to that employed by the most successful of the neighboring subaks (1993: 99).
While 'each subak responds to changing (ecologicaiJ conditions by seeking to
optimiza rice yields [it simultaneously affectsJ and changes ecological variables for its
neighbors such that each subak's actions effect future decisons by neighboring subaks
456
(Lansing 1993: 109). "Thus. the water temple network m ay represen! a hitherto
unnoticed type of social organization: a self· organizing managerial system. shaped by a
process of coadapta!IOn on a rugged fitness landscape (Lansing 1993: 99)."
SUMMAAY OF LANSING'S MODEL
Lansing shows that water temples clearly have ·macroscopic effects on the
topography of the adaptive landscape' in their ability to sustain hydraulic solidarity
necessitated by the need for coordinated and synchronized cropping schedules from one
subak to the next (1991: 48, 128; 1993: 112; 1995: 95, 99-100). This need for
cooperation stimulates collective labor to build and maintain irrigation canals, dams.
and weirs. The carrying out of maintenance tasks is supervised by locally elected
officials who are generally chosen for their experience and who must rely on !ocally
imposed sanctions to carry out their decisions. Collective labor is generally executed in
a ritualized context. This ritual technology and use of supernatural sanction fulfill the
function traditionally ascribed to secular hierarchical authorities Central to the
avordance of conflict is the elevation of water to the sacred sphere such that control over
rt is placed outside the realm of everyday affairs and its allocation and dispersement are
overseen by religious specialists who also mediate disputes.
Each temple is inextricably linked in a system of vertical integration in which
the facts of hydraulogical connectivrty causes temples to cooperate in the scheduling of
cropping panerns to maximiza local yields while at the same time minimizing pest
damage and water stress. "Water temples link the physical features of irrigation
systems to the social world of the subaks according to the logic of production: the
congregation of a temple consists of farmers who obtain water frorn the irrigation
componen! ·controlled' by the temple's god (Lansing 1991: 128; 1995: 100)."
Each temple is, however, ·at the center of its own universe' and ritually
457
automous in that at each temple not only is the temple's god venerated, but also gods from
upstream water sources and temples, nearby villages, and those of locally importan!
lineages, the total pantheon representad unique to each temple.
The holy water used in offerings likewise comes from a diversity of upstream
sources, ultimately Crater Lake. Offerings to the gods worshipped at each temple, and
the acquiring of holy water for these offerings, provide a means for each temple to
acknowledge lateral relationships to other nearby social units (villages, lineages,
temples) while simultaneously acknowledging its physical hierarchical relationship in
the chain of water temples (Lansing 1995: 100).
The water temples thus, reify the social identity of each subak while providing
means for articulation for the members of its local congregation and between t!"!em and
all the other subaks of each watershed. "The primary role of water temples is the
maintenance of social relations between productiva units (Lansing 1991: 117; 1995:
93)." Competition between individual subak members and entire subaks is built into
the temples' soewinih offerings and fuels the large Masceti Temples' and the Temple at
Crater Lake's ability to reciprocare their congregations. Unequal accumulation is, thus,
pumped back into the productiva system. Similarly, power in the water temple system is
diffuse. not the possession of an elite, but rather part and paree! of ·a complex strate-
gical relationship' of interconnected temples, subaks and villages (Lansing 1991: 130).
THE APPLICATION OF THE WATER TEMPLE MODEL TO IHE INITIAL PEAIOD
PERUVIAN COASI
lntroduction
Many of the elements underlying the structure of the Balinese Water Temple
system have been posited as operating during the Peruvian lnitial Period, especially by
those favoring non-state models explaining socio-political complexity on the coast
458
during this time. In arder to more fully operationalize the model and adapt it to the
Peruvian environment. it is necessary to discuss environmental. geographical. and
technological constraints. ethnographic data concerning agricultura! practices and water
cutts. and archaeological remains of specific sites. settlement paneros, and material
culture.
Enyjronmental coosideratjoos:
As already outlined (Chapter 1) the Peruvian coastal climate is marked by its
aridity and its wet and dry seasons. The river drainages of coastal Peru are like oases
surrounded by large stretches of arid desert (Netherly 1984: 235). Coastal Peru is
·completely dependent on unpredictable highland rain for survival (Netherley 1984;
Burger 1992: 64; Wilson 1992: 49).' Aainfall is limited-to-absent in most areas. and
there is rarely a rainfall of more than 25 mm a year (Burger 1992: 3). Aiver flow is
determined by rainfall in the mountains of the Cordillera Negra from which virtually all
the Pacific Coast rivers flow The annual discharge of the rivers can vary dramatically.
sorne fluctuating from 500-2500 million cubic meters within a ten-year period
(Moseley 1992: 126).
Rain generally falls from January to May, and it is during these months that most
rivers discharge up to 75% of their total yearly runoff (Netherly 1984: 237; Moseley
1992: 26). The Pozorskis note ( 1991 a: 366) that 90% of the flow of the easma occurs
between January and May and 90% of the Sechin flows between February and March.
Given fluctuating patterns of rainfall and river flow from year to year, it was unlikely
that the ·surfeit' of water posited by Farrington (1974) was ever a sure thing. While
much more water falls in Bali, the demands on the water supply made by the require-
ments of the irrigation system impose man-made shortages and situations of water
stress which mimic the natural ones extant on the Peruvian coast.
459
The cool Humboldt Current is responsible for the coastal aridity, but
simultaneously supports one ot the richest marine environmems in the world, one
crucial to the early habitation of Peru's coast (Burger 1992: 13-14; Hartline 1980;
Jensen 1983; Moseley 1974; 1975; 1978; 1992; Moseley & Feldman 1981; Moseley,
Feldman & Ortloff 1981 ). The El Ni no climatic disturbance occurs when this current is
pushed south by warm waters usually found off Ecuador and results in torrential rains
that can dramatically reshape the landscape (Moseley 1983; Burger 1992: 14-15).
While Nino events do not occur in Bali, torrential monsoon rains can cause great damage
to the irrigation systems.
Like the Balinese rivers, Peruvian coastal rivers have similar topographical
regimes. Moseley (1974; 1992: 126) divides each Pacific river drainage into thiee
general topographic zones based on the relationship between water and arable land: ~
narrow canyons or ravines in the upper valley, 'here steep gradients allow short canals
to reach arable land which is scarce and occurs in parches;· i~ valley neck are as
(generally 200-300 m. a. s. l.) through which rivers pass after which 'the valleys tan
out to the sea'. "Necks are prime canal locations because short lead-off canals supply
channels that open outward as the V-shaped valleys do and thereby irrigare a great deal
of land (see also Earle 1972; T Pozorski 1982; Netherly 1984: 237)", and iii) the
lower valley with broad leve! plains through which rivers travel more slowly: here
'relatively long canals must be built to irrigare modest amounts of land which are also
subject to salinization and drainage problems near to the sea.·
This vertical division of the valley from river source to mouth is paralleled by a
horizontal division of each valley across the river, again into three zones by Farrington
based on the potential of each zone for irrigation (1974: 84). Zone 1 is comprised of
the area of the immediate flood plain and river banks ·characterized by high water table,
460
springs, heavy poorly drained soils, and thick vegetation'. lncluded in Zone 1 is that
area immediately behind the Pacific littoral at each valley mouth which is subject to
salinization and poor drainage and which supports a thick matorral difficult to clear.
Zone 2 comprises the 'upper terraces of the flood plain which have easily drained fertile
soils and less dense vegetativa cover' and was the locus of the majority of early irrigated
fields. Zone 3 takes in the valley flanks, foothills. quebradas, and moumain slopes
where soil is thin to absent, vegetation is sparse. and rocks generally cover the surface.
Zone 3 is often the locus of the large ceremonial structures.
Netherley (1984: 235-236) refines Farrington's division of the North Coast
valleys by classifying "the agricultura! environment in terms of the water resources
each type of land enjoyad" which she feels more accurately reflects "the imensity of
agricultura! production and ulimately leve! of productivity" as well as 'Andean
priorrties.' She broadly separatas the land into four categories: '1) Lands under
permanent cuftivarion', including those lands with permanent water that were not
trrigated and those that were under permanent irrigation. 2) Double-cropped land.
located primarily more near the initial canal intakes, 3) Lands that were open to
floodwater farming producing a single crop annually, and 4) lrrigated land producing
one crop annuafly (Nettterfey 1984: 235-236).
Given the limitad availability and seasonal nature of water. and the bounded
nature of easily irrigabfe land, it seems clear that the principies of hydraufic inter-
connectivity and interdependence would apply and that sorne form of overarching
hydraulic solidarity would be necessary to provide tor the equitable distribution of this
scarce resource. since extensiva use of water in the upper valley or intentional river
diversions would have reduced or eliminated the amount of water available to down-
stream farmers. especiafly during dry years (Burger 1992: 71 ). Such a system of
461
hydraulic solidarity would also have helped mitigare valley-wide conflicts.
Traditional Techno~
Moseley claims (1974: 78; 1992: 126·7) that until about 2000 B. C.
experimentation with agricultura! water management techniques had been limited to
floodwater farrning, and that at sorne poim between 2000 B. C. and 1750 B. C incipient
irrigation systems were first laid out in the inland valley areas, initially by indepen-
dent farrners. However, he notes that most land would have needed largar inputs of labor,
most likely by corporate groups, to be irrigated (Burger 1992: 71 ). This experimen-
tation with water management systems, plant tending, and corporate labor construction
(both in the building of early canals, and the aforementioned Preceramic platform
mounds), preadapted coastal people to the transition to reliance on irrigation agri·
culture according to Moseley, Feldman. and others (Moseley 1974: 80; 1992: 127;
Feldman 1985).
Farrington ( 197 4: 84; 1980a) characterized early irrigation systems as
·sophisticated floodwater canal irrigatiOn involving simple methods of collection,
transfer, anó distribution of water with virtually no storage. • These small-scale
irrigation works were locally built and maintained and needed no large bureacracy to
run them (Burger 1992: 71 ). Such a system would yield only one crop per year.
Elsewhere Farrington notes (1980: 290) that Peru's irrigation system, like that of
Bali, is the ·continously flowing type and that water regulation generally takes place
only at the field intakes."
Eling's work in the Jequetepeque Drainage (1978; 1986; 1987) has illustrated
that traditional rustic technology, still in use in the coastal valleys, affords great con-
trol over water supplies. and that water's regulation could be influenced and controlled
at severa! points prior to its reaching a field i.1take. Essentially the materials used in
462
the construction of Austic Boca Tomas (intakes) and other water control devices consist
of locally available materials easily obtainable to all, including tree trunks, branches,
twigs, stones, and mud (Netherly 1984: 237). These were generally the same materials
used to construct traditional Balinese irrigation works. Eling maintains these materials
have been used to construct irrigation systems for over 2000 years and that such sys-
tems allowed for three times the amount of land irrigated today to be put into production
(1 987: 172).
Austic irrigation constructions are well adapted to the frequently changing river-
ine environment of the Peruvian coast. lf a river rapidly downcuts or changas course, a
new construction can be made with minimal effort and without a great loss of invested
labor. Similarly, the 'built in flexibility' of the structures is such that they are easily
carried away by flood waters. "The earlier failure of the rustic system insures that less
water will be channelled into the canals, lessening the overflow problems within the
valley canal system (Eiing 1987: 174) • Labor requirements needed to reconstruct
systems washed away would be minimal (see also Famngton 1980a: 288 for highland
examples; Netherly 1984: 237).
The rustic toma systems consist of severa! different structures: patos de gallo
(water guides), tomas (intakes), escape outlets, estribos, and jabas (shore guides).
Patos de gallo are constructed across the rivers and channel water into the canals (boca
toma). They, thus, serve the same function as weirs. The patos de gallo tie into shore
construction (estribos and jabas) which anchor the water guides and ·are ihe corner-
stone of the funnelling system' (Eiing 1987: 178). In very low water an are of boul-
ders extending into the river may be sufficient to guide water into the canal. Similarly,
the tomas vary in size and number depending on water flow. Tomas are equipped with
escape outlets that shunt water back to the main canal or back to the river. These outlets
463
help regulate the amoum of water passing imo a given system and may be sealad in times
of low water to deflect all water into the toma (1987: 176). Usually it is during these
low water months that toma systems are built or repaired (For the specifics of toma
construction see Eling 1987).
Traditional Labor Mobilizatjon and Ta~
The construction, maintenance, and repair of the system is carried out by collec-
tive labor groups composad of all those farmers relying on the toma system for their
irrigation water, much in the way subak members collectively work to guarantee the
upkeep and success of their system. Eling notes that ·on a year to year basis the rus tic
toma system requires more maintenance [than modern concrete channels and intakesJ,
but that it is considerad a regular part of the work day" [and thatJ the construction and
maintenance of a water system is 'little greater than the maintenance of an existing one
under routine circumstances (1987: 174).' Locals feel such work gives the young
people invaluable training in traditional techniques of boca toma construction and allcws
old traditional knowledge and techniques to be passed down (Eiing 1987: 174-5).
lt is clear that the construction and maintenance of such systems is a local
affair, organizad and supervisad locally, and that large labor corps or centralizad
control is unnecessary (Farrington 1980a). Such supra-household cooperation in the
construction and maintenance of irrigation works is hypothesized to have developed very
early on the Peruvian coast (Burger 1992: 71 ). The structure of the system also
reflects the principie of hydrological interconnectivity which is manifestad also in the
Peruvian landscape. That is, while water is plentiful irrigation water may be taken
directly from the river or from the main canal, but during low water toma systems
provide the overwhelming majority of water for fields, forcing farmers to rely on
excess water returned to the system by their upstream neighbors.
464
The Management of lrrigatjon: Prehistorjc and Ethnographic Exarrw.tes..
Ethnographic studies of Prehispanic Andean cultures are divided on the point of
how irrigation systems were managed with one camp favoring a model whereby irriga-
tion was controllee by the state, which also directed the layout and construction of canals
(Kosok 1965; Keatinge 1974; 1975; Kus 1980). Those opposing the state model see
irrigation systems to be overwhelming built, maintained, and controlled by small local
groups (ayllus or parcialidades) with little to no interference from the state, except in
cases of massive canal building on an intervalley scale (Netherley 1984; Sherbody
1982; 1992).
The State Organized Model
Kus argues (1980) that for North Coast irrigation system, specifically those of
the Chimú State, the role of the state as the prime force behind and controller of irriga-
tion systems is illustrated by 1) 'the orientation of canals and. particl.Jiarly, field boun-
daries [that) correspond closely with the orientation of ceremonial and administrativa
centers. 2) the presence of rural adminstrative centers within areas of undeveloped
state fields (which) strongly suggest the planning role of the rural adminstrative
centers, .. 3) the great magnitude of sorne canals, aqueducts, and terrace systems, ... 4)
the use of state labor gangs .... and 5) extensiva storage facilities (Kus 1980: 729: see
also Keatinge 1974; 1975)."
The Non-State Model
While Netherly accepts that at least sorne of the large canals were built under
state aegis and were also controlled by the state bureacracy she maintains. contrary to
Kus (1980: 723), that in general a state bureacracy was not in charge of irrigation
aHairs, but rather decisions aHecting irrigation were made by ·parcialidades' and ayllus
headed by a complicated hierarchy of regional and local chiefs that did not constitute a
465
state-run bureacracy. "Maintenance, repair, and distribution of water were carried
out by ¡socio-political groups occupying different hierarchical positions according to
the size of the canal]; rhere was no cenrralized srare bureacracy ro oversee hydraulic
affairs (Netherly 1984: 227, 229, my italics)." The role of the state was limited in
Netherly's model to a safety net or agency of disaster relief in the event of particularly
destructiva El Nir'\os:
The largar and more far-reaching redistributive network of the state

would have made it possible to relieve the disaster-stricken area with
stores brought in from elsewhere. and at the same time provide the tools
and food for hospitality needed to ensure the labor contribution from the
parcialidad for repair of damage. In this sen se the state, i.e .. the highest
organizational levels. provided a more efficient means by which these highly
complex and stratified societies could cope with periodic catastrophe
(Netherly 1984: 246).
Parcialidades
Netherly defines parcialidades as the primary social group on the North Coast at
the time of the Spanish Conquest. ·made up of farmers. together with the~r dependents.
w1ves. and children ... these parcialidades were in turn grouped into largar soc1opolitical
units and subject to higher ranking rulers (Netherly 1984: 231 )." Following Andean
forms of dual corporate organization these parcialidades were subdivided into moieties
(Netherly 1984: 230-231; 1990).
!The parcialidades] combinad social, economic. and religious functions,

and provided a social and, at higher levels of integration, an ethnic iden-
tity for their members ... A kinship dimension may have existed at sorne
levels land] in Spanish documents ... these units are very occasionally
equated with the highland ayllu (Netherly 1984: 231 ).
Canals
Netherly (1984: 237 -238) classifies canals according to their complexity,
size. and management criteria, into three groups: 1) Single Polity Canals, 2) Mulit-
Polity Canals, and 3) lntervalley Canals. Canals of the first type were ·maintained and
466
used by a single parcialidad or bounded social group to water their lands· .... lthe) ·use
and jurisdiction of which was not shared with another parcialidad of equaf rank
(Netherly 1984: 237).· Netherly states many of the late Prehispanic canals noted for
the Virú, Chicama, and Moche Valleys were of this type. Multi-Polity Canals ·may or
may not be physically larger than those of the first group lbU1 include all) those canals
shared by two or more organizationally equivalen! parcialidades (Netherly 1984: 238,
244)." She theorizes that such sharing of canals may have resultad from the disruption
of the Inca and later Spanish conquests (1984: 238).
Netherly's subdivides her final category-lntervalley Canals-into two sub-types:
1) 'long canafs carrying water from one valley to another, bU1 distributing water in
both valleys· lthat were characterized by segmentad maintenance and probably
construction also) and 2) the unique Chicama-Moche Canal (Netherly 1984: 239). Only
in the final category does Netherly accept the extensiva involvement of the state-
especially in the case of the Chicama-Moche Canal. However, even in these cases
Netherly feels that "the direct intervention of ¡a superordinate polity) was not needed
except in cases of conflict or in the tace of massive physicaf damage to the system
(Netherly 1984: 245)." The remainder of the system is hypothesized to have been
constructed, used, and maintained independently of state supervision, much in the way of
the irrigations systems already discussed by Eling.
Labor Mobilization, Obligations, Parcialidades and Moieties
Netherly argues that because parcialidades could be subdivided into smaller and
smaller groups in the nested hierarchy, the system could manage large populations, yet
simultaneously it permitted smaller groups to be mobilized at multiple levels (1984:
233). The flexibility with which groups of various sizes coufd be mobilized is similar
to that already noted in the Balinese Temple Network in which upstream temples
467
command progressivety greater numbers of laborers.
There was no need for a large body of supervising bureaucrats to manage

