CHAPTER VIII

CASTE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

 CHAPTER VIII

CASTE SYSTEM AM) SOCIAL MOBILITY

Traditional Caste System:

The caste system was the pivot of the traditional Hindu

society. It was hierarchically graded, each caste being

considered inferior to those above it and superior to those

be low it.
0

The status of a man bom in a particular caste determined

his rank in this hierarchy. His occupation, marriage and

social intercourse was determined within the framework of his

caste. This confinement was predetermined and immutable, not

subject to alteration by a man's talent or wealth.^* Moreover

the distinct occupations allotted to distinct castes are so

related to one another as to render the existence of almost

all of them an essential necessity in the formation of the

Hindu society. A Hindu community could not exist without

Brahmins and a Hindu village is not complete without a family

or two of the Bhandari or Dhoba caste.

The Hindu religion sanctified the caste system attributing

its origin to Lord Brahman, thus demanding respect and constant

perpetuation. Any intringement by a member of a caste was

1. A.R.Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism. Bombay,

1984, pp. 24 3-244.
 359

not just a crime, but a slur against religion. According to

Manu, the ancient law-giver of Hindus, a man could hope to
take birth in a higher caste in his next life by caref ully
fulfilling the duties of his caste in this life.2 Thus a man

in fact owed allegiance first to his caste and then to the

community.
0

Since caste controlled almost all the vital personal

affairs of a man through religious sanction, the coercive
power of the Hindu state as well as the penal authorities of
the caste council, the individual has little liberty at his
disposal to pursue his interest.

The caste based society offered sane specific privileges

to certain castes whereas sane other castes suffered from sane
distinct disabilities. While a Brahmin alone could officiate
as a priest, the mass of Sudras and untouchables did nothing
other than serving all other castes as scavengers, tanners etc.,
forever. Thus it perpetuated injustice and discrimination.

Caste Hierarchy and Role of Different Castes in Orissa;

During Hindu regime the kings used to settle the question
of "social precedence of different castes" and punishment to

2, B.Kuppuswamy, Social Changes in India. New Delhi, 1989,

p.95.
 360

the violator of caste rules. Probably the king was guided

in his decision by the advice of the Brahmins, so long as
the latter agreed to keep up the dignity of the former by
conceding him and his dynasty the rank of Kshatrivas. The
disputes were also referred to the Pundits of Puri, Navadwipa
and Benaras who decided cases consulting Hindu Sastras such as
Manusmruti. Brahmavaibarta Puran. Padma Puran and Jatimala etc.
Since the temporal power has passed from Hindus to the Muhammedans,
then Marathas and finally to the British, there has been no
authoritative pronouncement as regards the relative rank of
the different castes and in the absence of anyone to curb or
allow the pretentions of those that have raised themselves above
their social position, there was a great deal of uncertain ity
in some cases as to their relative position. It must have been
the reason why until late nineteenth century,

?io material is available from official papers, contemporary

Oriya newspapers or literature to determine the social gradation
of different castes in Orissa. However the Census Reports of
the districts of Orissa in 1881 and 1891 provides that tradi­
tionally there existed in Orissa three groups of castes. The
first group of caste Hindus comprised.} of Brahmins. Kshatrivas
and Karans and their sub-castes, altogether coming to thirtysix

3. (i) E.A.Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol.VI. Benoal-Part 1.

Caleutta, 1902," "pp,364-36o.
(ii) Sribastcha panda, Autobioqraphy of Sribascha Panda (Oriya),
Attack, 1956, p.lTF.--------- ................... ---------------------------------------
 361

4
Pataks (36 councils). The caste Hindus wear sacred thread.
Second group comprised of Khandavats all types of artisan and
non-Brah mm ervice group castes. Below these two groups and
outside the Hindu Chaturvarna system (comprising of Brahmin.
Kshetriya. Vaisya and Sudra)^ a large section of castes named
as Hari. Pan. Qom. Bauris. potters and Kendra (the number of
these castes and the population of each caste varied from
district to district) were segregated as outcastes or untouchables.

In the year 1901, the Census Commissioner of India fixed

the social precedence of different castes not as per the rank
assigned by the pedantry of Pundits, but by "Hindu public opinion
at the present day”. The original list of social precedence
of different castes in Orissa was drafted by Baboo Jamini Mohan
Das, Deputy Superintendent of Census, Cuttack. They were
circulated among the districts to which they relate and then
carefully considered and revised in the light of the criticism
of the "Caste Councils" or the committees of native gentlemen.

Accordingly, a complete caste system of the Orissa Division,

found remarkably uniform in all the districts, but differing
in many respects from that of Bengal was prepared. It was
7
divided into 7 groups.

4. Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in In ia. Past and Present.

Delhi, 1983, oo.cit., p.78,
5. Report on the Census of the District of Cuttack 1891.Calcutta.
1891, p.ll.
6. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.VI, Bengal-Part I,
Calcutta, 1902, p.358.
7. Ibid., p.375.
 362

Group I - Brahmins;
Brahmins headed the social order and acted as the
custodian of Hindu tradition. Alone having access and ability
to interpret the Vedas and other ancient Hindu Sastras (It
was prohibited to non-Brahmins and females) they framed rules
to regulate the Hindu social and religious life. Acting as
Q
priests, they performed the rites and rituals of the marriage,
birth, funeral ceremonies and other festivals. They rigidly
enforced upon all, the observance of each and every tit bit
of the family life of a Hindu such as which dress one will
wear in which form, which food one will take in which banner,
how and when he will save his face, whether he will keep mustabha.
or not as prescribed by the Almaneeand other Sastras. To
perpetuate the traditional socio-religious system and their
prominence in it, the Brahmins very often used to spread
stories such as "once Sankaracharya drank red hot liquid,
sane Mohapaton's ancestors took away moon by their hand and
kept it under the earthern pot, so that full dark night prevailed
on earth, instead of full-moon light1.1 The mass of Hindus in
Orissa, being very simple and credulous believed in all such
g
stories.

8. Orissa had an excessive proportion of priests numbering

18659 occupying 4th position in Bengal Presidency -
Report of the Census of Bengal, 1881, p. 175.

9. Nilakantha Das, Nilakantha Granthabali (Oriva). Cuttack,

1963, p.490.
 363

Except the few educated Brahmins who appeared refined,

the rest were obstinate and bigoted.*0 They wore sacred
thread and put caste marks on their foreheads.** They lived

in clean houses situated in separate Brahmin streets, planted

cocoanut and flower plants and performed Puja daily. They
wore neat clothes. Drinking was a taboo for them. To
prevent pollution they did not take food and even water from
14
any other castes except the Valsya Vanias and Gudiyas. They
deeply hated and denounced the lower castes as Jaraia (bastard),
Mlechha (unclean), Hina (low) and Chanda 1 (an untouchable of
lowest order).

