CONTEMPORARY POLITICS OF NIGERIA

OVERVIEW
This paper aims to analyze a plethora of aspects related to the contemporary issues of
Nigerian politics. It seeks to highlight the origin of Boko Haram as an insurgent group and
the interparty conflicts between PDP and APC. The Biafran Separatists and the Nigerian
Media have played a key role in shaping the modern politics of Nigeria. The crucial issues
impacting the 2019 General Elections are studied in order to get a better understanding of the
electoral challenges faced by the country.
Boko Haram insurgents along with other pressure groups are giving the Nigerian
Government a hard time.
INTRODUCTION
Democracy has been an effective system of government since the end of cold war. A plethora
of nations in the world have sought to attain democratic governance in its highest level
possible. The “wave of democracy” prevailed in Africa in the era of 1960’s. However, by the
1990’s, the general discontent with corrupt, in efficient, repressive and dictatorial systems of
governance had plagued Africa ultimately resulting in pro-democracy demonstration, forcing
most African leaders to introduce political reforms.
After several decades of military rule, Nigeria is currently enjoying a federal democratic
structure. But, the administration of Nigerian government got interrupted because of the
ongoing unrest as a consequence of deep religious and ethnic cleavages existing since the end
of British rule. Nigeria comprises nearly 350 ethnic groups. At the same time, the country is
roughly split between the Muslim-dominated north and Christian-dominated south. The two
largest religious groups have, for decades, generally abided by an informal power-rotation
agreement for the presidency, but political friction remains a significant factor in ongoing
unrest.
BOKO HARAM: NIGERIA’S ISLAMIST INSURGENCY
The ‘Islamic State of West Africa’ also known as Boko Haram was initially a religious non-
violent group. The literal meaning of the word “Haram” is forbidden and of “Boko” is book,
which is translated as “western education is forbidden”. Boko Haram often referred to as an
anti state, reformist and an extremist Islamic Group that seeks to impose Sharia Law in the
northern part of Nigeria. The group originated in Maiduguri in Borno state around 2002. The
aim of the small group founded by Mohammed Yusuf was to use the public outrage at
government corruption for mobilization and to oppose Westernization of the Nigerian society
and creation of an Islamic state. It represented deep ethnic and religious cleavages mainly
between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria.
Gradually, there was an increase in the number of followers as the ideology of “Wahhabism”
(Islamic Fundamentalism) attracted people who were mostly dropouts and unemployed. The
Boko Haram Jihadist group was often suspected of having links with Al-Qaeda and other
Islamic militant organizations. In the name of Islam, Boko Haram carried out its
radicalization activities without interrupting the administrative system for seven years.
During this period, the group was considered peaceful, as there was no major provocation
between it and the Nigerian Government. The politicians used religion to gather votes by
promising Muslim population to implement Sharia and even provided funds to Boko Haram
for its development till 2007 elections.
July 2009 MASSACRE
Hostilities began in 2009 that led to a series of violent clashes between Nigerian security
officials and Boko Haram. It transformed the group from a religious sect to an insurgent
group. Violence erupted when insurgents were asked to remove their headgears in order to
wear helmet by the police. This was seen as an interruption of the “pure” practice of Islam by
the Muslims. The government responded to these riots in a brutal five day crackdown under
the operation code “Operation Flush”. The operation centred on a door to door raid of
suspected members homes and launched a joint Military task force to combat these activities.
The security forces arrested attackers and confiscated weapons. These clashes led to revenge
attacks from Jihadist side. But, Mohammed Yusuf was arrested during this and was executed
during interrogation.
Post - 2009 Developments
Following the July 2009, Boko Haram undergone a transformation under the leadership of
Abubakr Shekau. He organized a series of deadly attacks that expanded Boko Haram’s
control from North-eastern states to Bauchi, Borno, Yobe and Kano to 14 of Nigeria’s 36
states. Since 2009, the group deployed the use of suicide bombings, armed gunmen, Vehicle-
borne Improvised Explosive Devices (VBIEDs) and handmade weapons which will lead to
large scale destruction in Nigeria. Their main targets were Churches or areas resided by
Christians. The terrorist tactics undertaken by Boko Haram succeeded in undermining the
authority of political leaders and the Nigerian Security apparatus.
Attacks of 2011
The attack of 2011 on the UN Headquarters in Abuja was the first attack on an international
target. The aim of the attack was to expel foreigners and the foreign influence exercised by
UN in Nigeria. It was also to clearly show Nigeria and the world that Boko Haram is not just
limited to local in nature, it can instigate violence anywhere in Nigeria perhaps beyond. The
immediate response of the government was to bring changes to Nigerian counter- terrorism
policies and to reconsider their security programmes. According to Heritage Foundation,
“Bombing the headquarters of an international organization is a wakeup call to Nigerian
Government and the international community”. The attack also led to immediate concerns
about association with other international terrorist cells like Al Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb. In 2012, President Jonathan met with US African Command General Carter Ham
to request assistance for countering terrorism. The general agreed in the form of police
reinforcements, governing the illegal import of explosives and also sent small military teams
to train the military officials.
The response of UN was immediate and UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon dispatched
security forces to examine the threats of arms proliferation. The mission submitted its report
suggesting the links with Al- Qaeda which sold arms and even provided training to the
militants. So, Ban suggested mutual cooperation between the Nigeria’s government and
International Organisation to tackle this regional conflict which was at the stage of becoming
an international threat.

