Irakli Tsereteli

Irakli Tsereteli[a] (20 November 1881 – 20 May 1959) was a Georgian

politician and a leading spokesman of the Social Democratic Party of Georgia
Irakli Tsereteli
and later Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) during the era of the ირაკლი
Russian Revolutions. წერეთელი (Georgian)
Ираклий
Tsereteli was born and raised in Georgia when it was part of the Russian Empire. Церетели (Russian)
A member of the Menshevik faction of the RSDLP, Tsereteli was elected to the
Duma in 1907, where he gained fame for his oratory abilities. Shortly after
entering the Duma, Tsereteli was arrested and charged with conspiracy to
overthrow the Tsarist government, and exiled to Siberia. A dedicated Social
Democrat who believed in the Menshevik ideology, Tsereteli was one of the
leading figures of the movement in Russia. In 1915, during his Siberian exile,
Tsereteli formed what would become known as Siberian Zimmerwaldism, which
advocated for the role of the Second International in ending the war. He also
developed the idea of "Revolutionary Defensism", the concept of a defensive
war which only allowed for the defence of territory, and argued it was not being
utilized.

Returning to the government in the aftermath of the 1917 February Revolution,

he took up a leading position in the Petrograd Soviet and accepted a position in
the Russian Provisional Government as Minister of Post and Telegraph, and
briefly as Minister of the Interior. Concerned that political fragmentation would
lead to a civil war in Russia, Tsereteli strived to broker compromises between the
various leftist factions in the Russian Revolution and was the force behind
efforts to work together with the middle classes, to no avail. Renowned for his
speaking ability, Tsereteli gained appreciation for his ability in this regard, Tsereteli while a member of the
Russian Provisional Government,
giving impassioned speeches in the Duma and in the Petrograd Soviet. 1917
Uninterested in acquiring or maintaining political power, Tsereteli was much
Minister of Post and Telegraph of
more concerned with inequality, and tried to solve that above all. the Russian Provisional
Government
After the Bolsheviks seized power of the Russian government during the
In office
October Revolution, Tsereteli returned to Georgia. He worked as a diplomat at
5 May 1917 – August 1917
the Paris Peace Conference, where he lobbied for international recognition and
assistance for the newly independent Democratic Republic of Georgia; these
Prime Minister Georgy Lvov
efforts largely failed to materialize before the Bolshevik-led Red Army invaded Preceded by Position
in 1921. An avowed internationalist, Tsereteli grew increasingly distant from the established
Georgian Mensheviks who gradually adopted more nationalist tendencies. He Succeeded by Alexei Nikitin
spent the rest of his life in exile, mainly in France, working with socialist Minister of the Interior of the
organisations and writing on socialism, and died in New York in 1959. Russian Provisional Government
In office
7 July 1917 – 25 July 1917
Contents Prime Minister Alexander
Kerensky
Early life
 Early years and education Preceded by Georgy Lvov
Entry into politics and arrests
Succeeded by Nikolai Avksentiev
Second Duma
Personal details
Arrest and Siberian exile
Arrest Born Irakli Giorgis dze
Siberian Zimmerwaldism Tsereteli
February Revolution and aftermath 20 November 1881
Petrograd Soviet Gorisa, Kutais
Minister in the Provisional Government Governorate,
October Revolution Russian Empire
Return to Georgia Died 20 May 1959
Georgian independence
(aged 77)
Paris Peace Conference and Europe
New York, New
Exile and later life
York, United States
Political views
Resting place Leuville Cemetery
Legacy
Paris, France
References
Notes Nationality Georgian
Citations Political party Russian Social
Bibliography Democratic Labour
Party (Mensheviks)
Social Democratic
Early life Party of Georgia
(Georgian
Mensheviks)
Early years and education
Tsereteli was born in Gorisa, Kutais Governorate, in the Russian Empire (now in Imereti, Georgia), to a Georgian Orthodox
Christian family, the third child of Giorgi Tsereteli, a radical writer from the noble Tsereteli family, and Olympiada Nikoladze, the
sister of the journalist Niko Nikoladze. Tsereteli had one sister, Eliko (1877–1950) and brother, Levan (1879–1918).[1] Both
Giorgi and Niko were members of the meore dasi (მეორე დასი; Georgian for "second group"), a group of Georgian populists
and socialists, and they greatly influenced Irakli's outlook.[2] Tsereteli grew up in nearby Kutaisi and spent the summers at his
family's estate in Gorisa;[3] from a young age he noticed the inequality between his family and their servants and the local
peasants, and desired to fix the imbalance.[4]