For the growing Brahmin community it must have been

increasingly difficult to keep strictly within the limits of
religious duties prescribed by the Sastras. Hence a split
was caused between those who enjoyed royal patronage and those
whom necessity forced to depart from them. 15

10. L.S.S.O.Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers, Balasore,

Calcutta, 1903, Type Script, p.79.
11. W.W.Hunter, History of Orissa, Vol.II, London, 1872, p. 14.
12. Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India, Past and Present,
OD.cit.j p...81.
13. L;S.S.0.Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers. Balasore. 1903.
op.cit., p. 101.
14. Report on the Census of the Cuttack District, 1891, op.cit.,
p.81.
15.o L.S.S.O.Malley, Cuttack District Gazetteer, Cuttack, 1933,
p.63. ;
 364

The Sasani Brahmins having been settled by ancient Hindu

Rajas of Orissa in the villages known as Sasans (situated either
in the capitals or somewhere in the neighbourhood) were given
large rent-free lands.18 Some of then served in the royal

courts as Rai Purohits. In some states, Sasanis found well-versed

in Sastras and capable of giving wise consul were appointed as
Rajgurus. such as Jayakrushna Raj guru under the Raj a of Khoordah,
Pindika Raj guru in Dhenkanal state. In these capacities they
controlled the general administration and dispensed justice
interpreting Sastras in the states. A few of them worked as
astrologer and Vaidvas in the courts and the villages. But
their caste practice prevented them to cultivate the land
personally and to take up four other occupations viz.,
(1) Batua (pilgrim guide), (2) Ghatua (performer of vows in the
five pilgrim places), (3) Natua (dancer as actor) and (4) Chattia
(police sepoy or military men). Violation of this rule degraded
a Sasani to a lower order. The Sasanis did not keep social
relationship with the Brahmins of lower order nor did they
officiate as priests to any caste other than the caste Hindu
(Group II).18

16. S, L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of

the Province of Orissa. 1390-1900. Vol.II. Calcutta, 1900,
p.630,
17. L^S.S.O.Malley, Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers. Puri.
1929. Patna, p.198.
18. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901. Vol.VI. op.cit., p,375.
 365

Below the Sasanis stood Panda or Deulia who officiated

as priests to the castes in Group III to VIand attended
20
indefinite Hindu shrines. Some of the® worked as Pandas in
Jagannath temple. They were also known as Vajdiks or Strotriyas.
Some of them worked as Pundits teaching Sanskrit grammar,
literature, Ayurved and Astronomy to their disciples in the

groups of villages. They also attended the courts of the

Hindu rulers. On the occasion of important social and religious
congregations and Yajnas ( a sacred festival to propitiate God)
they gave consul on invitation. A few of them also worked as
Praha raj (priest) in the Cuttack district and delivered final
judgements on cases of irregular action of men in the court
above the village Panchayat in accordance with the Puranic
provision. Some others degraded as Marhias were employed as
Puiharis (cooks) and worked as priests to the lower castes.
They used to receive alms from the humble clients and are led
90
first in the Prayaschita (purification) ceremony feasts.

The lowest class of Brahmins are Mastan Brahmins, who

served as cook in the Jagannath temple. They were also known
as laukiks, the offshoots of the Vajd iks. Also called as

19. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.VI, op;cit., p.375,

20. S.L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of
the Province of Orissa' 1390-1900. Vol. I. op. c'it.. p.6.
21. N.N.Banerj ee, Report on Agriculture of the District of
Cuttack. Calcutta, 1893, p.45.
22. L.S.S.O.Malley, Cuttack District Gazetteey. Cuttack. 1933.
P.64.
 366

Balaram Gotri, as they use plough, the weapon of Lord Bala ram.
They are degraded because they smoke tobacco. They are also
known as Sarua (grower of a vegetable named Saru) and in
Mayurbhanj as Halua (cultivators by plough).

Another group of lower class 3rahmins were known to have

worked as Batua or temple priests in Orissa since a long time.
They were recruited by each leading Pandas of Jagannath temple,
who send them to visit as their agents to Bengal, Bihar and
23
Orissa to entice the pilgrims to Puri. In 1870 they numbered
about 3000 as per the calculation of Vs/.W.Hunter.

Group II - Castes of Twice bom Rank :

It comprises of (l) Xhetri. (2) Rajput, (3) Karan,
(4) Kh3n(*ai'fc» (5) Vaisya, Gandha or Putli Baniya, (6) Daita
and (7) Baru.^

The Khetris are generally placed above the Raj puts. They
often intermarry them. Probably along with the Karans they

came from the same stock. Having some Karan element in them,
in Cuttack district they stand above the Karans. In Bala sore
district they comprise mostly of Bania caste and are not held

23. W.W.Hunter and Others, A History of Orissa. Ed. N.K.Sahu,

Delhi, 1930, pp.41-42.
24. E.A.Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol.VI. op.cit., p.375.
25. Report on the Census of Cuttack District. 1891. op.cit,,
p» 11.
 367

high. In Puri district, some people calling themselves as

Khetris or Raiputs are the descendants of either of the
illegitimate offspring of Maratha officers or their standard
bearers and camp followers, recruited from among the low castes.
The former rank above the Karans and the latter below Baru.
In Tributary Mahals, standing below the Karans, they are divided
into two sub-castes: Khetriya proper and Khandaits. Most of
the G^riat chiefs and the Raja of Puri belong to Kshtriya
proper. The Khandaits form the state militia.

The Rajpyts rank lower because their legitimacy is

suspected.

Anolocfps to the Ka vast has of Bengal but distinct were

the Karans of Orissa, In Tributary Mahals they stood below
■the Brahmins and in Cuttack district below the Kshetrivas.
Ka rans had maximum intercaste relationship in Orissa, Many
of them marry Kshetrivas and Khandaits. In Balasore district,
0

all the Karans are the followers of Chaitanya and take food
^rom teistnav. Sudras. Vaistnavas are their gurus. As the
indigenous writer caste of Orissa, particularly due to the
greater complexity of Zamindari management and official works
27
during nineteenth century, many of them worked as clerks,

26. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.VI, op.cxt., p.375.

27. S.L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of

the Province of Orissa, 1890-1900, Vol.ill. op.cit.. p.&30.
 368

writers, muhorrirs. accountants and qumastas in the royal

28
courts, failing which they worked in the village schools.
0
Some even lend money and rice to get interest. The Karans
never take rice in any other s house except having special
2o
relation. *

The Khan da its of Orissa exhibit every variety of type

from the high Aryan of good social position to the semi-aborigi-
nals. The land owning Khandaits pretend, to be of Haiput
origin by observing strict conformity with orthodox usuage
such as prohibiting widow marriage. Sresta (best) Khanda its
assume sacred thread during marriage, like other twice bom
castes. Chasa Khanda its do not wear sacred thread. But they
marry with the Karans and Brahmins take water from them,'**

The Khanda its are mostly found in the states of Kujanga, Kanika,
Aul, etc. Their dimilitarisation and the consequent break**up
will be discussed later on,

The Vaisvas are placed below the Karans and Khanda its.
32
because their occupation is less Pure.

28, Jagannath Pattnayak, Feudatory States of Orissa. Vol.II.

Allahbad, 1988, p.450.
29, Utkal Pjpika. 29 May 1885.
30, Report on the Census of the District of Cuttack 1891.
op,crt., p.ll. 5
31, S,L,Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of
Orissa, 1390-1900. \/ol.I. p.149.
32, E.A.Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol.VI. p.375.
 369

The Daitas are a microscopic caste found only in Puri.

During Snan Jatra and Car Festival, the regular priests stand
aside and the Daitas take their place, do .t all works in
connection with the change of old idols by new ones. They
hold several rent-free villages. Sane act as Pandas or
or
pilgrim guides. They are believed to be Savat origin, but
their position has been changed by the nature of their employment.
Now they are regarded as equals in point of rank to the Karans
whose customs they ape and intermarry, but Karans look down
their fellow men who marry Daitas. They are served by good
33
Brahmins. They forbid widow marriage.
o

Group III - Clean Sudras:

Those castes practise widow marriage but do not take wine
and from whose hands the caste Hindus (Group II) take water
and Pakki (food cooked with ghee) belong to this group. In
accordance with the degree of purity of their traditional caste
profession, they are divided into two subgroups.

