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Accrual
Institutionalization of accrual accounting
accounting in the Indonesian
public sector
257
Harun Harun
Faculty of Economics, Tadulako University, Tadulako, Indonesia, and
Karen Van Peursem and Ian Eggleton
School of Accounting and Commercial Law, Victoria University of Wellington,
Wellington, New Zealand
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the institutionalization of an accrual accounting
system in the Indonesian public sector.
Design/methodology/approach – The authors undertake a case study to gain insights relating to
the critical features of the institutionalization process of the accrual accounting system (AAS) in one
Indonesian public sector municipality. The data are drawn from official documents of the Indonesian
Government and from publicly available information about the accrual adoption processes. The authors
also interviewed key actors who were involved in the accrual accounting policy formulation, standards
development and implementation. The data under investigation cover the period from 1983 to 2010.
Findings – The IPM of Dambrin, Lambert and Sponem is employed to evaluate the process by which
an AAS was idealized, standardized, implemented and used in one Indonesian municipality. Scott’s
pillars of legitimization also inform rationales behind practice. This study reveals how the decision of
the Indonesian Government to adopt accrual accounting in 2003 was part of greater political and
economic reforms following the financial and political crisis that occurred in 1998. Idealized in the early
1980s by technocrats in the Ministry of Finance, accrual accounting practices were deferred and then
enabled by a series of national political events. Their ultimate internalization into our municipality was
led by new legislation but also influenced by the habits and histories of the Indonesian local context and
was as a result decoupled in many respects from ideals, discourses and techniques established for it.
Research limitations/implications – The findings should be understood in the economic, social
and historical context of Indonesia. Findings offered here may differ from other applications due to the
nature of the economic, social and political contexts.
Originality/value – Uniquely employing the IPM model, and drawing from a context which has
undergone significant political change but which has benefitted from little research, this study
contributes to an understanding of the institutionalization and legitimization process of an accrual
accounting system in an emerging-economy public sector. Findings demonstrate how notions of politics
and power inform the complexity of institutionalization in this unique political-economic environment.
Keywords Accrual accounting, Institutionalization, Indonesia, Efficiency, Transparency, Accounting
Paper type Research paper
The authors would like to thank Professors Jan Bell and Prem Sikka and other participants at the
Second Global Accounting and Organisational Change Conference in Boston 2010 for their comments
and advice. The authors’ sincere thanks also go to Professors James Guthrie and Jesse Dillard for the
suggestions they provided during their recent visits to the University of Waikato, Hamilton, Journal of Accounting
& Organizational Change
New Zealand. The authors would also like to thank Professor Stewart Lawrence and other Vol. 8 No. 3, 2012
participants for their comments at a seminar held by the Department of Accounting, University of pp. 257-285
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
Waikato in April 2010. Finally, the authors give special thanks to the anonymous reviewers of this 1832-5912
journal who provided informative and constructive comments on earlier versions of this paper. DOI 10.1108/18325911211258308
JAOC 1. Introduction
8,3 Political reforms and shifts in political power tend to influence accounting and
managerial systems in the public sector generally (Mimba et al., 2007; Chang, 2009).
Such influence may also be felt in developing nations. This certainly appears to be the
case in Indonesia where accounting system change has occurred in a nation marked by
instability and radical change over the last 13-20 years. Under previous administrations,
258 including the Suharto era (1966-1998), the highest office holders (the President and
Parliamentary members) as well as governors and mayors at the local level were elected
only from state-approved parties (Baswedan, 2007; Fitrani et al., 2005). After the Suharto
regime collapse in 1998, reforms occurred which allowed all parties to be represented
and were a step in Indonesia’s somewhat uneven movements toward establishment as
a modern democratic state. Successive administrations have imposed reform on
Indonesian systems, laws and practices.
In the Indonesian public sector, such reforms have resulted in movements to decentralize
local government management and to “improve” the quality of public sector reporting.
In accordance with statutory law approved after 1998, changes were made to the role of
Central Government in creating greater independence for its members and in requiring
reports that are in accordance with internationally-inspired accounting standards. Many of
the government’s initiatives appeared to draw from the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), the Asian Development Bank (ADB, 2001) and the World Bank as guidance for
policies designed to achieve better governance and transparency (Nasution, 2008).