MAJOR ATTACKS BY BOKO HARAM AFTER 2011

The year 2014 has been the worst period of the group attacks, according to Human Right
Watch. Most of the attacks are concentrated in the northeast states of Borno, Yobe and
Adamawa. Since its formation, Boko Haram has exploited sectarian tensions and division
between the predominantly Christian, oil-rich south and the relatively poorer, mostly Muslim
north of Nigeria. On 14 April 2014, Boko Haram militants attacked a government secondary
boarding school in Chibok, Borno state, where girls from surrounding areas had gone to take
exams. Despite the security measures two hundred Boko Haram fighters disguised as
Nigerian soldiers attacked the school and were quickly able to overcome the outnumbered
security forces. The group tried to kidnap as many girls as it could, only fifty managed to
escape during the attack. In total 219 girls were taken away. Many of the pupils were
Christians. Most of the girls abducted were high school seniors between the ages of sixteen
and eighteen.

RESPONSE OF NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT

After the abduction in October 2014, the Nigerian government announced that it had
negotiated a ceasefire with Boko Haram and that schoolgirls would be released shortly.
However, within two weeks of abduction Boko Haram released a video in which the leader
Shekau denied the ceasefire and claimed that the missing girls had already been converted to
Islam and were married off to Boko Haram members. Threats and torture has been allegedly
used in order to make the girls follow Boko Haram`s version of Islamic religion. Soon after
the attack many world leaders were quick to condemn it; the then Secretary-General Ban Ki-
moon and UNICEF demanded an immediate release of the girls. The news reached around
the world and considerable pressure was put on Nigerian government and its inefficiency in
handling the situation. For two years, little was heard of the 219 girls. October 2016 saw the
first mass release with 21 girls being freed following negotiations between the government
and Boko Haram, facilitated by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Then
in May 2017, another 82 girls were freed, once again with the help of the ICRC. On the other
hand, the case and its aftermath show the inability of the Nigerian government to properly
solve the issue and lives of over hundred girls were most likely permanently ruined. The rise
of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria has been simply because of the failure of successive
Nigerian governments to curb corruption, deliver public services, generate economic
opportunity and engage communities both north and south fully in national polity.
The Nigerian government’s military have been relatively ineffective in countering Boko
Haram insurgency primarily because their response to the menace has been hampered by an
entrenched culture of official corruption in the country and the poor state of the military
hardware available to the foot soldiers. Although the government claimed to have
“technically defeated” Boko Haram in December 2015, the armed group was still able to
carry out 135 attacks in 2017, five times higher than the 2016 attacks and in 2018 as well.

BOKO HARAM ALLIGENCE TO OTHER MILITANT ORGANIZATIONS

On 7 March, Abubakr Shekau – the then leader of the Boko Haram, opened a new page in the
history of the group when he announced his allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-
proclaimed ‘caliph’ and leader of the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIS). This was not the
first time that it has pledged allegiance to a foreign terrorist group. In 2011, Boko Haram
officially joined the ranks of al-Qaeda-affiliated groups.
In August 2016, the crack came when the ISIS named Abu Musab al-Barnawi, as the new
leader of Boko Haram. The long-time leader of the group, Abubakr Shekau, denied he had
been replaced and vowed to continue the insurgency.Boko Haram hence split into two
factions in 2016, one led by notorious Nigerian jihadi Abubakar Shekau and another by Abu
Musab al-Barnawi, who was appointed as the group’s new leader in August 2016 by ISIS.

2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

The relationship between terrorism and election came to the force in the 2015 presidential
election, when it became clear that the threat of Boko Haram was affecting security
conditions on the ground. Between January and March 2015, Boko Haram carried out 70
attacks in which more than 3 000 people were killed. The Boko Haram crisis also raised
humanitarian issues. The group’s indiscriminate attacks had forced thousands of Nigerians
into internal displacement and created refugees. In addition, Boko Haram had captured and
was controlling several territories and there were no guarantees or plans to ensure that those
living in these territories could cast their vote. It was on the basis of these considerations that
INEC decided to postpone the election from its initial date of 14 February to 28 March. One
of the main reasons for this postponement was to enable the government to flush out Boko
Haram and create a safe environment for the election. On the day of the election, 28 March
2015, some violent acts that can be categorized as terrorism were committed by Boko Haram
and political thugs of the two principal political parties – the APC and the PDP. Nonetheless,
the violence was nothing close to the pre-electoral violence. There were three main actors in
this 2015 election: Jonathan, Buhari and Shekau. Shekau did everything to disrupt, weaken
and impair Jonathan’s administration by doing things that made Jonathan unpopular –
kidnapping the Chibok girls, bombing the United Nations (UN), and bombing the Nigerian
Federal Police Headquarters and other high-profile national strategic institutions. He also
seized territories from Jonathan and used young girls as suicide bombers. He successfully
turned public opinion against Jonathan, who in turn set the military against the Islamist sect,
uprooting it from its bases and weakening its ability to carry out frequent attacks.