Group (a) comprises of (i) Ghasa, (ii) Mali, (iii) Raju,

(iv) Sudha and Group (b) comprises of (i) Guria, (ii) Barhi,
(iii) Kendra, (iv) Kamar, (v) Gaura, (vi) Patra, (vii) Darji
and (viii) Bhandari.

The Chasas found mostly in Puri district along with the

Raj us. Golas. Malis. and Khandaits form the great cultivating

33, E.A.Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol.VI. pp.406-407.

 370

caste of Orissa, comprising one-seventh of its population.

It is known to be recruited mainly from various aboriginal
tribes and the process of accretion went throughout the
nineteenth century. During 1891 to 1901, their number was
II
increased by 26 per cent. The main reason for this increase
was that the Chasas pretending and placed as Kh and a its in the
Census of 1881, many previous entries of Khandaits were changed
to Chasa. It had two subcastes: Sudha and Odh. both marrying
with each other. They differ more in wealth than in superior
or inferior birth.35

The Malis are closely allied to the Chasas or Orh Chasas.

employed in worship of Mahadev and Thakurani. In Group (b)
Guria or confectioner holds the highest place as its occupation
is better than that of other castes. The Barhi. Kendra and
Kamar are of nearly equal ranks. The Goura or Gola is degraded
because he bears Palki and keeps cows. He takes boiled rice
from the Barhi but not from Patra caste. The position assigned
to Darji is that of the indigenous group of tailors. There is
a sub-caste of Bengali origin found chiefly in towns, whose
water is not taken by the higher castes and whose proper position
is in Group IV. The Bhandari is placed at the bottom of Group III,

34. E.G.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.VI. p.389.

35. Report on the Census of the District of 3alasore. 1891.

op.cit., p, 12.
 371

as he takes boiled rice from all other castes contained in it,

except the Bengali Dari is.

Group XV - Unclean Sudyts:

This group of castes are served by the same Brahmins as
those in Group III. Their touch does not defile but they are
not Jalacharaniya (from whose hands the highest castes do not
take water) and they may draw water only from masonary wells
in metal vessels. They comprise of (l) Chitrakar, (2) Khitibansi,
(3) Sonari, (4) Sankhari, (5) Kansari, (6) Thatari, (7) Kharura,
(8) Kachara, (9) Tanti, (10) Thoria, (ll) Gola, (12) Dogia,
(13) Kantabaniya, (14) Tulabhina,

The Kacharas trade in brass and bell metal but their name
seems to indicate that they formerly dealt in glass. The
degraded position of the Tulabhina is ascribed to their using
an instrument in which there is hide.

Group V - Castes whose Touch Defiles:

The main difficerence between Group IV and V is that the
latter’s touch defiles cloth. This group comprise of (1) Teli,
(2) Kumbhar, (3) Barhi, (4) Niari, (5) Kewat, (6) Kaibartta,
(7) Kartia,- (3) Khodol, (9) Bhat, (10) Jyotish, (ll) Jogi and
(12) Sundi.

The low position of Teli is attributed to their employment

of bullocks for pressing oil and that of the Kumbhars for selling
 372

* ,
earth. The Rarhi, Niari, Kewat and Kaibartta are supposed
fcw 0
to spring from a common parantage, but former^have given
up fishing and purchasing grain and carrying loads. The
Barber will pare the nails of their fingers only and hence
known as Da^anakhi (cutter of ten nails). The Bhat and Jyotish
may have descendened from Brahmans. The rank of Jyotish is
lower, as some of them serve Chamars as priests. The Jogis are
beggars and physicians, receive alms from all castes down to
Jyotish. Sundi is the lowest caste served by Panda Brahmins

and ordinary barber.

Group VI - Castes that eat Fowls and Drink Spirit but Abstain
from"Beeft ....... 1""""" ' ■" '
This group has three well-defined sub-groups. The first
group is served by Dhoba and Jyotish as priest. The second
not served by Dhoba and have no priest of any kind and the third
group, though comparable to the second in other respects, rank
lower mainly on account of the freedom of their women. The
first group comprise of (1) Siyal and (2) Chamar. The second
group comprise of (l) Dhoba, (2) Bauri, (3) Tania, (4) Ghusuria,
(5) Gokha, (6) Girigiria, (7) Khatia, (8) Sanai and (9) Nolia,
The third group comprise of (l) Ahir Goura, (2) Kela, (3) Kandra
The women of Ahir G0ura caste dance in Public. They profess
not to eat fowl or drink spirits, but are said to do so secretly
The Kela women beg openly. The Kandra women are not ill-behaved
but their men are frofessional thieves and eat pork. Like the
Pan they often serve as village choukidars.
 373

Group VII - Beef-eaters and Scavengers;

This group consists of lowest castes name$ (l) Mahuria,
(2) EJam, (3) Pan, (4) Hari, Hari ranks lowest as he removes
nightsoil. The Dorns of Orissa does not do it* but their position
is still very degraded. The Pans are largely employed as weaver
and call themselves as Patra Pan or Buna Pan (weaving Pan).

Significantly all the castes of Orissa except the Brahmins

37
and Banias were called Bamasankars or castes of mixed origin.
Some mixed groups such as shagirdpeshas, labouring under the
stigma of illegitimacy (though water is taken from them as a
matter of convenience, but not ranked as clean castes), the
Chatorkhias (living outside the Hindu society but retaining
their original caste distinction) and Chokars (the sons of
38
Prostitutes) are left out of this list as outcastes.

Untouchables:
The castes included in Group V, VI and VII were taken as
untouchables, their social precedence determined as per the
order in the list. Probably they were the product of the
marriages in between the aboriginal hill tribes and the
cultivators of the plain area,39
o

36. E.A.Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol:VI. OD.cit., pp,375-377.

37. Census Report of Balasore District, 1891, op.cit., p.6.

38. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901. Vol.VI. op,cit., p.377.

39. Report on the Census of Cuttack district. 1391. op. cit., p. ll.
 374

Each untouchable- caste considered the other castes as

untouchables and had no intermarriage and interdining relation
with them. Each caste had its caste council and the priest
to enforce caste rules. Having no specific barber or washerman
among them, the untouchables themselves did saving and washing

etc.

W.W.Hunter presented two groups of untouchables in Orissa,

About the f irst group he wrote, "certain of the low castes

such as the washermen and potters may enter haltway and standing
humbly in the court outside the great temple (Lord Jagannath),
catch a glimpse of the jewelled C*od within".

o About the second group of the excluded castes, Hunter

said that only those unquestionable Aryans are shut out who
retain the flesh eating and animal life destroying propensities
and professions of the aboriginal tribes whose professions are
repugnant to the Aryan ideas of purity such as wine-sellers,
sweepers, skinners, cropse-bearers, hunters, fishers and
bird-catchers. 40

Among the untouchables the Bauris. uhobies and Kandras

used to live in almost each village, while Haris and Pans
lived in some nearby village. Baur_is^: J Kandras. Pans and
Bhumiias having no caste profession, worked mainly as officiate
41
field-labourers when non-drunk, Qhobies. Chamars and Pans

40. W.W.Hunter and Others, A History of Orissa, op.cit,, pp,41-42.

41, N,N,3anerjee, Report on Agriculture of the district of

Cuttack, Calcutta, 1893, p.26.
 375

did their caste profession. Dhobies washed clothes. Chamars

tapped tody from the datepalm trees and the Pans made basket,
beat drum and collected hides and also worked as field labourers.
It was 'ironica 1 that some of the functions like drumming and
blowing of conch were highly auspicious while those who did
it were untouchables. They were invited by the caste Hindus
or their social functions, sat separately, took cooked food
and threw out the leaves themselves in which they ate and
cleaned the place. The caste Hindus tor their day-to-day life
42
needed their services of labour badly.

