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POLITICS IN THE PHILIPPINES.

Politics in the Philippines has traditionally been dominated by clans and


political bosses and patronage and is characterized by law makers that make decisions based on fiscal
incentives rather that beliefs and voters that make choices based on personality rather than reasoned
policies.

noun

the activities associated with the governance of a country or other area, especially the debate or conflict
among individuals or parties having or hoping to achieve power.

"the president's relationship with Congress is vital to American politics"

synonyms: government, local government, affairs of state, public affairs, diplomacy, party politics

"a career in politics"

the activities of governments concerning the political relations between countries.

plural noun: politics

"in the conduct of global politics, economic status must be backed by military capacity"

the academic study of government and the state.

"a politics lecturer"

synonyms: political science, civics, statecraft, statesmanship; rarepolity

"he studies politics"

POLITICS IN THE PHILIPPINES

Politics in the Philippines has traditionally been dominated by clans and political bosses and patronage
and is characterized by law makers that make decisions based on fiscal incentives rather that beliefs and
voters that make choices based on personality rather than reasoned policies. Under the traditional itang
na loob system of patronage, or obligation earned through favors, voters expect money or jobs in return
for their political support. In many cases politician’s performance was based on dole-outs not on
programs or policies. Philippine concepts about debt repayment and kinship responsibilities plays a
major role in how political networks are set up and run (See FILIPINO CHARACTER AND PERSONALITY:
HIYA, AMOR PROPIO Under People).
Personalities are more important than parties in Philippine politics. Movie stars and other celebrities
have enjoyed considerable success. In addition1, several prominent families play a disproportionate role
in politics. The support of the military and the Catholic church are key to political survival and success in
the Philippines. Promises are generally not kept. Arroyo, for example, pledged to bring cheap power to
the poor as a campaign pledge and then doubled power rates after she was elected. She also promised
not to run for a second time but changed her mind because she said God made her decide to run.

The Philippines is known for its rough-and-tumble political scene. Politicians are rountinely killed and
sometimes they even do the do the killing themselves. Every now and then it seems the entire country is
on the verge of collapse because of a coup attempt, People Power protest or impeachment effort. On
the day-to-day level, politicians are unable to achieve many of their goals and carry out programs they
proposed due to political opposition, mainly from the ruling elite. Arroyo and her cabinet said that
political fighting and sniping exhausted and frustrated them deeply.

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the New York Times, “In the Philippines, politics is a blood sport. Here,
politicians often behave like gladiators: To survive they have to entertain the spectators. The turmoil
from the [Arroyo] scandal has once again brought Filipinos and their unique brand of rambunctious
democracy to international attention, providing a sideshow to the more pressing problems. Filipinos are
no longer surprised by election fraud. Thanks to the damage Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator, did to the
democratic institutions that American-style democracy helped establish after World War II, and the
prevalence of an almost feudal political structure, particularly in the provinces, Filipinos have come to
accept election cheating as normal. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 2, 2005]

Pollster Social Weather Station and Pulse Asia.

Development of Philippines Politics After the Marcos

In 1991 Philippine politics resembled nothing so much as the "good old days" of the pre-martial law
period--wide-open, sometimes irresponsible, but undeniably free. Pre-martial law politics, however,
essentially were a distraction from the nation's serious problems. The parties were completely
nonideological. Therefore, politicians and office-holders switched parties whenever it seemed
advantageous to do so. Almost all politicians were wealthy, and many were landlords with large
holdings. They blocked moves for social reform; indeed, they seemed not to have even imagined that
society required serious reform. Congress acquired a reputation for corruption that made the few
honest members stand out. When Marcos closed down Congress in 1972, hardly anyone was
disappointed except the members themselves. *
The February 1986 People's Power Revolution, also called the EDSA Revolution had restored all the
prerequisites of democratic politics: freedom of speech and press, civil liberties, regularly scheduled
elections for genuine legislatures, plebiscites, and ways to ensure honest ballot counting. But by 1991
the return to irrelevant politics had caused a sense of hopelessness to creep back into the nation that
five years before had been riding the euphoric crest of a nonviolent democratic revolution. In 1986 it
seemed that democracy would have one last chance to solve the Philippines' deep-rooted social and
economic problems. Within five years, it began to seem to many observers that the net result of
democracy was to put the country back where it had been before Marcos: a democratic political system
disguising an oligarchic society. *

Powerful Families in Philippine Politics

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “Philippine elections have long been dominated by
politicians belonging to the same bloodlines. At least 250 political families have monopolized power
across the country, although such dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 constitution. Congress —
long controlled by members of powerful clans targeted by the constitutional ban — has failed to pass
the law needed to define and enforce the provision. "Wherever you go, you see the names of these
people since we were kids. It is still them," businessman Martin Tunac, 54, said after voting in Manila.
"One of the bad things about political dynasties is they control everything, including business." [Source:
Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“School counselor Evelyn Dioquino said that the proliferation of political dynasties was a cultural issue
and other candidates stood little chance because clans "have money, so they are the only ones who can
afford (to run). Of course, if you have no logistics, you can't run for office." Critics worry that a single
family's stranglehold on different levels of government could stymie checks against abuses and
corruption. A widely cited example is the 2009 massacre of 58 people, including 32 media workers, in an
ambush blamed on rivalry between powerful clans in southern Maguindanao province. |=|