When he was three, Tsereteli's mother died, so he and his siblings were sent to live with two aunts in Kutaisi, while Giorgi moved
to Tiflis (now Tbilisi), the administrative centre of the Caucasus, occasionally visiting the children.[5] Tsereteli would later move
to Tiflis and attend a gymnasium.[6] While there, he lived with his father who had since married Anastasia Tumanova, an ethnic
Armenian. Tsereteli's biographer W.H. Roobol suggests that due to Tsereteli's reserve towards Tumanova, Giorgi's influence over
his son declined: "In any event, Giorgi Tsereteli was unable to imbue his son Irakli with his patriotic ideals."[7] Nikoladze's views,
which were more cautious against Georgian nationalism, also likely played a part in Tsereteli's shifting ideals.[8] At the
gymnasium Tsereteli distanced himself from Christianity, questioning death and its meaning, and was introduced to the writings
of the British naturalist and biologist Charles Darwin, which also factored into his move away from religion.[9] He completed his
schooling in 1900, the same year as his father's death, and moved to Moscow to study law.[10]

Entry into politics and arrests

Soon after arriving in Moscow, Tsereteli became embroiled in the student protests that broke out that year; how involved he
initially was is unclear, with the only certainty being he was not yet a Marxist.[11] It was during these protests that Tsereteli first
gained fame as a speaker, and he eventually became a leading figure in the student movement.[12] He was arrested in the spring of
1901 and after a brief detention was allowed to return to Georgia. Though he had been arrested, he was allowed to return to
Moscow in the autumn of 1901 to write his exams.[3] There had been relative quiet in the universities until that point, but it again
erupted into protests; this time Tsereteli took a leading role, and was regarded as one of the most important figures of the Moscow
student movement.[13]

At a meeting of student protesters on 9 February 1902 Tsereteli was arrested; considered one of the most radical leaders, he was
one of two students given a sentence of five years' exile in Siberia, the longest sentence given to the protesting students.[14]
Though the government quickly backtracked and offered him the chance to serve it in Georgia, Tsereteli refused, seeing it as a
pardon and considering "its acceptance as being in conflict with [his] views," as he explained in a letter.[15] This refusal, which
was publicised with other exiles, cited social democracy as advocated by the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP),
and effectively confirmed Tsereteli's support for the ideology by this point.[16] After declining the offer to return to Georgia,
Tsereteli arrived in the village of Tulun in early 1902, located about 400 kilometres (250 mi) from Irkutsk, Siberia's
administrative centre. However, by late summer he was permitted to move to Irkutsk.[17] It was during this exile that Tsereteli
became familiar with the Russian Social Democrats, particularly Marxism; Tsereteli read Vladimir Lenin's What Is To Be Done?,
though he disliked the view Lenin espoused (the RSDLP would split into two main factions in 1903 over factional
differences).[18]

On his release from exile Tsereteli returned to Georgia and aligned himself with the RSDLP's Georgian branch, later known as
the Georgian Mensheviks (the minority faction within the party).[19] He also began working as an editor for his father's former
publication, Kvali (კვალი; Trace), writing most of their leading articles. However, in January 1904 he was again arrested, and
spent two months in the Metekhi prison in Tiflis; two months later Kvali was banned. Tsereteli was allowed to leave Georgia,
likely due to the influence of his uncle, so he moved to Berlin to resume his law studies, spending 18 months in Europe.[20]
Suffering from a form of haemophilia, Tsereteli became seriously ill in the autumn of 1905, but was unable to quickly return
home for rest as the 1905 Revolution broke out in the Russian Empire.[21] It was only in May 1906 that he returned to
Georgia.[22]

Second Duma
Tsereteli remained in Georgia throughout the summer of 1906 recovering from his illness, and was not politically active.[22] Even
so, he was invited to stand as the Social Democratic candidate for the Russian legislative elections in January 1907, representing
the Kutais Governorate, his home region.[23] He was encouraged to do so by a fellow Georgian Menshevik, Noe Zhordania; later
political opponents who disagreed on nearly every topic, Zhordania would later recall in his memoirs "that this was the only time
that Irakli ever listened to me."[24] All seven seats in Georgia were won by the Social Democrats.[25]

Despite being the youngest member of the Imperial Duma (at 25, the minimum age required for membership), Tsereteli took a
leading role.[25] He immediately gained recognition as a great orator.[26] In particular he was noted for three speeches in which he
outlined the Social Democrats' views and heavily criticised the government. The first speech, which opened with him stating that
the "government has fettered the nation in the chains of a state emergency, which imprisons its best sons, reduces the people to
beggary and fritters away the pennies collected for the hungry and destitute. Today, there spoke to us the old feudal Russia,
personified by the government." It went on to call for the opposition not to work with the government regarding the agrarian
reforms of Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, stopping just short of calling for an armed insurrection.[27]