In comparison to the caste Hindus, the untouchables lived

an unclean life. They generally wore torn and dirty clothes.
While the caste Hindus usually did not took liquor,the untouchable
males took tody and in the socia 1 functions, very often, being
heavily drunk, quarreled with each other using vulgar words
throughout the night. Unlike caste Hindus, they smoke home-made
cigars, ate the meat of crab, snails, toads and rats. Most of
them reared fowl and took eggs which the caste Hindus did not
take. The Haris and Pans even reared pigs and took beef,
particularly that of the dead cattle which was abnoxious not
only to the caste Hindus but also to other untouchable castes.
The caste Hindus generally took mutton and goat's meat, but
the0 untouchables did its killing and processing.

42. Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India. Past and Present,

op.cit,, pp.79-30.
■ V

376

As the caste Hindus mostly wore neat dresses^observed

festivals, worshipped many deities, cleaned their homes, hence
the very touch of a low easterner defiled their cloth which
needed to be washed. Their uncleanliness, abject poverty and
illiteracy brought wide social and cultural gulf between the
43
caste Hindus and the untouchables.

The untouchables lived in huts at the outskirts of the

villages in a separate block. The caste Hindus did not allow
them to use village wells, to enter the temple, to enter their
houses, much less sitting on their mats. In the Bhaqabatghar
of the villages, the lower castes generally sat at the courtyards,
while other castes sat inside it. Even the lower caste people
maintained their separate village schools in many parts of
, 44
medieval Orissa. They could not participate in the Hindu
social and religious functions on equal basis. The untouchables
themselves also considered it sin to touch a caste Hindu.

Significantly the whole of the untouchables was a landless

class and were assigned very low and unprofitable functions
such as cleaning the dirt and filth, killing and processing
animals. They were denied the basic public facilities such as
the use of village wells and tanks, entering temples and studying

43. Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India, past and Present,

op.cit., pp.80-81,
 377

in the schools. The Hindu state enacted draconian laws to

/ R
punish them, at all iVthey rebelled.

It was only within the premises of the Jagannath temple

both the caste Hindus and even the chandaIs could take Mahaprasad
or Kaivalva (holy food) from each other ignoring the caste
46
restriction, where non could object so doing.

Caste Practices in Orissa;

Traditionally Oriyas clung most ^anaciously to the institu-
JL M

tion of caste. In each and every social matter, a Hindu dared

48
to lose his caste. Every caste and through it every institution
is assigned a place in the social economy from which he can
0

displace himself or be displaced without facing deepest disgrace

4q
and social degradation. Different castes were separated by
so vast a social gulb that the slighest bodily contact with
each other brings pollution and the higher cannot touch any
article that the lower has handled, until it undergoes purification

44. Banabihari Sukla, Bhaqabat Ghara and Village Panchayat in

Medieval Orissa. Cuttack, 1986, pp.ll6-124,
45. A.R.Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, oo.cit.
p.264,

46. H. Panda, The Qriya Movement. A ska. 1919, pp. 161-162.

47. A.Sutton, Orissa and its Evangelization. England. 1350, p. 11.
48. Gopabandhu Das, Gopabandhu Rachanabali. 1st Part. Cuttack,
1976, p.144.

49. A.Sutton, Orissa and its Evangelization, op.cit., p.5l.

 378

50
by being put down upon mother earth. Every man follows his
caste profession, put distinguished caste mark on his forehead
and if illiterate affixes its different 'santaks' or caste
marks to the documents in lieu of signature. 51

In a village streets were separately situated on the basis

o

of caste or sub-caste such as Gola street, Kewat street, Karan

street, Mishra street, Tripathy street, etc. The cremation
grounds and the ponds meant for funeral ceremonies were separate
for the Brahmins and non-3rahmins on the basis of caste. Such
facilities were also made separate for different Brahmin
sub-castes.^

There was no caste tension because none resisted their

traditional socio-economic position in the caste hierarchy.

Scope for Social Mobility;

There were little scope for caste mobility. Although
marriages were pert armed within the Ifold of caste and sub-caste,
but some exceptions were socially tolerated. For example the
Khandaits married with other castes of equal status, Sud Chasas
with Odh Chasas and ordinary Khandaits. Among the commercial

50. Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteer. Puri. 1929. Patna, 1929,
p.36. !
51. S.UAaddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of
the Province of Orissa. 1390-1900. Vol.I. op.cii.'"." p.143.
52. Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India, Past and Present,
Delhi, 1988, p.78.
53. Report on the Census of Cuttack Jjstrict, 1391, OD.cit.,
p.8.
 379

54
-

castes, the Bahris intermarry Karoars. Karans of Cuttack

district freely mingled as equals with the Kayasthas of Bengal,

settling in Orissa. However no intercaste marriage was

perroissable in between them. Karans had intercaste marriage

relationship between the Khan da its and Kshetriyas.

With regard to caste profession, the higher castes in

Orissa at times adopted the occupation of lower castes but not

the vice versa. Thus many Brahmins and Kshetrivas during the
56
period of the Bhoi kings of Orissa took up agriculture.

Very often a low caste man could rise to high caste and

the vice versa on the basis of improvement or decline of one's

financial position . For example a Chasa. when becomes wealthy

become Khandait. Khan da its become Mahantis and Mahantis become

Karans. Similarly the loss of wealth brings down a Karan to

57
the rank of a Chasa.

Majority of the castes having been even ly distributed in

Orissa particularly in Cuttack district and living together in

the same villages for generations, an intimate interdependent

socio-economic or occupational relationship, regulated by caste

54. Report on the Census of Cuttack District. 1891. op.cit.,

p. 12. !

55. Ibid,, 11.

56. P.K.Pattnayak, A Forgotten Chapter of Orissa History.

Calcutta, 1979, p.94.

57. Imperial Gazetteer of India. 1835. 2nd edition. Calcutta,

1909, p.328.

0
 380

customs grew among them. All castemen besides observing their

special festival,for example Chaitra Pumima of the fishermen
caste enjoyed together the common Hindu festivals such as
Dusahera, Makar Sankranti, Sivaratri and Holi etc. Men of all
castes attended the marriage and other social functions of any
caste hindu on invitation and were served sweets and fruits
like bananas and mangoes. But cooked food was served by the
58
higher caste men to the lower, caste men but not the vice versa.

Caste Council:

Every caste had a Patak (council). It consisted of the

members of the same caste. Sometimes dispgtes of a particular
caste were referred to the respectable men of other castes,
In this case the Jati Patak is styled as 3arapatak.

After the native Raias ceased to act as supreme court of

appeal in caste matter the Zamindars and in some case the
descendants of the old ruling families held this position.
Under their control the Jati Pataks enforced caste rules
strictly.In the cases such as a Goura who carries a Palki loses his
* caste if he draws a boat. A Guria who sells Murhi may not sell
chira.59

58, Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India, Past and Present.

OD.cit., pp,78-79.

59, E. A.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.VI, op.cit., p.460.