These reforms were undertaken by a number of post-Suharto administrations
including those led by Presidents B.J. Habibie (1998-1998), Abdurrahman Wahid
(1999-2001), Megawati Sukarnoputri (2001-2004) and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
(2004-2009, 2009-2011). Under the banner of conducting meaningful change, public
budgeting and operational outcomes are now reported, scrutinized and audited in
accordance with the managerial practices similar to those used by the private sector. The
adoption of the accrual accounting system (AAS) in the Indonesian public sector is thus
part of an international trend at the time to ensure that public officials are held to account
and that public money is used efficiently and effectively (Alam, 1997; Guthrie, 1998;
Ryan, 1999; Saleh and Pendlebury, 2006).
Despite such lofty ambitions, studies on such public sector accounting reforms in
developed nations – such as Australia and UK – indicate no clear benefits from their
adoption (Carlin, 2005; Connolly and Hyndman, 2006; Christensen, 2007). In some cases
such changes have wrought unintended, and undesirable, outcomes (Vamosi, 2000;
Hassan, 2005; Othman et al., 2006; Andon et al., 2007, Norhayati and Siti-Nabiha, 2009).
For example, the adoption of an activity based-costing system in a public sector
(company) in Portugal was met with resistance from production engineers and rejection
by workers (Major and Hopper, 2005). Similar problems were found to have occurred in a
Malaysian public sector organisation by Nor-Aziah and Scapens (2007) where
institutionalization created conflict and tension among workers. Chow et al. (2007, p. 48)
conclude that the global enthusiasm for adopting business-style accounting systems in a
public sector context is “[. . .] not supported by strong, detailed empirical evidence”.
Drawing from these patterns, and the concerns they raise, it appears that implementing
business-style accounting techniques provides no guarantee that efficiency, transparency
or effectiveness will occur in response. As Ter Bogt and Van Helden (2000) and Nor-Aziah
and Scapens (2007) find, the rules about accounting reporting systems may change
and new types of reports may be produced, but these changes do not necessarily improve Accrual
the attitudes and behaviour of people using them. Therefore, it is important for policy accounting
makers and accounting researchers to see the adoption of a private style accounting
system as not merely instrumental but also to understand it within its managerial,
organizational and social contexts (Bale and Dale, 1998). This is our concern in asking the
how one municipality in the Indonesian public sector responds to the imposition of a
private-like sector accounting in the post-Suharto era. 259
The paper is structured as follows: the research objective is stated and prior literature
is discussed, the theoretical framework and focus of the investigation are then
introduced. Methods and data analysis are presented, findings are drawn, theoretical
implications of the study’s findings are presented and then conclusions and
contributions of the study are clarified. Finally, the paper indicates limitations of the
study and suggestions for future studies.
3. Theoretical framework
One theoretical informant that has been used to evaluate public sector accounting
reforms is New Institutional Sociology (NIS). As claimed and practiced by, for example,
Covaleski et al. (1993), Broadbent and Laughlin (2005), Nor-Aziah and Scapens (2007),
Dambrin et al. (2007) and Norhayati and Siti-Nabiha (2009), NIS provides a valuable lens
to inform the process of organizational and accounting change. It is said have particular
resonance in the public sector because of the need for budgeted organizations to achieve
legitimacy with its public fund provider (Fowler, 2009, p. 172).
Findings on such matters have indeed emerged. Over a decade ago now, Lapsley and
Pallot (2000) used NIS to investigate changes in public sector reporting systems in
New Zealand and the UK to discover external legitimation practices and economic
pressures. Ter Bogt and Van Helden (2000) applied NIS in The Netherlands’ public
sector to find that accrual was made mandatory but did not necessarily translate into
practice. It seems that simple adoption of a new accounting practice cannot therefore be
assumed to change real attitudes or real practices in the public sector.
These studies also highlight the value of examining the social and political contexts
in which such public sector accounting policy is formed. In Canada, Baker and Rennie
(2006) used NIS to evaluate public sector accrual accounting practices in the Canadian
Central Government. Nor-Aziah and Scapens (2007) employed NIS to investigate
institutionalization in the Malaysian public sector accounting to find that adoption is
neither linear nor simple. Also in Malaysia, Norhayati and Siti-Nabiha (2009) found that
that the intention to institutionalize a new performance measurement system cannot be
realised if there is a lack of (external) pressure, and they point to isomorphic and mimetic
influences that lead to ceremonial adoption (also see Burns and Scapens (2000) and
Sharma and Lawrence (2005) on similar points). Durocher and Fortin (2010) examine
legitimacy motivations in the Canadian Accounting Standards Board to find the
presence of cultural – cognitive legitimacy pressures from the USA and internationally.
Together, these studies suggest to us that there is a reason to engage in research that
looks at broad landscapes within specific contexts and to understand the motivation of
actors involved.