such labor; the tords of the parcialidades at the different organizational
levels fulfilled this function, among others, and were articulated within
their own hierarchy to the central authorities around the Chimú or Inca
rulers (Netherley 1984: 233).
The ability to operate simuttaneously at different tevels of hierarchy is atso noted for
the Water Temple Priests.
The nested structure of the parcialidades facilitated many of the tasks associated
with irrigation agricultura such as canal construction and maintenance since ·a larger
or smaller labor force could be mustered as needed by moving up or down the hierar-
chicat scale of the parcialidades (Netherty 1984: 233)." This is well illustrated by the
manner in which canals were cleaned and maintained on the North Coast. documentad by
Netherly. The group farthest from the source would clean its canal from their intake to
that of their upstream neighbors. This process would continue up to the main canal
intake at which point all groups would work together to maintain the main canal to the
river source (Netherly 1984: 243-244). The organization of labor in this manner
underscores the interdependence of the parcialidades (reminiscent of that of the Balinese
subaks).
The maintenance and construction of canals in late Prehispanic times on the
North Coast was apparently supervisad by leaders of corporate groups that were likely
to have taken a form like those of the later parcialidades (Netherly 1984: 244).
[The rote of the lordsj was both managerial and ritual and evidently
involved the physicat presence and participation of the appropriate
heads of the parcialidades, who provided food and tools in arder that
the work be carried out and the ritual accomplished ... ln the Andean
region the cleaning of canats is invested with enormous ritual signi-
ficance and serves to reinforce the social solidarity of the bounded
groups involved. An Early Horizon example of the great religious
importance of canals is the Cumbemayo Canal outside Cajamarca.
There are also abundant mythotogical and historicat references to the
building and maintenance of canals by discreta groups in the sixteenth-
468
century Huarochirf relations (Netherly 1984: 244).
lt is likely that the association of ritual and ritual leaders with irrigation may date to
incipient irrigation systems of the lnitial Period and that, along with the Cumbemayo
canal, larger platform mound structures illustrate of the crucial role of ritual in the
carrying out of irrigation affairs. The presence of Balines e priests during the carrying
out of specific tasks of the irrigation cycle is also a common point suggesting that the
panicipation of such leaders is not a facet of the Andean region only. As in Bali, such
leaders were also charged with the resolution of conflicts over water (1984: 244).
Water Distribution and Parcialidades
In many respects regarding water use and rights, parcialidades are very similar
to Balinese subaks. Netherly notes an close connection 'between rights to water and land
and the bounded corporate groups or parcialidades (Netherly 1984: 239).' She notes
land claims were often justified in Spanish records by a group's claim to the canal
watering them and vice versa (1984: 239) The rank or wealth of a parcialidad was
measured by the char3cteristics of the canals feeding the fields (i.e. size. water volume,
quantity of land irrigated), much like in Bali (Netherly 1984: 239).
Given the rainfall patterns on the North Coast, at sorne points dunng the year
water allocation may not have been a majar source of stress, however when water
became scarce, methods of water sharing had to be devisad to avoid intra-valley conflict.
Netherly identifies a pattern of water sharing (mit'a) in which each group, starting
with those farthest from the upstream source would receive water in succession, 'tail to
head irrigation' (1984: 245-246). The existence of such water sharing systems again
underscores the interdependent nature of Andean coastal irrigation systems and high-
lights the similarity of this system with that discussed for Bali.
469
Summary-North Coast Modei·Netherly
The nested hierarchical structure of North Coast irrigation outlined as having
been in place in the Late Prehispanic and Early Colonial Period highlights the minimal
role of the state while illustrating the effectiveness of local organization and control of
irrigation. The interdependence of the system is also shown through the combining of
progressively largar number of labors at higher levels of organization to accomplish
more difficult tasks, as well as through the existence of a number of means to assure the
fair allocation of water in times of stress. In sum, Netherly states:
.. the decentralized management of the irrigation system,the segmen·

tation of responsibility for management and maintenance of larger
canals, the wide diffusion of irrigation technology, and the basic sim·
plicity of the system all worked ¡asj ... an adaptive mechanism able to
deal with the irregular recurrence of majar stress ... such as the periodic
torrential rainfall or Nii"lo events (1984: 246).
The Role ot the State in the Non-State Model·lnca
Further evtdence against the state model is given by Sherbody (1992: 60) who
recognizes in the Inca ceque system the intertwined nature of religton, destres of local
autonomy, and efficiency of water allocation.
The political uses of the ceques included control over the distribution
of irrigation canals and lands. This was the primary way in which the
1nca state exerted power o ver irrigation, beca use the individual irrigation
districts functioned fairly autonomously under the authority of each
panaqa and ayllu. Sorne irrigation officials regulated the allocation of
water from the larger canals and the rivers that shared their waters
with several panacas and ayllus. but there was no massive hydraulic
bureacracy under state control. The Inca combination of state coordin·
ation distribution of water and land rights and locally autonomous irri·
gation districts resultad in an efficient and flexible system that was
especially needed in an area such as the Andes, where each micro-zone
has a different calendar ot irrigation needs (Sherbody 1992: 60, my italics).
The Inca system shares much in common with that outlined above for Bali with the
exception that in the Balinese case the upper level irrigation authorities are the priests
of the water temples and the system functions outside of the secular state governments.
470
Also shared in common is the belief that the more locally managed irrigation system is a
more successful adaptive mechanism than would be a centrally managed system.
This idea is echoed by Netherly (1984: 234) who states for the North Coast
irrigation systems that •the sociopolitical organization of the construction, main-
tenance, and managemem of the canal system ... is an importam component of the high
efficiency of North Coast irrigation as an adaptive strategy in a difficult environment."
The rugged-fitness landscape model proposed by Lansing for Bali may be equally as
applicable to North Coast irrigation systems which experience a slow steady increase in
size and extension in each valley.
Archaeological Evidence: Senlement Paneros and lrrjgation:
The use of settlement panero data to approximate the extent of irrigation
networks and the total land irrigated has been employed repeatedly (Willey 1953; Earle
1972; Farrington 197 4; Moseley 1974) Willey first noted that early si tes were
generally located outside of, but adjacent to, the limrts of cultivation. situated on
hillslopes. at quebrada mouths, or on alluvial terraces. Aesearchers working in other
coastal valleys have noted a like panern (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991; Burger
1992: 1O; Farrington 1974; Pozorski & Pozorski 1987). The absence of sites on the
floodplain was explained by site destruction by modero agriculture, site burial by
alluvium or climatic events, or as a reflection of 'the technological leve! of incipient
agricultura (in whichj bottom lands, have too much water such that their successful
cultivation would have required drainage and spring control' beyond the capabilities of
early agriculturalists (Willey 1953; Farrington 1974: 85; Moseley 1983).
While this latter explanation may be true for areas in the lower valley and along
the littoral in sorne valleys, it does not explain the absence ot sites in mid and upper
valley zones where such conditions (too much water) do not prevail. Many authors
471
maintain that the location of ceremonial centers, domestic sites, and burial areas outside
the bounds of arable land reflects the premium placed on such land by agriculturalists
and their unwillingess to take it out of production (Burger & Burger 1991: Farrington
1974). At the same time, sites were located near to irrigation works and fields so as to
minimize travel time to the lands farms. Low mounds and hillsides within the areas of
cultivation may also have been utilized for homes or the setting of small harnlets by
families or small groups of farmers (T. Pozorksi 1976; 1982). lt is possible that the
low mounds excavated by Donald Collier (1955) are representativa of the sites of
'shelters and roorns' that Farrington posits may have been built within the field area by
individual farmers (1974: 85).
Analysis in Moche by Farrington (1974) and Virú by Willey (1953) (and later
by the author, Zoubek 1995a; 1996b) showed that irrigation in Virú began as an upper
valley phenomenon with short canals leading to easily cultivated lands (Farrington
1974 · 85). In many cases canals are not extant. but the size and number of monumental
constructions could only have been built by a sizable populations sustained by 1rrigation
agnculture (T. Pozorski 1976; 1982; Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991). Farrington
notes for Moche that "the area under cultivation .... comprised a number of discrete
sections on different canals ¡and thatj ... the canal pattern was merely extended during
each successive period as more land was required for cultivation (1974: 85)."
The reasons for settling up-valley first may be tied to the greater ease afforded
the builders of irrigation works in this area. However, there are other advantages to
building up-river including nearness to the source, freedom from relying on water
released from neighbors' fields, and from the vagaries of individuals or groups fighting
for or combatting over water. There may also have been ideological reasons pushing the
people to settle !hose arable areas nearest the source first -i. e. the felt need to impose
472
human control over an otherwise wild element, or the belief that water farther up-
stream was purer and more capable of life-giving than that downstream (Lansing
1991). In this case. the discovery of larger numbers of Late Gua"'ape sites by the Virú
project in the Lower Valley would be a reflection of the gradual linear spread of irriga-
tion agricultura initially restricted to the upper valley, to the middle and lower valley
with time. Elsewhere, settlement may have been influenced by proximity to large areas
of arable land, for example in Lurio where Mina Perdida, one of the valley's oldest
centers. is sited clase to the lower valley zone.
Senlemeot Panero. lrrigatjon Works and Social Organjzatjon:
Moseley and Farrington both cite evidence of fragmentary canal systems and
senlement panero data to suggest that each irrigation community and the local center to
which it belonged were autonomous. Similar statements by the Burgers for Lurio and
Ravines and lsbell for Garagay have already been reviewed. Moseley states that given
sufficient water. ·almost every canal can operate independently and therefore support an
independent group of people ... · and that ·most rivers sustain severa! canal systems that
maintain a number ot agrarian collectivities ... in sorne cases a s10gle canal associated
with a single group of people [but in others) groups operated more than one canal or
severa! kin corporations shared the same canal (1992: 127)."
lf one returns to the Balinese landscape, Moseley's model would be equally as
descriptiva ot the apparent situation of the various subaks, sorne ot which depend on
more than one canal or which shared the same canal. However, it was this view that
prevented researchers from perceiving the extent to which the subaks and the irrigation
systems on which the depend are connected (see Netherley 1984: 229). As in coastal
Peru. this apparent independence is partially a function of the landscape and natural
geographic boundaries. Just as Peruvian ·coastal irrigation has always been segmentad
473
by separate channels able to support autonomous groups' so too has the Balinese land-
scape shapad 'the development of segmentad agrarian populations (Moseley 1992:
127). · The issue is what is meant by autonomous.
For Moseley, labor. social. and political relations are conterminous in that the
leaders and organizers of collective kin labor groups were also the heads of the social
organization and representad the political authority. Thus, kin groups are positad as
being responsible for the reclamation of land and construction of irrigation networks,
and these organizations monopolizad the land in which they invested group labor
(Moseley 1992: 127). "The means of agrarian production were always corporately
controlled and owned [so thatj ... individual farmers were similar to sharecroppers. and
access to the means of making a living was basad on kinship and ancestors. and paid for
by contributing to corporate undertakings (1992: 127)." Moseley believes farmers did
not own the land individually nor were they able to control its product and likens them to
later Inca peasant farmers who also did not own the land they tilled (1992: 127).
Thus. Moseley"s farmers ·prospered and increased their numbers. but under a
rather totalitarian yoke of the larger kin collectives into which they were born (1992:
127)." This view of the relationship of people to land is similar to that of Panerson
(1983) already discussed, except in Panerson's case the products of the land are not
coopted directly by the collective group, but are used by the producers as a means of
gaining prestige while at the same time contributing to the reproduction of the collec-
tivity.
In both Moseley's and Panerson's models, group leaders (who are believed to
have servad as religious specialists and who may also have supervisad labor, though the
ascription of this role to them is not entirely clear) are more experienced and often
older members of kin groups. Mose ley (1992: 140-141) reiterares the Burgers'
474
argument (Burger & Salazar-Burger 1991 a) that grave goods in the sample case of
Cardal, fail to reveal the ability of the authorities to accumulate personal wealth.
Aather those few items interred and the place of interment tor certain individuals are
believed to have served as ·emblems of status that the elders achieved through service
and not symbols of rank that he inherited (Moseley 1992: 140)." The lack of rich
lnrtial Period graves anywhere on the coast has already been discussed (Chapter 7).
Thus, many including Moseley and Burger feel leaders were non-heredrtary, and posts of
authority, such as serving as coordinator for particularly large rituals, may have
rotated among individuals of different kin groups as in cargo systems (Moseley 1992:
140-141; Burger & Salazar-Burger 1986).
Autonomous Local Centers?
Many ot those ot the non-state position have suggested that the monumental
centers in each valley were autonomous (Aavines & lsbell 1976; Burger & Salazar·
Burger 1991; Burger 1992; in press: Moseley 1992; Stone-Miller 1995). As has
been suggested for Cardal by Burger (1991) and applied by Moseley to Moche (1992:
140), "the concurrent operations of multiple ceremonial centers suggest that they
served different audiences and by inference different kin corporations. • "The most
common unit of integration comprised discrete kin corporations, each of which com-
memorated its identrties by building its own ceremonial facility (Moseley 1992: 141) ."
Aather than being built to consolidare or reinforce elrte power the

monuments seem to have been erected to creare environments where
members ot the community could communicate with the supernatural
and wrth members ot other social groups. The monuments served as a
symbol of the community while actively enhancing its survival and well-
being (Burger in press: 9).
Although the Pozorskis attribute different functions to the sites they also note
that ·canal and field construction and especially the building of large mounds would have
475
generated a sense of community participation resulting in considerable social cohesion
(S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 366). • Ceremonial architecture thus 'present[edJ the unity
and identity of one group to its neighbors (Stone-Miller 1995: 21 ). · The number ot
larger unique public structures in any one valley illustrates that the construction ot
larger monuments and their embellishment was a way in which the 'autonomous' local
communities could compete with one another for prestige and population, while at the
same time articulating a shared ideology and probably the same general pantheon ot
deities (Burger 1992: 19, 21: Moseley 1992: 128,141 ).
Moseley reads valley social organization into the architectural layout of sites,
thus 'if Huaca La Rorida was a regional center, then dominance of the site by one
monument points to relatively centralized organization [while the existence ofJ multiple
mounds as at Caballo Muerto denotes multifaceted organization (1992: 141). lt is
perhaps more compelling to suggest that these patterns of construction may differ
because of chronological reasons or perhaps differences 1n the importance and number of
deities receiving offerings at a given center-i.e. one or more supreme de1ty(ies) with
the possibiltiy of many lesser deities vs. a number of deities of equal or complementary
status.
The possibilities of differences in the pantheons of gods being worshipped by the
centers is heightened if one considers the mounds to be physical manifestations of group
identity since each group may have had its own fictive founder who may have been raised
to deity status. Moseley notes all the U-shaped structures of his El Paraíso tradition are
unique, and that their friezes are not standardized even though they share the direction
ot their orientation, ground plan, and spatial organization (1992: 139). This is likely a
manifestation of the shared intervalley ideology focused on the reverence of agricultura!
deities and the importance of water (all monuments oriented toward valley water
476
sources) combinad with local or kin ideology-each group having a different set of lineage
founders or group heros. As Moseley points out "to judge trom architectural variation,
interpretation of these cults and creeds was flexible ... (so thatJ ceremonial structures
that occur together in a group are rarely of equal size, and creads and congregations may
have been of different status or rank (1992: 128). The existence of different style
friezes at Huaca Los Reyes that T. Pozorski claims are contemporary may be yet another
example of this freedom of interpretation (T. Pozorski 1975; 1976; 1982). Such
flexibility continuad to characterize iconographic systems into the Early Horizon
(Burger 1993).
The renovation or 'ritual entombment' or ceremonial structures was itself a
symbolic act which served to 'cyclically validate the community' at the same time
providing an occasion for ·assymetrical reciprocity' with the laborers often contri-
buting their physical labor. as well as offerings in kind, which the temple then used to
reward their efforts in a feasting or 'festive labor' atmosphere (Burger & Salazar-
Burger 1985; 1986; 1991a; 1991b).
Despite these arguments supporting the autonomy of the centers, it is clear that
the physical restraints placad on each valley by restricted water would have torced sorne
degree of interdependence and that the settlement pattern reflects this. Netherly has
argued (1984:248):
To a perceptible degree the presence of all but the largest ceremonial

centers, elite residential/administrative structures, and concentrations
of population should be repetitiva across the landscape of the different
territorial units formad by the principie canals at the same time as
they reflect the hierarchical differences between them.
lt is likely that given its central role, water was raised trom the sphere of the
secular to the supernatural realm early in the history of irrigation-based coastal
society, partially to preclude its potential as a major source of conflict. The sacred
477
nature of water may actually have been simply reinterpreted, given the possibility of
rituals to propitiate the ocean as early as the Preceramic at coastal sites such as Aspero.
The likelihood that the centers participated in a shared ideological system-a water cutt-
complements the evidence of the physical demands of irrigation supporting a more
integrated view of the relationship of the centers.
PERUVIAN WATER CULTS
Given the scarcity and seasonality of water, its usage must have been a key
concern from the beginning of irrigation agricultura. The variable flow from year to
year ·must have fostered the development of rites and rituals intended to placate the life-
blood of irrigation· early on (Moseley 1992: 126). Such rituals did not represen! a
totally new ideology since it is likely that the sea and water already played roles in the
Preceramic maritime based societies, but the reinterpretation of water in the already
existing ideology, and the modification of that ideology to reflect water's importance to
agricultura and its power to create lile. Such beliefs continued to be held well into the
later periods and 'the 1ncorporation of the physical hydraulic system into Inca ideology
and the ritual calendar' has been shown, as have suggestions of its importance on the
North Coast in Chimú times (Sherbody 1982; 1992; Netherly 1984;1990).
SEA TEMPLES ANO THE ROLE OF THE SEA
The argument of Bischof in his discussion of Cerro Sechin, Las Haldas, and
Culebras ( 1985; 1988) concurs with the idea that the 1nitial Period monumental
centers of the coast may have served (at least partially) as water temples and sea
temples. According to his argument, the laner two may be best seen as Sea Temples that
may have served much the sama function as Balinese Sea Temples: to propitiate the
deity(ies) of the sea in order to prevent storms and assure adequate rainfall for crops.
The power of El Niños was such that the sea may have been partially viewed as a source
478
of malevolent power much as is the case in Bali. The portrayal of sea monsters or sea
demons in Moche pottery may be a later manifestation of such beliefs (Benson 1972)
According to Bischof. coastal monumental cemers like las Haldas and Culebras
may have functioned as ceremonial sites for the carrying out of rites directed toward the
ocean. lt may be suggested that such rites, and the belief of their necessity may have
originated during the earlier Preceramic as manifestad at such sites as Aspero, and that
these beliefs were cominued in the lnitial Period as part of a largar water ideology. As
Bischof points out:
más allá de su importancia como fuente de alimemación basada en