The speech gained Tsereteli immediate respect among his peers.[28] He strived to unite the opposition parties, though he faced
considerable opposition both from the Kadets, a liberal group who had previously opposed the government but were now more
amicable to them, and the Bolsheviks (the larger faction within the RSDLP), who worked to discredit the Mensheviks in the
Duma.[29] He sought out an alliance with the other leftist factions, namely the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Trudoviks, a
splinter group from the Socialist Revolutionaries.[30] Stolypin grew increasingly
tired of the opposition from the Social Democrats, and feared that his reforms
would not be passed.[31]

Arrest and Siberian exile

Arrest
The Duma was dissolved on 2 June 1907 and shortly after midnight on 3 June
the government arrested several of the Social Democrats, including Tsereteli.[32]
Charged with trying to overthrow the government, this was a fabrication of the
government that allowed Stolypin to have them expelled from the Duma and free
to implement his policies.[33] Tsereteli was convicted in November, and
sentenced to five years' hard labour, though on account of his poor health it was
commuted to time in prison.[25] The first year of his prison term was spent in St. Noe Zhordania, like Tsereteli a
Georgian Menshevik. Though the
Petersburg, and in the winter of 1908–1909 Tsereteli was moved to Nikolayev in
two disagreed on many topics,
southern Ukraine; after four years in Nikolayev he was again moved, sent to the Zhordania encouraged Tsereteli to
Alexandrovsky Central Prison in Irkutsk.[34] In the autumn of 1913 Tsereteli was stand for election in 1907, later
permitted to move to Usolye, a village about 70 kilometres from Irkutsk and stating it was the "only time that Irakli
easily accessible owing to its location on a branch line of the Trans-Siberian ever listened to me."
Railway.[35]

Tsereteli would later reflect fondly on this period of exile: there were several other exiles in the region, and in the summers they
would meet in Usolye, which had a favourable climate. On occasion Tsereteli was also able to visit Irkutsk, engaging in political
talks. Both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were involved in these discussions, and engaged with each other cordially, leading
Tsereteli to believe the two factions could eventually reunite.[36] This was in stark contrast to the situation outside Siberia, where
the two factions had been increasingly distancing themselves.[37]

Siberian Zimmerwaldism
The outbreak of the First World War in August 1914 was not of much interest to Tsereteli initially.[38] However, much like the
rest of the population in the region he regularly read updates in the newspapers, and tried to ascertain what type of opposition to
the war was occurring internationally; though most mentions of opposition movements was censored, Tsereteli concluded that
something had to exist, and felt that the Second International, a Paris-based organization of socialist and labour parties, could play
some role in ending the war.[39] Tsereteli also engaged in discussion with other Social Democrats in the Irkutsk region on his
views towards the war; they would all publish their thoughts in journals, Tsereteli including his ideas in a journal that he edited,
Siberian Journal (Сибирский Журнал, in Russian), later replaced by the Siberian Review (Сибирское Обозрение).[40] This
group would later be referred to as the Siberian Zimmerwaldists, a reference to the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference of international
socialist groups.[41]

At its root, Siberian Zimmerwaldism was based on the ideals of a branch of socialists who were opposed to the war and wanted to
restore the Second International. The Second International had fractured upon the outbreak of the war as the various socialist
groups differed on policy towards the war: many had abandoned the International in favour of defence of their countries (the so-
called "Defensists"), while the "Minority" was split between the extreme left (led by Lenin), which advocated for class warfare,
and the more mainstream view that sought to use the International; as such they were known as the "Internationalists." It was this
latter group that the Siberian Zimmerwaldists were related to.[39] Through his editorship of the journals, Tsereteli both became a
mentor to other Siberian Zimmerwaldists and influenced the group's stance on the war despite writing just three articles, making
it difficult to fully understand his position.[42]
The first of Tsereteli's wartime articles, titled "The International and the War" ("Интернационал и Война") looked at how the
differing socialist groups reacted to the war.[40] He agreed with the majority Internationalist view, which had stated that the war
was not totally inevitable, and that the International had thus been trying to limit the threat of war.[43] He further argued that the
International was not strong enough to call a general strike, as the proletariat was too weak to overthrow capitalism, and it would
only hurt the movement.[44] Tsereteli also criticised the Defensists, stating that while there could be such a thing as a just defence,
"not one of the warring powers except Belgium [was] conducting a defensive war."[45] That socialist leaders in Germany, France,
and the United Kingdom had supported their respective governments in the war effort was also unacceptable to Tsereteli, though
he explained that it "could not distort the historical path of the proletariat".[44]