Although NIS-based studies have been useful in explaining change at the
organizational field or level (DiMaggio, 1987; Norhayati and Siti-Nabiha, 2009), “[. . .] less
theoretical consideration is given either to the processes whereby new institutional
practices are established, transposed and decomposed [within their] [. . .] political
context” (Dillard et al., 2004, p. 507). This is important because the direction that the
institutionalization process takes “[. . .] depends precisely on the power of the Accrual
organizational actors’ translation and use of societal expectations” (Dillard et al., 2004, accounting
p. 510). Hopper and Major (2007) also suggest that new practices are framed within their
larger social, economic and political parameters and are promoted by strategic actors
outside the organization. Therefore, and so as to provide a fuller understanding of the
complexities of institutionalization, change should be recognised as part of a broader
political engagement (Dillard et al., 2004, p. 510). Taking a broad view would certainly 261
seem to be appropriate for a public sector organization established within
governmental policy.
Decoupling is also found to be associated with adopting new structures. As Ribeiro and
Scapens (2006, p. 97) state, the “[. . .] formal structures and procedures [. . .] acquire
legitimacy and guarantee the resources required [. . .] but they are detached from the
everyday organization activities”. Durocher and Fortin (2010, p. 497) also found
decoupling in their study of a public sector organization. As such decoupling phenomena
should be taken into account in fully understanding the complexity of accounting
practices within organizations.
Nor-Aziah and Scapens (2007) call for research into accounting system
institutionalization within developing nations, and this study heeds that call within
an Indonesian context. The context is primarily of the post-Suharto Indonesian political
environment as applied to public sector accounting systems reform. We examine how
and why actors come to institutionalize a new accrual system. Institutionalization
provides the broad theoretical framework for the study and the Dambrin et al.’s (2007)
institutionalization process model (IPM) particularlizes the process by which
institutionalization of an AAS occurs.
Drawn from a previous model developed by Hasselbladh and Kallinikos (2000) and
Dambrin et al. (2007) offer a framework of particular value to this project because it is
concerned with process; in particular with how techniques are diffused, developed,
adopted and implemented as a social construct. According to Dambrin et al. (2007) and in
order to obtain a complete picture, four stages are said to occur:
(1) dissemination of new ideals;
(2) elaboration of new ideals into policy development (new discourses);
(3) development of specific management tools based on new ideals (new
techniques); and
(4) implementation of specified techniques (internalization) (Table I).
The first stage – the dissemination of new ideals – are said to normally begin outside
the organization, and later stages are usually internal (also see related discussions in,
for example, Dillard et al. (2004)). This may occur in a public sector because certain
external authorities are influential in establishing reporting policy. So for example, the
ADB may make demands on a nation prior to providing loans for development. This
expectation is shown in Figure 1.
According to Dambrin et al. (2007) however, institutionalization is not complete until
“discourses” and “techniques” have been engaged and until “internalization” has occurred.
For an institutionalization process to be “successful” therefore there must be a coherent
link between new ideals, new discourses and new techniques (see Kostova and Roth (2002)
for a related discussion). That is, an active adoption of accrual accounting occurs only
JAOC
Management culture Distribution of power Accountability principles
8,3
Ideals Ambiguous Conflicting Conflicting
A perverted conception of Shift towards a bypassing Promotion of a more
innovation is slowly of both the doctor and the managerial conception of
emerging (through drug representative accountability (sellerside
262 replication concerns) vs scientific side of the
drug representative’s job)
Discourse In discourse, profitability The dominant department Discourse requiring a
is either a means or an end clearly remains the sales greater level of commercial
depending on the target department efficiency from drug
audience representative is developed
Techniques Marketing techniques Recruitment of “less Performance measurement
designed to satisfy new scientific profiles” in the and remuneration system
replication concerns (e.g. sales and marketing become increasingly
profit measurement of departments. Recruitment similar to the one used in
promotional operations) of management controllers the consumer goods
from the consumer goods industry (behaviour-based
industry as vectors for added to result-based
change assessment)
Internalisation Loose coupling Decoupling Decoupling
Techniques are partly used Sales department retains Decoupling is maintained
in a ceremonial way but the right to have the final because of both legal and
they seem to be say in the decision-making organisational culture
Table I. increasingly accepted process constraints
Stages of
institutionalization Source: Dambrin et al. (2007, p. 177)
Figure 1.
Stages of
institutionalization
Source: Dambrin et al. (2007, p. 178)
when the actors “[. . .] view the practice as valuable and become committed to the practice”
(Dambrin et al., 2007, p. 176).