la fauna marina, la observación de la procedencia, y de los efectos
de la garúa debe haber vinculado el mar desde épocas muy remotos
con la fertilidad terrestres de plantas silvestres en el caso de las
lomas y posteriormente de las plantas cultivadas (1988: 63).
As discussed by Bischof, the availability of water and at the proper time 'debe haber
causado preoccupación permanente (1988: 59).' Part of the rrtuals performed needed
to be directed to the ocean. The belief that the ocean was the source of all water is known
to have been held by the Inca (Soldi 1980: 24; Reinhard 1985: 414; Burger 1992:
112; Sherbody 1982; 1992: 56-58).
The Incas' basic explanation of how water circulates was that the
waters from the Sea that is under and around the earth well up to
form lakes. Lakes in tiJrn leed underground rivers, which carry
lake water to all the smaller lakes, rivers, streams, and springs,
thereby providing the entire earth with water sources. These waters
evemually return to the Sea .... Uitimate origins and ends are in the
Sea (Sherbody 1992: 57).
Water returned from sea to moumain peaks by way of subterranean canals which
periodically allowed sorne water to ffow to the surface as springs. Such springs became
places for ritual as did the peaks themselves (Reinhard 1985; 1987) which were
importan! loci for rrtuals in the mountain-fertility cult. lt was the mountains' asso-
ciation with weather, rainfall and water that allowed for their incorporation into ritual.
479
Mountains were ... conceptualized as majar sources of water, either
because of the belief that a lake lying under the mountain provided
water for the mountain, or because of a permanent snowcap or glaciar
that provided melt for streams, or simply because of a number of
springs on the mountain's slopes (Sherbody 1992: 58).
The platform mounds built on the coast and in the highlands may have been concerr
tualized by their builders as sacred mountains symbolic of the power of the community
to 'humaniza' the natural landscape.
Cerro Sechin
According to Bischof, human sacrifica may have been a central aspect of water
cult rituals, and he interprets the Cerro Sechin carvings as illustrative of these ritas
(se e also Kauffman-Doig 1979), which would ha ve been crucial to assuring fertility and
agricultura! success (1988: 59). Such sacrificas may be interpretad again as part of
the ritual technology of agricultura at coastal centers, since the sacrificas ·comple-
mentan a nivel mágico-religioso la tecnología agraria incipiente (Bischof 1988: 60)."
Bischof implies that the Cerro Sechín carvings may represen! a ·ntual banle'
fought specifically for the takíng of captives for sacrifica much as m later Mesoamerican
soc1eties such as the Aztec (1988: 60). Participation in rituals and sacrificas may have
been seen as a form of visualization or drama necessary to assure the desired goal. 'En
ellos se participe para prognosticar en el fondo fomentar el rendimiento económico
especialmente de los cultivos, por ganar prestigio personal o antiguamente tal vez
potencia mágico-religiosa (Bischof 1988: 60)."
Bischof claims that at Cerro Sechin the iconography of adobe Phases 1-3
manifest a continuity in the use of ritas involving human sacrifica directed at the sea
( 1985: 442; 1988: 60) representad by the carved polychrome fish images of Phase 3
that front either side of the north stairway. He maintains these images are realistic and
correspond to a number of carnivorous fish living off the rocky shoreline (1985: 442;
480
1988: 60). He interprets a facing panial adobe Phase 3 wall frieze to be like that of
Phase 1- a human ponrayed head down and bleeding as if sacrificad and thrown into the
sea (1988: 61 ). Bischof states that the original scene of the Phase 3 adobe iconography
was of
peces se acercan a los despojos (humanos} ensangrentados como

recibiendo una ofrenda, quizá en representación de otra entidad
superior ... la acción se realiza a orillas rocosos e implica que
las ofrendas hayan sido arrojados al mar (1985: 442; 1988: 61 }.
This interpretation is supponed by the complete depiction of another sacrificad human
located head down with closed eyes and mouth and divided band originating at the head and
rising along the body which Bischof interprets as blood that occurs on the panial Phase
111 frieze.
El cráneo del personaje 'desper'!ado' es mutilado por dos tajos y de

la herida sale una faja multicolor, subiendo en forma sugestivamente
ondulada hasta extenderse arriba como mancha, la cual efectivamente
termina en elementos relacionados con el símbolo 'chorro de sangre'.
El rojo, amarillo y negro de la faja contrastan con el cuerpo humano
pintado gris sobre fondo gris. probablemente visualización de un cuerpo
sumergido en las aguas. ya que. desde el punto de vista anístico. un
colorido uniforme que no deja resaltar el motivo principal, de otra
manera carece de sentido (1988: 61-2).
'El chorro de sangre dentro de este ensenario que implica el acto de arrojar los despojos
al agua se aclara el significado de ·personaje tirado de cabeza' de la Fase 1 (1985: 402,
fig. 55; 442; 1988: 61). The red background of the Cerro Sechin fish may indicate the
blood-stained water caused by the victim or as Bischof suggests the red sea at sunset. a
time he suggests when such rituals may have been carried out (1988: 62).
Garagay
Bischof finds that the iconography at Cerro Sechin is not unique and cites Garagay
as another example of iconography illustrating the offerings of sacrificas to the sea. He
concurs wrth Aavines and lsbell's view that the principie image of Pyramid A at Garagay
481
is a lobster as well as Ravines 's opinion that the famous Dumbarton Oaks plate also
shows a lobster collecting trophy heads (Aavines & lsbell 1976; Aavines 1984; Bischof
1985: 442: 1988: 62).
Ravines and lsbell's worl< resulted in the exposing of a number of adobe friezes
other than that of the primary 'lobster image' (1984: 34, fig. 12) including a high
relief frieze of a fish net (1984: 35, fig. 16), and another of a tace surrounded by a
closed circular cross-hatched collar (1984: 34, fig. 10) which may represent a
supernatural in a net. The argument that the central image is a sea creature and not a
spider is supported by its association with the net frieze-"flanqueada por dos imágenes
pequeñas, en las que puede reconocerse cabalmeme el prototipo de la imagen principal
del Templo Medio de la Pirámide B (Aavines 1984: 34)." However, its location on one
of the secondary arrns of the temple, not the central mound, and the different style in
which it was done undermine the argument that the two images are necessarily related.
Aavmes and lsbell's assertion that the primary motif of Garagay was a lobster is
opposed by Burger and Salazar-Burger (1983) who see these images as represeming
spiders (Heteropoda venatoria) ( 1983; Burger 1992: 95; 1996: 89-94; Aavmes
1984: 38). However, either identity of the image accepts its association w1th water,
either as an ocean denizen or in the case of spiders as predictors of fertility and rain in
specific rituals (Burger 1992:95). Salazar-Burger & Burger (1983) draw a relation-
ship between the spider, the tar.ing of trophy heads, with which the spiders are so often
depicted, fertility and water. This association of the image with trophy heads may be
related to beliefs that the taking of heads gave power to control water (Bischof 1988:
59). On a further note, one may suggest that the presence of a frieze depicting two war-
riors at Garagay may represent the sarne ritualized banles or mythic event postulated to
have been symbolized at Cerro Sechin.
482
Las Haldas and Culebras
Bischof offers the shoreline location, orientation, and layout of the sita of Las
Haldas and Culebras as evidence supponing their role as loci for the execution of rituals
directed at the ocean (1985: 442; 1988: 62). Bischof notes that the architeclUral
layout and orientation of the sites towards the sea heighten the experience of ritual
which he terms ·dramaturgía ritual' (1988: 62). Bischof's theory is comparable to
that of Carlos Williams (1980; 1985) concerning the orientation of U-shaped struc.-
tures 'solo que no sea por las cabeceras de los ríos sino al contrario río abajo y en última
instancia hacia el mar, en fin, quizá hacerlo reverencia en ambas direciones (1988:
65)." They, thus, functioned in the water cult to support the same ideology, but a
different aspect.
Despúes de haber atravesado el desierto silencioso y diversos murales

de la arquitectura sin poder percibir sino lejanamente la presencia del
mar, la grandeza y dinámica del aquel ·gran personaje' [el mar! se
descubre de golpe a llegar a la cima del edificio mayor[at Las Haldas!
(Bischof 1988: 62-3).
From the temple summit the turbulent waters could be viewed from atar, however,
Bischof notes a secondary platform at Las Haldas which has a v1ew dominating the beach
25 m below (1988: 63). The rocky shoreline is a dramatic and energetic one. Bischof
hypothesizes that victims were led down a stairway to the promontory edge and then cast
off as offering to the sea (1988: 63).
Culebras otfers additional architectural evidence supporting its having served as
a locus for rituals orientad to the sea. Bischof notes that a series of five walls were buitt
on the promontory jutting out into the sea just west of the Culebras site. While none of
the walls presents a great physical barrier restricting access to the point, Bischof sug-
gests that such walls may have been ritually meaningful. lt is possible, for example,
that they defined precincts in which cleansing rites had to be performed before continu-
483
ing, much the same purpose served by such walls at Pachacamac.
Only when one is beyond the fourth wall, is one able to view the agitated,
turbulent seashore to the south, which contrasts markedly with the placid bay to the
north. Bischof fecls the similarity of the site with Las Haldas suggests that it was only
where the sea was most active that sacrificas were made (1988: 64). He also notes that,
as at Las Haldas, the ritual area was visible from the main Culebras site:
mientras que la mayor parte de la cuenca solo es visible desde el mar

por el sur, el contacto visual con el centro ceremonial de Culebras se
mantiene desde una pequena plataforma baja situada en su ápice que
al mismo tiempo controla la entrada (1988: 64).
The repetition of these architectural elements at Morro de Eten leads Bischof to
suggest similar rituals transpirad there (1988: 66). Bischof goes on to suggest that the
coastal tradition of temples orientad to the sea, and designad to serve as stages for the
execution cf rites directad to the sea, continuad into the later lntermediate cu~ures,
such as the Moche and is representad at such sites as Huaca Dos Cabezas (Jequetepeque),
El Bru¡o (Chicama), Cerro de la Horca (Fortaleza), Cerro Azul (CaMte), Quebrada de la
Vaca, and Pachacamac (1988: 66).
The ritualization of water and its ritual manipulation is by no means limited to
the Coast, and examples illustrating the sacred nature of water exist at many monumen-
tal highland sites including Chavín de Huántar (Lumbreras 1976, Sherbody 1992: 53).
Other hydraulic systems ritually manipulating water have been noted at Pacopampa and
Layzon.
Perhaps the most obvious ritual canal is that of Cumbemayo which diverts waters
trom the Pacific to the Atlantic drainage by way of a 9 km long canal of which the first
850 m are carvad directly into the bedrock in an elaborate zig-zag panern (Burger
1992: 11 0-111). lts function as a place of cult activity related to rainfall and fertility
484
is supported by its association with many curvilinear petroglyphs and by the evidence
that 'the locations of two major cemers: Agua Tapada and Layzón, may have been parti-
ally due to their proximity to the canal and the symbolic significance of these spots in
the sacred geography of the valley (Burger 1992: 111 ). ' All this evidence suggest that
water was viewed as a sacred elemem both in the highlands and on the coast and that the
preexistence of shared ideological interpretations of water may have facilitated the
acceptance of the later Chavín cult which may have incorporated the water cult into its
embracive ideology.
INO\ ETI-f'.JOHYDROLOGY
The term Inca Ethnohydrology has been used by Sherbody to include those
concepts and beliefs used by the Inca 'to explain the circulation of waters' (1992: 46).
Water was intimately bound as an importan! element in Inca ideology concerning origins
of ancestors and hereditary priviliges and rights to resources such as land and water.
Water ideology was also used by the Inca to 'justify conquest and create a sense of unity,
respect, and authority for the Inca regime (Sherbody 1992: 52).'
Many of the elemems of the Inca water ideology were likely to have been bor-
rowed from preexisting ideological systems wherein water was assigned a crucial role
and such belief systems had a long history and their concepts were meaningful and shared
by many different ethnic groups (Sherbody 1992: 52-3). Thus, the Inca were able to
use these water concepts effectively to legitmize their conquests since "they could com-
municate messages that were understood in spite of ethnic differences (Sherbody 1992:
53)." This use of water ideology by the Inca to facilitate their conquests is essentially
the same proposed above for Chavín de Huántar which, by using and reformulating pre-
existing lnitial Period and early Early Horizon water ideologies into a new framework,
was able to successfully spread its influence across bread geographic areas inhabited by
485
cultural and ethnically diversa peoples.
The creator god of the Inca, Wiracocha or Ticsi Wiracocha was intimately
associated with the sea and "his name meant 'origin' or 'foundation' (ticsi) and the fat
and form of the sea (wira-cocha) (González Holguín 1952 [1608]: 65: Gutierrez de
Santa Clara 1963 [16th century): 244 in Sherbody 1992: 56)." The Inca recognized
the importance of the sea as a unifying element and symbolically linked it to Cuzco by
bringing large quantities of Pacific Coast sand from as far away as Ecuador to Cuzco and
covering the Huacaypata Plaza over in sand two and a half palms deep (Sherbody 1992:
61·62).
'The sea was the substance from which all things were created .. [and) .. was the
source of all the lakes in the highlands, and so the largest lake in the Andes, Trticaca, was
revered as the Sea (Sherbody 1992: 56)." The Inca believed that Titicaca had been the
site at which Wiracocha had created the Inca ancestors who were then sent by under-
ground channels to their point of emergence at Pacauritambo (Sherbody 1992: 57).
'These channels are revealed to be underground rivers when we realize that most of the
sites of emergence of the original ancestors were sources of water: lakes, rivers,
streams, and springs (Sherbody 1992: 58). In the northern and southern highlands
other large lakes were cited as the origin places for example, "Lake Choclococha was
held in similar esteem by the people of the area that had been the Wari state," whereas
coastal people continued "to revere the Sea directly as their origin and fundament
(Sherbody 1992: 57)."
In order to reify their belief in a Titicaca origin for Inca ancestors, 'beginning
with Inca Roca, the Incas brought water to Cuzco from a spring in the bedrock of an
island in Lake Trticaca and annoited each new king with it (Joan de Santacruz Pachacuti
Yamqui 1968 [c.1613]: 292 in Sherbody 1992: 56·57)." Water could similarly be
486
used to justify the claims of a group to new territ()(ies in the manner of the joining of
waters.
The refoundation of an ayllu at a new site could be ritualfy accomplished

by carrying water from the ayllu's previous water source into the new
territory, where it was poured into the springs on the new land ... then the
new water source was given the name of the old site of emergence [of that
aylluJ, or pacarisca (Sherbody 1992: 57).
The Incas' joining of the waters of Titicaca to those of Cuzco would be an instance of the
use of water to refound an ayllu in a new place (Sherbody 1992: 57). Similarly, as in
Bali, water could be used as a media linking different ayllus or social groups. The use of
water and exchange of water to express these relationships is comparable to the use of
Balinese Holy Water, and such linkages helped to locate social groups in their own social
universe.
This concept of water as a linking element resutted in the construction of
watersheds very much like those noted for Bali. ·severa! peoples who used different
spnngs lo rrrigate their crops could see themselves as linked lo each other by hydrology
to a distant lake that served as lhe source for all the springs (Sherbody 1992: 58,
62)." This was precisely lhe relationship articulated between the subaks of Bali and the
Temple of Batur at Crater Lake, conceptualized as the source of all irrigation waters.
Sherbody offers the case of Lake Conococha (Huánuco):
[which wasJ considerad the center of a network of springs connected to

it by underground rivers that had been made by a Wari ancestor ... The
Wari built the channel and brought the water to several springs that the
villages used (Duviols 1986:121). One of these springs was located ninety-
seven kilometers away from the lake, which indicates that a large ter-
ritory could be mentally conceptualized as one hydrologicaf zone even
though by Western scientific investigation the direct hydrological connec-
tion cannot be proven (Sherbody 1992: 58).
The Inca Ceque system was also effected by the occurence of water sources
(Sherbody 1982). The great number of huacas along the ceque lines that are water
487
related (over 1/3, not including those associatad indirectly with water) illustrates the
crucial linkage between water, tenility and Inca ideology.
More imponant, the ceque system functionad to record the distribu-