 381

Every caste council has a Behera (President) who is taken

from a traditional Behera family. This Behera post was not
nominated but hereditary. The decision of Behera is final and
binding on all caste men.^ If the caste council is satisfied

that a particular man has violated caste practices, then a

decree of excommunication is passed to force him to submission
$ under social and family pressure. It se vers his economic link
with all his castemen. Sometimes if the guilty prays for
readmission, he had to prostrate before the caste council and
show sign of repentance , Then he is rebuked and fined,^ These

councils function more actively and effectively among many

low castes such as oilmen, carpenters, fishermen, confectioners.
In grave offences, a pilgrimage to Puri is imposed in addition
to giving feasts to the Brahmins. relatives and friends. Corporal
punishment is often given for criminal offences. But the
highest and most humiliating punishment was the decree of
expulsion. It renders the guilty as if he is dead. He not
only loses his friends and relatives, but often his wife and
children who would leave him to his fate than share the disgrace
with him.

60. Nilakantha Das, Nilakantha Granthabali (Oriya). op.cit.,

p.460.
61. Abbe*j. Oubbois, Hindu Manners. Customs and Ceremonies.
Oxford, 1953, pp.39-41.
62. N.N.Banerjee, Report on Agriculture of the District of
1893. op, cit., p.45.
 382

Factors for Social Mobility:

During British rule certain factors worked which helped
mobility in the society.

Impact of British Administrative System:

Though a foreign rule British Administration everywhere
in India was mostly influenced by the democratic culture of
the west. Early in 1833, the Charter Act declared that no
person on account of his religion, place of birth, descent,
colour would be disabled from holding any office or employment.
The same principle was reiterated in a wider sense in the Royal
Proclamation of 1 November 1858. It promised "the equal and
impartial protection of law and equality of opportunities for
all in the matter of recruitment to public services", J Hence­
forward a man was no longer disabled on the ground of caste to
get service and justice. 64 In the congenial atmosphere thus
prepared certain other factors operated in Orissa to facilitate
social mobility during the period of this study and thereby
slowly weakened the hold of caste in the Hindu society.

Introduction of British Legal and Judicial System:

In 1858 the Code of Civil Procedure was introduced in
Orissa to decide civil disputes. It was the first codified

63. A.C.Pradhan, The Emergence of Depressed Classes. Bhubaneswar

1986, p,6.
64. B.K.Kuppuswamy, Social Changes in India. Delhi, 1989, p.193.
 383

civil law of India based on English Judicature Act. It

replaced the ancient manners of dispensing justice in accordance
with Nvava and Pharma Sastra. interpreted by the learned
Brahmins and enforced by the kings and village panchayats at
village level. In 1862, the Indian Penal Code, the Criminal
65
Procedure Code and the Police Act were also introduced. In
the traditional society, the Hindu state, caste and village
committees dealt out varying punishment for the same offence
fifs
to delinquents of different castes. But these enactments
did away the traditional injustice and discrimination inherent
in. Hindu caste system. In accordance with the principle of
Mequality before law" it punished all persons found guilty
irrespective of caste, sex, wealth and status, Andrew Stirling
wrote that under the newly introduced judicial system, the
Brahmins were rendered amenable to the law of the criminal
jurisprudence. The execution of Jayakrushna Raj guru is an
eye-opener to the principle of equal punishments to the 3rahmins
and the non-Brahmins alike. Instead of allowing Brahmins to
dispense justice at the royal court, the new judicial administra­
tion put many non-Brahmins in the seats of justice as judges
and lawyers. Even the police personnel, coming mostly from the

65. J.K.Samal, Orissa Under the British Crown, 1853-1905,

Delhi, 1977, p.177.
66. A.R.Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, op.cit.,
p.248.
67. E.A,Gait, Census of India. 1901. Vol.Vl. op.cit., p.366.
 384

non-Brahmin castes, treated the Brahmins and Sudras alike

while discharging their duties.

After the enforcement of the British legal system, both

the caste and village Panchayats lost their authority. Day
by day the castes appeared more like voluntary organizations
having no sanction of law.

Impact of Western Education:

The spread of western education which disseminated the

ideas of equality by working out the concept of mass education
enshrined by Woods Despatch, 1854 and thus opening educational
avenues for all irrespective of caste, sex and religion.
Education was also secularised. By the special efforts of the
British Government, a few traditionally backward castes such
as low castes, untouchables, Muslims and women became educated.
Thus it broke the age-old monopoly of education in Orissa by
e the Brahmins and Karans alike. It is significant to observe
that out of 4 M.As, 94 B.As and many B.Ls produced by the end
of the nineteenth century, most of them belonged to non-Brahmin
castes. Particularly many Karans became graduates in Arts and
Law. Unlike Karans, the Khandayats were not adequately educated.
o
It is evident from the educational records and Census reports
that by the year 1891 almost all the middle castes took interest
68
in English education. But the Brahmins, lagged behind the

68. Report on the Census of the Cuttack District. 1891. op.cit.,

pp.6-11- No account o£ castewise educational progress of
the people in Orissa can be given due to want of statistics.
 385

Karans in this field because many of them still clung to the

traditional Sanskrit learning and considered the very touch of
paper and printed books as pollution. Late in 1887 Dibyasingha
Mishra, the first Brahmin of Puri district passed B.A.^ Until

1891, from Cuttack district not a single Brahmin graduate and

very few undergraduates came out. 70

After being educated, the n on-Brahmins come forward

first to avail the avenues of equal employment opportunity.
It is the Karans. who next to the Bengali residents of Orissa
mostly reaped the benefit of public employment, by holding
some posts of Deputies and Sub-Deputies. Many others worked
as teachers in schools and Am la s in Government offices. With
the increasing employment opportunity caused by the complexity
of Zamindarv Accounts, the Karans occupied most of the posts of
clerks, writers, Muharris. accountants, and qumustavs.in the
72
court of the Raias and Zamindars. Unlike Karans, the
Khandaits could not step into higher jobs, 73 though many of
them served in some lower jobs. The Kshetrivas. like the
Brahmins also could not advance in the field of education and
employment. Rather some Kshetrivas of lower order in the Balasore

69. Nabasambad. 2 June 1837.

70. Report on the Census of Cuttack District 1891. op.cit,, p,6,
71. Ibid.
72. Jagannath pattnayak, History of Feudatory States of Orissa.
Vol.II. Allahbad, 1938, p.450.
73. Report on the Census of the Cuttack District. 1891. op.cit.,
p.6.
 386

district were seen working as messangers, constables and

6 ■ '

door-keepers.74 Some of the Vaidvas made an entry in Government

jobs of lower order. Many middle caste men also became pet it iom-
writers, copj.sts and public scribes. Even some low caste men
like Pans and Kandras wereabsorbed in large number as village
*"7A

Choukidars, Paiks and post office runners. But as late as

I860, the Brahmins clinging to the anti-education and employment
prejudices as before outcasted a newly appointed Sanskrit
teacher at Puri, It is aound 1870, the Brahmins showed the
sign of enlightenment. The prospect of decent living by getting
jobs changed their attitude towards western education and
employment. In 1870, an Griya Brahmin was seen working as a
Sub-Inspector with a leather belt around his waist under the
77
shadow of Jagannath. In 1887 another Brahmin boy was appointed
78
as a Sub-Deputy. It is reported in Utkal Pi pika that even
the most conservative Brahmins. who never touched Englishmen
earlier to avoid contamination, had to work ynder them along
with other castemen in the offices.7^ They had to, like other

castemen, wash off the caste mark on their forehead every

morning before coming to office and renew them after the office
, . 80
hour is over.