When institutionalization fails, a policy’s intent may be lost. That is, and according to
Dambrin et al. (2007, p. 176): “[. . .] without internalisation, there is loose coupling or
decoupling and practices are adopted on a ceremonial basis”. Thus, the success of the
institutionalization process lies in the internalization of the rationales for which the new
system was required and can only be compete if the initial ideals (such as using “accrual” to
improve efficiency and accountability in a public sector) are reflected in the actions of
people who adopt it. Institutionalization occurs when “[. . .] the rules are coherently linked to
the actions (routines) of actors [in a specific organization]” (Burns and Scapens, 2000, p. 6).
There is thus a relationship, and an order, between new ideals, new discourses, new Accrual
techniques and internalization (Dambrin et al., 2007, p. 178). accounting
Dambrin et al. (2007) found that the process of institutionalization of a management
control system in a pharmaceutical company was implemented by managers as a means of
enhancing efficiency. However, they also found that it is difficult for a new system to be
internalized where existing practices coexist with the emerging ideals, and systems of
control occur in ways not intended. They highlighted how discourses of organisational 263
actors even go so far as to contradict the ideals and control techniques intended for the
systems (Dambrin et al., 2007, p. 201).
Thus, and as applied to the institutionalization of an AAS in a public sector
organization, the Dambrin et al. (2007) IPM model is useful to focus the investigation on
processes such as:
.
the formation and communication of the need to implement an AAS (new ideals);
.
a mobilization by government and lobbyists to create policy that is consistent
with that need (new discourses);
.
the formulation of standards, rules and procedures (new techniques); and
.
the production of such reports, their dissemination and their use in a manner and
for a purpose consistent with this intent (internalization).
Stages of
institutionalization Focus of investigation
1. New ideals Dissemination of new ideals which require the adoption of AAS in the
Indonesian public sector
2. New discourses Mobilization by actors leading to the passing of a legislative policy to develop a
set of accrual accounting standards
3. New techniques The formulation of a set of new accounting standards Table II.
4. Internalization The production and use of accrual accounting information for the intended Focus of this
purposes highlighted in the Law 17 (2003) and GASt investigation
JAOC users of government reports (Mignot and Dolley, 2000). Users of government reports
8,3 may include managers, politicians, creditors and tax payers. In developing nations,
international financial authorities such as the IMF and the ADB are also influential
(Sharma and Lawrence, 2008; Rahaman, 2009). Hence any such study should incorporate
the interests of these stakeholders.
The interviewees at the national level were chosen to capture the view of those who
264 have involved themselves in disseminating AAS ideals in the Indonesian public sector and
those formulating the accrual-based Government Accounting Standards (GASt). These
participants are or were affiliated with the Indonesian Ministry of Finance (MOF), the
National Parliament, the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA), the State Audit Board, and
the Committee of GASt.
At the local level, interviews were conducted with people in the municipality who
were directly involved in preparing and (potentially) using the accrual-based reports of
the municipality. Those interviewed include senior officials in the divisions of financial
and asset management, planning, internal auditing, and human resources. Outside the
municipality interviews were conducted with those who assisted the municipality
prepare its reports including financial consultants and certified accountants. Potential
users interviewed include local parliamentary members and activists of a
non-government organization (Table III).
Questions asked were formulated in accordance with the roles of each participant. For
example, the participants at the national level were asked about the process leading to the
formulation of the AAS regulations and standards. Participants from the municipality
were asked to discuss the processes for which they were responsible or in which
Number of
Group of participants Organizational position/role of participant participants
Year Unqualified (%) Qualified (%) Disclaimer (%) Adverse (%) Total (%)
2005 5 85 7 3 100
2006 1 70 23 6 100
Table V. 2007 1 63 17 19 100
Local governments’ 2008 2.7 74.1 16.0 7.2 100
reports by State Audit
opinion (%) Note: These audit opinions were issued to 469 local governments (Nasution, 2008)
As agreed by other interviewees who are with MOF and the State Audit Board, Accrual
respectively (Interviewees 5 and 27), this lack of use reflects a pattern at both the national accounting
and local levels. In enquiring of internal managers and of the municipality’s
parliamentary members, no clear evidence is found to suggest that they use these
reports. In contrast, there is evidence that they have used the cash based reports. Two
senior officials in the municipal government state:
273
[. . .] we are still more familiar with the budget realization reports. We have used them for a
long time (Interviewee 29).
Now we are also required to produce [accrual] balance sheets and cash flows, but we only use
these reports as our accountability document to the State Audit Board and the Local
Parliament. [. . .] most of us [here] have been more familiarized with that information [of cash
based reports] (Interviewee 14).