Ana Maria Tabunda from the independent pollster Pulse Asia said that dynasties restrict democracy, but
added that past surveys by her organization have shown that most Filipinos are less concerned about
the issue than with the benefits and patronage they can receive from particular candidates. Voters also
often pick candidates with the most familiar surnames instead of those with the best records, she said.
"It's name recall, like a brand. They go by that," she said. |=|

The American anthropologist Brian Fegan, writing in "An Anarchy of Families," a book published in the
1990s, told the New York Times that "the Filipino family is the most enduring political unit and the one
into which, failing some wider principle of organization, all other units dissolve." Filipinos look at political
continuity as merely the transfer of power among family members, Fegan said. Thus, they also look at
political competition in terms of rivalry between families. "A family that has once contested an office,
particularly if it has once won it, sets its eye on that office as its permanent right," Fegan said. [Source:
Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Political Family Dynasties in the Philippines

Politics in the Philippines has been dominated by powerful families for as long as anyone can
remember. Aquino was the wife of a opposition leader. Arroyo was the daughter of a president. In 2004,
Arroyo’s son and brother-in-law held Congressional seats and five relatives of Aquino were in Congress
and one was a Senator. Even the Marcos family remains powerful and influential in Philippines politics,
especially in northen Luzon. Many local positions and governments are dominated by clans and
powerful and wealthy families.

One Philippine political analyst told the Washington Post, “Some dynasties have made positive
contributions, but by and large the dynastic system in the Philippines has stunted the growth of real
democracy. It is not representative of the broad majority in any place.” Efforts to reduce the hold on
power of local families by establishing term limits has meant that families hand over power from one
family member to another.

The system of family dynasties has its roots in U.S. colonial rule when initially voting rights were only
granted to Filipinos with property and education, allowing the landed aristocracy to attain a monopoly
of power in the provinces. The United States also put in place a Congressional system that allowed
families to establish local fiefdoms rather than fostering competition through an electoral list system.

This trend is beginning to change in some places. Grace Padaca, a former radio commentator, was
elected governor of Isabela Province in 2004. She moved into the mansion of the former governor, from
the powerful Dy family, thought he had built for himself. Padaca won by nonstop campaigning and
dedicated grassroots volunteer movement.

Filipino Clans, Celebrities Dominate Midterm Polls in 2013

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “From Imelda Marcos to Manny Pacquiao, familiar names of
Philippine political clans and celebrities dominated the ballots for congressional and local elections,
which will gauge popular support for the president's anti-corruption drive and other reforms. [Source:
Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]
“Among 33 senatorial candidates are two of Aquino's relatives, Binay's neophyte daughter, Estrada's
son, a son of the sitting chamber president, a son of a late president, a spouse and children of former
senators and there's a possibility that two pairs of siblings will be sitting in the me house. Currently, 15
senators have relatives serving in elective positions. The race for the House is even more of a family
affair. Toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos' widow, the flamboyant 83-year-old Imelda, is expected to
keep her seat as a representative for Ilocos Norte province, the husband's birthplace where the locals
kept electing the Marcoses despite allegations of corruption and abuse during their long rule. Marcos'
daughter, Imee is seeking re-election as governor and the son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., is
already a senator. Boxing star and incumbent Rep. Manny Pacquiao is running unopposed and building a
dynasty of his own: his brother Rogelio is running to represent his southern district and his wife Jinkee is
vying to become vice-governor for Sarangani province. |=|

Palakasan System" in the Philippine Government

Iamthur.blogspot.jp reported: “How to get a job in the Philippine Government provided that there is a
vacancy? First, you must be a Filipino citizen. Then, you should have a bachelor's degree related to the
job, certification of eligibility from Civil Service Commission, experience related to the job, and other
documents as the office/agency concerned may require. But in these days, there is a big problem. In a
partisan system if they suspect you for not voting for a certain winning candidate, your chances to get
hired even though you're qualified is lame. That's sad but true. [Source: iamthur.blogspot.jp ==]

“This scenario has been the headache for long a time. The recent official that being seated on certain
position will going to terminate all people that being hired under the term of previous official. I can say
this because, I already witnessed this when I visit our municipality. I've noticed that there are new faces
working there, and old employees are replaced already. ==