IMPACT OF BOKO HARAM ACTIVITIES ON NIGERIA’S EXTERNAL IMAGE

The implications of Boko Haram on Nigeria’s external relations are enormous. First and
foremost, the listing of Boko Haram group as Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the
United States of America and Canada has led to a renewed campaign of calumny against
Nigeria in which many western nations have advised their nationals to desist from travelling
to Nigeria.
The image problems occasioned by the Boko Haram insurgency is the suspicion of most
Nigerians at international airports in some countries, as they are subjected to intense scrutiny
before being allowed to board the flight.
The crisis in the North East region, has continued to attract negative attention globally,
especially by international right groups and humanitarian bodies like Amnesty International
(Al), Human Rights Watch (HURIWA), who have all written at various times damaging
reports on the activities of the Nigerian state. Nigeria’s status in Africa and international
organizations continued to be threatened. The activities of the insurgent groups had negative
implications on the big brother’s role Nigeria play to other African nations, preaching and
promoting peace, equity and justice, ethnic terrorism have sent a wrong signal. Therefore, her
status as the ‘giant’ of Africa is at stake.
The unfolding crises of security occasioned by Boko Haram have far-reaching implications
for the country’s international politics, diplomacy and economic development. Various
hostilities particularly bombing of houses, schools, government agencies in the Northern
Nigeria are on the extreme. This situation demonstrates largely, the collapse of security in
Nigeria which has further battered Nigeria’s image.
ROLE OF UNITED NATIONS
The United States and British governments labelled Boko Haram as terrorist organizations in
2013. The United Nations followed suit, designating Boko Haram an al-Qaeda affiliate in
2014. The same year, the U.N. Security Council announced that it approved sanctions against
Boko Haram, including an arms embargo, travel bans, and asset freezes. The UN Security
Council has approved sanctions against the Nigerian militant group Boko Haram, five weeks
after it kidnapped more than 200 schoolgirls. After the Chibok kidnapping, the United States
and major western countries publicly condemned Boko Haram’s actions.

BOKO HARAM IN PRESENT TIMES

The international community has been reluctant to get involved in the conflict, and despite
having the largest army in West Africa, Nigeria's military has struggled to push back the
militants. Security analysts pointed to a lack of investment and corruption in the army as key
reasons. But after so many years of insurgency, the military appears to have turned a corner
in the battle against Boko Haram. Troops have reclaimed swathes of territory in the north and
rescued hundreds of captured women and girls in recent months. Multiple possibilities for
improvements exist both in counterterrorism methods and conduct of the army but also in the
Nigerian society itself. The society of Nigeria is divided ethnically and religiously, and
economic inequality in the country is considerable. More traditional but more effective
counterterrorism methods should be implemented. In February 2019, Nigerians go to the
polls to elect the country’s next president. Nigeria’s elections have historically been tense,
and as the campaign gets underway there are concerns that upcoming process will see new
violence.

PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY

Formation
The People's Democratic Party (PDP) is a major contemporary political party in Nigeria. It
came into existence in 1998 as a reaction to the military regime that prevailed in Nigeria. In
the midst of the military rule and dictatorship, a group of political leaders, eighteen of them in
the beginning and later thirty-four known as the G-34 became the central focus of the
associations that formed what is today the People’s Democratic Party.
Between May 1999 when Nigeria returned to democratic rule for the third time in its political
history and May 2015 when it held its fifth general election in this dispensation, the country
was ruled by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The dominance of this party for 16 years
in the electoral politics of Nigeria was ensured by its electoral strength and geographical grip.
The 2015 general elections were, therefore, a turning point on the electoral and political
scenario of this party. In this election, PDP lost its status as the dominant party.
Political ideology and policy:
The long time slogan of the People's Democratic Party has been "Power to the people".
Its policies lie towards the centre-right of the political spectrum.
Economic Stance:
 The PDP favours free-market policies which support economic liberalism, and limited
government regulation.
 In 2003, PDP embarked on a radical economic reform program, which reduced
government spending through conservative fiscal policies, and saw
the deregulation and privatization of numerous industries in service sector of Nigeria.
 The PDP adopts a more leftist stance towards poverty and welfare. In 2005, the PDP
took initiatives to ensure that every Nigerian has access to basic health care services.
 The PDP strives to maintain the status quo on oil revenue distribution. The PDP
government has made efforts to shift to the 50-50 federal-to-state government revenue
allocation.