tion of water rights to specific panaqas and ayllus. The sources of the
major canals of Cuzco were huacas that were includad on the ceques
that were assignad to the panacas and ayflus that owned and used the
canals. The ceques were also usad to indicate the limits of the terri-
tories of the irrigation districts and of the land of the panacas and ayllus
(Sherbody 1992: 60).
Thus, the huacas servad much the same function as the weir shrines and subak temples
in the Balinese system. The huacas' function as spatial markers of water rights also
illustrates the imponance of ideology over politics in the control over this vital
resource. The imponance of religion in the allocation of water is best illustratad by the
role of the Korikancha, the ancestor temple of the Inca in Cuzco, which servad a role
similar to that of the Temple at Crater Lake as the center for the ceque system (Sherbody
1992: 61 ).
THE ICONOGRAPHY OF WATER CULTS
Other than the images already notad at Cerro Sechin and Garagay, a number ot
other sites manifest iconography connectoo with water and which may have symbolized
beliefs acknowledging the necessity of water tor lite. Such iconography may be represen-
tations of supernaturals connected with water and held in common by the congregations
ot the coastal cemers. Many of the creatures symbolized cominued to play cemral roles
in the represemational art ot later societies not only on the coast. but also in the
highlands, perhaps reflective of the pan-Andean imponance of water cults known to be
extant during the time of the Inca.
The Feline/Jaguar:
The felina, and more specifically the jaguar, is imimately associated with water
(S. & T. Pozorski 1991 a: 364; T. & S. Pozorski 1993: 55; Kan 1970; Fujii 1993;
488
Reinhard 1985; 1987). The felina is also otten associated with crops and fertility as in
the case of the Nazca Masked Mythical Being or Pampas Cat (Stone-Miller 1995). The
Pozorskis state that the discovery of jaguar motifs on Huaca A at Pampa de las Llamas-
Moxeke and feline faces at Huaca Los Reyes is in keeping with the function of these
structures since "the jaguar. a felina unique because of its association with water, is an
essentially appropriate symbol because control of water within irrigation canals is vital
to agricultura! production and the control of irrigation apparently gave the elite rulers
potential control over the food supply (1993: 55): Whether one accepts the existence
of the elite or not. the water symbolism of the jaguar rernains. The Pozorskis. however.
add 'elite power' to the concepts symbolized by the jaguar.
More compelling is the association of the jaguar with shamanic practicas
involving the idea of transformation, since it continuas to be a widely held traditional
belief that shamans are able to speak to 'deities' after transforming themselves into
¡aguars (Reichei-Dolmatoff 1978). More generally the feline is often associated with
the subterranean realm and with fertility (Fujii 1993: 260). The Inca incorporated
the feline's association with water into their ideological system also, and felinas were
often believed to guard sacred springs (Fujii 1993: 269, 272). Burger (1992: 11 O)
notes the presence of felina and serpent paintings at Huacaloma, an lnitial Period srte
which also was associated with a number of stone-lined canals and a complex drainage
system. Similarly, Bischof (1988: 66) notes that feline paintings at Cerro Sechin are
not incongruous with his interpretation of the site as a center of a water cult because of
the feline's association with shamanic beliefs involving transformation anc: the feline's
role as the shaman's alter ego (Burger 1992: 95).
The snake:
Serpents and snakes are also viewed as connected to water. Reinhard notes myths
489
which tell of serpents transforming themselves into rivers and lightening and of 'the
giant serpent. the amaru [whichJ is thought to reside in the eanh and in lakes (Soldi
1980: 23) and helps in the distribution of water for agricultura (Reinhard 1985: 404:
1987: 45) ." He notes •in another myth Pariacaca [a mountain deityJ used a serpent to
assist him in the construction of irrigation canals (1985: 404: 1987: 45) ." Carrion
Cachot also interpretad serpent images at Chavín as elements representing fertility and
control over weather. and by association, water (1959: 30: Sherbody 1992: 53).
Given the oft-cited relation between serpents and water, it is not surprising that
sorne of the earliest sculptures and friezes. including the El Gallo sculpture. the Huaca A
lintel. and the Pacopampa carved stone should feature snakes prominently (Burger
1989: T. & S. Pozorski 1988; 1990a). Snakes are featured in sorne of the earliest
adobe friezes. including the Moxeke figures and those at Huaca Los Reyes. Other highland
representations include those at Huacaloma. and the curvilinear petroglyphs associated
wrth the Cumbemayo canal may also be abstract images of snakes.
Other water/marine relatad imag_es.;
The spider is another iconographic image with clear associations to fenility. lt
is commonly employed on Nonh Coast ritual ceramics and stone vessels. Salazar-
Burger and Burger have shown the use of the spider in adobe friezes at Garagay as well.
The use of the spider as an agent capable of predicting rain is also known (Salazar-
Burger & Burger 1983).
Frog images are infrequent, and aside from that possibly representad by the El
Gallo sculpture, the only coastal other example appears on a vessel recovered at Aspero.
There are many petroglyphs, but unfonunately these cannot be accurately dated. Yet.
the continuad association of frogs and toads with water in Inca times supports their
earlier association. Such an association is noted as early as the lnitial Period at Chiripa
490
in the South-Central Highlands where frog-tadpole imagery played and intimate role in
the Yaya-Mama Religious tradition which continuad to be usad during the Early Horizon
at sitas of the Pukara culture (Chavez & Mohr-Chavez 1976; Mohr-Chavez 1988).
Like frog images, fish are not frequently representad. Other than the Cerro
Sechín images, and that portrayad on the El Gallo sculpture. fish are found on several
famous stone sculptures from the Early Horizon at Chavín de Huántar. Fish appear on
the Tallo Obelisk, on the monumental stairway at Chavín de Huántar, on a lintel inside
the Chavín temple, and on the Yauya stelae. Fangad fish petroglyphs also occur in several
locations on the coast. lt is possible that fish remaíns found at inland sitas may not only
suggest their importance to diet or to a possible coast-highland exchange of marine
produce. but also that fish may have been ritually consumad in the course of ceremonial
feasting. The sama may be indicatad by the presence of shellfish remains far inland and
in the highlands. The ritual natura of exotic Spondylus and Strombus shells is
repeatedly mentioned in the literatura on Andean sites.
6..ird..s.;.
Waterfowl may also be indicativa of water relatad rituals. The appearance of
bird-like images on the Pacopampa stone and the El Gallo sculpture. along with other
water-relatad images, may link birds into the iconography of water. Aeinhard notes the
bird as often being citad as a messenger to the gods (1987: 404). John Rowe claimad
this role for the birds found on the Black and White Portal at Chavín de Huántar (1967).
Clearly a complex iconography of aquatic and water-relatad images had been
developed by the end of the lnitial Period, and this body of symbols was integrated into
the succeading Chavín art. In many ways, the existence of a sharad body of imagery
relatad to water rituals may have preadapted people to the reinterpretation of such
symbols by the Chavín cult, which itself may have focusad a good deal of importance on
491
water rites, as indicated by the iconograpy of the Chavin site and the ritual manipulation
ot water posited to have táken place there (Lumbreras 1976).

During this discussion severa! points have been made which undermine the
autonomous natura of these monuments, or at the least force one to specify to what extent
these centers were autonomous. In sorne ways this becomes a semantic argument, since
complete autonomy is nevar implied; however, at the same time it is also an argument
against a pure technical position- ·wrth sufficient water, canals could be independent'-
that ignores the realities of hydrological interdependence.
By acknowledging the existence of shared fundamental ideology, the use of centers
to communicate and to compete with other groups, and the need to have hydraulic solidar-
ity in each river valley. one reaches a middle ground without needing to dredge up state
and chiefdom terminologies, search for site size hierarchies, or designate a powerful
elite. The water temple model provides a new way of looking at social organization.
!NIE.BQEPENDENCE, HYDRAULIC SOLIOAAITY ANO PERUVIAN WATER......TEME.~S
As opposed to those who view the temples as autonomous centers with independent
control over their irrigation, one may suggest that they were far more interdependent.
As has been shown, it is very likely that among other things, the temples shared an
ideology which focused on water and the assurance of adequate quantities for irrigation.
Although each temple's congregation may have also had its own local patron deity, or
ancestral founder-god, it is also probable that all shared a number of common gods asso-
ciated with basic elements-fertility, water, crops, and harvest. Thus, the pantheon of
deities worshiped differed from temple to temple, and was an element of each temple's
representation of the social identity of its congregation, but at the same time, the
worship of certain gods held in common linked the temples into one coherent ideological
system.
492
The variation of styles of representation of gods at sites such as Moxeke or Huaca
Los Reyes may be a manifestation of gods of different pantheons being brought together
for worship at one site. In other words, Huaca Los Reyes may have servad a function
much like those of regional water temples in Bali, where all the important gods of the
region are given space at the central place, in addition to the more important shrines to
the major deities held in cornmon. People frorn diversa local congregations could have
gathered and been secura in their representation at the shrine to their locally important
deity in the largar regional temple complex.
An offering system very much like that extant in Bali may have linked upstream
and downstream temples. Although there is no way of knowing if holy water was the
media through which these linkages were made, it is very likely that downstream and
upstream temples were linked vertically through offerings and reciproca! presentations
and feasting. The temples were also likely laterally linked to other local temples includ-
ing lineage shrines and to villages and hamlets. Canziani Amico (1989: 95) and Willey
( 1953) note the presence of platforms and small mound structures in Guai'lape Phase
domestic sitas which seem to have had a public and likely ceremonial function.
Thus, each temple did stand at the center of its own social universe since the
relationships and the linkages each temple forged would be unique to that temple's
congregation. The idea that temples were in competition with one another as a
partial explanation for their programs of rebuilding and enlarging is not incongruous
with the modal presentad here.
The temples were also physically linked as a result of the hydro-logic of the
valley and irrigation agricultura. As such they provided a means through which
hydraulic solidarity could be achieved in their role as supervisors of water allocation,
schedules for planting, harvest and fallow times and durations, and as mediators of
493
dispute. Such roles would have been essential in preventing occurrences of water stress
and outbreaks of plant pests.
The temple authorities were likely to have been in clase contact with one another
especially given the easy walking distances between temples in small valley such as Virú
and Chao. However, it is not necessarily the case that the authority of the temples'
religious specialists extended beyond affairs of the irrigation network and there is no
reason to accept that the existence of an interdependent temple system implies secular
political unity (Canziani Amico 1989: 94). The Balinese case has demonstrated the
weakness of 'power' held by temple priests and their invisibility to Western eyes. The
temple system there endurad despite secular battles between principalities because of
its lack of pratense to territorial power. Rather. the temples' power was limited to
decisions affecting the irrigation system, including the construction of new canals,
creation of new fields and synchronization of planting, harvest, and fallow periods. lt
was in the interests of local rulers that these systems were allowed to continua. By
taking the control of irrigation affairs out ot the secular realm, especially the control of
the allocation of water, a majar source of conflict was removed. The conception of water
as a divine gift susceptible to the whimsy of the spirits torced leaders to look elsewhere
for potential power bases, and as demonstrated in North Thailand, reduce disputes.
lt may have been the case that people were, in a sense, as preadapted to the rise of
a water cult as they have been argued to have been preadapted to irrigation agricultura
and corporate labor projects, such as the construction of platform mounds. lf the sea
was already an important object of worship, at such sitas as Aspero, the greater
inclusion of the ocean in a reinterpretation of water's central role in the guise of a water
cult would not have been a great change.
The technology required to have constructed the irrigation system need not have
494
been so great, nor the wQI1( so arduous, as to have torced societies into classes.
Construction of irrigation works continuas to be carried out by local work parties
consisting of a group of familias and in rare cases the population of a small hamlet,
generally in the context of festive labor. Temple authorities may not even have been
intimately involved with the construction of such works nor with their maintenance.
lt is thus, very possible, that the temple system authorities were to sorne extent
removed from their congregations. although supported by them, yet this does not
necessarily imply that they were seen as an elite nor that they stood at the head of a
stratified class system. Rather they served as advisors and protectors of their populace
in their role as religious specialists with intimate connection to the gods. They may be
viewed as wise people who were held in reverence by the people because of their
knowledge and experience. Such individuaJs may have been chosen from the people at
large because of their successes in agricultura. Their roles may very well have been
institutionalized within the water temple system and they may have been placed in a
hierarchical system. especially if the water temples themselves were so conceptualized.
However, such a hierarchy would not necessarily have been intrinsic to society at large.
lt may also have been a very loase hierarchy, more symbolic than real.
The picture presentad by such a model is one of diffuse power wherein power is
more clearly understood as a web of relations and obligations, rather than as the strong
personal coercive power suggested by the Pozorskis. Heterarchical models of over-
lapping spheres of influence and power are more cornpelling in the explanation of
societal organization in many of the coastal Peruvian valleys.
HUACA EL GALLO-LA GALLINA AS A WATER TEMPLE IN A VIRU VALLEY
WATER TEMPLE SYSTEM
One of the results of the survey of 1992 and sucsequent excavation seasons of
495
1994 and 1995 was the clarification of the dating of many early sitas in the Huacapongo
Drainage and the Middle Virú Valley. The dating of the beginnings of irrigation agri-
cultura has been pushed well back, and the sudden population explosion, originally notad
to halle occured in the upper valley during the Puerto Moorin Phase, has now been shown
not to have been sudden, but a continuad growth in occupation in the area trom earlier
times until the Middle Guaflape, after which a collapse may have led to a decrease in
population (see Figure 9-2). This collapse and apparent dispersa! of population may
explain why Puerto Moorin sites seems to appear suddenly and in great numbers.
The positing of an invasion from the highlands resulting in an upper-middle vs.
lower valley dichotomy, proposed by Canziani Amico (1989: 99) cannot by sustained by
the current data available. Similarly, the existence of continuad exchange between lower
valley fisherman and upper valley agriculturalists tends to argue against the use of this
dichotomy as an explanation for fort building (Canziani Amico 1989: 99). The dating of
the phases themselves has also been called into question-both the Early and Middle
Guar'lape Phases are believed to have occurred earlier. Many significant large monumen-
tal sites have been located which date to the earlier phases of the Guanape culture. as
opposad to the findings of Canz1ani Amico who claims Casma and Nepena boasted far more
early important centers, although the lack of centers of lnitial Period age in Nepena
undermines his arguments (1989: 83).
Canziani Amico's claim that it was during the Puerto Moorin Phase that there was
an explosion in pyramid building has been disproven, since it appears no such construc-
tions were built during this phase (1989: 86). One is contused why Canziani Amico
blindly accepted Willey's dating of many of these sites, since at many of them conical
adobes are notad, which he states elsewhere are an lnitial Period marker and which by
the date of his work were recognized as such in Virú (1989: 87-88).
496
Figure 9-2: Distribution of known and tentatively ldentlfled Guanape
Phase sites in the Vlrú Valley. Trlangles represent
monumental architecture and clrcles represent domestic
si tes.
The position of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina in the upper mid-valley where the
valley first begins to widen and land for agricultura first becomes available suggests it
may have been one of the first centers founded in the Virú drainage. lts location near the
valley neck would have permitted the construction of shon canals irrigating the major-
ity of the Huacapongo Basin. lts position upstream would have placad it in a privileged
position to supervise water flow and allocation to downstream communities. The up-
stream location may also have been ritually significant since it is here that essentially
'wild' pristine water enters the valley. The site shares many of the same character·
istics outlined by Williams for U-shaped centers, including orientation up-valley to the
source of water, location outside of. but adjacent to, arable lands, and the presence of a
number of larga plazas fOf the gathering of wOfshippers. Huaca El Gallo and Huaca La
Gallina may have served as ·sacred mountains' symbolically representing the mountain-
ous source of water for crops.
The failure to discover any domestic structures alter two seasons of excavation.
including sorne survey and excavation of the quebrada interior and adjacent hills. may
suppon the idea that the site drew its congregation from people resident in small
hamlets or farmsteads dispersad among the cultivated fields.
The lack of any clear differences in wealth as indicated by grave goods suggests
that, although sorne individuals may have been in prestigious positions. their authority
derivad not from personal wealth or their ability to coerce large populations. but
through their association with supernatural knowledge, as argued by Burger for the
resident population found at Cardal. Such individuals likely kept track of meteorological
events as well as time through the use of calendars which were probably punctuated by
set rituals. Many burials were found to have been made in ceremonial architecture,
which was then filled and sealed with floors upon which new ritual structures were
498
constructed.
Given the dependence of people in tnis part of the valley on irrigation agricultura
during the lnitial Period (and to the presem), it is likely that much of the ceremonial
activity transpiring at the site was concerned with assuring adequate water. The
existence of the water cult at the site is supported by the imagery adorning the stone
sculpture recovered above the tomb of the ritual specialist buried in excavation Unit
E/S at El Gallo and by the apparent inclusion of agricultura!, organic-rich so11s in
tombs. The inclusion of field soils in tomb has also been notad in Jequetepeque by Alva
(1986). The site's position near fields and also near potential irrigation canal systems
also argues for this association.
Given the position of El Gallo/La Gallina and its size (the largest lnitial Period
ceremonial center in the Huacapongo Drainage), it is likely that it may have served as
one of the major water-temples of the valley. Even today the demands of modern
farmers are closely supervisad by the authorities. since if too great a demand is made
upon the waters by farmers in Huacapongo, little water will be available to farmers
farther down in the valley. Huacapongo-derived water is especially importan!, since
virtually no water flows from the north branch of the Virú (the Carabamba Quebrada).
lnterestingly, no lnitial Period temple complexas have been notad in this north
part of the Virú Valley despite a number of intensiva surveys (Topic & Topic 1980).
The lack of centers in this part of Virú may partially be a result of the lad< of water if
the temples were primarily concerned with water management (sea Figure 9·2). Later
cultures, especi-ally the Moche, were able to make use of this part of the valley.
The existence of a number of platform mounds even further up the Huacapongo
branch of the valley, all of which were originally datad to the Early Puerto Moorin
Phase, must be investigated by excavation, since it is likely that many, if not all, of
499
them may date to the Guanape Phase. Canziani Amico suggests that the location of seven
platform mounds (V-185, 187, 188, 198, 199, 200, and 230) at the head of the
valley and at the limits of cultivation, makes it likely they were in sorne way connected
with the conducting of irrigation agricultura (1989: 89). This becomes more compel-
ling when one notes •que en asociación con algunos de ellos existen evidencias de canales
y de sistemas de distibución del riego (1989: 89)." Unfortunately, the dating of these
remains as well as those of another canal facing the mounds is still unclear (Willey
1953: 87-89). This clase association of canals and irrigation works and monumental
structures would not be surprising, especially considering the evidence already
presentad for highland sites, suggesting the integration of the ritual manipulation of
water with ceremonial activity.
The possibility that two main canals were constructed in the Huacapongo drainage
in the lnitial Period is supported by the discovery of another large lnitial Period cere-
monial center located across the valley and slightly to the west of El Gallo. This site,
#512 of the Chavimochic survey, lies along a hillside and consists of a number of
terraces supported by retaining walls constructed of conical adobes and fronted by a
sunken circular plaza 18 m across. Although no early ceramics were found on the
surface, the similarity of the architectural elements and materials supports the contem
poraneity of the site with that of El Gallo/La Gallina.
The existence of coeval ceremonial centers less than 1 km from one another is
much like the srtuation outlined by Burger in Lurin. Currently, the south canal system
in Virú is fed by that tributary of the Huacapongo that runs directly in front of Site 512.
lt is very likely that during the lnital Period Site 512 may have servad as the upstream
water temple of those congregations down river dependent on this tributary. Site 512 is
orientad in such a way that it faces the site of El Gallo, perhaps a physical manifestation
500
of the linkage between the two sites.
Many small rock-faced platform mounds occur as the Huacapongo River makes its
way to the point where the Huacapongo joins with the Carabamba Quebrada (north Virú
Drainage) and the valley widens. Most of these small mounds are located just outside of
the bounds of irrigation and at the mouths of quebradas. lt is tempting to view thern as
intermediate-sized water temples to which local communities may have been attached to
the water temple system. Only excavation of these mounds will establish if they were
contemporary with the larger sites ot El Gallo and #512.