The second article Tsereteli wrote, "Democracy in Russia at War" ("Демократия среди воюющей России") was largely a
response to the leading Russian "Defensists", namely Georgi Plekhanov and Alexander Potresov, and refuted their argument.[46]
He stated that all of the warring states were guilty and none could be victorious.[44] His third article, "For Two Years" ("За два
года"), looked at how the war had evolved, and how bourgeois nationalism had encompassed the conflict.[47] He called the
conflict an "imperialist struggle over spheres of influence," largely conforming to the view of the International, though also
stating his support for the idea of self-defence.[48] Publication of more articles was halted by the authorities, but the articles
Tsereteli did write had a considerable impact, and helped keep him relevant even while in exile.[49]

February Revolution and aftermath

Petrograd Soviet
News of the February Revolution, the mass protests that led to the overthrow of the Tsar and ended the Russian Empire, began on
23 February 1917; news of it first arrived in Irkutsk on 2 March and reached Usolye that evening; Tsereteli left for Irkutsk the
following morning.[50] Several people, including Tsereteli, arrested the regional governor and declared Irkutsk a free city.[51] A
committee consisting of important social groups was formed to run the city, while a soviet (council) of soldiers was
simultaneously created.[50] Tsereteli took a leading role in this committee, though the work took a considerable toll on his health
and after ten days he stepped down as he began to vomit blood. His family and friends suggested he return to Georgia, though
Tsereteli instead decided to travel to Petrograd (the name St. Petersburg had adopted at the start of the war), arriving there on 19
or 20 March.[52][53]

Tsereteli was the first of the major exiled politicians to arrive in Petrograd after the revolution, and thus was welcomed by a large
crowd at the train station.[54] Immediately, Tsereteli went to the Petrograd Soviet and gave a speech in support of the revolution,
but warned members that it was too early to implement socialist policies.[55] At the time of his arrival, there was no clear
leadership of the country, with both the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government claiming authority. The Soviet,
composed of representatives of workers and soldiers, enjoyed popular support, though it was not regarded as a government. In
contrast, the Provisional Government claimed it was the legitimate governmental successor to the Russian Empire, but did not
have the support of the people.[56] Each thus needed the other to legitimize their claim.[57] This system, later dubbed "dual
power", was highly inefficient, though neither side wanted to upset the balance lest they lose their power.[58]

Due to his former membership in the Duma, Tsereteli was appointed to the Soviet on 21 March in an advisory role.[59] At his first
meeting he argued that Russia should strive to defend itself, calling defence "one of the fundamentals of the revolution".[60] He
stated that both the country and the revolution had to be defended from the German Empire, but also that the Soviet should
pressure the Provisional Government to negotiate a peace, one that recognized self-determination and did not include annexation.
This policy would soon be given the name "Revolutionary Defensism".[61] Tsereteli led the Soviet side in negotiations with the
Provisional Government to have the no-annexation policy adopted, in the process showing that he had effectively become a
leader within the Soviet.[62] Tsereteli was not seeking an increased role for himself, nor did he want the Soviet to become a
power-base, but simply a representative body of the workers and soldiers.[63]
Minister in the Provisional Government
The April Crisis – a series of demonstrations against Russia's continued participation in the war and a note to the Allied powers
affirming that Russia was still interested in annexing Constantinople – nearly led to the downfall of the Provisional Government,
and it survived mainly due to negotiations with the Soviet to form a coalition.[64] The coalition was unpopular among many of
the Mensheviks, Tsereteli included, but they realized that without the support of the Soviet the Provisional Government was
unlikely to survive another threat like the April Crisis, thereby ending the Revolution, so they supported it.[65] Though the
socialists could have dominated the newly formed cabinet, Tsereteli cautioned that this would only hurt their cause, so they only
took six of the fifteen cabinet posts.[66]

Tsereteli was given the position of Minister of Post and Telegraph, an office created just so he could be in the cabinet.[67]
Reluctant to join the government, Tsereteli only did so in hopes of avoiding the dissolution of the Provisional Government and
the outbreak of civil war. He did little in his role as minister, which he held until August 1917, and kept his focus on the Soviet,
leaving the actual administration to others.[68] In his memoirs, Tsereteli never mentioned his time as minister, and the only
notable action he took in the position was an attempt to increase the pay of post office employees.[69] Even so, Tsereteli's position
in the cabinet was aimed at allowing him to serve as a liaison between the Provisional Government and Soviet.[67] He also
realized that, as a member of the cabinet, he could "exercise real influence upon the government, since the government and the
middle classes which back it are greatly impressed by the power of the Soviet".[70] Despite his relatively unimportant ministerial
post, Tsereteli was regarded as a major figure by his peers: Viktor Chernov called him the "Minister of General Affairs," while
Nikolai Sukhanov referred to him as the "Commissar of the Government in the Soviet".[67] Highly valued by the Prime Minister,
Georgy Lvov, Tsereteli was part of the "inner cabinet" that held the real power in the Provisional Government.[71] He would later
express support for the cabinet, as long as it benefited the Revolution.[72]