Social issues:
 The PDP is against same-sex relations, and favours social conservatism on moral and
religious grounds. In 2007, the PDP-dominated National Assembly sponsored a bill to
outlaw homosexual relations, making it punishable by law for up to five years in
prison.
 The party is a moderate advocate of state-autonomy and religious freedom for the
Nigerian provinces.
Election Results:
PDP won every Presidential election between 1999 and 2011, and was until the 2015
elections the governing party in the Fourth Republic.
 The 1999 elections were the first elections since the 1993 military coup, where the
PDP won a majority of seats in the legislature and Olusegun Obasanjo was elected as
the president. He was a former military leader.
 In the 2003 elections, the party maintained a legislative majority and Obasanjo was
re-elected as the president. The PDP had an unofficial policy of rotating the
presidency between candidates from the predominantly Christian south and the
predominantly Muslim north. Millions of people voted several times. The
police uncovered an electoral fraud and found five million false ballots. International
observers, including the European Union, determined various irregularities in 11 of
the 36 Federal States. Thus, in many cases votes were pre-filled or results were later
amended. In some states those did not fulfil minimum standard for democratic
elections.
Nearly all opposition parties refused to recognize the result.
 In 2007, the party’s candidate was Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, a Muslim and the
governor of the northern state of Katsina contesting against the opposition All Nigeria
Peoples Party (ANPP) chose Muhhamadu Buhari. Yar’Adua was declared the winner
of the 2007 presidential election, although international observers strongly
condemned the election as being marred by voting irregularities and fraud.
  The next presidential election was held in Nigeria on 16 April 2011, postponed from 9
April 2011. The election followed controversy as to whether a northerner or
southerner should be allowed to become president given the tradition of rotating the
top office between the north and the south after the death of Umaru Yar'Adua, a
northerner, when Goodluck Jonathan, another southerner assumed the interim
presidency. He defeated Buhari of the APC party.
 As the 2015 elections grew closer, the long-time ruling party found itself in a weaker
position. The APC chose a strong candidate, former military head of
state Muhammadu Buhari, to face Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 presidential
election. Buhari defeated Jonathan, signalling an end to the PDP’s grip on the
presidency, which it had held since 1999.

Reasons for the party’s downfall:

 Past electoral fraud and rigging:

The previous elections have witnessed a lot of irregularities and rigging of election results. In
2003, 2007 and 2011 elections observers said the presidential poll was not "credible".

Also, (PDP) had lost control of some key states which meant it could not control the electoral
process there.

 Boko Haram and security issues:

The election took place against the background of an Islamist insurgency in the north-east of
the country. The Boko Haram militant group has killed 20,000 people and forced some three
million others from their homes and President Jonathan was criticised for not taking enough
actions.

The poll was delayed for six weeks to give time for the security situation to improve, but
even though most areas controlled by Boko Haram were taken under control, it was still
considered a delay in action.

 United Opposition:

The opposition managed to unite under the All Progressives Congress (APC) banner. The
merger included Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change
(CPC), as well as the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and All Progressive Grand Alliance
(APGA). They chose Muhammadu Buhari as their candidate for the presidential elections
against PDP’s candidate Goodluck Jonathan and ultimately defeated him in the 2015
elections.

 Economy:

The PDP was not efficient enough to uplift the economic conditions of the Nigerian people.
The 86.9 million Nigerians now living in extreme poverty represent nearly 50% of its
estimated 180 million populations. Moreover there was a need to bring in changes to the
economic policies of the government that failed to meet the people’s expectations.
The PDP was accused that it did not try to tackle the issue of Boko Haram efficiently. The
reason supporting this factor was said to be that PDP candidate Goodluck Jonathan wanted to
use this issue as a tactic to be nominated as the Presidential candidate in the 2015 elections.

Another reason being that Boko Haram had a strong insurgency grip in the Northern part of
Nigeria where the rival party APC too had a support base of Muslim population. Therefore,
due to the insurgency problem it was assumed that a large chunk of the population of that
area wouldn’t have been able to cast vote creating a disadvantage for the APC party to win
the 2015 elections.

2019 Elections:

The PDP party stands as the opposition party in the upcoming 2019 elections with Atiku
Abubakar as the nominated candidate of the party against the APC. The party is conducting
many rallies to mobilise the people. The main strategy the party is adopting to come back to
power revolves around development and boosting the economy.