As the modern road passes out of the Huacapongo area to Hacienda Tomoval it
passes over a mound which subsequent survey, correlated with Willey's data, has proven
to be V-206 (Corral Gate Mound). According to the Water Temple Model. it was
projected that a temple should be locatr.1 at the mouth of the Huacapongo Drainage at
Hacienda Tomoval that would be charged with, among other things, the surveillance of
water levels coming out of Huacapongo. The dependence of the lower valley on these
waters is a given. even today, and it was predicted that a temple at this location would be
able to ensure that water would not be overused in Huacapongo.
The site of V-206 was noted during travel to and fro to El Gallo, although the
mound has been badly disturbad by the modern road and its partial clearing for the
planting of crops. Correlation of the site's location and surface artifact debris leave
little doubt that this site is Willey's Corral Gate Mound. Willey's survey data confirm
that this site was occupied during the lnitial Period, although he and later Canziani
Amico dated the mound to the Puerto Moorin Phase. He notes sherds of the ·Early Puerto
Moorin' phase on the surface as well as the presence of truncated conical adobes in ·old
and deep excavations near the SW corner of the mound (Willey 1953: 89).'
Curremly erosion has obscured the dimensions of the mound as has its current
501
use by local farmers as a dumping ground for field refuse and for the burning of corn
stalks. Exca\'ation of this site is necessary to clarify its layout, age and relations to El
Gallo/La Gallina and Site #512. The nearby agglutinated domestic sitas notad by Willey
and Canziani Amico may suggest that Corrai Gate Mound had a resident population nearby,
but excavation is necessary to clarify this possibility (Canziani Amico 1989: 89).
Although time precluded further exploration of the area of the mouth of the
Huacapongo Drainage, it is very likely that another mound, serving much the sarna
function as that outlined for the Corral Gate Mound, should be located across the valley
from it at the foot of Cerro Sarraque. A mound here would be in position to regulate
water flow in the postulated south canal system believed to have been regulated upstearn
by Site #512 in Huacapongo. There are a number of possible candidatas if one examines
Willey's survey data for the region ( V-208, 215, and 216), but only with excavation
can one establish the Guanape occupation of this area (see Figure 9-2).
As large as Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina is. it is dwarfed by the site of Huaca San
Juan 1 & 11 which lies at the ¡uncture of the Huacapongo and Upper Virú tributarias.
Huaca San Juan 11 (V-103) lies to the northeast of Huaca San Juan 1 and in the fields
opposite Queneto Quebrada. The location is a prime one:
una posición central y equidistante con relación a diversos sectores y

agrupaciones de sitios ... Su ubicación es estratégica, en una zona central
respecto a la mayor concentración de sitios. cerca de la confluencia de las
quebradas del Carabamba y del Huacapongo, que dan origen al Virú, y en
punto intermedio entre la parte alta y media del valle (Canziani-Amico
1989: 89).
Although Willey identified it as a Puerto Moorin mound (1953: 82, 83 fig. 16, 332),
deep huaquero cuts into the mound revealing conical adobes securely place rt in the
lnitial Period. This smaller mound measures 74 by 53 m and rises 8 m above the
surrounding fields. Canziani Amico incorrectly assigns V-1 03 as the largest mound in
502
the valley (1989: 89).
The larger San Juan mound is also the largest mound in the Virú Valley dating to
the lnitial Period or Early Horizon. The shape of the main San Juan mound is remini-
scent of those of the central coast in that it consists of a central mound flanked on either
side by two lower mounds which appear as wings. lt lad<s the projeeting arms of the
Central Coast sites, however. lt currently lies in the middle of agricultura! fields just
to the north of the river. "Maximum over-all measurements of the site are 190 m on a
NW-SE axis by about 90 m on the NE-SW axis (Willey 1953: 136-137)." "The
largest feature of the site is the great mound or pyramid which has a summit elevation of
1O m above the surrounding fields and measures 73 by 70 m at the base (Willey 1953:
137)." The discovery of more conical adobe construction argues for the contemporan-
eity of this mound with El Gallo and #512. The enormous size ot the San Juan mound is
the best evidence in favor of sorne kind of valley wide control of water and its allocation.
The total mass of Huaca San Juan 1 is doubtless the result of generations of labor.
lt is probable that a large number of building episodes would be uncovered by excavation.
Yet, its size is also evidence of a large population, one which had to have had recourse to
irrigation agricultura. With sufficient water, the broader plains of this part of the
Virú (the upper mid-valley) could have supported a much largar population than that
sustained by the land in the Huacapongo Basin.
lt is possible that the largar size of Huaca San Juan 1 is not a reflection of its age
(i.e. that it was founded prior to El Gallo) or position in a site-size hierarchy and
tunction as a political center (Canziani Amico 1989: 89-90), but rather the large
population on which it could draw during each labor episode. lts construction may have
outpaced that of El Gallo/La Gallina because its congrega ti en was larger.
Either way the site of Huaca San Juan is ideal for the supervision of water
503
allocation in this part of the valley. lt is possible that the Huaca San Juan temple
complex also served as the main temple for all those familias living in the upper and
lower mid-valleys. No other larga platform mound structures dating to the lnitial
Period are known in the area between San Juan and the Pacific Coast. The only other
sitas near San Juan are a number of sitas in the Queneto Quebrada of unknown date and
function including the site of Queneto. Given Queneto's position at the neck of the
quebrada and along one of the routes north to the Moche Valley, it is possible that this
site may have had a role in regulating the flow of people and goods.
Only one site in the Lower Valley had clear Early and Middle Guar"tape occupations:
Huaca Negra. Given its position and oriemation toward the sea, it is very possible that
Huaca Negra fulfilled a role similar to that postulated for Culebras, Salinas de Chao, and
Las Haldas, as a Sea Temple. The discovery of sacrificad llamas indicares that the site
was clearly used for ritual functions. Perhaps these sacrificas were imended to propi-
tiate sea gods or demons. Sacrificas to the sea may also have taken place on the summit of
Cerro Negro, currently a rocky península, but at the time of the building of Huaca Negra.
a rocky offshore island. The sea about Cerro Negro is turbulent and would have been the
ideal stage for such rituals, given the evidence citad by Bischof (1985; 1988).
The absence of large pyramidal platform-mound complexas in the lower valley
might be the result of their burial or clearing in subsequent centurias. However, it is
equally possible that this area of the valley may not have been extensively used umil
after the Late Guar"tape Phase when temple building had fallen out of practica. The large
number of Puerto Moorin sitas encoumered in this zone comrasts with the absence of
earlier Guar'\ape materials and suggests that dense occupation of this zone may only have
occurred after the collapse of the earlier Guar"tape temple system.
THE EVIDENCE FOR OTHER WATER TEMPLE SYSTEMS OUTSIDE OF VIRU
504
Unfortunately, the amount of research in the north coast valleys is patchy and in
sorne cases virtuafly absent. Sorne survey material iS available for north coast valleys,
such as Moche, Chao, Santa. and Nepena, but unfortunately, excavation in these vafleys
has been limitad. Other than the excavations carried out by Thomas Pozorski and Luis
Watanabe at Caballo Muerto, early Moche sitas are scarcely known. Similarly in Chao
excavatad reports are limitad to the síte of Salinas de Chao, El templo de nzal, and sorne
other smafl coastal sítes. lt 1s likely that Cerro Cabra, at the head of the Chao Valley
dates the lnítial Period and would have servad as a major water temple of the valley.
In Santa, David Wilson's Cayhuamarca Period is unwieldy in being very long and
in its inclusion of sítes. such as Pampa Yolanda, with its sunken circular plazas, that
should date to the lnitial Period. Wilson never probes the possibility of lnítial Period
sites in Santa. The only site in Santa for which excavation information is available is
Quebrada El Silencio, recently dug by the Chavimochic Project, and even in the case of
this s1te no publishad report exists. Given these gaps in the data it is difficult to
illustrate the existence of a water temple system, yet sorne clear parallels in terms of
settlement pattern are noted in each valley. Data are sufficient at least to make sorne
hypothesis concerning the existence of a water temple system in many of these valleys
and to suggest at which sites the water temple system may have carried out íts most
importan! rituals.
In Nepena, the only other North/North Central Coast vafley to have been
extensively surveyed, a number of sítes have been located which date to the lnitial
Period. Yet Proulx maintains that not enough work has been done in Nepena to clarify
the lnitial Period settlement system and that "the positiva identification and distribution
of lnítial Period sites in the Nepena Valley is by no means clear (1985: 254)." Proulx
identifies nine sitas, all located in the upper valley of Nepena. primarily basad on the
sos
presence of certain decorated ceramic sherds (1985: 252-254). Recent research has
revealed this pattern of up-valley settlement to be common for the lnitial Period since
such locations up-valley provide better access to the river headwaters for irrigation
( Proulx 1985: 256).
The identification of sitas in Nepena basad on ceramics only is troublesome since
elsewhere Proulx states that little correspondence has been found between the ceramics
of the 360 sites surveyed in Nepena and those from its neighboring North Coast Valleys.
Proulx offers a number of reasons for the failure of his. and subsequently Daggett's
(1984) surveys to discover many lnitial Period sitas: 1) small overall lnitial Period
Nepena settlement, 2) inability of modern researchers, as of yet, to identity lnitial
Period diagnostic ceramics in Nepena and 3) overburden and resettlement of lnitial
Period sitas during later phases, covering any trace of the earlier settlement.
Excavation at El Gallo/La Gallina has shown that the identification of sitas basad solely on
surface materials often fails to revial their true age. lt may very well be the case that
many of the Nepena sitas in the upper valley may have earlier occupations buried
beneath Early Horizon and Early lntermediate Period deposits. Although Proulx doas not
believe conical adobes to necessarily indicate an lnitial Period site, their positiva
correlation with this time period in Virú and Chao suggests this correlation needs to be
examinad further in Nepena.
What evidence has been forwarded suggets that initial occupation of the valley
was heaviest in the upper valley, supporting the idea that agricultura was already under
way and that control of water and easily irrigable lands was important by the lnitial
Period. The subsequent Early Horizon is characterized in Nepena by the expansion of
habitation in this same area of the valley as opposed to the virtual absence of down-
valley sitas. However, it is possible that the mid-valley was already under cultivation
506
by the Late lnítial Period/early Early Horizon. The mid-valley síte of Caylán is similar
in layout and location, and 1 believe this síte may very well have an lnítial Period occu·
pation and may have served a function comparable to that served by Huaca San Juan 1 & 11
in Virú. The presence of a large pyrarnid at Caylán argues more for íts placement in the
lnítial Period than in the Early Horizon as argued by Daggen based on cerarnic parallels
with Pampa Rosario and San Diego in Casma, since these site have no pyramids and
surface cerarnics used to date Caylán may have come trom intrusive tombs (Proulx
1985: 46-47).
Concluding Remarks
A Water Temple Model has been proposed to have existed on the Peruvian North
Coast and possibly beyond. This system provided a way for valley-wide integration in
the absence ot a state system. Water Temples provided a means tor the coordination of
planting schedules and the allocation of water, while simultaneously providing foci for
social identíty and cohesion and intergroup interaction.
The archaeological correlatas of such a system have been tematively identified in
Virú. This system may also have operated in other Nonh Coast Valleys, although given
the absence of excavations and reliable settlement pattern identification, its existence
must remain tentativa. Such a system may not have operated the same way everywhere.
nor need every valley have been at the sarne stage at the sarne time. In other words, in
sorne valleys the temple system may have acted to prevent the nse of more secular state
systems, while elsewhere other torces may have led to the collapse of the system or íts
transformation and cooption by an elite at an earlier point in time.
Perhaps the most compelling evidence for the existence of such a system is the
repeating pattern of temples along rivers found in the valleys along the Peruvian Coast
and the cessation of pyramid-building and abandonment of these earlier ceremon1al
507
cemers at roughly the same time in every valley. Given stresses on Temple Systems
such as competition for resources, and perhaps the fonnation of an increasingly
powerful secular sector. additional outside stressed such as the onset of El Nino events
may have acted like catalysts to bring down the system. The temple was. as noted,
marked by contradiction. each temple at once independem and imerdependem. The
collapse of this paradoxical role, wherein each temple had two ·masters", one local and
one regional, and the assumption by a secular elite of the formar rights, responsibilities
and powers of the temple elite, led to a rejection of monumental architecture's utility
and a reorganization of the settlement pattern and irrigation system.
508
CHAPTER 9 CQ'.UUSIGJ
Many of the goals of the project have been met during the course of the two
excavation seasons and the subsequent time of analysis. Not only has the function and
occupation the site of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina been clarified, but also the undetStandinq
of the Huacapongo Drainage has been refined. This site has also been placed in a regional
perspect1ve which has helped identify similarities and differences between it and other
like sites in neighboring Nonh Coast valleys.
Architecture
Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina reflects many of the same architectural elements
identified at other Nonh Coast lnitial Period sites including U-shaped platform mounds
and sunken circular counyards facing mounds. Architectural canons employed at El
Gallo/La Gallina share many features with sites of the neighboring valleys of Chao and
Moche including the orientation of the large mounds. which was the same as sorne of those
at Caballo Mueno.
In addition. many of the building techniques and construction matenals,
mcluding the use of conical adobes, have been identified at El Gallo/La Gallina and other
sites of the Huacapongo Drainage and Virú Drainage generally including Site 512 and the
dual pyramid site of Huaca San Juan 1 & 11. The use of conical adobes at this Middle
Guañape site, and their use at the coeval Temple of the Llamas at Huaca Negra, secure the
use of this construction element as a Middle Guañape diagncstic in Virú. Their use only
at the core of Huaca Verde in conjunction with the ceramic assemblage trom this site,
helped date the primary Huaca Verde occupation to the Late Guañape Phase.
lnterestingly, the existence ot a number of small circular structures at Huaca El
Gallo/La Gallina that seemed to have served a ceremonial function, is not paralleled
elsewhere. The nearest structural comparison could be made with the ventilated heanh
509
structures recently tound by the Pozorskis in Casma at Pampa de Las Llamas-Moxeke
and elsewhere (T. & S. Pozorski 1996). However, the Casma structures tlave heanhs
which are absent in the Virú structures. No traces of any heanhs were visible in any of
the excavated units at El Gallo/La Gallina.
Three major construction phases were identified at El Gallo, and a similar
number is postulated for the area about the eastern sunken circular plaza on the La
Gallina side. Such renovations may have been spurred by ttle death of a leader, as has
been suggested for the rrtual entombment of the sunken rectangular plaza at El Gallo.
The discovery of a number of distinct construction phases suppons the idea, notad by
others, that larga sites were likely to have been the result of periodic inputs of small to
medium amount of labor ovar a long duration, as opposed to the result of massive unique
labor mobilizations.
El Gallo/La Gallina as well as many other Virú sites discussed in the text were
originally dated ro more recent phases by the Virú Valley Project of the 1940's based on
ceramic scaners. The work at El Gallo has shown that surtace reconaissance should be
only the first step in an extended research program including excavation. Many sites
may be easily misdated by surface survey since older material will be covered by
overburden. The reliablity of the formal characteristics of architecture as a more
accurate index of a site's age has led to a tentativa redating of severa! sites in other
valleys including Pampa Yolanda and Cay 115 in Santa, and Caylan and those sites with
conical adobes in Neper'la. Only with excavation can these tentativa chronological
estimares be evaluated. The implication of the excavation data from El Gallo/La Gallina,
however, is that senlement panern maps generated solely from surface survey are
inadequate and fail to illustrate the true extant of senlement for any given period,
especially earlier ones.
510
Cera mies
The earlier phases of the Virú Valley Sequence have been reexaminad as a resu~
of the work of this project. While the Early Guanape Phase stands as originally defined,
it has been suggested that its duration may have been longar than originally suggested.
The Middle Guanape Phase has been redefinad basad not only on the ceramic diagnostics
originally identifiad by the Virú Valley Project, but also by the addition on new
diagnostics including vessel shapes. non-ceramic artifacts, architecture and burial
panerns. The nature of this Phase has also been clarified as one of upper-valley
expansion and growth.
Ceramic diagnostics have also been identrfied for the subsequent Late Guanape
Phase. These include both the addition of new vessel forms and decorative techniques.
Many of the older diagnostics have been discarded.
A reexamination of the stratigraphy of the Virú Valley Project sites. combinad
w1th a comparison of the assembleges of Strong & Evans and Collier with those recovered
at Huaca Verde and El Gallo/La Gallina have permitted the redating of a number of layers
in sites. Collier's postulated gap between his lower-valley sites and Huaca Negra has
been eliminated. lnstead a chronological gap has been identified between the Late Guanape
Phase which is cross-dated with the Classic Cupisnique Culture, and the Puerto Moorin
Phase. This gap which covers the laner portian of the Early Horizon appears to have
been one during which the population dispersad across the landscape so as to become
archaeologically invisible, or during which the population abandonad the Virú Valley.
Burials
The burial sample at El Gallo/La Gallina included one of the largest lnitial Period
skeletal assemblages (n=26) to have ever been recovered from a North Coast site. The
skeletons were, in general, very similar to later Moche skeletons in stature and physical
5 11
dimensions. The teeth of the skeletons revealed a mixed diet that did not include maize to
any graat degree, since cavities were absent. Tha wear patterns suggested the consump-
tion of plants likely to hava baen ground on stona mortars, thus including a large amount
ot sand.
The burials do not support the existence of stratified society. Burial goods were
absent in most cases and in thosa faw tombs in which they were found they generally
consisted of bona pins or needles, cooking pots or stona beads. Two tombs were differ-
antiatad by their goods which included, in one case, a stone mortar and pestle and rough
turquoise-colored and spondylus beads. Tha second tomb included a small soapstona
vessals and a larga number of bone implaments. lt has been suggested that both
individuals were raligious specialists, likely to have had authority as a result of thair
supernatural knowledge. Thasa individuals probably presided over rituals at the sita.
The burials also were ditferantiated by the amount of labor going into them.
Nearly all tha burials were in deep pits and capped by large circular structures with
stone wall footings. These structure may have served ritual functions. perhaps as loci
for ancestor worship. Also the areas where tombs were encountered were all in the
ceremonial area of the site, suggesting that these individuals has sorne special connection
to the area, perhaps as ritual specialists or caretakers of the site.
Burial canons changed from the Middle to Late Guanape Phase with the circular
structures erected at the mouth of the tombs decreasing in size to the point where they
were no wider across than the actual pit of the tomb. The position. tightly flexed,
remained the standard method of body placement until the end of the Late Guanape and
this differs from that employed during the Puerto Moorin Phase when bodies were only
partially flexed or extended.
512
Organic Materials
The faunal and floral materials recovered at the site are very similar to those
recovered at coeval sites in neighboring valleys. The absence of maize or evidence of any
one staple on which the population could have been dependent corroborares the skeletal
evidence favoring a mixed diet. The evidence of marine resource suggests that a lively
coast-valley exchange took place between specialized fishermen and agriculturalists. lt
is also possible that sorne species had ritual meaning and may have been consumad at the
ceremonial sita during the course of rituals devoted to the worship of the sea or of water
in general.
Models for Social Complexity
The evidence from El Gallo/La Gallina, pooled with that of coevaJ sites in neigh-
boring valley has been used to project a new modal to explain the rise of monumental
structures along this area of the Peruvian coast and their disposition along each river.
In nearly every case large sites are found in the upper reaches of each valley. where the
valleys open up and the amount of arable land increases, or in the mid valley area at the
confluence of tributarias or in basins where arable land is plentiful. The size of the
sites has been used as indifect evidence of the use of 1rrigation, since the population
necessary to build such sites could not have been supported by floodplain farming alone.
Given ample evidence of ritual it has been suggested that water and fertility rites
to assure waters' availability would have played at key role in the peoples lives. The
paucity of water in many valleys would suggest that it could have been the source of
conflict. Yet, the absence of weapons, defensible sites or militarism until the late Early
Horizon (Puerto Moorin Phase) suggests conflict was avoided. lt appears that control of
water was given over to the temples-thus prompting their identification here as Water
Temples.
51 3
These temples had the responsibility of coordinating planting and fallow periods
and control over the equitable allocation of water. As argued by others they served as
locus of social identity since they probably each had unique pantheon of gods, perhaps
including ancestors of the support population, and they each representad the physical
manifestation of the labor of their support communities. However, they were also
linked into an interdependent management system that encompassed the entire watershed
and were also probably linked by a number of all-important gods whose power and
authority transcended local boundaries. Thus, the Water Temples were at once indepen-
dent and interdependent. This paradoxical role was likely to have been fulfilled by the
Temples for a long time and may have help to delay the rise of secular/state institutions.
The temple system posited for the Peruvian Coast may have been very like that
identified in Bali by Stephen Lansing. Lansing feels this system of Water Temple
coordination originally arose as a result of local coordination. Farmers would compare
their harvests with those of their most successful neighbor, and ihen adopt that
neighbor's cropping panern the following year. Gradually the system carne to be fixed
and was anchored by rituals which eventual led to the rise of temples as master
coordinators of a watershed. The adaptation to ·a rugged fitness landscape' model of
Lansing is equally appropriate to the harsh Peruvian coast. Such a temple system was
likely to have been more able to coordinare water usage during periods of stress. such as
drought or deluge.
The Water Temple system, because of the inherent paradoxical role of each
temple, was likely to have experienced increasing stress with population growth,
increasing secularism, and environmental degradation. lt is possible that in sorne
valleys the temple system was eclipsad by a more secular one at an earlier time, as may
have been the case in Casma. lf a number of environmental disasters were experienced
514
in turn, the credibility of the temple system could have been undermined and its
legitimacy to control water and exercize restraint may have been lost. lt is interesting
that sorne have noted severa El Nino phenomenons to have occured at the same time that
the building of monumental coastal architectured ceased. lf the temple system had
already begun to suffer trom increasing secularism and lack of ínter-temple cooper-
ation, its ability to recover from environmental disasters would have been undermined
and its vulnerability would have been increased.
The collapse of the temple system carne rapidly, as evidenced by the discovery of
half-finished constructions at many sites, as well as the discovery at Las Haldas of
building tools abandonad in the middle of a task's completion. The po.c;iting of a coastal-
wide temple system cemered on the successful execution of irrigation agricultura to
explain the rise of the temples, their similarities in architecture, orientation, and
iconography, and ultimately their simultanous collapse is compelling, for it offers a
model that may have relevance for the emire reg1on. As noted by Burger (1992) smgle
valley explanations for the collapse of a given set of monumental structures exist in
isolation and fail to explain the coeval collapse in neighboring valleys.
lf the water temple system was one held in common along the coast, one would
expect it to be in various states of complexity depending on the valley. This seems the
case as the monuments in Casma and Supe are both more numerous and larger than in
neighboring valleys. One may suggest that perhaps these valleys were the original
heanhs of the system and as such their systems were more likely to first experience the
breakdown of the temples' paradoxical role, at once independem and interdependem. The
breakdown of the temple system was cenainly multi-causal as has been suggested, but
most central to the breakdown was the paradoxical role each temple played. When this
paradox became more evident, it was more open to attack. The ultimare failure of the
51 5
system was probably compounded by environmental stress which left the temples
abandonad and spawned a new settlement panern wherein new sources ot inspiration
were sought. lt was also replaced by an atmosphere of mutual distrust and militarism,
most clearly illustrated by the construction of numerous fortresses in nearly every
North Coast Valley.
516
APPENDIX 1
AADIOCARBON DATES
Only two radiocarbon dates are available so far from Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. 8oth
samples were sent to Beta Analytica Laboratories in Miami, Florida for AMS dating. No carbon
samples were recovered at El Gallo/La Gallina large enough for conventional Radiocarbon Dating.
Beta-91891 was a charcoal sample recovered just above the final floor that capped Unit 2
Huaca El Gallo (E/S). The sample was pretreated with an acid wash prior to dating by AMS.
The sample gave a measured C14 age of 71 o +1- 50 BP. had an estimated C13/12 ratio of
-23.5 % and a Conventional c1 4 Age of 680 =1- 50 BP. The Calibrated results (2 sigma. 95%
probability) give a range between AD 1280 to 1415. Given this dating the sample appears to
date the reuse of the site during the Chimú times. The sample may have washed down frorn the
secondary mound to the north where Chimú domestic structures are found.
The second sample Beta 91892 was a charcoal fragment recovered from Burial 1 Unit 3,
El Gallo (E/S) The sample was found associated with the burial itself. The sample was given
an acidlalkali/acid pretreatment before being dated by AMS. The sample gave a measure C14 ékJ8
of 3880 +1- 60 BP. an estimated C13112 ration of -27.2 % and a Conventional C14 Age of 3840
+1- 60 BP. The Calibrated results (2 sigma. 95% probability) give a range between BC 2400
to 2190. This date is very early g1ven the anticipated dating of this construction phase to the
early Middle Guai'lape Phase. Unfortunately, given the paucity of reliably dated early sites in
Virú, at this point the date is inconclusive and must await the compilation of additional dates.
51 7
APPENDIX 2
PROVENIENCE OF ILLUSTRATED DECOAATED WARES: GALLO/GAlliNA
Guanape Puoctate: (Figure 5-1)
Site #, Sector/Subsector, Unit, Square. Level, 8ag#, ExUint color. thickness
A. V-148, W/N of ~ Surf.coll. Ext: 2.5YR 3/4 lnt: 2.5YA 3/4, 5-6mm. D= 11cm
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D, Lv.1. 8.62 Ext: 10A 5/6 lnt: 2.5YA 6/6, Smm. D=9cm
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1A, Lv. 1. B.94 Ext: SYR 5/6 lnt: SYA 5/4, 4-Smm
D. V-149 E/S of ~ U-1 DIE 1-3(inside structure), Level 2 B. 9 Ext: 10YR 5/2 lnt:
1OYR 5/2, 5-6mm
E. V-149 all data same as above
G.~ (Figure 5-1)