“Nowadays in Philippines, it is very difficult to acquire a job in the government. Even though you have
the qualities, abilities, and capabilities that match the criteria for a certain job you're applying for,
sometimes it just not enough to get the job. That's because you don't have what they call a "backer", it's
a certain people in the government with a high position or ranking that supposedly one of your relatives,
friends or acquaintances. There are lots of people getting hired easily in the government even though
they don't have what it takes for that certain position, but they made it possible because of their
contacts(red tape) in the government. It is what you called the "Palakasan System" that run for so long.
It's very unfair and disappointing to those honest and deserving Filipino job-seekers who aim to work for
the government. ==

“The government now is full of corrupt people. I'm still hoping that someday this system will be
changed. All corrupt must be washed out, and let the honest and dignified people work for their beloved
county, who looks equally to all people under their good governance.” ==
Old-Style Politics in the Philippines Countryside

Philippine politics, along with other aspects of society, rely heavily on kinship and other personal
relationships. To win a local election, one must assemble a coalition of families. To win a provincial
election, the important families in each town must be drawn into a wider structure. To win a national
election, the most prominent aristocratic clans from each region must temporarily come together. A
family's power is not necessarily precisely correlated with wealth--numbers of followers matters more--
but the middle class and the poor are sought mainly for the votes that they can deliver. Rarely will they
be candidates themselves. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The suspension of elections during martial law seemed at first to herald a radical centralization of
power in Manila, specifically in the Marcos and Romualdez clans, but traditional provincial oligarchs
resurfaced when Aquino restored elections. To the dismay of her more idealistic followers, Aquino
followed her brother's advice and concluded agreements with many former Marcos supporters who
were probably going to win elections anyway. About 70 percent of the candidates elected to the House
of Representatives in 1987 were scions of political dynasties. They included five relatives of Aquino: a
brother, an uncle, a sister-in-law, a brother-in-law, and a cousin. Another brotherin -law was elected to
the Senate. The newly elected Congress passed a bill prohibiting close relatives of government officials
from becoming candidates, but it did not take effect until after the 1988 local elections. Many of the
same prominent families who had dominated Philippine society from the Spanish colonial period
returned to power. Commonly, the same two families vie for control of provinces. The specific reason
for social and political bipolarity is not known, but it nourishes feuds between rival clans that are
renewed generation after generation. *

Coercion is an alternative to buying votes. Because the population of the Philippines has multiplied by a
factor of nine in the twentieth century, there is not enough land to go around. As a result, tenant-
landlord relationships have become more businesslike and less personal, and some old elite families
now rely on force to protect their interests. Article 18 of the constitution directs the dismantling of all
"private armies," but it seemed unlikely that it could be enforced. *

Failure of People in the Philippines

Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves of Associated Press wrote: “The world watched in awe in 1986 as Filipinos,
clutching rosaries and flowers, mounted a human barricade against tanks and troops and brought
dictator Ferdinand Marcos down without a shot. What they did gave birth to the term "people power."
Fifteen years later similar forces toppled President Joseph Estrada over alleged corruption, and even
now, the nation's democracy remains fragile.” In the late 2000s, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
faced impeachment proceedings over allegations of vote-rigging and corruption and declared a state of
emergency to quashed a coup plot. She said the political opposition and extremists on both left and
right were determined to bring down her elected government. [Source: Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves
Associated Press, February 25, 2006 +^+]

“Has "people power" gotten out of hand in the island nation where it was born? Even its most
prominent beneficiary, Corazon Aquino, who succeeded the ousted Marcos in 1986, thinks so. "I would
still prefer that we do it through a constitutional process," she said recently when asked if she would
join an uprising against Arroyo. "Things are different now, we have other options." Besides democracy,
little has changed in this nation of 86 million. It remains mired in appalling poverty, rural backwardness,
chronic inequality, long-running Marxist and Muslim insurgencies and chaotic politics. Imelda Marcos,
the dictator's widow once reviled for the extravagance epitomized by her vast shoe collection, retains
political clout and still shows up occasionally to work the Manila social circuit. +^+

“The images of "people power" are fading into history, but remain iconic: nuns kneeling in prayer in
front of tanks, and unarmed civilians trying to push back military vehicles with their bare hands.
Historian Maria Serena Diokno said the administrations of Aquino and Arroyo, both from wealthy
landowning clans, faced the same accusations as their predecessors - human rights violations, massive
corruption and failure to enforce effective land reform. +^+

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “If there is any consensus it is that the
system has to go, says Manuel Quezon 3rd, a political analyst and historian. "The problem is, no one
agrees what system to replace it with," Quezon said.Experts on politics and governance do agree,
however, that the families and politicians who have a lock on government here have been the bane of
Filipinos, thriving on so-called patronage politics that keeps democratic processes in a state of
dysfunction. The result is a faulty electoral system, a low level of political awareness among the
populace and a degree of corruption that has seriously damaged Philippine society and hobbled
economic development. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