APC: All Progressives Congress

Formation:
The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Nigeria was formed on 6 February, 2013 in
anticipation to 2015 elections. The party was the result of an alliance of Nigeria’s three
biggest opposition parties-the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for
Progressive Change (CPC),the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP)-and a faction of the All
Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)-merged to take on the People's Democratic Party. The
party received approval from the nation's Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) on 1 July 2013 to become a political party and subsequently withdrew
the operating licenses of the three predecessor parties (the ACN, CPC and ANPP).It was
reported in April 2013 that the party was considering changing their name to the All
Progressives Congress of Nigeria (APCN) to avoid further complications. APC
candidate Muhammadu Buhari won the presidential election in 2015.This was the first time
in Nigeria's political history that an opposition political party unseated a governing party in a
general election.
Political Ideology:
The APC is generally considered to be a centre-left political party. It favors controlled
market economic policies and active role for government regulation. Moreover, the APC is
majorly supported by southwestern Nigeria and Northern Nigeria which are dominated by the
country's largest ethnic groups, the Yoruba and the Hausa-Fulani, respectively. However, the
APC is considered a more socially conservative party, as compared to other parties. Like the
PDP, the APC is against same-sex relations, and strongly favors social conservatism on
moral, religious and cultural grounds. The APC is more supportive of state's rights,
advancing state police as part of its manifesto. Its social policy is a combination of social
nationalism.
Emergence of APC:
The rise of APC was very significant because numerous attempts in the past to form a mega
party in the country had been unsuccessful. APC became more strengthened after five serving
PDP governors defected to the newly formed party. APC is the most dominant party in
Nigeria since the end of the 2015 general polls. Using the elite theory, APC won the polls
because both the political elite in the north and southwestern Nigeria worked constantly to
resolve their perceived religious and cultural differences in order to build a formidable
opposition party. All Progressive Congress (APC) party was formed because the need for
radical change had never been more urgent. The APC campaign strategists capitalized on the
failures of Jonathan’s administration in addressing the Boko Haram Insurgency; fighting
corruption and salvaging the falling economy to sell the “CHANGE” bandwagon to the
public.
However, the APC suffered from growing pains and faced disputes such as-
1. Divisions arouse at a state level
2. No clear presidential candidate
3. Mr. Buhari was the key to northern votes but is not popular in the south
4. The APC needed to explain its agenda beyond unseating the PDP
2015 Elections:
Former military ruler Muhammadu Buhari became the first opposition candidate to win a
presidential election in Nigeria. General Buhari's victory was a hugely significant moment in
Nigeria's turbulent history.
The acts of violence in Nigeria led to faltering of democracy since elections have not been
able to take place peacefully. The poll brought to the surface dangerous religious and regional
differences and there is still a threat of violence. The country’s north western states were
dominated by the former military ruler, which had suffered most attacks by Boko Haram .In
Borno state, one of the worst-affected by Islamist violence, General Buhari won 94% of the
votes. Nigeria had suffered from several attacks by the Islamist militant group Boko Haram,
which had killed thousands of people in its drive to establish an Islamic state. Many voters
had said that they believed General Buhari was in a better position to defeat Boko Haram.
2019 Elections:
The APC alliance could pose a major threat to Buhari’s re-election bid as the rifts within his
APC threaten to split support for the president within Nigeria’s powerful support networks
and among voters ahead of 2019 election. Buhari announced in April that he would seek
another term. His candidacy depends on party approval, though that is usually seen as a
formality for the incumbent. It plays a key role in the regional fight against Islamist militants.
However, as no other candidate filed his nominations for the Presidential elections, so
Muhammadu Buhari has been selected as the official candidate of APC.
Nigeria’s keenly anticipated national elections are scheduled to take place in February and
March 2019. These elections will mark the sixth vote since the reintroduction of democracy
in 1999—and will follow the country’s first peaceful transition of power to an opposition
party in 2015, when Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP conceded to Muhammadu Buhari of the
rival APC. APC charges Nigerians to challenge corruption and its related vices. According to
spokesman of APC increment of corruption will become unacceptable for Nigerian people
because corruption can longer define how Nigerian people do things as a country and if
people do not kill corruption it will kill them.
Can Buhari win again?
Buhari’s 2015 victory was built on three promises: to rid Nigeria of its endemic corruption, to
fix the economy and to defeat threats to security; but he was inefficient in tackling the Boko
Haram.
Divisions and alliances: Nigeria is deeply divided. The most fundamental rift is between the
Muslim north and the Christian south. That has led to an unofficial power-sharing agreement
among Nigeria’s political elite.
The youth factor: With a booming young population, Nigeria’s median age is just 18 years,
according to the United Nations. Many youth see Nigeria’s ageing leaders as out of touch.
Buhari, 75, is the oldest person at helm of affairs in Nigeria since the transition to civilian
government in 1999.
Social media use during elections: Facebook’s Cambridge Analytica scandal has hit
Nigeria. The government has launched an investigation into allegations that the firm was
hired to interfere with Buhari’s campaigns in 2011 and 2015, on behalf of the PDP and then-
president Goodluck Jonathan.
The United States and other international supporters of Nigeria’s electoral process should
augment their diplomatic efforts to pre-empt electoral violence in the run-up to the 2019
elections.
Secessionist movement of Biafra in Nigeria
The Biafra secessionist movement in Nigeria revolve around the power sharing arrangement
between the northern and southern part of the country. The northern part of the country is