74. Report on the Census of the Cuttack District 1891. op. cit., p. ll.
75. Report on the Census of Bala sore District 1891. op,cit.,p.6.
76. Ibid., p.8.
77. W.W.Hunter, History of Orissa. Vol.II. op, cit., p.147.
78. Sambad Bahika. 4 August 1887.
79. Utkal Dipika. 13 December 1873.
80. W.W,Hunter, History of Orissa. Vol.II. op,cit., p. 147,

0
 387

Yet by the beginning of twentieth century the Brahmins

stood behind the Bengalis, Karans. Christians and even the
native converts in the matter of education and employment,
thus loosing much of their former influence. Of course by
this time a few enlightened Brahmins took interest in reforming
the child marriage and educating the females. Yet it was too
late to improve their position. That is why Orissa by this
time was mostly led by many non-Brahmin leaders and intellectuals
such as Madhusudan Das, Madhusudan ftao, Radhanath Ray, Gouri
Sankar Ray, Nandakishore Bal, Fakir Mohan Senapati, etc.
- 0

The schools and the college provided the platform to the

students and teachers of Orissa irrespective of caste, religion
and sex to mix with each other, who were living segregated
before hand. Moreover an integrated and organized educational
system of the British Government inevitably needed official
contact between the educational institutions and the department
of education. The students and teachers had to move to district
and subdivisional headquarters to appear examinations, to get
training, scholarships, rewards, school grants, teachers payment
83
etc. On the other hand the chief gurus. Inspecting Pundits,
Deputy Inspectors, seme of them being Bengali and some others

81. E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901, Vol.Y, op.cit., p.3Q6,

82. Otkal Djpika. 8 July 1876.

83. Sikhyabandhu. 1st Part. 2nd issue, p.ll.

 388

being Oriya went on visiting schools at different places for

the purpose of inspection. This contact^ending the age-old

isolation promoted mobility among the people of different castes

during the second half of the nineteenth century.

The first generation of educated and anglicised youth,

by their action and behaviour, as W.VV,Hunter wrote "broke the

old prejudice and violently combated the vexatious restrictions

04
of caste". Contrary to age-old caste restrictions, they

took brandy at English men's club and garden party, dined with

Christians and Brahmos, ate potato, wore Lungi. kept musta.ehe-

85
after shaving^ade their heads bdld, took Pika and even

many including some Brahmin boys put on shoes in Bavenshaw

college being pressurised by the principal.®^ Some even used

cotton umbrella instead of palmleaf umbrella.

Change in Caste Profession:

In Orissa the people did not accept any artificial caste

87
rule without applying their conscience and violated the

traditional division of labour on the basis of caste. Education,

employment, trade and commerce being open to a Uneven some low

84. W.W, Hunter, History of Orissa, Vol.II, op.cit,, p, 149.

8 5. Utkal Sahitya, 10th Part, 17th issue, 1319, p. 102,

86, W.W.Hunter, History of Orissa, Vol.II. op.cit., p.147.

87, Utkal Dipika. 13 December 1873.

 389

caste men and untouchables took up the professions of their

choice and convenience. A Karan became a shop-keeper, a
OQ
shop-keeper's son served under the Government. The weavers,
as their profession was ruined by the importation of fine
clothes, took up labour and agriculture. The Thorias, who
traded in grain carrying them in pack-bullocks, gradually took
recourse to cultivation due to the introduction of railways
and roads.Oriyas even did those business which was done by
the Marwaris in the olden days.^0 The Vaidvas leaving their

traditional Ayurvedic practice now held Zamindari. tenures

and accepted Government jobs. Many Karans due to periodic
O -=r-
land settlements in 1837 and 1397 became Zamindars. iakhiraidars.
tenure holders and holders of occupancy rights. Even the
Brahmins took recourse to several secondary pursuits to supplement
their reduced income from priesthood.^ Even some iaukik Brahmins,

particularly in Bala sore district, departing from priestly

function, accepted cultivation and became successful merchants;92
Sane others became Zamindars. holders of Lakhirai or revenue-free
tenure. By the year 1891, in Balasore district only Vaidik

88. Sambad Bahika.^ 16 June 1876.

89. L.S.S.O.Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer. Balasore. 1908.
Type Script, Calcutta, 1908, p.105.
90. Pundit Lokanath, Lokanath Granthabali. p.132.
91. Report on the Oistrict of Balasore, 1391. op.cit., p.7.
92. S. L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of
the Province of Orissa, Vol.II, op."cit.','p. 564".
93. Fakir Mohan Senapati, Fakir Mohan Granthabali (Qriya),
Cuttack, 1963, pp.17-18.
 390

Brahmins continued priesthood, not engaging in business except

working as Government officers and in the higher branches of
land management. The Sasanis changed their profession a bit
later. By the end of the nineteenth century they were able to
get teachership in the newly opened schools with the passage
of time, due to increase in their number, the absence
of rocxn for expansion of cultivation, the gradual disintegration
of communal system sapped the prosperity of the Brahmin Sasans.
As they used to sublet the land or engage Kothias. their income
from land was reduced. Hence some of the Sasanis became
pilgrim-hunters under their ritual interior Pandas of Jagannath
temple, which their caste practice prohibited. Many Sasan
villages also mostly passed to the outsiders, chiefly the
money-lenders. The Sasanis lost their administrative power
at the royal courts. The Vaidiks also due to the declining

hold of priest craft and astrology, particularly when the

educated youth mocked at these occupations, had to suffer.
However the lowest class of Brahmins such as Marhias, Mastanis
or Laukiks survived because of their age-old inclination to
cultivation and their adoptability to rade and business during
theolate nineteenth century. It is evident that as many as
7239 Brahmins of Orissa were serving as cooks in Bengal proper
by the beginning of twentieth century. 96

94, Report on the Census of Balasore District. 1891. op.cit.,p.5.

95, S.L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of the
Province of Orissa. 1890-1900. Vol.II. op.cit., p.63G.
96, E.A.Gait, Census of India, 1901. Vol.VI. op.cit., p.303.
 391

Intercaste Marriage:
0 In the traditional Hindu society, the first and foremost
and sometimes the only consideration for selecting grooms and
brides was the purity of their castes. The society highly
esteemed a family belonging to purest caste. Even once Utkal
Dipika opposed the legalisation of intercaste marriage as per
the special marriage Act and commented ’’This Act encourages the
youth to choose the wives of their choice outside the caste
and religion” and hence the Government should pass a law
disabling these youths to inherit the paternal propertyahdto
97
discourage them to marry outside the caste. Despite this
conservative attitude of the Hindu society, a few intercaste
marriages were performed in Orissa. For example around 1880
Madhusudan Das was married to‘ a Christian Bengali girl. 98 On
13 May 1882, the daughter of Kunjabihari De married with
Ramanath Das of Balasore in accordance with the Brahmo rites.
It was probably the first intercaste marriage in Orissa, as the
groan was a Saqarpesa and bride Kavastha by caste. It was also
the Bengali-Oriya marriage. A native Oriya newspaper named
QQ
Utkal Da roan congratulated Ramanath Das for this bold attempt.
It was also the first Bengali-Oriya Marriage. In 1881, Sambad
Bahika appealed to the people of Orissa that ”since a long time
intercaste marriage is going on and in India and Orissa, such
trends should be welcomed".1^0

97, Utkal Dioika. 30 July 1872.

98, K.C.Rout, Local-self Government in British Orissa. 1865-1935
Delhi, 1988, p.54.
99, Utkal Daroan. 21 May 1882.
lOO.Sambad Bahika. 14 April 1881.
 392

Anti-Caste Religious Movements:

The extent of awakening of anti-caste consciousness in
Orissa by the socio-religious movements has been discussed
in detail earlier. Ironically the first convert to Christianity
was a Brahmin, By questioning the Brahminical supremacy, priest
craft and by giving moral and material boost to the low caste ”
people, they definitely undermined the authority of the caste
system. The native Christians, by planting cocoanut tree
broke the immemorial custom that alone the Brahmins could plant
it and if a non-Brahmin did it, he was obsructed by Brahmins
101
who threatened him that he will incur the wrath of God.