Site #, Sector/Subsector, Unit, Square, Level. 8ag #, ExUint color. thickness
F. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4C, Lv.1 8.13, Ext: SYA 5/4 lnt: SYR 5/4, 6mm
~ (Figure 5·1)
G. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1D. Lv. 1 8.105 Ext:SYR 5/4 lnt:SYR 5/4, 4mm
H. V-149 E/S U-2 8q. 1E, Lv. 1 B.108 Ext: 2.5YA 4/4(plain), SYA 5/4 punct.area lnt:
1OYR 5/2, heavily eroded
Ancó.o.Zo~ Punctate.: (Figure 5-2)

A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1D, Lv. 1 B.105, Ext: 10R 3/6 lnt: 2.5YA 5/2, 4-5mm
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 2B, Lv. 1 B.44, Ext: 2.5YR 4/6 lnt: 2.5YA 5/4, 6mm
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1D, Lv. 1 B.118, Ext: lOA 3/6(Piainl. 2.5 YA 4/6(dec.)lnt:
2.5YA 5/4, 5-6mm
D. V-148 W/N Tr.5 Ext: lOA 4/4 lnt: 2.5YA 4/2. 4-5mm
E. V-148 W/N(west of dom zone) Surf .. Ext: 2.5YR 3/6 lnt: 10YR 6/3
F. V-148 W/N Str 3 Surf. coll. Ext: 10R 4/4 lnt: lOA 4/3, 5mm
G. V-148 W/N Str.3 Surf. coll. Ext: 2.5YA 3/6 lnt: 10YA 6/3, 5mm
G!J.añap~e!OO_(Non-Appli~ (Figure 5-3)

Site #, Sector/Subsector, Unit, Square, Level. 8ag#, ExUint color. thickness
A. V-148 W/W U-2 T.B Dist.Fill, Ext: 2.5YR 4/4 lnt: 2.5YR 5/6, 4-Smm, D=10cm
G.u..anape Modeled (Non-Appligué): (Figure 5·4)

A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. lE, Lv. 1 8.108 Ext: SYR 3/3 lnt: 5YR 4/3. 5-6mm, Rib-9-
lOmm, D= 18cm
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. lE, Lv. 1 8.82 Ext: SYR 3/4 lnt: SYR 3/4, 6mm rib-1cm D=
7cm, Rim=Smm
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. lE, Lv. 1 8.82 Ext:5YR 3/4 lnt: 5YR 3/3, 5mm. rib 7-8mm,
D= 18 Rim=5mm
D. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. lE, Lv. 1 B.82 Ext:SYR 3/1 lnt:SYR 3/3, 4-5mm. rib 7-8mm
E. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1E, Lv. 1 B.68 Ext:5YR 3/3 lnt:5YR 4/2, 5-6mm, rib 1.2cm
Guanape Modeled (Non-Appligué): (Figure 5-5)

A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1E, LoJ. 1 8.82 Ext:2.5YR 3/4 lnt:? lnner surf. eroded
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1E, Lv. 1 B.82 Ext:SYR 3/4 lnt:S YR 3/3, 5mm, rib 8mm
51 8
Guanape Modelad (Non-AppliQué): (Figure 5·5)
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1E, Lv. 1 8.108 Ext: 2.5YA 2/2 lnt: 2.5YA 3/2 4-5mm, rib
?mm
D. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1E, Lv. 1 8.68 Ext:5YA 4/3 lnt:5YA 3/2, 5-6mm, rib 8mm
Guanape Modeled (AppliQué Nub): (Figure 5·5)

E. V-14!l E/S of ~ U-1 Sq. 1A, Lv. 1, 8.29 Ext:5YA 5/4 lnt:5YA 5/4, 4- 5mm
appliquéd nub 7mm
F. V-149 E/S U-3 Sq. SE, Lv. 1, 8.19 Ext:2.5YA 3/6 lnt:5YR 3/2, 6mm
appliquéd nub 9mm
G. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1C, Lv. 1 8.78 Ext:2.5YA 3/4 lnt:5YR 4/4, 6-7mm
appliquéd nub 9mm
Guanape Modeled (Bnger-pressed AppliQuéd Bib): (Figure 5·6)

Site# . Sector/Subsector. Unit, Square, Level, Bag#, Extllnt color, thickness
A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 58, Leve! 1, Floor 1, Burial 2 on head of body
8.127 & 135, Ext:5YR 3/3 lnt:5YA 4/2, 5-6mm. rib Smm
GJ.Janape Modeled (Finger-pressed AppliQué Bib): (Figure 5· 7)

A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D, Lv. 1 8.62 Ext:2.5YA 5/4 lnt:7.5YR 5/4, 4mm, rib 7-Sm
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 3B,Lv. 4 fill 2, 8.164 Ext:5YB 5/4 lnt:5YB 5/4, 4m rb Sm
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D, Lv. 1 8.90 Ext:5YB 5/2 lnt:7.5YB 5/2, 4-5mm. rib ?mm
D. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D, Lv. 1 8.90 EY.t:2.5YA 4/4 lr.t:7.5YR 5/4, 4mm, rib 6-7m
E. V-149 E/S U-6 Lv. 2 8.3 Ext:2.5YA 3/6 lnt:2.5YA 5/4, 4mm. rib 7-Smm
F. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 5A. Lv. 1 8.29 Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR 4/4, 6mm, rib ?mm
G. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 48, Lv. 1 8.24 Ext:5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 5mm, rib 9mm
H. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D, Lv. 1 8.62 Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YA 5/4, 4-5m. rib 8mm
l. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4C, Lv. 1 8.25 Ext:5YB 3/2 lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 4-Sm, rib 7-Smm
J. V-149 E/S of ~ U-1 Sq. 2C Lv. 2 8.7 Ext:5YB 3/3 lnt:7.5YA 3/2 5-6mm body, Rim
rib 1cm D=16cm
K. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1C Lv. 1 B. 90 Ext:2.5YA 5/6 lnt:2.5YB 5/4 5mm, rib ?mm
L. V-149 E/S U-1 Lv. 1, 8.36 Ext:5YA 4/3 lnt:5YA 5/4 4-5mm, rib ?mm
G.uanape Modeled (lncised AppliQué Rib): (!=igure 5-8)

Site#. Sector/Subsector, Unit, Square, Level, Bag#, Extllnt color, thickness
A. V-149 E/S U-2 Lv. 1, Floor 1 Burial 2, Sq. 58 on head of body
8.127 & 135, Ext:5YR 3/3 lnt:5YR 4/2 4-5mm rib ?mm
B. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 3D, Lv. 1 8.60 Ext:7.5YR 4/2 lnt:7.5YR 4/2, 5mm, rib ?mm
C. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1C, Lv. 1 8.116 Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:totally eroded away
D. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D Lv. 1 8.90 Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 6-?mm, rib 9mm
E. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 1C Lv. 1 8.122 Ext:2.5YA 4/6 lnt:5YR 5/4, 6mm, rib 8-9mm
F. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D Lv. 1 8.82 Ext:5YR 3/3 lnt:5YR 5/2. 5mm. rib 8-9mm
G. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 28 Lv. 1 8.50 Ext:5YR 5/2 lnt:5YR 5/2, 4-5mm, rib 6mm
H. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 4D Lv. 1 8.90 Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 6-7m, rib 8-9m
l. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 18 Lv. 1 8.87 Ext:SYR 3/3 lnt:10YR 5/2, 6mm. rib 1cm
Guanape Modeled (lncised AppliQué Rib): (Figure 5·9)

A. V-149 E/S U-2 Sq. 2C Lv. 1 8.52 Ext:SYR 514 lnt: 2.5YR 5/4, 4mm, rib 6mm
51 9
Guanape Mod.eled (lncised APDiiQué Rib): (Figure 5-9)
B. V-149 E/5 U-2 5q. 40 Lv. 1 B.62 Ext:10R 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 6mm, rib 8mm
C. V-149 E/5 U-2 Sq. 2B Lv. 1 B.44 Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:totally eroded away
D. V-149 E/5 U-2 5q. 4D Lv. 1 B.62 Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 6mm, rib 8-9m
E. V-149 E/5 U-2 Sq. 4E Lv. 1 B. 75 Ext:2.5 YA 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 4mm, rib 6mm
F. V-149 E/5 of .1 U-1 5q. D1-E3, Lv. 2 lnside 5tructure B.9 Ext:5YR 3/2 lnt:5YR 5/3
4-Smm rib 9mm
G. V-149 E/5 of .1 U-1 Sq. D1·E3, Lv. 2 lnside 5tructure B.9 Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR
5/4 4-Smm rib 1cm
H. V-149 E/5 U-3 5q. 3B-4B B.6 Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/6, 5mm, rib 8mm
l. V-149 E/5 U-6 Lv. 2 B.3 Ext:5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 3/1, 4-Smm, rib 8mm
J. V-149 E/5 U-3 5q. 1A-2A Lv. 1 1 Ext:SYR 4/3 lnt:SYR 3/4, 6mm, rib ?mm
K. V-149 E/5 U-6 Lv.l 1 B.3 Ext:SYR 4/2 lnt:SYR 5/2, 4mm, rib 7-8mm
L. V-149 E/N Tr.l Lv. 1 fill Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 6/6, 5-6mm, rib ?mm
Ancón Fine-line lncised: (Figure 5-1 O)

5ite#, 5ector/5ubsector, Unit, 5quare, Level, Bag#, Ext/lnt color, thickness
A. V-148 W/N U-3 5tr. 6, B.6 5urf. Ext:SYR 5/4 lnt:lOYR 4/1, 5mm
B. V-148 W/N U-3 5tr. 6, B.6 5urf. Ext: 108 5/6 lnt: 10YR 4/2 5mm
C. V-148 W/N U-3 5tr. 6, B.6 5urf. Ext: 108 5/6 lnt: 10YR 4/2 Smm
D. V-148 W/N Tr.2 area surf.coll. Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR 5/2 4·6mm D=14cm
E. V-148 W/N 5urf.coll. dom. zone, B.4 Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 5mm
F. V-148 W/N 5urf.coll. dom. zone, B.4 Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt: 7.5YR 6/4, 4mm
Ancón Broad·l~is.eQ;. (Figure 5·10)