dominated by people who are affiliated to the religion of Islam and southern part of country is
dominated by Igbos who belongs to Christianity. These stark religious cleavages have
become causes of Biafra secessionist movement in Nigeria which demand to secede from this
country and form independent republic of Biafra as according to these pro Biafran group, the
ethnic domination of people of north part of country( who belongs to Islam)is impediment to
united Nigeria. Biafra movement still remain protagonist in history of secessionist movement
in Nigeria who apparently was buried in 1970 civil war but it reminiscent is coming and
affecting contemporary politics of Nigeria.
Causes of Biafra secessionist movement:
Biafra secessionist Movement in Nigeria was at its zenith with the starting of Biafran war in
1967 which lasted for three years. However, the root cause of the Biafran secessionist
movement could be traced to British colonial rule over Nigeria.
Amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates by British:
In 1914, the British through constitutional reform blended the southern and northern
protectorates into a single country “Nigeria” for convenient administration. Immediately after
the amalgamation, call for secession from Nigeria went out from Igbo group and when in
1960 Nigeria became independent from British it was dotted by sixty million people who
were made up of more than 300 differing ethnic and cultural groups. Out of these two most
prominent groups was Igbo forming 60-70% in south east and Hausa Faulani which form
65% in northern part of country. This deep division whose seeds were slowed by British lead
to Biafran war in 1967.
Biafran war (1967-1970)-
The Nigerian civil war between Biafra and independent nation of Nigeria began on 30 May,
1967 and ended on 12 January, 1970. Though there were many causes of war but the primary
cause was interethnic domination and 1964 election aggravated the situation which ultimately
led to first coup on January, 1966, led by Igbo leader Chukwuma who killed then Prime
Minister of Nigeria. But later there were counter coup led by Igbo major general Johnson
who established unitary system of government. After the failure of negotiation on May 1967
Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu unilaterally decided the independence of Biafra from Nigeria.
This led to civil war which was mostly fought on Biafra territory leading to mass destruction
of property and loss of human lives. Biafran was outnumbered and they were fighting against
the superior forces which lead to encircling and blockade of their land by nationalist Nigerian
forces. The Nigeria blockade deprived the Biafra land from the expected source of revenue
and river, due to which consequences emerged of mass death and starvation. The starving
children photos did create a platform for humanitarian aid but the loss was very deep and
finally with the conquest of city of Owerli, the Biafran chief of army staff declared their
surrender on 12 January, 1970. Colonel Yakubu Gowon the then head of the state began a
reconciliation program under his policy declaration of “no victor no vanquished “.It did take
time to rehabilitate these people but their resentment increased in 2015.
Renewed agitation of Biafra in 2015-
Agitation for Biafra was strongly rejuvenated by the arrest of Nnamdi Kanu on October 19
2015. He is a political activist and leader of IPOB (indigenous people of Biafra) who was
arrested for operating pirate Biafran radio for resurrecting 50 years old dispute on ground of
treason and terrorism charges. It is claimed that new government of Muhammad Buhari
which was elected in 2015 marginalized Igbos and allegations are that government is not
funding enough for infrastructure in the region. In Southern Nigeria 24% roads were only
built while the percentage of road built in north is 76%. Under PTF National health and
rehabilitation entire south got 0% allocation. These all have created a perception that Igbo are
being treated as second class citizen and thus there is a renewed demand of Biafra state. The
separatist agitation took a new turn when on June 6 2017 the coalition of Arewa youth gave
Igbos warning to leave the 19 northern state till October 1 2017 in what they called
“Kaduna declaration”. This highlights the continuous tension of secession in Nigeria which
should be deal urgently by Nigeria before its impact profoundly on 2019 election.
The president Muhammad Bukhara said that constituencies that gave him 97% of vote
(Northern part of Nigeria) cannot be treated equally with constituencies that gave him 3% of
vote (southern part of Nigeria). This reflect a kind of Government aversion towards Igbos
and above all the demand of Biafra state has been responded by excessive use of force by
Nigerian authorities. International crisis group have reported that the authorities response to
Biafran separatist activities was full of excessive force during December 2015
demonstrations. Initially the response was restrained, but the forces broke up rallies arresting
score of people and clash between police and protestor lead to death of many people.
President Muhammad Buhari had condemned the attack by Biafran separatist and
emphasized the unity of Nigeria. There is allegation that government secretly kill the pro
protestor of Biafra state. These response of government proved that Biafra movement will be
critical factor in upcoming politics of Nigeria of whom 2019 election is a major part.
The Canvassing of boycotting 2019 election –The renewed agitation of Biafra in 2015 has
reached to the extreme situation in the south east of Nigeria where there is a proliferating
view that 2019 election should be boycotted. The canvassing of boycotting 2019 election
emerged when Nnamdi kanu through a video message stated that there will be no election in
south east Nigeria in 2019. Kanu restated his view of boycotting 2019 election through his
radio Biafra and expressed his view that indigenous people of Biafra is not interested in
anything else other than the government to set a date for referendum. But, boycotting of 2019
election is not unanimous view and former general secretary of education has expressed that
it would be suicidal mistake committed by Igbos. Uwazurike, the leader of movement of
actualization of sovereign state of Biafra also disregard the call for boycott of election by a
rival group. He claimed that a president even without participation of south east Nigeria
could emerged in the country, thus the boycotting of 2019 election would be a futile exercise.
This is true when seen in light of triumph of Muhammad Buhari in presidential election of
2015 who received only 3% of south east vote. However, this does not give present
government license to ignore this problem as the 2019 election will not be truly democratic if