A local parliamentary member states:
We only use the budget realization reports [case-based reports]. It is easier for them to
understand (Interviewee 30).
This undermines the value of having accrual-based information for decision making.
The lack of a will or means to understand, the reliance on historical cash-based accounts
and the lack of technical accounting knowledge generally has led to the situation in
which the Internalization of the AAS for this municipality is ineffective for managerial
or policy purposes. With respect to the user situation in particular, we suggest that,
again as to the internalization of AAS, the “taken-for-granted assumptions and symbolic
aspects of social life” (Fowler, 2009, p. 173) as represented by the old cash-based reports
continue to dominate. This would seem to comprise a cultural-cognitive/mimetic pillar in
the institutionalization of AAS within a municipality of Indonesia.
5.4.4 The emergence of unintended outcomes. Along with the critical problems
identified above, internalization of AAS systems and standards has had at least one
other unintended consequence: the emergence of a bribe-kickback scheme as part of the
process of account and report construction. This information comes directly from
interviewees including several of the private consultants who assisted our municipality.
Such practices occur during the tendering process when accounting is outsourced to
external consultants:
The municipal government [under study] spends a lot of money to pay accounting
professionals outside the government to prepare these reports. But the situation is worsened
by the fact [as the process to outsource the accounting function [would involve] tendering
processes which in many cases are vulnerable to bribery and corruption (INT-34).
What occurs is that those who bid for municipal projects tend to be informally called upon
to make private cash payments to local authority individuals who have the right to
determine the outcome. Such practices exist elsewhere in Indonesian bureaucracy
(discussed below) but have found a new outlet in financial report preparation. It is not due
to declines in civil service wages, which actually increased in 1999 (World Bank, 1999, p. 2).
It appears to an opportunistic event. Because the officials and their employees once
prepared the reports themselves, there was no opportunity in the past for “kickbacks” from
externals; now however, there is. There is a certain irony in the emergence of such a scheme
JAOC from an accounting practice which is idealised as one formed to increase transparency.
8,3 The decoupling of new ideals from internalization is apparent in this practice.
It is difficult to know the extent to which such bribery occurs, though reports of
“mismanagement” may give some indication of where such problems lie. So for
example and with respect to reporting contracts, the State Audit Board disclosed the
presence of similar schemes in their 2007 report. It was also there reported that Rp
274 (rupiah) 383,599,998 (approximately US $38,360) of the municipal government budget
in 2006 allocated for the annual costs of the housekeeping of the Mayor were not used,
recorded, administered or reported in accordance with relevant rules. Such a finding
was but one of multiple irregularities found in 2006 and problems discovered came to a
total of 2,439,810, 266 rupiah (approximately US $ 248,931) (State Audit Board, 2007).
Together, this indicates either poor financial management practices, unauthorised use
of funds, or both.
Bribery and kickbacks have been part of tendering processes of government
projects in this municipality in the past (State Audit Board, 2008) and in Indonesian
public sector organizations generally (KPPOD, 2005; Kuncoro, 2004; World Bank, 2008;
Transparency International, 2010). Transparency International (2010) still ranks
Indonesia as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Its presence within the
report preparation process is not out of line with local practice therefore, but does
appear to be new to the financial report preparation process, “in this municipality”.
So although political and economic reforms have been undertaken since Suharto left
office in 1998, including the adoption of AAS for central and local governments, their
internalization has yet to fulfil the hopes of its conceivers. The presence of AAS and
accrual-based reports have not focussed the attention or actions of people on “efficiency”
or “effectiveness” as the reports are rarely used. “Transparency” does not also appear to be
improved given the quality and number of reports that have been produced so far.
Furthermore, internalization has, in this case, produced at least one serious unintended
consequence: illegal kickback practices. Interested parties, in particular those within the
MOF and the MIA internally and the World Bank, ADB externally, would have to be
disappointed that the new ideals expressed in the 1980s and the new discourses fought for
in laws enacted from 1999 to 2005 (in particular Law 17 (2003)) have not found realisation
in practice.
Siti-Nabiha and Scapens (2005) refer to the possibility that new systems may be
resisted if they challenge “prevailing” institutions. In this vein, the existing attitudes and
the behaviours of local actors of the municipal government studied have made real
Internalization impossible. Table VI summarizes the evidence in accordance with the IPM
model adapted from Dambrin et al. (2007).