The Brahmos in Orissa also encouraged people to join

then irrespective of caste*leading Brahmos even renounced
sacred thread, thereby denouncing the social preeminence of the
Brahmins.

The Mahimites also took t.o .their fold a mass of rural

pea^entry of Sudra order and launched a tirade against the
Brahmins. By allowing the men of all castes to sit together
for common meal in Satsanga, denouncing the external rites and
rituals advocated by the Brahmins, the Mahimites undermined the
reverence to caste system and Brahmins, Their religious gets-

101. W.W.Hunter, History of Orissa. Vol.II. op.cit., pp. 139-141-

Some 30 years ago, when a 'Government official planted
cocoanut trees along the Machagaon canal, found when time
came to sell the fruits that the 3rahmins had forbidden
any Hindu to purchase the nuts and was at last driven to
get the best price he could from the Indian Christians
at Cutta ck.
 393

together also promoted free social intercourse between the

people of different castes.

Impact of Public Associations:

The periodic meeting of the increasing number of public
associations in Orissa as elaborated in Chapter III such as
Balasore National Society, Orissa Association etc., provided
the opportunity for the men of various castes and religions
to sit together and thereby facilitated free and frequent
social intercourse between them. By this, caste consciousness
was diminished to some extent. Secondly until now,social
gatherings were mostly held on the basis of caste and only
caste problems were discussed. But now public associations
organized meetings to discuss instead of caste issues, the
public issues of the day and thus diminished the importance of
ca ste.

Relaxation of Caste Restriction on Food and Drink ;

In the traditional Hindu society, different castes observed
many restrictions while taking food and drink. These restrictions
were prominently marked among the Karans of Orissa, Kavasthas
of Bengal and the La las of Hindustan. This restriction was was so
strictly observed 4ha4 a-wce While a S^HdevesHa was
^seen eating in the marriage feast of Raia Shyamanda De along
with the Karans, Kayasthas and Brahmo invites, he was caught
i r\o
redhanded for his eneligibility to sit with them.

102. Sambad Bahika. 14 April 1881.

 394

Even the Karans of both Orissa and Bengal since along

time did not take any food except Maha ora sad (holy food) in
0

each others house. Probably towards the seventies of the last

century, coming in touch with the modern forces, they adopted
the practice of taking non-cooked food in each other’s house.
Subsequently as taking only food without curry was felt
unpalatable, the Karans of Orissa agreed to take curry with
Puri, ifr cooked not by the Bengali Brahmins but by the Orissa
Brahmins to whom they usually employed. 103 Even the Karans
did away with these restrictions later on. It was evident
that in a feast organized by Baboo Sitakanta Banurgya on the
occasion of Oiwali, the Karans with other caste men took Dal
and curry prepared by the Bengali Brahmins. Hereafter the
only restriction of eating cooked rice remained. On the other
hand the Bengali Kavasthas used to eat from the hands of the
Orissa Brahmins. The la las of Hindustan, residing in Orissa
used to accept the Oriya Brahmins as priests since a long time.
Utkal Pi pika hoped that henceforward all types of eating
restrictions in between the La las. Kavasthas and Karans of
Orissa will be done away with. Most probably from the
seventies of the last century onwards,men of different castes
began sitting to eat together. In the year 1834, Samba lour
Hitaisini wrote, ’’the Karans. Kavasthas. Banias. T ant is. Brahmins .

103. S.L.Maddox, Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of

the Province of Orissa. 1390-1900. 'Vol.I. op.cit.. p.l47.
104. Utkal Dioika. 6 November 1330.
 395

Christians, Musalmans and Brahmos took rice meal together in

the function of a richman at Cuttack town". Even the
Brahmins who never touched water in the houses of other castes
including the Brahmin of a lower sub-caste began to take
non-cooked or dry food during the first quarter of the present
century. But they never threw out the leaves on which they ate.
Those were thrown by the barber or by the inviting person. But
the non-Brahmin caste Hindus,towards the beginning of the
twentieth century, while taking meal in Brahmin’s houses,
threw themselves on which they ate.

Increasing contact with the town life, emigration to

o

different parts of Orissa, more movement within different

parts of Orissa due to betterment of communication facilities
and the opening of Eastern Coast Railway helped greatly in
slackening the food and drink restrictions and forced even the
most bigoted high caste Oriyas "to sit by, to drink water,
even take refreshment alongside from a low born sweeper whose
conduct and other circumstances would be pollution. The
tendency is to break through prejudices and to bring familiar
connections with the outsiders unknown previously” 107

105, Sambalpur Hjtajsini, 6 June 1884.

106, Bidyadhar Mishra, Village Life in India, Past and Present,

op.cit., p.80.
107, N.N.Banerjee, Report on Agriculture on the District of
Cuttack. 1893. op.cit.. Appendix iV. p.x-
 396

The Famine of 1866t

The famine of 1866 brought a lot of change in the psycho­
ha bb it pattern of the people of Orissa. The same Qriyas,
particularly the Brahmins who took the very touch of a
Pa dree to be highly polluting were now forced, out of starvation
to move to the relief centres, managed mostly by the Christians
to get food. Many were forced to desert or sell their children
who took shelter in orphanages of the Missionaries. These
destitutes constituted a new caste of wChatrakhiasw (eater of
alms) in the Oriya society. It consisted of two sub-castes:
the first known as upper caste Chatrakhias comprising of Brahmin.
Karan and Khandait destitutes and the second consisting of the
lower castes.

Caste Associations:
Having been influenced by the reformist tendency of the
period, many enlightened persons of different castes took
steps to reform and reorient the caste system within the fold
of their castes. The Karan*s Sabha in 1869, Kavastha Sabhas
during the nineties of the nineteenth century and some Brahmo
Sabhas deserves mention in this regard. One Sri Bichhitrananda
□as wrote a book on the "Origin and Dignity of the Karan
i rvp
caste. In 1889-90, another book narrating the lowly nature
of the Brahmin caste titled "Jati Sanskar" (caste reforms) was

108. Utkal Dlplka. 29 May 1875.

0
 397

published. As this book is not available nothing can be said

» about it. Even until 1892 the Brahmins did not carry out any
significant reform.109 In the year 1902, the Brahmins, in the
first meeting of the "Samaj Sanskarani Sabha" (Association for
social reforms),held at Puri decided to remove the differences
among their various sub-castes.110 The caste association!
although reformed some social practices such as child marriage
etc., but they never worked to encourage intercaste marriage,
intercaste dining and accepting new vocations, violating the
traditional caste professions. Rather these Sabhas strengthened
the caste Panchavats to enforce the caste practices, reformed
in accordance with the need of the age but did not weaken the
caste structure itself. Hence other factors opening to undermine
the caste system, as discussed earlier, could not substantially
erode its strength.