south east people of Nigeria deliberately boycott it.
Thus, if government want to curb the secessionist movement in Nigeria then the next step of
government should be to accommodate ethnic differences in power sharing arrangement of
Nigeria so that north domination is reduced. The other path could be holding referendum
with the aim of knowing what people living in South Eastern region want and strengthen the
foundation of the country.
ROLE OF MEDIA IN NIGERIA
Media cannot be separated from Nigeria’s struggle for democracy. Media is sometimes
defined as the ‘Fourth Pillar of Democracy’. Section 22 of the Nigerian Constitution (1999)
provides that the “press, radio and television and other agencies of mass media shall at all
times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this chapter and uphold the
responsibility and accountability of the government to the people. Media is considered as the
‘Fourth Estate of the Realm’. Media is expected to act as a watchdog of the government to
ensure transparency and good governance. Media is envisaged as the agents of change in the
society. Media has a very strong presence in Nigeria as compared to other African countries.
Nigeria has a highly vibrant, diverse and varied media landscape. Nigerian media operates
under a plural media system where both public and private media co-exist. The print sector of
Nigerian media is generally considered as outspoken in its condemnation of unpopular
government policies.
The 2015 Global Terrorism Index ranked Boko Haram as the most dreadful terrorist group
and Nigeria the most terrorized country in the world. Insurgency has become a defining
feature of Nigerian society attributed mainly to the activities of this Islamic fundamentalist
group. It has seized many territories of Nigeria and launched attacks against neighbouring
countries. These insurgencies posed a great challenge for the Nigerian government. Nigerian
governments’ military and security efficiency has come under great criticism. A report by
Transparency International indicated that Nigerian armies are unable to defeat Boko Haram
due to insufficient supply of equipments and corruption in the Defence Sector. There is an
absence of well-defined policy to tackle the menace of Boko Haram.
Media in Nigeria faces interference from political officials over government criticism on
issues such as corruption and security. In 2014, the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission
issued a directive for all broadcasters to submit written notice 48 hours before the live
transmission of any political program. It claimed that this directive is necessary to maintain
national unity ahead of 2015 Presidential elections. Some journalist had to self-sensor
sensitive political and religious issues due to verbal threats and assaults. A survey conducted
by the Media Foundation of West Africa recorded 11 violations of press freedom in second
quarter of 2015, the most in any of the 16 countries analysed during that period. Journalists
continue to face intimidation, harassment, imprisonment, exile or directly lose their lives.
A major problem faced by journalism in Nigeria today is that of surviving the attacks of Boko
Haram. On April 26, 2012, Boko Haram bombed the offices of This Day, the Moment and
Daily Sun newspaper killing over 1000 people. A report released by the Committee to Protect
Journalist in 2017 ranked Nigeria 11th out of 12 countries of the world where journalists are
slain and killers evade justice. It said that the extremist group Boko Haram and some
unknown assailants were responsible for these killings. Nigerian media outlets face hazardous
working conditions and are unable to provide protection to their employees while working in
dangerous areas. Media houses, due to lack of financial resources, are unable to provide
safety equipments and adequate insurance to their employees.
Margaret Thatcher, former British Prime Minister said that ‘publicity is the oxygen of
terrorism’. This implies the idea that the terrorists need media more than the media needs the
terrorists. Mass media is used by terrorists in order to instill fear and spread terror amongst
the masses. Insurgencies thrive on the direct and indirect use of mass communication
networks in order to demoralize the government. As in the case of Boko Haram, it is clear
that the group is able to communicate their goals and objectives to the wider audience
through the use of media. Professional journalists however argue that insurgency is an
important public issue which requires adequate media coverage. Media owe the public a
responsibility to report such developments and bring consciousness of the impending dangers
to the public.
However, it is sometimes claimed that both media and insurgent groups gain benefits from
high level media attention. As private media houses are interested in increasing their profit
margins, they effectively exploit the ‘ready-made’ material provided by terrorists. In order to
increase their audience size and circulation, media respond to terrorist attacks significantly.
The reportage of groups such as Boko Haram helps to enlarge the ad patronage (viewership,
readership and listenership) of the media outlets. Many scholars therefore redefine the
relationship between media and terrorism as “sleeping in the same bed, but with different
dreams”.
In a democratic country the role of both the national and the international media is important.
In this regard it is crucial to look into the role of Western Media in projecting the image of
Nigeria in world politics. African countries generally receive little attention from the Western
media but in the recent times, Africa has recorded significant attention from the Western
media. They often portray these people as uncivilized, backward and people who indulge in
dangerous cultural practices. Foreign media coverage affects the country either in a positive
or a negative dimension. BBC framed the image of Boko Haram as being associated with
Islam. It views Islam as barbaric, fanatic, extremist and terrorists etc. However, this
stereotypical stance taken by the Western media has triggered tensions, upheavals and
religious animosity amongst the Nigerian people. The online coverage of Al-Jazeera, on the
other hand has emerged as challenge to Western dominance and hegemony. It tries to
counteract the dominant narratives of Western media by separating “good” Muslims from the
“bad” Muslims.
Media plays a very dominant role in framing and changing public opinion all over the world.
Both the national and international media plays a decisive role in projecting the image of a
country. In case of Nigeria, the international media tried to link the issue of Boko Haram to
Muslim barbarism in a stereotypical manner. However, it should be noted that all Muslims