6. Theoretical implications
Drawing from these findings, we present four theoretical implications of the study. First, as
the price of oil dropped in 1983, the technocrats in the MOF lobbied for alternative ways
to report and measure government revenues and spending. The presence of a fiscal crisis
and the internal and external pressure brought to bear on Indonesia to follow accepted
accounting practices of the time facilitated the mobilization of these new ideals. Similar to
that discovered by Maguire et al. (2004) in their Canadian study, the technocrats in
the Indonesian MOF played a leading role as agents of change in these institutional
arrangements and transformed existing understandings through their lobbying,
Accrual
Domain of institutionalization
process accounting
Evidence
Stages of found in this
institutionalization Main evidence identified study IPM model
1. New ideals (1993-1998)The economic motive was behind the National National level 275
ideal to adopt AAS (outside
Technocrats at MOF were the main organization)
promoters of the aspiration to adopt
accrual accounting
Suharto’s tight political control blocked
a further effort to reform to change the
law on state finance and reporting
system
2. New discourses The collapse of the Suharto National Local
(1998-2003) administration in 1998 was the main (outside (organizational
impetus of public sector accounting organization) level)
reforms as part of wider reforms in
economic and political system
A new law issued (law 17 on state
finance) which required the adoption of
an accrual reporting system issued in
2003
MOF was the main actor endorsing the
Law 17 (2003)
3. New techniques MOF and MOF issued their reporting National Local
(2003-2007) rules for local governments (outside (organizational
GASt issued by a committee back by organization) level)
MOF and MIA issued MIA Decree
No. 13 issued in 2006
4. Internali-zation (in The lack of participation from existing Local Local
municipal government) employees and accounting costs (organizational (organizational
(after 2006) increase level) level)
Low level of compliances reports to
rules
Low level of demand on government
reports from potential users Table VI.
Underuse of accrual based reports for Issues identified based
managerial purposes on the IPM model
The emerging of an illegal practice of Dembrin et al. (2007)
government regulation (laws and decrees) and standard-setting process of public sector
accounting practices in the country.
Järvenpää (2009) points out that while distinctions are evoked at different points in
the institutionalization process, pillars of institutionalization can and “do” occur through
their own distinctive mechanisms and processes. That is, pillars of legitimation can
emerge at different stages of the process, something that seems to have occurred here.
Normative influences are apparent in the calls for AAS in the 1980s and during
the formation of new ideals through the efforts and involvement of the MOF, the State
Audit Board, Parliament and the MIA.
JAOC Second, the fall of Suharto’s government in 1998 was an event that allowed these new
8,3 accounting ideals to be realised in the form of real public (new) discourses. Such reforms
as were made from 1998 to 2005 cannot be understood independently of the domestic
upheavals and international pressures of which they were a part. There were also open
and public demands for a more accountable bureaucracy and a transparent government.
While pressures for change existed prior to Suharto’s fall, the Indonesian Government
276 did not (or could not) react to them until regime change forced a form of democracy onto
the nation as a whole. The idea that different organizations react differently to
cognitive-cultural pressures finds support here, as AAS reform was also dependent on
Indonesian Government reform. That is, and during Suharto’s Government, neither the
oil crisis of 1983, the Asian crisis of 1997, the aspirations of MOF technocrats, nor
encouragement from overseas players were, alone, effective in creating reporting
practice change. Yet when this firmly-established order was replaced with new regimes
after 1998, those behind public sector accounting reforms could mobilize as part of these
wider political and economic reforms and convert the new ideals into new discourses and
new techniques. Without support from the top echelons of power following the fall of
Suharto’s regime in 1998, it does not seem probable that change could have occurred
beyond Dambrin et al.’s (2007) conception of new ideals.
Yet even at that point, the transition to new discourses was not smooth.
Regulatory/coercive pillars were apparent in the construction of laws and standards now
imposed on municipalities such as the one under study. The established and traditional
roles of the MOH and the MIA as coordination ministries for local administrations led to
the creation of duplicate reporting regimes. Why this occurred is not entirely clear,
although there may be a competitive element between the two ministries not fully
acknowledged by these interviewees. Irrespective, the existence of two separate sets of
standards has made the implementation of the AAS unreasonably complex, particularly
for these preparers and these users (Interviewees 10 and 26; State Audit Board, 2008);
and probably more complicated than was necessary to meet the intent of these new
ideals. As has been found or theorised elsewhere (Hassan, 2005), interests and the powers
of regulating agencies have shaped how these accounting rules were formulated.
As the standards and requirements of these agencies and institutions are subsequently
internalized, another pattern emerges. This is our third point and relates to the application
to practice of what appears to be cultural norms of Indonesian society. In particular, the
ongoing “use” of cash-based reports by managers, and their failure to prevent (and
perhaps to be complicit in) a kickback scheme in outsourcing their preparation draws from
traditions and a culture present long before AAS had emerged onto the public agenda.