“All of these factors conspire to push the country near the edge of chaos in a kind of cyclical pattern
that has decayed what was once among the region's most promising democracies. Worse, the few new
and young leaders who emerge are frequently co-opted by traditional politicians. These new leaders
then establish political dynasties themselves or fortify existing ones, perpetuating a vicious circle.” \~/

Why the Powerful Family and Patronage System Endure in the Philippines

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “The reality here is that the same old faces,
the same old families and the same old interests continue to hold sway over the political life of this
country. The Philippines, which once boasted an intelligentsia that was deemed the most sophisticated
in Southeast Asia, is still going through what one Filipino columnist recently called "the most drawn out
political adolescence in modern history." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16,
2005 \~/]

“Why do a few oligarchic families continue to dominate the political life of this former Spanish colony, in
a pattern once familiar in many Latin-influenced countries? To put the question another way, why has
the Philippines failed to produce a leader like Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, a figure who springs from
the bottom up and who, for better or worse, ushers in new politics that, on the surface at least, promise
a better life for the people? \~/

Clarita Carlos, an expert on governance and politics at the University of the Philippines, said she
believed that Philippine politics merely facilitated the "circulation of elites, people who have mastered
how to be economically and socially mobile by taking advantage of the limitations of the system." As a
result, the Filipino political class "has become so inbred that they've become detached from the
concerns of the majority," said Quezon, who is himself the grandson of a former president. \~/

“In a healthy political environment, Quezon said, the oligarchy would relinquish power to a new
political class. "Sadly, this is something most Filipino oligarchs never did," he said.Steven Rood, the
country representative here of The Asia Foundation and an expert on local governance, thinks it is not
so much a question of why Philippine politics has the same faces but why the situation has not changed
over many decades. "I would say that the basic fundamental reason is that the people who run the
system are the ones benefiting enough from it that they're worried about change," Rood said. That has
been the case for decades and, as Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation explained, "there's an enormous
amount of historical continuity at play" in the present crisis. Rood traces this back to the period of
Spanish colonization and the American colonization that followed it. \~/

"The two decades of Marcos blocked off a generation of young, emerging leaders," said Nereus Acosta,
a 39-year-old congressman who teaches public policy at the Ateneo School of Government. After
Marcos was toppled in 1986, the political families that he cultivated were replaced by new ones allied to
the next regime, that of Corazón Aquino. As if that were not enough, the lines that at first separated
Marcos and anti-Marcos politics became so blurred that it is not surprising today to find a former
Marcos foe hobnobbing with the scions and friends of the former dictator. Switching sides thus became
widespread. Filipino political parties had intermarried to such an extent that, today, it is difficult to know
which party is allied with whom. "We're paying for this damage now," Acosta said. \~/

“Given this, Acosta said, it would be difficult for idealism to evolve. "You may have new guys coming
out, yes, but unfortunately, wealth and power being so confined to a few, this new generation will have
limitations," he said. There has never been a shortage of idealistic Filipinos who can provide the kind of
strong leadership the country needs. "Believe me, there are many Filipinos who are competent," said
Carlos, the political science professor. The problem is, officials said, once they are inside the system,
they are easily compromised. \~/

Is the U.S. to Blame for the Philippines’s Political Failures

Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans did not
change the Filipino social structure. "They imposed a political system that allowed this social structure to
gain political power," he said. "It's been the marriage of social position and political power ever since
that produced essentially the same state that we have now." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International
Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Luis Teodoro, the executive director of the Center for People Empowerment in Governance, a political
research institute in Manila, told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans had a hand in this
predicament. They supported regimes led by powerful political families who, in turn, furthered
American interests and helped suppress the nationalist politicians who tended to undermine them. "To
a great extent, the United States is responsible for keeping these political dynasties in power," Teodoro
said. Without U.S. support, he said by way of example, the regime of Ferdinand Marcos would not have
lasted as long as it did and Marcos would not have been able to inflict the heavy damage on political
institutions here that he is generally held responsible for. \~/

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “Marcos persecuted the oligarchs who went
against him and befriended those who were willing to cooperate with his regime. While he used these
families to prop up his regime and amass the wealth for which he would later be infamous, these
families went on to exploit their ties with him, widening and strengthening their political bases and
enriching themselves even more. Marcos, in turn, used these power bases, particularly in the provinces,
to keep himself in the presidential palace. This resulted in a kind of political interregnum. Because the
dictator, his wife, Imelda, and his closest cronies were the only kingmakers, they either corrupted young
and idealistic politicians or made sure that those who could challenge them did not stand a chance. \~/

Philippine Mayor Killed at Manila Airport

Political violence is not confined to candidates running in elections that threaten the oligarchy status
quo. It can strike sitting politicians—and innocent bystanders. In December 2013, Al Jazeera reported:
“Gunmen have shot dead a town mayor and three other people at the airport in Manila, sending
travellers fleeing for safety, authorities said. Ukol Talumpa, the mayor of the town of Labangan in
Zamboanga del Sur province, was killed together with his wife, an 18-month-old baby and one other
person, Al Jazeera's Jamela Alindogan reported from Manila on Friday. Four other people were wounded
in the incident, airport manager Jose Honrado said. [Source: Al Jazeera, December 20, 2013]