Lvov resigned as Prime Minister on 2 July 1917, after disagreements within the
cabinet regarding the status of the Ukrainian People's Republic, which was in
control of Ukraine.[73] Tsereteli had travelled to Kiev with a party representing
the Provisional Government to negotiate a means to ensure defence of Russia
while respecting Ukrainian self-determination. The outcome saw the Ukrainians
allow the Russians to continue to defend their territory, while granting increased
autonomy, a move opposed by many in the cabinet.[74] This came at the same
time as the July Days, a major demonstration that broke out in Petrograd, and
threatened the Provisional Government.[75] The Provisional Government was
able to withstand the threat, and Alexander Kerensky took over as Prime
Minister. Though Tsereteli opposed Kerensky, seeing him as the force behind
Lvov's resignation, he had little option but to consent to the move.[76]

Tsereteli was appointed Minister of the Interior, serving for two weeks until a The second cabinet of the Russian
new cabinet could be formed.[77] Despite his senior ranking in the Soviet, Provisional Government. Tsereteli
Tsereteli was passed over for the post of Prime Minister, ostensibly because of (third row, far right; number 11)
served as Minister of the Interior for
his position; the coalition wanted reform and felt that influence from the Soviet
two weeks before a new cabinet was
would prevent that.[78] However, with Kerensky frequently absent, Tsereteli formed.
served as the de facto Prime Minister, and tried to implement some domestic
reforms and restore order throughout the country.[79] Upon his return, Kerenskey
was given a mandate to form a new cabinet, though Tsereteli declined a position in it, wanting instead to focus his efforts in the
Soviet.[80] He used his influence to force Kerensky to release Leon Trotsky, imprisoned in the aftermath of the July Days;
Tsereteli needed Trotsky and the Bolsheviks to support the socialist movement in the Soviet against the Kadets. This had the
opposite effect, as Trotsky quickly proceeded to orchestrate a Bolshevik takeover of the Soviet, expelling Tsereteli.[81]
October Revolution
Removed from his post in the Soviet and suffering from tuberculosis, Tsereteli decided to move into semi-retirement.[82] At the
end of September 1917, he returned to Georgia, his first visit there in ten years. Roobol believed that Tsereteli only left because
he was confident that the new Kerensky government was secure enough to last until the Constituent Assembly could meet.[83]
Though the Bolsheviks now had control of the Soviet, Tseretli was dismissive of them as a threat to the Provisional Government;
while he expected them to try and seize power, he expected them to only last "two or three weeks".[84]

Tsereteli stayed in Georgia for about a month, returning to Petrograd after the Bolsheviks seized control in the October
Revolution.[85] Seen as a threat due to his position as a leading Menshevik and a delegate for the upcoming Constituent
Assembly, Tsereteli had a warrant for his arrest issued on 17 December.[86] He defied the authorities and stayed in Petrograd for
the only meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which took place on 5 January 1918.[87] Speaking to the body, he attacked the
Bolsheviks, accusing them of failing to do anything constructive, and stifling any criticism against their policies.[88] The
assembly was dissolved by the Bolshevik regime after its lone meeting. Now fearing arrest, Tserteli returned to Georgia, which
had broken away from Russian control during the Revolutions.[89]

Return to Georgia

Georgian independence
Back in Georgia, Tsereteli delivered a speech on 23 February 1918 at the
Transcaucasian Centre of Soviets, reporting on the events in Russia. He warned
the delegates of the problems dual power had caused, and that the soviet would
have to surrender its power to a legislative body.[90] This was established as the
"Seim," a de facto parliament created the same day.[91] A member of this new
body, Tsereteli took up a leading role in helping defend the Transcaucasus,
which included Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, from the approaching forces
of the Ottoman Empire.[92] He strongly denounced the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
which was signed between the Bolshevik government and the Central Powers to
end Russia's involvement in the war, as it would have meant ceding important
Transcaucasian territories to the Ottoman, such as the Black Sea port city of
Batumi. In response to this the Transcaucasus declared war against the Ottoman
Empire on 14 April.[93]

The tripartite Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic was formed on 22