Conker ment of High Titles and Surnames on Low caste men:

The Raias and Zamindars of Orissa have been in many cases
conferring titles of Patros and Mahapatros upon some worthy
people. But during late nineteenth century the Raia of Baramba
distributed the surname of ’Singh’ on every Pan and Hari in
lieu of getting a few rupees. Besides during the settlement

109. Sambalpur Hitaisini. 6 September 1892,

110. Sambalpur Hitaisini. 8 October 1902.

 398

operation of 1867 and 1897, many wealthy and educated men of

lower caste could manage to get the superior titles or surnames
recorded in their names. On this basis subsequently they made
a strong claim of belonging to higher caste and get the approval
of new caste Panchavat by payment of money, giving feasts and
observing religious ceremonies etc. Mostly some Government
servants, Honorary Magistrates and temporary Muharrirs could
thus improve their social status.?or example, the substitution
of Choudhurv and Saroant for ’'Baboo” as a prefix, Mahapatro for
Patro, Pattnaik for Haik as affixes were done in many cases,

« Demilitarisation of Khandaits:
Originally the swords men from many castes were recruited
by the ancient Raias of Orissa, giving large chunks of land
to the former in lieu of their service. They formed a distinct
class who in course of time assumed the character of a new
caste0 named 1 Khan da it'. They were divided into two castes
named Mahanayaks and ordinary Khandaits. The former hold large
Jaairs and the latter comprise the state militia • both establishing
marriage relationship with the Karans. After the Raias lost
military power, the Khanda its were not to do military service,
but retained the land as before. The rich landholders cultivated
the land through the Kothias and the middle class Khandaits
cultivated in their own hand. Consequently they appeared more
as a class of peasants and freely mixed with the Chasas to such

111. Census Report on the District of Cuttack. 1891. op,cit., p.5.

 399

an extent during the period of this study that both of them

seemed like fused into a single caste. They also established
marriage relationship with Sud Chasas which confirmed the
Khandalts* acceptance of lower social status. Unlike the
Karans, the Khandaits could not get into higher branches of
public service,Yet their possession of vast landed property,
entry of a few of them in service under the native Rajas and
their free social and marriage relationship with the Karans
tended to improve their socio-economic position. 114

Anti-Caste Awakening in Orissa t

As early as 1837, at Calcutta as W.H.Pearce observed,
"In some places the institution of caste are generally, though
not openly violated and in others they have already fell into
contempt", About 30 to 40 years after the people of Orissa,
particularly at Cuttack and Balasore showed the similar anti­
caste attitude. In this changed environment, even the caste
councils entertained complains such as mixing of educated youth
with the Christians and Brahmos, dissecting the cropses in the
medical school etc., but when hundreds of educated young men
particularly the powerful Amlas and Hakims continued adopting

112. Census Report on the district of Cuttack, 1891, op.cit.,p.26.

113. Ibid., p.u.

114. Report on the Census of Balasore. 1391. op.cit., p, 16.

o
 400

a changed life-style, in defiance of caste rules, in spite of

the denounciement by the Brahmins and elderly persons, the caste
and village councils could not take any effective steps to
check it. As for example when Biswanath Kar renounced the
sacred thread to become a Brahmo, the conservative Brahmins
merely complained and ultimately remained silent.

The British Government was almost universally criticised

for not taking active steps to weaken caste system in India.
Some British historians, journalists and professors often
recommended the keeping alive of caste division as a lever
to safeguard the British dominion. James Carr remarked, “Its
spirit is opposed to national union”. The growth and intensifi­
cation of the national movement and the class struggle between
the employer and employee, the Zamindar and the tenant above
a section of the wealthy classes to support caste system to
sabotage the growing national unity of the people and the class
unity of the workers and the peasants. As various classes
struggled to protect their interest through the Kishan Sabhas.
trade unions, tenants and land labour unions by adopting
© agitational methods, naturally the employers and the Zamindars
did not relish it. The most reactionary among them even used
the orthodox institution of caste to disrupt the growing unity
of the masses. The principle of perfect religious neutrality
and obstience from all interference with the religious beliefs
and practices of the natives with their habits and usuages,

115. A.R.Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, op.cit.,

pp. 256-257.
 401

almost consistently followed by the British Government

particularly after the Revolt of 1857 also gave a negative
support to the tradition and hence the caste system thrieved
unhindered.

In Orissa, although due to lack of industrial development

and absence of a labour class until 1903, no employer class
existed who could have nourished such a reactionary intention,
but it is possible that the Zamindars of Orissa might have
desired the perpetuation of caste system in Orissa to keep
away their tenants from the influence of the class struggle
as launched elsewhere in India. That might have been the
principal cause why nowhere in the contemporary Oriya newspapers
or literature any Zamindar of Orissa was found denouncing or
even slightly criticising caste system in Orissa although many
of them appeared enlightened and worked for social reforms in
general. Even Fakir Mohan Senapati in his story ‘Rebati’
(written towards the beginning of the twentieth century)
appreciated the caste Pa n chav at s as nice social institutions
and lamented for thier decline due to the introduction of modem
judicial system.

Caste system was so deeprooted in the Orissansociety that

the moves to perpetuate it were made more vehemently than the
efforts to do away with it. Even the two divisions of lower

116, F.M.Senapati, Fakir Mohan Granthabali. op.cit., p.477.

 402

caste and higher caste Qiatrakhias did not agree to marry

117
with each other although they were the common victims,
After the famine was over, some leading people and the newspapers
of Orissa pleaded the Missionaries to return the destitutes to
their relatives, lest they would lose their religion and caste.
The Zamindars and notables of Orissa even arranged "Back to the
caste" religious ceremonies at huge costs to take back the
destitutes to their original castes. Baboo Bichitrananda
Das made much efforts in this regard. Even Sambalour Hitsistnt
denounced the anglicised educated youth of late ninteentn century
Orissa leading a new style of life violating the traditional
caste and religious rules, * once Madhusudan Das, presiding
at a meeting of graduate and undergraduate association held at
Cuttack said, "Caste system having been prevalent in the Hindu
120
society since hundreds of year, needs no inter^erence”*

However anti-caste forces also worked actively in Orissa.

In the year 1889, Sambad Bahika highlighted that at Madras,
where caste practices are very rigid Hindu priests are accepting
converted Christians willing to return back to Hinduism. They
also accepted in Hinduism those people who return after foreign

117. L.S.S.O.Malley, Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers. Puri.

Patna, 1890, p.8&.
118, Utkal Pioika. 9 February 1867, 11 April 1868.
119. Sambalpur Hjtajsini. 5 October 1892.
120, Peepak* 4 and 11 January 1890.
©
 403

travel and solemnized the marriage of their son. The same

paper also observed, "Hinduism is going to be liberali|ed

day by day and the caste system is slackening".

Towards the close of the nineteenth century many elites

tseught against the hold of caste. In a well attended meeting

of Cuttack college held on 24 July 1897, principal Mr.Nilakantha

Majumdar appealed to the people of Orissa who have lost their

faith in caste system to work together to slacken it. Samba lour

Hitaisini appreciated this view. However Utkal Dioika did not

121
agree with this view.

Thus by the beginning of the present century under the

impact of anti-caste awakening the rigidity of caste system

was slightly relaxed. The untouchables were officially

permitted to get in the schools opened by the Government and

to mix with the caste Hindus freely in the courts, offices,

police stations, trains, post offices, jails, hospitalsand

other public places. Yet as the Hindu society continued

discouraging them as before, they could make little progress

in the field of education and employment. The hold of caste

« still remained intact in the Hindu society and except the

Karans' significant progress, all other castes of Orissa

remained in the same social order, as said earlier, thus bringing

121,_Samba 1pur Hitaisini, 11 August 1897.

almost no change in the caste structure. Even the Hindu
Pundits, often supported the pretension of a few men to a
caste of higher order, not on the basis that his position has
improved, but by the fiction that their free origin has hitherto
been misunderstood and by identifying them with some ancient
V 1oo
cas-Ce of greater respectability than their own.

#***

122. E.A.Gait, Census Report of India. 1901. Vol.VI. op.cit..

p. 366.