“Honrado said that Talumpa was waiting for a ride with his family outside an airport terminal when the
gunmen on a motorcycle shot him and others at close range. Airport security force chased the gunmen
but they escaped on their vehicle in the heavy late-morning traffic outside the terminal, Honrado said.
He added that the authorities did not know the identity of the attackers nor the motive for the attack
"Government agencies are trying their best to determine the perpetrators and bring them to justice,"
the airport manager said. Talumpa, a member of the political opposition, won a hotly contested
electoral contest for mayor of Labangan in last May's local elections. [Ibid]

Politicians in the Philippines

Personality and image count for a lot on Philippines politics. Presidential candidates have included high
school drop out movie stars. In some cases they have had no public service experience before running
for office. It is common in Philippine politics for movie stars, basketball players and comedians to be
elected to public office. The two top vote getters in a 1992 Senate election were a former action-movie
star and slapstick comedian. In the 1998 election, more than 100 candidates in national elections were
former entertainers. Former police chief and Manila mayor Alfredo Lim was nicknamed "Dirty Harry" for
having little respect for civil liberties.

According to everyculture.com: “Men of rank in the military also move into the political arena. Joseph
Estrada, whose term as president is 1998–2004, entered the public eye as a popular film star. He then
became the mayor of a large city and went on to become vice president in the Ramos administration.
Previous presidents have had political or military backgrounds, with the exception of Corazon Aquino,
the president from 1986 to 1992, who became politically active after her husband was assassinated.
[Source: everyculture.com]

It is also not unusual for Philippines politicians to have a criminal record. The top politician on the island
of Palawan, Edward Hagedorn. who has been greatly praised for his can do achievements, himself grew
up as a petty criminal and became a gambling lord who was jailed for allegedly killing two policeman in a
shootout and abandoned his wife and child to live with a showgirl he met at a bar. Using managment
skills that he may have picked as a gangster he got roads paves, cracked down on illegal logging and
fishing, and delivered on promises of bringing low-cost housing, clinics and garbage collection to remote
villages. Hagedorn became so famous his life was made into a film staring future presidential candidate
Edward Poe.
Ferdinand Marcos was accused of killing a man. President Joseph Estrada and popular politician and
president candidate Edward Poe were popular actors. See History

Speaker Jose de Venecia: the Consumate Filipino Politician

Bong Austero wrote in his blog: “Speaker Jose de Venecia says he now wants to spend the last years of
his life building his legacy to the Filipino people. The speaker is 70 years old. He is the longest-serving
speaker of the House of Representatives. He could have been president of this country had it not been
for the fact that someone more popular and more in touch with the common man was also running for
the post in that particular election. He lost to Joseph Estrada, the actor. His running mate, Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo, however, won the vice presidency. Estrada would eventually get booted out of
office, tried, and convicted for plunder. And as fate would have it, De Venecia’s running mate became
President. [Source: bongaustero.blogspot.jp, October 22, 2007 /=\]

“For quite sometime, De Venecia’s political fortunes were in limbo. But he eventually bounced back
from the pits and reclaimed his seat as speaker of the House of Representatives, proof of the man’s
resilience and tenacity as a political animal. This is a man who has fought many battles; a man who
speaks with the wisdom of not only the aged, but of someone who has been a constant fixture in the
political scene in the last four or five decades. In another time and place, when someone of De Venecia’s
stature and experience speaks of moral regeneration and of the urgency of reclaiming the country’s
pride and honor, we should be compelled to sit up and listen. /=\

“Sadly, this does not seem to be the case today. It has become difficult to empathize with the man. Not
only because in all his TV appearances last week the speaker came across as a forlorn figure, of someone
betrayed and on the brink of defeat. There was no fire in his eyes and his rhetoric lacked conviction. This
is sad because what De Venecia is saying is true. This country needs moral regeneration. But corruption
has not only become systemic and widespread, brazen and so unspeakably scandalous. We also know
theoretical solutions and intellectual discussions won’t be enough. What we need are drastic and more
effective courses of action. /=\

“It is difficult to empathize with De Venecia and his cause because despite the grand pronouncements,
it is clear that the man is simply fighting for political survival. This is evident in the way De Venecia
continues to hem and haw about where his political loyalties now reside. Despite thinly veiled threats
about possible courses of actions that he might take if the current dispensation continues to marginalize
him, we know that his main motivation is self-preservation. He wants to retire as speaker and this is only
possible if he plays his cards right. It’s a political zarzuela. De Venecia is saying all the right things but
unfortunately fails to buttress his rhetoric with the necessary actions indicative of moral courage. Thus,
we can be forgiven for not trusting him at this point.” /=\
Political Parties in the Philippines