Nikolay Chkheidze, a fellow
Georgian, served as President of the
Petrograd Soviet and later
accompanied Tsereteli to the Paris
Peace Conference.
Transcaucasian Republic.[97]
April, though due to the ongoing invasion by the Ottoman Empire and the lack
of unity among the three groups, it was immediately in a precarious position.[94]
The Georgians, afraid for their own country and future, began negotiating with
Germany for protection against the Ottomans, which would come in the form of
an independent state. On 26 May Tsereteli gave a speech to the Seim stating that
from the start the Transcaucasian Republic had been unable to operate due to its
people not being unified.[95] On the same day, the Georgian leadership declared
an independent state, the Democratic Republic of Georgia.[96] This was followed
two days later by Azerbaijan and, finally, Armenia, dissolving the
Within the new Georgian state Tsereteli took up a seat in the Constituent Assembly, which was elected in February 1919.[98]
However, he did not play a major role in the Georgian government, instead helping out more in an advisory role.[99] That he
supported what was essentially a nationalist state contradicted his earlier internationalist stance, though Roobol suggested that
Tsereteli "wanted a state which would be more than a Georgian national state," and championed the causes of the ethnic
minorities within Georgia.[100] Even so, he was no longer able to exercise much political influence, and faded into the
background.[101]

Paris Peace Conference and Europe

In 1919, Tsereteli and Nikolay Chkheidze were asked to lead a Georgian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference; the two were
asked to attend on account of their contacts in Europe, and as neither had a major role in the Georgian government they could
leave Georgia for an extended period.[102] They faced considerable difficulties there, as many of the delegates were unfamiliar
with the situation in Georgia, so both Tsereteli and Chkheidze gave several newspaper interviews expressing that Georgia was
only interested in gaining de jure recognition of its independence.[103] Tsereteli subsequently visited London to help their cause.
While he did not make much of an impact with the British government, the Georgian government was de facto recognized on 10
January 1920, mainly because the British wanted allies in the region in case the Bolsheviks allied with the Turks and took over
the region.[104]

His diplomatic efforts a success, Tsereteli returned to advocating socialism. In the summer of 1920 he represented the Georgian
Social Democratic Party at a Labour and Socialist International conference in Switzerland and promoted the success of Georgia
as a socialist state.[101] He also proved instrumental in helping Karl Kautsky, a leading Marxist theoretician, arrive in Georgia in
August 1920 to research a book on the country.[105] However, his health problems returned, and Tsereteli was ordered by a doctor
to rest in December of that year.[106]

Exile and later life

Tsereteli was recovering in France when he heard about the Red Army invasion of Georgia and subsequent Bolshevik takeover in
February 1921.[107] The news had a detrimental impact on his health, and he retired to a French village for the summer. He also
worried about his Nikoladze aunts, as they had lost considerable amounts of money with the Bolshevik occupation. When his
health improved in October, Tsereteli moved to Paris, joining the Georgian government-in-exile.[108] In exile he lived frugally,
and quickly grew tired of residing in France, enjoying any opportunity to travel. The suicide of Chkheidze in 1926 had a profound
impact on Tsereteli, and it exacerbated his distaste for exile.[109]

After retiring from émigré political life in 1930, Tsereteli resumed his law studies, which he had never completed in his youth,
finishing in 1932, and worked in Paris as a lawyer.[110] He also helped edit fellow Menshevik Pavel Axelrod's works after the
latter's death in 1928. Initially working with Fedor Dan, whom he had met during his Siberian exile, Tsereteli and Dan clashed as
the latter had become more pro-Bolshevik, and Dan ultimately left the project over their dispute.[111] Tsereteli would later be
aided in this work by his friend and fellow socialist Vladimir Voitinsky, and the project was published in Germany in 1932.[112]

Highly indignant about what he called the "platonic attitute" of the Western socialist parties towards Georgia and their inadequate
support to the beleaguered country, Tsereteli continued to regard Bolshevism as the cause of the troubles, but believed that the
Bolshevik regime would not survive long.[108] He continued to attend International's conferences in Europe, trying to get the
organization to adopt a stronger anti-Bolshevik stance, though with limited success.[113] He attended the Conference of the Three
Internationals in Berlin, at which the issue of Georgia was a major topic.[114] By 1928, as the inner conflicts of the Bolsheviks
ended, it became apparent to Tsereteli that they would not so easily be removed from power, and his hopes of returning to
Georgia faded.[115]
Tsereteli gradually distanced himself from his fellow Georgian exiles, and opposed both the liberal nationalist Zurab Avalishvili
and the social democrat Noe Zhordania; all three wrote extensively abroad on Georgian politics.[116] Tsereteli accepted the
principle of the fight for Georgia's independence, but rejected the view of Zhordania and other Georgian émigrés that the
Bolshevik domination was effectively identical to Russian domination. Furthermore, he insisted on close cooperation between the
Russian and Georgian anti-Bolshevik socialists, but did not agree with any cooperation with Georgian nationalists. This led to
Tsereteli's isolation among fellow émigrés and he largely withdrew from political activity.[117] Invited to join Voitinsky in the
United States, Tsereteli waited until after the Second World War ended to do so, finally moving in 1948. Columbia University
asked him to finish writing his memoirs, which he continued to work on until his death in 1959.[118] In 1973, he was reburied at
the Leuville Cemetery near Paris.[119]