5ite#. 5ector/5ubsector. Unit. 5quare. Level. Bag#. Ext/lnt color. thickness
G. V-148 W/N 5urf.coll.dom zone, 8.5 Ext:10YR 4/2 lnt:10YR5/2, 5mm. D=9cm
H. V-148 W/N 5urf.coll. dom zone. B.S Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:10YR 6/3, 5·6mm
Ancón Rocker-stamped: (Figure 5·1 O)

l. V-148 W/N U-3 5tr.6, 8.6, 5urf coll. Ext:SYR 4/3 lnt:5YR 4/1, Smm
VES5EL FORMS
6.o..wl Form 1: (Figure 5·11)
5ite #. 5ector/5ubsector. Unit, 5quare, Leve!, Bag#, Ext/lnt col. thick/D(cm)
A. V-148 W/5E U-1 5tr. 2, E4, Lv. 1, B. 20. Ext:Fireclouded/Eroded, 4mm, D=15
Bowl Form 2: (Figure 5-12)

5ite #, 5ect/5ubsect, Unit, 5quare, Level. Bag#, Ext/lnt. col, thickJD(cm)
Bowl 2a
A. V-149 E/5 U-2 2B. Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 4mm, D=12
Bowl 2b
B. V-149 E/5 U-2 4D, Lv. 1, B. 62. Ext:2.5YR 6/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 4mm, D=22
C. V-149 E/5 U-2 3A, Lv. 1, B. 34, Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/6, 4.5mm, D=16
D. V-149 E/5 U-2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 13, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 4mm. D=?
Bowl 2c
E. V-149 E/5 U-3 A1/A2, Lv. 1, B. 5, Ext.2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/6, 5mm, D=?
520
6.QwL Forro 3: (Figure 5-13)
Site#, Sect/Subsect, Unit, Square, Level, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col. thickJD(cro)
Bowl 3a
A. V-149 E/S U2 4E, Lv. 1, B. 75, Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 4roro, D= 16
B. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 3(Fioor 3), B.144, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4 Sroro,
D=13
C. V-149 E/S U2 3E, Lv. 1, B. 73, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 6/4, Sroro D=?
Bowl 3b
D. V-149 E/S U3 SC, Lv. 1, B. 18, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 5rom, D=29
Ned<ed Jar Forro 1

E. V-149 E/S U2 4D, Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 5roro, D=7
Plata Forro 1
F. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 25, Ext:SYR 5/4 lnt:SYR 5/4, 3-4roro, D=20
Bowl Forro 4: (Figure 5-14)

Site#, SecUSubsect, Unit, Square. Level. Bag#, Ext/lnt. col. thickJD(cro)
5owl 4a
A. V-149 E/S U2 1B, Lv. 1, B. 87, Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 6/6, Sroro D= 17
Bowl 4b
B. V-149 E/S U2 1B, Lv. 1, B. 87, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 3roro D=?
Bowl 4c
C. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 2, Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 3/6, 4roro D= 18
Bowl 4d
D. V-149 E/S U2 4D. Lv. 1. B. 62, Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 4roro D= 14
E. V-149 E/S U2 2C, Lv. 1. B. 58, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/6 5-6mm. D=?
Olla Form 1: (Figure 5-15)

Site#, SecUSubsect, Unit. Square. Level. Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thickJD (cm)
Olla 1a
A. V-149 E/S U2 2B, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:7.5YR 5/4 lnt:7.5YR 5/4, 3-4mro, D=19
B. V-149 E/S U2 1D, Lv. 1, B. 79, Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 3mro, D=14
C V-149 E/S U2 4C. Lv. 1, B. 118, Ext:2.5YR 4/8 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 4rom, D=15
Olla 1b
D. V-149 E/S U2 1A, Lv. 1, B. 94, Ext:SYR 5/6 lnt:SYR 5/4, 4mm, D=11
E. V-149 E/S U2 2C, Lv. 1, B. 58. Ext:10YR 4/2 lnt:7.5YR 5/2, 4mro, D=16
F. V-149 E/S U2 1D, Lv. 1, B. 79, Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 3mro, D=14
G. V-149 E/S U2 1B, Lv. 1, B. 87, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, Smro, D=í7
H. V-149 E/S U2 1C, Lv. 1, B. 108, Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:SYR 5/4, 4mro, D=?
l. V-149 E/S U2 5A, Lv. 1, B. 29, Ext:10R 4/6 lnt:10R 5/8, 4mro, D=?
Olla Forro 1:(Figure 5-16l

Site#, Sect/Subsect, Unit, Square, Level, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thickJD(cm)
Olla 1c
A. V-149 E/S U2 1C, Lv. 1, B. 90, Ext:2.5YR 3/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 4rom, D=?
B. V-149 E/S U2 1B, Lv. 1, B. 97, Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:SYR 6/4, 4mro, D=15
C. V-149 E/S U1(S of 6) Lv. 2, B. 8 5rom, D=?
521
~ (Figure 5-16)
D. V-149 E/S U3 A1·A2, Lv. 1, B. 11. Ext:5YR 5/6 lm:SYR 5/6, 4-Smm, D=?
E. V-149 E/S U3 F1-F2, Lv. 1, 8. 12, Ext:2.5YA 4/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, D=9
F. V-149 E/S U2 4D, Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:5YA 6/6 lnt:5YR 6/6, 4mm, D=20
G. V-148 W/N(Dom. Zona 3), Lv. 1, Ext:2.5YA 4/4 lnt:SYR 6/3, 3-4mm, D=7
H. V-149 E/S U2 58, Lv. 1, B. 4, Ext:lOA 4/3 lnt:5YA 4/1, 5-6mm, D=11
l. V-149 E/N (Cut 1) Lv. 1, Ext:5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 3/2, 5-6mm, D=?
J. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 3, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:5YA 5/6, 4mm, D=?
Olla Form 1: (Figure 5-17)

Site#, Sect/Subsect, Unit, Square, Level. Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thick/D(cm)
Olla 1d
A. V-149 E/S U2 28, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 4-5mm, D=14
B. V-149 E/S U2 4D, Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:2.5YR 6/6 lnt:2.5YA 6/4, 4mm D=13
C. V-149 E/S U2 4D. Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:5YR 6/6 lnt:SYA 6/6, 4mm, D=12
D. V-149 E/S U3 58, Lv. 1, B. 20, Ext:SYR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 5-6mm D=18
E. V-149 E/S U2 28, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:SYR 5/4 lnt:5YR 6/5, 4mm, 0=17
F. V-149 E/S U2 28, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:2.5YA 5/4 lnt:7.5YR 6/4, 3mm, D= 1O
G. V-149 E/S U2 28, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 3mm, D= 17
H. V-149 E/S U2 3E. Lv. 1, B. 73, Ext:10A 5/4 lnt:5YR 5/3, 4mm, D=15
l. V-149 E/S U2 3D, Lv. 1, B. 60, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 3mm D= 19
Qlla_..EQ[¡n--.2.;, (Figure 5-18)

Site#, Sect/Subsect. Unit. Square. Level, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thick/D(cm)
Olla 2a
A. V-149 E/S U3 5C, Lv. 1. B. 18. Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 3/6. Smm D=7
B. V-149 E/S U2 4C. Lv. 1. B. 37. Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 5mm D= 14
C V-149 E/S U2 1C, Lv. 1. B. 108, Ext:5Y 215 lnt:5YR 6/4, 4mm, D=15
D. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 13, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 4/8, 4-Smm. D=?
Olla 2b
E. V-149 E/S U2 4D. Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt: SYR 5/4, 5mm. D=16.5
Olla 2c
F. V-149 E/S U2 4D, Lv. 1. B. 62. Ext:5YR 6/6 lnt:5YR 6/6, 4mm, D=20
Olla 2d
G. V-149 E/S U2 lE. Lv. 1. B.68. Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 5-6mm. D=8
~: (Figure 5-19)
Site#, Sect/Subsect. Unit, Square, Leve!, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thick/D(cm)
Olla 3a
A. V-149 E/S U3 Lv.1, B. 1, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 5mm, D=11
B. V-149 E/S U2 18, Lv. 1, B. 97, Ext:5YR 5/6 lnt:5YR 5/6, 3-4mm, D=15
C. V-149 E/S U2 lA, Lv. 1, B. 85, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 6/6, 4mm, D=19
D. V-149 E/S U2 4C, Lv. 1, B. 2, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 4mm. D= 11
E. V-149 E/S Ul(S of ~) 1C, Lv. 2, B. 6, 3-4mm D=?
F. V-149 E/S U2 28, Lv. 1 B. 94, Ext:2.5YR 4/6 lnt:5YR 5/4, 3-4mm, D= 13
G. V-149 E/S U6 38, Lv. 2, B. 3, Ext:5YR 4/4 lnt:SYR 4/3, 3-4mm, D=21
H. V-149 E/S U2 18, Lv. 1, B. 97, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 6/6, 4mm, D=23
l. V-149 E/S U3 3A, Lv. 1. B. 10, Ext:2.5YR 6/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 4-Smm, D=20
522
Olla Forro 3: (Figure 5-20)
Sita#, Sect/Subsect, Unit, Square, Level, 8ag#, Extllnt.col, thick/D(cro)
Olla 3b
A. V-149 E/S of ~. U1, D-E 1-3, Lv. 2, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:2.5YR 4/2, 4roro D=?
8. V-149 E/S U2 18, Lv. 1, B. 97, Ext:2.5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR 5/4 5-6mm, D= 17
C. V-149 E/S U6 28, Lv. 1. Ext:10YR 3/1 lnt:10YR 3/2, 5-6mm, D=9
D. V-149 E/S U6 28, Lv. 2, B. 3, Ext:5YR 4/6 lnt:5YR 5/4, 5-6mm, D=13
E. V-149 E/S of 6 Lv. 2, 8. 8, 4mm, D=13
F. V-149 E/S U6 2B, Lv. 1, Ext:2.5YR 3/4 lnt:2.5YR 3/4, 5mm D=19
Olla Forro ~ (Figure 5-21)
Sita#, Sect/Subsect. Unit, Square. Level, 8ag#, Extllnt.col, thick/D(cm)
Olla 3b
V-149 E/S U2 2D, Lv. 1, Ext: 5YR 4/3 lnt:5YR 4/4, 4-5mm, D=12
Olla For~ (Figure 5-22)

Sita#, Sect/Subsect, Unit, Square, Leve!, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col, thick/D(cm)
Olla 3c
A. V-149 E/S U2 2B, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 5/2, 5-6mm, D=19
8. V-149 E/S U6 Lv. 1, B. 2, Ext:7.5YR 3/2 lnt:7.5YR 3/2, 5mm, D=13
C. V-148 W/N Str. 6, Surt., B. 6, Ext:7.5YR 4/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 5-6mm, D=12
D. V-149 .1.Stair, Floor 1, B.5, Ext:2.5YR 4/3 lnt:5YR 4/4, 5-6mm, D=22
E. V-149 E/S U2 1C, Lv. 1, B. 103, Ext:2.5YR 4/4 lnt:2.5YR 4/2, 5mm, D=16
Olla 3d
F. V-149 E/S U2 1E, Lv. 1. B. 82, Ext:2.5YR 4/3 lnt:2/5YR 4/2, 5-6mm, D"26
G. V-149 E/S U2 1C, Lv. 1, B. 68. Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 5mm. D= 14
Q!!a_Blrm 4 & 5 (Figure 5·23)

Site#. Sect/Subsect. Unit. Square. Level, Bag#, Ext/lnt.col,thick/D(cm)
Olla 4a
A. V-149 E/S U2 1E. Lv. 1. B. 82, Ext:2.5YR 3/6 lnt:2.5YR 4/2, 6mm, D=20
B. V-149 E/S U2 4D, Lv. 1, B. 62, Ext:5YR 5/4 lnt:5YR 5/4, 5mm. D=16
C. V-148 N/N Trinch. 5 Lv. 1, B. 2, Ext:2.5YR 3/4 lnt:10YR 5/2, 4mm, D=14
Olla 4b
D. V-149 E/S U6 2B. Lv. 1, Ext:firecloud lnt:2.5YR 5/6 5-6mm, D=14
Olla 5a
E. V-149 E/S U1 Lv. 1, Ext:10YR 4/2 lnt:5YR 5/4, 6-?mm D=22
Olla Sb
F. V-148 N/N(Dom. zone 3) Lv. 1, Ext:10YR 5/4 lnt:10YR 4/3, 3-5mm, D=23
G. V-149 E/S U3 3B-4B, Lv. 1, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 5/6, ?mm, D=16
Olla 5c
H. V-149 E/S U2 3B(Int. R-3) Lv 4(Fill 2), B. 166, Ext:2.5YR 5/6 lnt:2.5YR 6/6
D= 11
Olla 5d
l. V-149 E/!:J., Floor 1, B. 5, Ext:2.5YR 4/1 lnt:10YR 4/2, 5-6mm, D=14
Special Case Sherds (Figure 5-24)

A. V-148 W/N, U3, Structure 6, Tomb 1, B. 2, Ext:10R 3/6, lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 4-5mm,
D=15.
523
B. V-149 E/S U2 2B, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:SYR 5/4, lnt:SYR 4/4, 4mm, D=23
C. V-149 E/S U2 2B, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:5YR 6/4, lnt:5YR 5/6, 8-10mm, D=14
D. V-148 W/W Tomb A, Ext:7.5YR N5, lnt:SYR 5/4, 5-?mm, D=13

A. V-149 E/S U2 2A, Lv. 1, B. 41, Ext:10YR 4/2, lnt:10YR 6/3, D=6
B. V-149 E/S U2 2A, Lv. 1, B. 41, Ext:7.5YR 3/4, lnt:10YR 4/2, D=7
C. V-149 E/S U2 3D, Lv 1, B. 60, Ext:5YR 5/6, lnt:5YR 5/6, 4mm, D=13
D. V-149 E/S U2 2B, Lv. 1, B. 44, Ext:2.5YR 4/6, lnt:2.5YR 5/4, 4mm, D=10
E. V-149 E/S U2 2C, Lv. 1, B. 52, Ext:2.5YR 5/4, lnt:2.5YR 5/6, 5mm, D-=12
F. V-148 W/N U3, Structure 6, Tomb 1, B. 8, Ext:5YR 4/3, lnt:5YR 4/4, 3-4mm D=?
524
Provenience infounation..J.QLillUStrated Huaca Verde sherds:
GiJal'lape Mode!OO;_ (Figure 5-26)

Cut #, letter, Layer letter, Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
A. 3A, Layer B-2, Sq. 8, Ext: 5YR 5/2 lnt: 5YR 4/3, 4-5 mm, Diameter 11 cm
B. 3D, Layer B, Sq. 62, Ext: 5YR 6/6 lnt: 5YR 513, 5 mm
C. 3A, Layer B-2, Sq. 28 level 2, Ext: 5YR 4/2 lnt: 5YR 4/2, 4 mm
Appligué nubbin with incision (Ancón Modeled): (Figure 5-26)

Cut #, letter, Layer letter. Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
O 3, Layer B, Ext: 1OYR 4/1 lnt: 5YR 5/4, 3-4 mm
Appligué Ribs with lncision (GuanaQe lncised Rib): (Figure 5-26)

E. 3A, Layer B-2, Sq. 8 level 2, Ext: 10R 5/6 lnt: 2.5YR 5/4, 3 mm
F. 3, Layer 8, Ext: 7.5YR 5/4 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 3 mm
G. 3, Layer B, Ext: 7.5YR 4/2 lnt: 10YR 4/1, 3 mm
H. 3D, Layer B, Sq. 82, Ext: 5YR 4/1 lnt: 5YR 5/3, 4-5 mm
Gallinazo lncised AppUQué Rib: (Figure 5-26)

Cut #, letter, Layer letter, Square #, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness
l. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 44, Ext: 2.5Y 5/2, lnt: 1OYR 4/1, 5 mm
~ppljgué Bands with Co~ (Figure 5-26)

Cut #, letter. Layer letter. Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color. thickness
J. 3A, Layer B-2, Sq. 28, Ext: 10YR 4/2 lnt: 5YR 4/3, 4-5 mm
K. 3A. Layer B-2, Sq. 2 level 2. Ext: 5YR 5/4 lnt: 1OYR 5/2, 4 mm
L. 3A. Layer B-3, Sq. 4 level 2, Ext: 1OYR 4/1 lnt: 1OYR 4/2. 5 mm
M. 3A, Layer B-3, Sq. 4 level 2, Ext: 5YR 5/4 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 4-5 mm
N. 3A, Layer B, Sq. 48, Ext: 10YR 4/1 lnt: 10YR 4/2, 5 mm
O. 3A, Layer B, Sq. 28 level 2-A-3, Ext: 7.5YR 3/2 lnt: 5YR 4/3, 5 mm
~ (Figure 5-27)
Cut#. letter. Layer letter. Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
A. 3B. Layer B-3, Sq. 66, Ext: 5YR 3/1 lot: 5YR 3/3, 3 mm
B. 3B, Layer B-3, Sq. 66, Ext: 5YR 3/1 lnt: 5YR 3/3, 3 mm
C. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 48, Ext: 10YR 5/3 lnt: 5YR 5/4, 5-9 mm
D. 3C, Layer Fill B. Sq. O, Ext: 5YR 4/2 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 4mm, Diameter 20 cm
E. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 44, Ext: 7.5YR 5/4 lnt: 7.5YR 5/2, 7-12 mm
Ancón Punctate: (Figure 5-27)

Cut #, letter. Layer letter, Square #, Ext. color. lnt. color. thickness
F. 3A, Layer B-A-B, Sq. 2 level 2, Ext: 7.5 YA 5/4 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 3 mm
G. 3, Layer B, Ext: 10YA 4/1 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 4 mm
Guanape Zoned Punctate: (Figure 5-27)