A related influence is that the technical capacity and resource dependence of actors
who internalized this accounting system seems to have determined the extent to which it
was ultimately realised. As we find, the internalization of an AAS by the actors in this
municipality is far from complete; and there is nothing to suggest that this is unusual
within the Indonesian public sector. In other words there is a decoupling phenomenon
between the intended outcome of new ideals, discourses and techniques and their
Internalization into report preparation and use. This is indicated by these two primary
sources of evidence:
(1) that the existing employees in this municipal government lack the
accrual accounting skills to prepare such reports, leading to new (and
kickback-enhancing) costs to achieve the result; and
(2) that the potential users of these accrual-based reports lack the expertise, Accrual
knowledge and interest to effectively use the information for the managerial accounting
decisions it was intended.
Nevertheless, although existing employees and bureaucrats lack such skills and
understandings, the municipal government is starting to produce these reports, albeit at
a very slow pace. There is a coercive element here however. These municipalities rely on 277
Central Government for a significant portion of their finance. In 2006 financial support
from the Central Government to municipalities accounted for more than 90 percent of our
municipality’s annual budget (State Audit Board, 2007). The Vice Mayor stresses:
It is the obligation of the local government [local bureaucracy] to implement all regulations
imposed to them by the central government (Interviewee 14).
So there is a strong incentive to produce them. As we have seen however, the form they
have taken has turned out to be both incomplete and, in great part, of an unacceptable
quality. Therefore, and from an institutional perspective, this local government in
Indonesia may be adopting accrual accounting under duress, and a coercive isomorphism
appears to be taking place (Baker and Rennie, 2006, p. 87). It is in the interest of this
municipal government to conform to the rules imposed by Central Government.
This inevitability also explains why the institutionalization of AAS in this
municipality has been dominated by actors at the central level; in particular, national
presidents after 1998 and leaders in the Central Government MIA and Finance. The
dominant role of the MOF emerged even before Suharto’s fall. That is, the new ideals
were, in this case, formed at a point before the time in which those ideals could
reasonably be converted into the new discourse and new techniques. Furthermore, and
until the government itself fell and became newly democratized, such new ideals found
only fallow ground in which to grow.
Yet, even radical change at the top, when it did occur, did not cause new ideals to be
fully institutionalized as intended, in particular during the internalization process. The
State Audit Board is found to be the only apparent user of local governments’
accrual-based reports. Managers do not use them, nor do other senior officials. Nor do
they or their employees even prepare them any longer, leaving that task to contracted
external consultants. The new standards for reporting have therefore added yet another
layer of bureaucracy to this municipality and opened it up to other means by which quiet
illegalities in the form of “kickbacks” can be allowed to occur.
Finally, some “seeking legitimacy” patterns may also be revealed insofar as
new discourses (through law) and the new techniques (via new standards) mirror
overseas language and practices. While there may or may not have been a desire to
achieve homogeneity with other jurisdictions, this influence is difficult to know. What
we do know however is that the primary agents of change (MOF and MIA bureaucrats)
returned from their overseas’ experiences with new ideals consistent with such views at
the time. In an era where there was little competition for Western powers on the
global accounting stage, it is perhaps not surprising that it was their principles and
their standards that were brought to bear on this administration. The relationship
between actors and stages is shown in Figure 2.
We wonder what could have been done to have modified the effect of such distorting
influences. Perhaps if this municipality had provided resources to train existing
employees in accounting, there would have been no need to outsource the preparation of
JAOC
International trend
8,3 Fiscal stress (1983)
Local actors:
• Senior officials
• Local consultants Internalization Technical capacity &
(in one municipality) resource dependence
Figure 2.
The pattern of the Note:
institutionalization of = Influence from outside Indonesian public sector
AAS in the Indonesian = Influence from inside Indonesian public sector
public sector
= Flow of institutionalization process
its reports. Budgetary constraints could not reasonably form an excuse for not training
up its own staff; after all, there were resources for contracting consultants. In thinking
about this, it may be important to recall that kickbacks also emerged from this
internalization process, and it may not have been in management’s interest to train their
own staff. Irrespective, this does suggest to us the power of local actors and personal
incentives to divert the intent of government policy. As Hopper and Major (2007, p. 66)
discovered “[. . .] criteria for allocating material and human resources are linked to
domination [by powerful actors at organizational level]”. In this case, these new ideals
were effectively defeated at the level of these local managers and bureaucrats.