Political views
Throughout his life Tsereteli remained a committed internationalist, adopting this view during his first exile in Siberia.[26] He felt
that if the population of the Russian Empire were united, and not divided along ethnic or national lines, socialist policies could be
implemented.[120] His views were heavily influenced by the writings of Pavel Axelrod, whom Tsereteli considered his most
important teacher.[121] After reading Lenin's What Is To Be Done? in 1902, he came to oppose Lenin's Marxist views.[18]
Tsereteli never deviated from his internationalist stance, which eventually led to conflict with other Georgian Mensheviks, who
became far more nationalist throughout the 1920s.[101]

Upon the outbreak of the First World War, Tsereteli, still exiled in Siberia, formulated a policy that allowed for the continuation
of the war, in contrast to the more mainstream socialist goals of pressuring governments to end the conflict.[122] This policy,
expressed in three articles written by Tsereteli, would become known as "Siberian Zimmerwaldism," in reference to the
Zimmerwald Conference of 1915 that first saw the socialist views of the war put forth.[123] Siberian Zimmerwaldism allowed for,
under certain circumstances, a defensive war, though Tsereteli argued that only Belgium fitted these criteria, as the other warring
states were fighting offensively.[124] Though he edited the journal that published the Siberian Zimmerwaldist views, Tsereteli
only wrote three articles during the war, making it difficult to fully comprehend his views at the time.[42]

Legacy
During his political career, Tsereteli was highly regarded by his peers, though he has since faded into relative obscurity. His
leading role in the Petrograd Soviet led Lenin to refer to Tsereteli as "the conscience of the Revolution".[125] Lvov would later
call him "the only true statesman in the Soviet".[126] However, his refusal to perceive the Bolsheviks as a serious threat, even as
late as October 1917, ultimately helped them lead the October Revolution. As Georgi Plekhanov, a contemporary Marxist and
revolutionary, stated: "Tsereteli and his friends without themselves knowing or desiring it, have been preparing the road for
Lenin."[127]

Tsereteli quickly faded from prominence in histories of the era. Rex A. Wade, one of the preeminent historians of the Russian
Revolution, noted that Tsereteli "was not as flamboyant as Kerensky or as well known to foreigners as Miliukov, and therefore
has not attracted as much attention as either in Western writings".[128] Roobol concluded that "it was [his] prestige rather than the
force of his arguments which won over the doubters".[129] Roobol also described Tsereteli's career as "a rapid rise, a short period
of generally recognized leadership and a rather more gradual slide into political isolation".[130]