may not be associated with terrorism. Equating all Muslims with terrorism might instill a
feeling of hatred and revenge in them. Media can effectively help in building positive and
courageous attitudes of the people. Praising the stories of survivors and reframing the articles
by conscious use of language, words and pictures can help make a difference.
 2019 General Elections – Major Challenges
The 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria will be the country’s sixth quadrennial elections
since the end of military rule in 1999. They will be held on 16 February 2019 to elect the
President and National Assembly of the country. In highly anticipated primaries, Nigeria’s
ruling party, All Progressives Congress, has nominated President Muhammadu Buhari as its
presidential candidate to stand for the election. the main opposition party, PDP, picked Atiku
Abubakar, the former Vice-President, to be its presidential candidate.
To varying degrees, every election in Nigeria’s modern history has experienced acts of
violence including attacks on politicians, political intimidation and corrupt practices like vote
buying. Social and economic inequalities, ethnic divisions, and structural weaknesses, such as
corruption, remain prevalent in Nigeria. Other factors contributing to the risks of violence are
feeling of insecurity among people and the prominence of disputes within, rather than
between, the political parties.
The Independent National Electoral Commission has also undertaken several institutional
reforms. This includes launching a new strategic plan, working on a youth engagement
strategy, and reviewing its gender policy. In an unprecedented move, it has prosecuted
officials found to be indulged in corrupt practices in the 2015 elections. The security threats
posed by the Boko Haram insurgency and clashes between farmers and herdsmen are of
particular concern. There is also a threat posed by the arming of rival political supporters.
Finally, there is the lack of election financing regulations which leaves the scope for
patronage networks to fund campaigns using public funds. Major issues or challenges that
will drive the 2019 presidential elections are as follows-
Boko Haram
Although the government claimed to have “technically defeated” Boko Haram in December
2015, the armed group was still able to carry out 135 attacks in 2017, five times higher than
the 2016 number of attacks. The insurgents recently killed at least 31 people in twin bomb
blasts targeting people returning from Eid celebrations in Borno state. The insurgency, which
has affected 14 million Nigerians, resulting in 1.7 million being displaced, still poses a
significant threat in the northeast. If the threat is not significantly contained, the possibility to
conduct free and fair elections is at risk.
Herder-Farmer Conflicts
It involves dispute over access to land and water, grazing paths, drought, desertification and
ethnicity between herders and farmers. Attacks often happen when cattle stray into farmland
and destroy farm products. The intensity of the clashes has increased tremendously. There
have been 716 clashes and thousands of deaths recorded in the country since 2012. The
incumbent APC government’s ineffectiveness in dealing with the cases of violence dwindle
faith of Nigerian voters. There may be significant mobilization against the APC in 2019,
fuelled by perceptions of insecurity. Several opposition political parties have already seized
on the insecurity as a campaign rallying point. Violent clashes could potentially ensue if the
security situation is not addressed before the elections.
Proliferation of Arms
The proliferation of arms prior to elections also remains a major issue. Since the 2003
elections, the arming of supporters has become an election tool which often results in war
breaking out. As seen in previous elections, political patronage is often behind the formation
of insurgent groups towards the time of elections. Politicians have been infamous for arming
youths prior to elections in order to seek undue advantage over their political opponents and
to promote political intimidation. Indeed, former Nigerian vice president Atiku Abubakar
claimed to have personally warned some state governors against arming youths prior to
elections.
High expectations from the INEC
The Independent National Electoral Commission, set up in 1998, is the electoral body which
was set up to oversee elections in Nigeria. The 2015 General Elections set the bar reasonably
high for the 2019 election cycle. Even if INEC was building from a strong foundation, public
confidence in the commission was tempered by the inconclusive elections held in some
states; concerns over the credibility of certain regional election commissioners and the senior
INEC officials in individual states; doubts over the quality of locally recruited ad-hoc
election staff, who are often blamed for political affiliations. If INEC is unable to meet
people’s higher expectations in this election, it will turn out to be a huge disappointment and
can also result in hostility towards the election conducting body.
The increased use of social media
The increased use of social media, particularly among younger Nigerians has played a useful
civic education role in combating major challenges, such as in response to the 2014 Ebola
outbreak. Some terrorist groups reportedly use this platform to propagate their extremist
views and ideas influencing the behavior of young citizens. However, social media has also
changed the feedback loop for information available to citizens, bringing news of events in
distant states to other parts of the country more quickly than conventional media. Many a
times, the reporting of issues has been misinformed or outright false, opening the door to
intolerant responses.
Conclusion
The situation in Nigeria seems hazy as of now with respect to the credibility of 2019 ballot.
Preventing further Boko Haram attacks will be a challenge for the government as the threat of
insurgent group looms over the Nigerian population. Political vendetta waged by the political
parties can contribute to the instability resulting in future electoral violence. Nigeria’s long-
drawn-out battle with Boko Haram, growing Biafran Secessionist Movement and Media
acting as a pressure group are making things difficult for Nigeria. Thus, our hypothesis-
“Boko Haram insurgents along with other pressure groups are giving the Nigerian
government a hard time” stands true.
It is high time for the government to do away with Boko Haram. Immediate steps must be
taken to eschew corruption in the country and to keep a check on the formation of the
insurgent groups. Electoral commission must strengthen the electronic voting system
introduced in 2015 in order to bring a ray of hope for the citizens of Nigeria.