Political parties and leaders: 1) Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (Struggle of Filipino Democrats) or LDP
[Edgardo Angara]; 2) Lakas ng EDSA-Christian Muslim Democrats or Lakas-CMD [Manuel "Mar" Roxas];
3) Liberal Party or LP [Manuel Roxas]; 4) Nacionalista Party or NP [Manuel "Manny" Villar]; 4) Nationalist
People's Coalition or NPC [Frisco San Juan]; 5) PDP-Laban [Aquilino Pimentel]; 6) People's Reform Party
[Miriam Defensor Santiago]; 7) Puwersa ng Masang Pilipino (Force of the Philippine Masses) or PMP
[Joseph Estrada]. The United Nationalist Alliance or [UNA] - PDP-Laban and PMP coalition for the 2013
election. Political pressure groups and leaders: Black and White Movement [Vicente Romano];
Kilosbayan [Jovito Salonga] [Source: CIA World Factbook]

Philippine political parties are essentially nonideological vehicles for personal and factional political
ambition. Ruling party: The Liberal Party is the party of Benigno Aquino III, the current president of the
Philippines. The Liberal Party, a democratic-elitist party founded in 1946, survived fourteen years of
dormancy (1972 to 1986), largely through the staunch integrity of its central figure, Senate president
Jovito Salonga, a survivor of the Plaza Miranda grenade attack of September 1971. In 1991 Salonga also
was interested in the presidency, despite poor health and the fact that he is a Protestant in a largely
Catholic country. Former President Macapagal-Arroyo is a member of the conservative Lakas-Christian
Muslim Democratic Party (Lakas-CMD).

Political parties are not that strong in the Philippines. Rewriting the constitution to eliminate term limits
and establishing a strong two-party system are the reforms that are discussed most often. Politicians
move from party to party as the needs of their constituencies dictate because the political parties have
no ideologies. [Source: everyculture.com]

Senate - percent of vote by party for 2013 election - UNA 26.94 percent, NP 15.3 percent, LP 11.32
percent, NPC 10.15 percent, LDP 5.38 percent, PDP-Laban 4.95 percent, others 9.72 percent,
independents 16.24 percent; seats by party after 2013 election - UNA 5, NP 5, LP 4, Lakas 2, NPC 2, LDP
1, PDP-Laban 1, PRP 1, independents 3; House of Representatives - percent of vote by party - LP 38.3
percent, NPC 17.4 percent, UNA 11.4 percent, NUP 8.7 percent, NP 8.5 percent, Lakas 5.3 percent,
independents 6.0 percent, others 4.4 percent; seats by party - LP 110, NPC 43, NUP 24, NP 17, Lakas 14,
UNA 8, independents 6, others 12; party-list 57 [Source: CIA World Factbook]

After the May 2004 election, Lakas controlled the largest faction in the House of Representatives (100
seats). Lakas-CMD has formed a governing coalition with the Liberal Party (32 seats). Others major
parties in the House at that time were the Nationalist Peoples Coalition (47 seats), led by the business
tycoon Eduardo Cojuangco; Struggle for Democratic Filipinos (nine seats); Nationalista Party (six seats);
Akbayan (three seats); Association of Philippine Electric Co-operatives (three seats); Bayan Muna (three
seats); Power of the Filipino Masses (three seats); Aksyon Demokratiko, Promdi, and Reporma, which
have formed an alliance (two seats); Philippine Democratic Party (two seats); and Philippines
Democratic Socialist Party (two seats).

The Communists (NPA) split among the ranks.

Political Parties After the Ouster of Marcos

Political parties grew in profusion after the Marcos martiallaw regime (1972-81) was ended. There were
105 political parties registered in 1988. As in the pre-Marcos era, most legal political parties were
coalitions, built around prominent individuals, which focused entirely on winning elections, not on what
to do with the power achieved. There was little to distinguish one party from another ideologically,
which was why many Filipinos regarded the political system as irrelevant. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The party system in the early 1990s closely resembled that of the premartial law years when the
Nacionalista and Liberal parties alternated in power. Although they lacked coherent political programs,
they generally championed conservative social positions and avoided taking any position that might
divide the electorate. Each party tried to appeal to all regions, all ethnic groups, and all social classes and
fostered national unity by never championing one group or region. Neither party had any way to enforce
party discipline, so politicians switched capriciously back and forth. The parties were essentially
pyramids of patronclient relationships stretching from the remotest villages to Manila. They existed to
satisfy particular demands, not to promote general programs. Because nearly all senators and
representatives were provincial aristocrats, the parties never tackled the fundamental national problem-
-the vastly inequitable distribution of land, power, and wealth. *