H. 3A, Layer B Sq. 4 level 2-A-3, Ext: lnt: , 3-4mm, Diameter 20 cm
525
Ancón Zoned Punctate: (Figure 5-27)
Cut ff, letter, Layer letter, Square 11, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
l. 11, Layer 8, Sq. 44, Ext: 2.5VA, 5/4 lnt: 7.5VA 5/2, 4 mm
Ancón Zooed Punctate: (Figure 5-28)
Cut #, letter, Layer letter, Square 11, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness
A. 3C, Layer B. Sq. 2, Ext: 10A 516 lm: 5VA 4/2, 3 mm
B. 8, Layar A. Sq. 40, Ext: 5V 4/1 lnt: 5V 4/1, 4-6 mm. Diameter 16 cm
C. 3C, Sq. 2 Fill under Floor 1, Ext: 2.5VA 4/6 lnt: 7.5VA 4/2, 4 mm
D. 8, Layer A, Sq. 44 level 2, Ext: 10A 3/6 lnt: 5VA 4/3, 4 mm
E. 3A. Layer B-A-3, Sq. 8 level 2, Ext: 5VA 5/4 lnt: 5VA 5/4, 5-6 mm
Ancón Eograved: (Figure 5-28)

Cut #, letter. Layer letter. Square 11, Ext. color. lnt. color. thickness
F. 3A, Layer 8-2, Sq. 8 level 2. Ext: 7.5VA 5/4 lnt: 5VA 5/4, 4-5 mm
G. 3A, Layer B-2, Sq. 28 level 2, Ext: 7.5VA 6/4 lnt: 7.5VA 3/4, 2-3 mm
Puerto Moorin White-on-Aed: (Figure 5-28)

Cut #, letter, Layer letter, Square 11, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
H. 3A, Layer B-2. Sq. 8 level 2, Ext: 7.5VA 5/4 lm: color 5VA 5/4, 4-5 mm
Ancón Broad Line 1~ (Figure 5-28)

Cut #, letter, Layer letter, Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color. thickness
l. 3, Layer B. Ext: 2.5VA 6/6 lnt: 5Vr 5/4, 5-6 mm
J. 3A, Layer B. Square 4 level 2-A-3, Ext: 1OVA 4/2 lnt: 1OVA 5/2, 5 mm
K. 3C. Square 2 fill Floor 2. Ext: 2.5VR 5/4 lnt: 2.5VA 4/2, 4 mm
L. 3A. Layer B-2. Square 28 level 2. Ext: 1OYR 3/1 lnt: 5VA 4/3. 3-4 mm
M. 3, Layer B. Ext: 5VA 5/6 lnt: 7.5VA 5/2. 4 mm. Diameter 8 cm
N. 3A. Layer B-A-3, Square 8. Ext: 5VA 5/4 lnt: 10VA 5/2, 4 mm
O. 3, Layer B. Ext: 1OVA 3/1 lnt: 1OVA 3/1. 4 mm, Diameter 6 cm
P. 3D, Square 80, Ext: lnt: , 5 mm
Ancón Broad Line lnc;sed: (Figure 5-29)
Cut #. letter. Layer letter. Square 11. Ext.color, 1nt.color, thickness
A. 2A, Layer B, Square 4 level 2-A-B. Ext: 2.5VA 6/4 lnt: 1OVA 5/3, 5 mm
B. 3, Layer B. Ext: 5VA 4/4 lnt: 1OVR 4/1, 5 mm, Diameter 12 cm
C. 3, Layer B. Ext: 5VA 6/4 lnt: 10VA 4/2, 5 mm
D. 3A, Layer 8, Square 4 level 2, Ext: 5YR 6/3 lnt: 10VA 5/3, 5 mm
E. 3C, Square 2 fill Floor 2, Ext: lm: , 3 mm
Ancón Fine Line lncised: (Figure 5-29)
Cut #, letter, Layer letter. Square #, Ext. color, lnt. color, thickness
F. 38, Layer B. Ext: 5VA 5/4 lnt: 5VA 5/4, 3-4 mm
G. 3, Layer B, Ext: 7.5VA 5/4 lnt: 5V 5/2, 3 mm
H. 3, Layer B. Ext: 5VA 5/3 lm: 5V 6/1. 3 mm
l. 3, Layer B. Ext: 10A 4/3 lnt: 10VA 4/2, 3-4 mm
J. 3, Layer B. Ext: 10A 4/3 lnt: 10VA 4/2, 3 mm
K. 3A, Layer A, Ext: 7.5VA 5/4 lnt:7.5VA 5/4, 3 mm
L. 3A, Layer A, Ext: 5VA 5/4 lm: 7.5VA 5/2, 3 mm
M. 3A, Layer B-2, Square 28 level 2, Ext: 10VA 3/4 lnt: 7.5VA 4/2, 4-5 mm
N. 38, Floor 1, square 84, Ext: 2.5VA 4/4 lnt: 2.5VA 3/6, 3- 4mm
526
Ancón Fine Line lncised: (Figure 5-30)
Cut 11, letter, Layar letter. Square #, Ext.color, lnt.color. thickness
A. 3C, Layer R, Square 20, Ext: 1OYR 3/1 lnt: 1OYR 3/1, 3·4 mm
B. 3A, Layer A, Square 46, Ext: 5YR 5/3 lnt: 2.5YR 6/1, 3-4 mm
C. 3D, Square 60, Ext: 7.5YR 3/4 lnt: 10YR 3/3, 4-5 mm
D. 3, Layer B, Ext: 1OYR 5/2 lnt: 5Y 5/2, 3-4 mm
E. 3C, Layer-fill on Eloor 2. Square 2, Ext 2.5YR 3/4 lnt. 10YR 4/1. 3 mm
E. 3C, Layer B. Square 2, Ext: 7.5YR 5/4 lnt: 5YR 514, 3-4 mm
G. 3C, Layer B. Square 40, Ext: 5YR 5/4 lnt: 5YR 5/4, 3-4 mm
H. 3, Layer B, Ext: 5YR 5/4 lnt: 10YR 4/2, 3·4 mm
l. 3C. Layer B, Square 2, Ext: lm: 4 mm
J. 3A, Layer C, Square 28, Ext: 5YR 514 lnt: 5YR 5/4, 4 mm
K. 3D. Layer B-A·B. Square 62 level 2, Ext: 2.5YR 5/4 lnt: 7.5YR 5/4, 4 mm
L. 3A, Layer A, Square 48, Ext: 5YR 5/3 lnt: 2.5YR 6/1. 3-4 mm
M. 3C, Layer Fill B. Square O, Ext: 10YR 3/3 lm: 10YR 5/3, 3 mm
N. 3, Layer B, Ext: 1OYR 5/4 lnt: 5Y 6/1, 3-4 mm
O. 3A, Layer B-A-3, Square 24 level 2, Ext: 5YR 5/4 lnt: 5YR 5/3, 5 mm
P. 3A, Layer B-A-3. Square 6, Ext: 1OYR 512 lnt: 1OYR 5/3, 2·3 mm
Q. 3, Layer B. Ext: 2.5Y 5/2, lnt: 2.5Y 5/2, 3·4 mm
VESSEL FORMS:
Olla Forms
Olla Form 1 (Figure 5-31 ):
CU1#. Letter. Layer letter. Square #. Ext.color, lnt.color. thickness. D(cm)
Olla 1A
A. 3D. Layer 5, Sq. 60, 6·8 mm D=27 cm. Red plain
B. 3D. Layer B·A·B, Level 2. Sq. 80, Ext:5YR 4/3, lnt:5YR 5/3. 4·5 mm. D=11 cm
Olla 1B
C 3A, Layer A, 8-9 mm, D=? Red plain
D. 3D. Layer A, Level 1, Sq. 82, 6-8 mm, D=19 cm. Black Plain
E. 3C, Layer 2(fill over Floor 2). Ext:10YR 3/3, lot:7.5YR 4/4/ 4-5 mm
D=19 cm Black Plain, Fireclouding
Olla 1C
F. 3D. Layer B-2, Sq. 82, 7·8 mm, D=? Red plain
Olla 1D
G. 3D. Layer 5, Sq. 60, 8-9 mm, D=14. Red plain
~ms___l_U (Figure 5·32)·

Cut#. Letter, Layer letter, Square #. Ext.color. lnt.color. thickness. D(cm)
Olla 1D
A. 3B, assoc. w/ floor, Sq. 84, 7-8 mm. D=21 cm red plain
Olla 2a
B. 3D. Layer B-A·B, Level 2, Sq. 80, Ext:5YR 4/3, lnt:5YR 4/1, 5·6 mm, D=11 cm
red plain
Olla 2b
C. 3D. Layer lA, Sq. 82, 6-7 mm. D=? Black plain
Olla 2c
D. 3D, Layer 5, Sq. 60, 4-5 mm, 0=21 cm. Red plain
527
Olla 2d
E. 3A, Layer B-2, Level 2, Sq. 28, Ext:SYR 5/4, lnt:SYR 4/4, 7-8 mm D=22 cm.
Red plain
Olla 2e
F. 3A, Layer D, Sq. 28, 8 mm, D=? Red plain
G. 3D, Layer B, Sq. 84, 8 mm, D=10 cm Red plain
Olla Eorm 3 (Figure 5-33):

Cut#, Letter. Layer letter. Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color. thickness. D(cm)
Olla 3a
A. 3A, Sq. 24, 8 mm, D=22 cm. Blad< plain
B. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 46, 8 mm. D=26 cm. Red plain
C. 3A, Fill B. Sq. 4. 8-9 mm. D=13 cm. Red plain
D. 3C, Fill on Floor 2. Sq. 2. Ext:SYR 5/4, lnt:SYR 4/4, 6-7 mm. D=11 cm.
Red plain
Olla 3b
E. 3A. Layer B-A 3, Level 2. Ext:2.5YR 4/4, lnt:10R 4/6. D=? Sandwich in Red
polished
Bowl Forrn_j (Figure 5-34):

Cut#, Letter, Layer letter. Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color. thickness, D(cm)
A. 3C, Fill on Fl. 2. Sq. 2. Ext: 1OR 4/6, lnt:1 OR 4/6, D=? Red polished,
fireclouding
B. 3A. Layer A, Sq. 44, Ext:SY 4/1, lnt:10YR 5/2. D=9 cm. Black plain
C. 3A. Layer A. Sq. 44. Ext:10YR 5/1, lnt:10YR 5/1. D=24 cm. Black plain
6.o_wLEQrm...2... (Figure 5-34):

Cut#. Letter. Layer letter. Square#, Ext.color. lnt.color. thickness. D(cm)
D. 3B, intrusion, Sq. 84. 6-7 mm. D=13 cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
E. 3A, Layer B, Level 2. Sq. 26. 6 mm. D=9 cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
Bowl For:IILJ (Figure 5-35):

Cut#, Letter. Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness. D(cm)
A. 3A. Layer A. Level 2. Sq. 24. 7 mm. D=11 cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
B. 3A, Layer A, Level 2, Sq. 24, 6-7 mm, D=10 cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
Bowl Form 4 (Figure 5-35):

Cut#. Letter. Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness, D(cm)
C. 3A. Layer B-3, Level 2. Sq. 4. Ext: 2.5YR 5/4, lnt:10R 4/4, D=25 cm.
D. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 6, 7-8 mm, D=22 cm. Black plain

Cut#, Lener, Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color. lnt.color, thickness, D(cm)
A. 3B, Floor 1, Sq. 86, 6 mm, D=18 cm. Red plain
B. 3A. Layer A, Level 2, 5-6 mm, D=B cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
528
Bowl Forro 5 (Figure 5-36):
Cut#, Letter, Layar letter, Square#, Ext.color. lnt.color. thickness, O(cm)
C. 3A, Layer B. Sq. 48. Ext:SYR 4/4, lnt:7YR 5/4, 0=15 cm. Red plain
O. 3A, Layer B. Level 2. Sq. 24. 6-7 mm, 0=? Huacapongo Polished Plain
E. 30, Layer B-3, Level 2, Sq. 80. 6-7 mm, 0=24 cm. Huacapongo Polished Plain
Bowl Forro 5 (Figure 5-37):

Cut#, Lener, Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness. D(cm)
A. 3A, Layer B-A-3, Level 2. Sq. 68, 6-7 mm Red plain
B. 4C, Layer A, 6-7 mm. 0=10 cm. Guanape Polished Red
C. 3B, intrusion, Sq. 84, 0=11 cm. Guanape Polished Red
D. 3A, Layar A, Level 2, Sq. 24. 5 mm. 0=22 cm. Guanape Polished Red
Bowl Forro 6 (Figure 5-38 ):

Cut#, Letter. Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color. lnt.color, thickness. D(cm)
A. 3A. Layer A. Sq. 46, 7 mm. 0=24 cm. Red plain
B. 3A, Layer A, Sq. 46, 6 mm. 0=22 cm. Ancón Polished Black
C. 30, Layer B-3. Level 2. Sq. 80, 5-6 mm, 0=? Ancón Polished Black

Cut#. Letter, Layer letter, Square#, Ext.color, lnt.color, thickness, O(cm)
D. 30, Layer B-A-3, Level 2, Sq. 80. Ext:5YR 4/2, lnt:2.5YR 4/4, 0=24 cm.
Huacapongo Polished Plain
S_('wl Forro 8 (Figure 5-39):

Cut#, Letter. Layer lettar. Square#. Ext color. lnt.color, thickness. O(cm)
A. 3A. Layer A, Sq. 44. Ext:SYR 5/4, lnt:SYR 5/4, 0=14 cm. Red plain
B. 3A, Layer A. Sq. 44, Ext:7.5YR 3/ lnt: 2.5YR 3/, 0=22 cm Black pla1n
C. 3A, Layer A. Sq. 6, 8-9 mm. 0=22 cm. Ancón Polished Black
529
APPENDIX 3
SUMMARY OF OSTEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
A total ot 24 sets ot skeletal remains were examinad by Dr. John Verano. 16

burials from Middle and Late Guanape deposits and the remaining 8 from Chimú contexts.
The majority ot the skeletal material was poorly preservad reflecting the absence of
even small quantities ot taunal and floral material from the Guanape deposits at the site.
Because few long bones were available for measurements and many bones were easily
damagad little information other than age and sex data could be retrievad.
The majority of the lnitial Period skeletons were adults (1 O) wrth one child of
about 7-8 years and the remains 5 infants and children under five years of age. Four
adutts were female and one male.
Living stature was established for only two of the aduft males both of whom had
statures comparable to mean stature estimates form Moche and Chimú skeletal samptes.
Both stood about 5' 2".
One old female skeleton had suffered a fracture of the distal left radius which had
healed. In addition, she suffered compression fractures ot several thoracic and lumbar
vertebrae. Verano suggests she suffered from osteoporosis. Sorne cultural moditication
was notad in two adult skeletons in the form of occipital flanening, possibly the
unintentional result of cradleboarding.
Three of the subaduft skeletons manifestad evidence of nutritional stress and
infection. Porous lesions of the vauft (porotic hyperostosis) was noted by Verano in two
cases and one had periosteal reactions on both femora, tibias. and radii possibly
indicating a blood borne infection. Verano concludes such evidence suggests that infants
and youg children sufferad nutritional stress causad by intestinal infection, intestinal
parasites and possibly dietary defieciencies.
530
Adult skeletons presentad a differem tooth wear and demal pathology than that
noted by Verano for other coastal populations. At El Gallo/La Gallina adult dentition was
mar1<ed by high attrition and many fewer caries. Verano feels this suggests a diet that
was more abrasiva and lower in carbohydrates. This panern is very differem from that
exhibited by later coastal populations whose dietary staple was corn.
Verano concludes that in general many of the stress noted continuad to affect later
coastal populations of Peru and Ecuador. The majar difference between the El Gallo/La
Gallina population and those of later times is the lack of a dietary staple high in
carboydrates such as maize.
531
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Zoubek 1998 Diss Viru Guanape

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INFORMA TI ON TO USERS

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Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

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Dissertation Director: Richard L. Burger

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The lnitial Period Occupation ot Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina, Vlrú

Excavations at Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina permitted a reexamination of the earlier

recovered. Consideration of this material permitted the clarification of the original

development of a model placing it in a regional perspectiva. Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina is

projected as belonging to a network of similar monumental structures whose function

independent, serving the needs of their local congregations, and interdependent,

A number of people in Lima tacilitated the passage of my project by the lnstitute

for electricity and WíUer.

campaign of research in Bali.

rewarding classes of my academic carear.

TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................v

LIST OF ILLUSTRA TIONS ................................................................................ xi

LIST OF TABLES ..............................................................................................xxi

CHAPTER 1-The Geography, Climate and Er.vironment of

CHAPTER 2-Sne Description and Layout of Huaca El Gallo/

CHAPTEA 5-The Ceramics of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina,

CHAPTER 7-The Buriafs of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca La Gallina,

CHAPTER 8-Faunal and Aoral Remains at Huaca El Gallo/

CHAPTER 9-Ritual Technology, Hydraulic Solidarity and Water

CHAPTER 9-CONCLUSION ..............................................................................509

APPENDIX 1· Radiocarbon Dates from Huaca El Gallo 517

APPENDIX 11-Provenience of lllustrated Ceramic Material 518

APPENDIX 111· Osteological Analysis 530

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................... 532

Figure 1-1:Map of the North Coast Valleys of Peru. (p. 2)

Figure 1-2: Topographic Map of the Virú Valley, Peru. (p. 3)

Figure 2-1: Architectural Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. (p. 13)

Figure 2-2: Topographic Map of Huaca El Gallo/La Gallina. (p. 15)

Figure 3-2: Symbology u sed in architectural plans. (p. 34)

Figure 4-2: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

Figure 4-3: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

Figure 4-4: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1 North

Figure 4-5: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

Figure 4-6: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

Figure 4-7: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1

Figure 4-8: Huaca La Gallina (Sector:W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1 Squares

Figure 4-9: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1

Figure 4-10: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 1

Figure 4-12: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 1

Figure 4-13: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2

Figure 4-14: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2

Figure 4-15: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2

Figure 4-16: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 2

Figure 4-17: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 2

Figure 4-18: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 2

Figure 4-19: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 3

Figure 4-20: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 3

Figure 4-21: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 3

Figure 4-22: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unlt 2 Square

Figure 4-23: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Unit 4

Figure 4-24: Huaca La Gallina (Sector: W, Subsector: SE) Units 1-4

Figure 4-26: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 1 Structure

Figure 4-27: Huaca El Callo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 1 Structure

Figure 4-28: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Sub sector: S) Unit 1 Structure

Figure 4-29: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unit 1 Structure

Figure 4-30: Huaca El Gallo (Sector: E, Subsector: S) Unlt 2 Structures