References

Notes
a. Georgian: ირაკლი გიორგის ძე წერეთელი, Irakli Giorgis dze Tsereteli
Russian: Ира́ клий Гео́ ргиевич Церете́ли, Irakliy Georgievich Tsereteli
Citations
1. Roobol 1976, p. 2 42. Galil y Garcia 1982, p. 462
2. Suny 1994, pp. 129–132 43. Roobol 1976, p. 71
3. Roobol 1976, p. 7 44. Galil y Garcia 1982, p. 463
4. Roobol 1976, pp. 7–8 45. Wade 1967, p. 428
5. Roobol, W.H. (1976). Tsereteli — A Democrat in the 46. Roobol 1976, p. 72
Russian Revolution: A Political Biography. The 47. Roobol 1976, pp. 74–75
Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoof. p. 2. ISBN 90
48. Galil y Garcia 1982, pp. 463–464
247 1915 1.
49. Wade 1967, pp. 429–431
6. Roobol 1976, p. 3
50. Roobol 1976, p. 81
7. Roobol 1976, p. 8
51. Merridale 2017, p. 156
8. Galil y Garcia 1982, p. 457
52. Roobol 1976, p. 83
9. Roobol 1976, pp. 8–9
53. There are conflicting reports about the date of
10. Roobol 1976, p. 14
Tsereteli's arrival in Petrograd. Roobol states he
11. Roobol 1976, pp. 14–16 arrived on the night of 19 March (Roobol 1976,
12. Galil y Garcia 1982, p. 458 p. 86), while both Wade and Galil y Garcia both
13. Roobol 1976, pp. 16–17 claim it was 20 March (Wade 2017, p. 66; Galil y
Garcia 1982, p. 454.)
14. Roobol 1976, p. 20
54. Wade 2017, p. 66
15. Roobol 1976, p. 21
55. Roobol 1976, pp. 86–87
16. Roobol 1976, pp. 21–22
56. Wade 2017, pp. 52–65
17. Roobol 1976, p. 22
57. Roobol 1976, p. 84
18. Jones 2005, p. 223
58. Ferro 1972, p. 178
19. Roobol 1976, pp. 28–29
59. Roobol 1976, p. 91
20. Roobol 1976, p. 30
60. Roobol 1976, p. 92
21. Roobol 1976, p. 31
61. Wade 2017, p. 69
22. Roobol 1976, p. 32
62. Roobol 1976, pp. 96–98
23. Roobol 1976, p. 33
63. Basil 1983, p. 30
24. Zhordaniya 1968, p. 51
64. Wade 2017, pp. 82–84
25. Roobol 1976, p. 63
65. Basil 1983, p. 61
26. Kindersley 1979, p. 135
66. Roobol 1976, p. 121
27. Roobol 1976, pp. 48–49
67. Figes 1996, p. 387
28. Roobol 1976, p. 50
68. Roobol 1976, p. 124
29. Roobol 1976, p. 41
69. Roobol 1976, p. 129
30. Jones 2005, pp. 223–224
70. Basil 1983, p. 62
31. Ascher 2001, pp. 194–196
71. Figes 1996, p. 384
32. Ascher 2001, pp. 196–201
72. Ferro 1972, p. 172
33. Jones 2005, p. 224
73. Rabinowitch 1968, pp. 141–144
34. Roobol 1976, pp. 66–67
74. Tsereteli 1963, pp. 145–147, Vol. 2
35. González 2017, p. 190
75. Rabinowitch 1976, pp. 1–16
36. Roobol 1976, p. 67
76. Roobol 1976, p. 155
37. Wade 2017, p. 10
77. Roobol 1976, p. 156
38. González 2017, p. 189
78. Figes 1996, p. 437
39. Wade 1967, p. 426
79. Roobol 1976, pp. 156–157
40. Wade 1967, p. 427
80. Roobol 1976, pp. 157–158
41. Wade 1967, pp. 426–427
81. Trotsky 1965, pp. 803–804
 82. Figes 1996, p. 438 107. Roobol 1976, p. 216
83. Roobol 1976, p. 172 108. Roobol 1976, p. 217
84. Trotsky 1965, pp. 795–796 109. Roobol 1976, p. 231
85. Roobol 1976, pp. 174–176 110. Roobol 1976, p. 249
86. Rabinowitch 2007, p. 86 111. Roobol 1976, pp. 244–245
87. Roobol 1976, p. 180 112. Roobol 1976, p. 245
88. Rabinowitch 2007, pp. 116–118 113. Roobol 1976, p. 221
89. Roobol 1976, p. 182 114. Roobol 1976, pp. 218–219
90. Suny 1994, p. 195 115. Roobol 1976, pp. 232–233
91. Kazemzadeh 1951, p. 87 116. Roobol 1976, pp. 228–231
92. Roobol 1976, p. 189 117. Roobol 1976, pp. 240–241
93. Kazemzadeh 1951, pp. 99–101 118. Roobol 1976, p. 251
94. Kazemzadeh 1951, pp. 104–105 119. McCauley 1997, p. 211
95. Kazemzadeh 1951, p. 120 120. Jones 2005, p. 21
96. Suny 1994, pp. 191–192 121. Roobol 1976, p. 36
97. Kazemzadeh 1951, pp. 123–124 122. Wade 1969, pp. 18–19
98. Rayfield 2012, p. 332 123. Wade 1969, p. 19
99. Roobol 1976, p. 195 124. Wade 1967, pp. 427–428
100. Roobol 1976, pp. 196–197 125. Ferro 1972, p. 208
101. Roobol 1976, p. 211 126. Figes 1996, p. 382
102. Zhordaniya 1968, p. 91 127. Trotsky 1965, p. 796
103. Roobol 1976, pp. 198–199 128. Wade 1969, p. 17
104. Roobol 1976, pp. 207–208 129. Roobol 1976, p. 173
105. Roobol 1976, pp. 212–213 130. Roobol 1976, p. 252
106. Roobol 1976, p. 213

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