Ferdinand Marcos mastered that party system, then altered it by establishing an all-embracing ruling
party to be the sole vehicle for those who wished to engage in political activity. He called it the New
Society Movement (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan). The New Society Movement sought to extend Marcos's
reach to far corners of the country. Bureaucrats at all levels were welladvised to join. The New Society
Movement offered unlimited patronage. The party won 163 of 178 seats in the National Assembly in
1978 and easily won the 1980 local elections. In 1981 Marcos actually had to create his own opposition,
because no one was willing to run against him. *

Pro-Government Parties After Marcos


In 1978 the imprisoned former senators Benigno Aquino and Lorenzo Tañada organized a political party
named Lakas ng Bayan (Strength of the Nation; also known by its abbreviated form, LABAN, meaning
fight). LABAN won 40 percent of the Manila vote in parliamentary elections that year but was not given
a single seat in Marcos's New Society Movement-dominated parliament. After Aquino went into exile in
the United States, his wife's brother, former Congressman Jose Cojuangco, managed LABAN. Cojuangco
forged an alliance with the Pilipino Democratic Party (PDP), a regional party with strength in the Visayas
and Mindanao, that had been organized by Aquilino Pimentel, the mayor of Cagayan de Oro City. The
unified party was thereafter known as PDP-LABAN, and it--along with UNIDO conducted Corazon
Aquino's presidential campaign against Marcos. [Source: Library of Congress *]

In its early years, PDP-LABAN espoused a strongly nationalist position on economic matters and United
States base rights, aspiring to "democratize power and socialize wealth." Later, after Aquino became
president, its rhetorical socialism evaporated. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, PDP-LABAN had the
distinct advantage of patronage. Aquino named Pimentel her first minister of local government, then
summarily dismissed every governor and mayor in the Philippines. Pimentel replaced them with officers
in charge known personally to him, thereby creating an instant pyramid of allies throughout the country.
Some, but not all, of these officers in charge won election on their own in the January 1988 local
elections. *

PDP-LABAN was not immune from the problems that generally plagued Philippine political parties.
What mainly kept the party together was the need to keep Aquino in power for her full sixyear term. In
June 1988 the party was reorganized as the Struggle of Filipino Democrats (Laban ng Demokratikong
Pilipino). Speaker of the House Ramon Mitra was its first president, but he resigned the presidency of
the party in 1989 in favor of Neptali Gonzales. *

In 1990 Aquino announced the formation of a movement called Kabisig (Arm-in-Arm), conceived as a
nongovernmental organization to revive the spirit of People's Power and get around an obstinate
bureaucracy and a conservative Congress. By 1991 its resemblance to a nascent political party worried
the more traditional leadership, particularly Mitra. Part of Aquino's governing style was to maintain a
stance of being "above politics." Although she endorsed political candidates, she refused to form a
political party of her own, relying instead on her personal probity, spirituality, and simple living to
maintain popular support. *

Opposition Parties After Marcos

The New Society Movement fell apart when Marcos fled the country. A former National Assembly
speaker, Nicanor Yniguez, tried to "reorganize" it, but others scrambled to start new parties with new
names. Blas Ople, Marcos's minister of labor, formed the Nationalist Party of the Philippines (Partido
Nationalista ng Pilipinas) in March 1986. Enrile sought political refuge in a revival of the country's oldest
party, the Nacionalista Party, first formed in 1907. Enrile used the rusty Nacionalista machinery and an
ethnic network of Ilocanos to campaign for a no vote on the Constitution, and when that failed, for his
election to the Senate. Lengthy negotiations with mistrustful political "allies" such as Ople and Laurel
delayed the formal reestablishment of the Nacionalista Party until May 1989. Enrile also experimented
with a short-lived Grand Alliance for Democracy with Francisco "Kit" Tatad, the erstwhile minister of
information for Marcos, and the popular movie-star senator, Joseph Estrada. In 1991 Enrile remained a
very powerful political figure, with landholdings all over the Philippines and a clandestine network of
dissident military officers. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Vice President Laurel had few supporters in the military but long-term experience in political organizing.
From his family base in Batangas Province, Laurel had cautiously distanced himself from Marcos in the
early 1980s, then moved into open opposition under the banner of a loose alliance named the United
Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO). Eventually, the UNIDO became Laurel's personal party.
Aquino used the party's organization in February 1986, although her alliance with Laurel was never
more than tactical. UNIDO might have endured had Aquino's allies granted Laurel more patronage when
local governments were reorganized. As it was, Laurel could reward his supporters only with positions in
the foreign service, and even there the opportunities were severely limited. The party soon fell by the
wayside. Laurel and Enrile formed the United Nationalist Alliance, also called the Union for National
Action, in 1988. The United Nationalist Alliance proposed a contradictory assortment of ideas including
switching from a presidential to a parliamentary form of government, legalizing the Communist Party of
the Philippines, and extending the United States bases treaty. By 1991 Laurel had abandoned these ad
hoc creations and gone back to the revived Nacionalista Party, in a tentative alliance with Enrile. *