In any case, our findings demonstrate how calls for greater financial efficiency
through accounting system reform did not, in this case, translate to effective
accounting practice. This appears to primarily be because new ideals, new discourses
and new techniques were not internalized. The nature of the political system and the
behaviour of powerful actors within this municipality are powerful reasons that
institutionalization failed to occur.
7. Conclusion and contribution Accrual
The purpose of the study is to examine the institutionalization of the AAS in one accounting
municipality within the Indonesian public sector by answering two research questions:
how and why the AAS has been adopted and how it has been implemented in one
municipal government. Through a case study, this investigation collected the data from
document sources and interviews.
Drawing from the institutionalization model of Dambrin et al. (2007) there are found to 279
be two primary conclusions of the study. First, the ideals promoting the use of
accrual-based reporting system launched by the technocrats at the MOA in the early 1980s
responded to the fiscal crisis. However, the formal adoption of the AASs could not occur
until regime change occurred at the very top of Indonesian Government. Accounting
events in Indonesia’s public sector cannot be isolated therefore from the broader economic
and political reforms undertaken by post-Suharto regimes. Changes at the national level
opened up the opportunity for technocrats in the MOF and others to transform the new
ideals into accrual accounting standards and rules. Such a development indicates that both
economic and political factors shaped policy formulation related to new accounting rules
in the public sector. As such, the findings of this study support the need, expressed by
Dillard et al. (2004), Nor-Aziah and Scapens (2007), Hopper and Major (2007) and Monteiro
and Aibar-Guzman (2010) who offer that institutional theory would do well to incorporate
notions of politics and power so as to better capture the macro-complexity of the processes
and dynamics which lead to change.
Second, technical capacity, power and the old habits and social history of actors in this
organization were important in determining the extent to which AAS was internalized.
In this case and despite Indonesian Government efforts to reform public sector
accounting as a part of greater political and economic changes, the process by which that
institutionalization occurred is far more complex and its road less straightforward than
its idealists may have envisioned. In the end, that achieved contradicts in several
respects the intended benefits of this change. There is a gap between the idealised
purpose of nurturing efficiency and transparency and that which is now revealed. The
findings remind us that the processes of institutionalization of a new accounting system
is determined by a multitude of factors, including those which are external (Burns and
Scapens, 2000) and “the organization activities, processes and routines that may or may
not accepted as institutions” (Hassan, 2005, p. 126).
Drawing on the IPM model of Dambrin et al. (2007) the study contributes to
an improved understanding of a system which has been destabilised by
regime-changing political-economic events. In this case, what occurred not only a
change in “government”, but also change in the nature of that government. While a study
about policy formulation and internalization of accounting systems in a public sector
context, it is also as to change on a broad nation-based political spectrum. This study
contributes therefore to existing research about the roles of actors within their social and
institutional contexts surrounding the institutionalization of an accounting system
within a context that has been rarely explored. The lessons learned here could usefully
be taken into account by policy makers in informing how a process of
institutionalization can be complex and its outcomes diverted. Beyond this, the study
fills a gap in research-based knowledge about public sector accounting practices in
developing and emerging economies generally.
JAOC 8. Limitations and recommendations for future studies
8,3 The findings of the study are not free from limitation. First, as one of the sources of the
data was drawn from one municipal government the results of the study cannot be
taken to represent a general pattern attributable to other local governments in
Indonesia or elsewhere. Second, given the qualitative and complex nature of the study,
it is possible the interpretation offered here may not be the only one. Nonetheless, the
280 methods employed are such that the analysis derives from the views and documents
relevant to the situation. Furthermore, the project contributes to research generally in
that the findings can be used to explore, and tested against, other public management
practices in Indonesia such as that having to do with public sector audit, performance
measurement, and output based budget systems.
Dambrin et al.’s (2007) IPM model used in the study also has the potential to
illuminate the details of institutionalization processes within other organizations, and it
is shown how it can be used to reveal the interaction between institutions and actors at a
local, national and national level. Moreover, it is revealed how the model can be used both
to identify the actors involved in an institutionalization process and to explain the
behaviours of actors.
From a historical perspective, this study helps map an important period of accounting
and political change in Indonesia. A future study could duplicate the approach to
undertake a comparison among local administrations in Indonesia, or to compare it with
situations in other contexts and in other political environments. Moreover, as accounting
is not merely a technical device, future studies should also consider the nature
and the social and institutional features of accounting as a tool for mobilizing powers
and control on people or organizations. In this case, social, economic, political, and
institutional aspects of accounting provide interesting grounds for future studies.
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