In 1991 a new opposition party, the Filipino Party (Partido Pilipino), was organized as a vehicle for the
presidential campaign of Aquino's estranged cousin Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. Despite the political
baggage of a long association with Marcos, Cojuangco had the resources to assemble a powerful
coalition of clans. *

In September 1986 the revolutionary left, stung by its shortsighted boycott of the February election,
formed a legal political party to contest the congressional elections. The Partido ng Bayan (Party of the
Nation) allied with other leftleaning groups in an Alliance for New Politics that fielded 7 candidates for
the Senate and 103 for the House of Representatives, but it gained absolutely nothing from this
exercise. The communists quickly dropped out of the electoral arena and reverted to guerrilla warfare.
As of 1991, no Philippine party actively engaged in politics espoused a radical agenda.

Catholic Church and Politics in the Philippines

During the Spanish colonial period, the Catholic Church was extensively involved in colonial
administration, especially in rural areas. With the advent of United States control, the Catholic Church
relinquished its great estates. Church and state officially were separated, although the church, counting
more than 80 percent of the population as members, continued to have influence when it wanted to
exert it. For much of the Marcos administration, the official church, led by archbishop of Manila,
Cardinal Jaime Sin, adopted a stance of "critical collaboration." This meant that although Sin did not
flatly condemn Marcos, he reserved the right to criticize. Below the cardinal, the church was split
between conservative and progressive elements, and some priests joined the communistdominated
National Democratic Front through a group named Christians for National Liberation. Cardinal Sin was
instrumental in the downfall of Marcos. He brokered the critical, if temporary, reconciliation between
Aquino and Laurel and warned the Marcoses that vote fraud was "unforgivable." In radio broadcasts, he
urged Manileños to come into the streets to help the forces led by Enrile and Ramos when they
mutinied in February 1986. The church, therefore, could legitimately claim to be part of the
revolutionary coalition. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Aquino is a deeply religious woman who has opened cabinet meetings with prayers and sought spiritual
guidance in troubled times. Although there were reports that the Vatican in late 1986 had instructed
Cardinal Sin to reduce his involvement in politics, Aquino continued to depend on him. The Catholic
Bishops Conference of the Philippines issued a pastoral letter urging people to vote yes in the 1987
constitutional plebiscite. In March 1987, Sin announced that he was bowing out of politics, but two
months later he broadcast his support for ten Aquino-backed candidates for the Senate and
recommended that voters shun candidates of the left. In 1990 Sin defined his attitude toward the
government as one of "critical solidarity." *

The church was very pleased with provisions of the 1987 Constitution that ban abortion and restore a
limited role for religion in public education. The Constitution is essentially silent on the matter of family
planning. The church used its very substantial influence to hinder government family-planning
programs. Despite the fact that the population grew by 100,000 people per month in the late 1980s,
Cardinal Sin believed that the Marcos government had gone too far in promoting contraception. He
urged Aquino to "repeal, or at least revise" government family-planning programs. In August 1988, the
bishops conference denounced contraception as "dehumanizing and ethically objectionable." For
churchmen, this was an issue not to be taken lightly. One bishop called for the church to "protect our
people from the contraceptive onslaught" and the bishops conference labelled rapid population growth
a "nonproblem." In 1989 the United States Department of Commerce projected the Philippine
population at 130 million by the year 2020--in a country the size of California. *

Catholic Leaders and Politics in the Philippines

The Catholic church is one of the strongest institutions in the Philippines and major player in Philippine
politics. Support of the Catholic church, and the military, are key to political survival and success in the
Philippines. The Catholic is very involved in fighting poverty and in some cases some of its members
have been involved in supporting poor tenant farmers in their battles against their rich landlords.
Priests and bishops and other religious leaders are powerful figures in the Philippines. Local priest and
ministers are so highly respected that requests from them take on the power of mandates. A family
considers having a son or daughter with a religious career as a high honor. Personal friendships with
priests, ministers, and nuns are prized. Clerics take an active role in the secular world. An example is
Brother Andrew Gonzales, the current secretary of DECS. [Source: everyculture.com]

The Catholic Church and, to a lesser extent, the Protestant churches engaged in a variety of community
welfare efforts. These efforts went beyond giving relief and involved attempts to alter the economic
position of the poor. Increasingly in the 1970s, these attempts led the armed forces of President Marcos
to suspect that church agencies were aiding the communist guerrillas. In spite of reconciliation efforts,
the estrangement between the churches and Marcos grew; it culminated in the call by Cardinal Jaime
Sin for the people to go to the streets to block efforts of Marcos to remain in office after the
questionable election of 1986. The resulting nonviolent uprising was known variously as People's Power
and as the EDSA Revolution. [Source: Library of Congress, 1991 *]

The good feeling that initially existed between the church and the government of President Aquino
lasted only a short time after her inauguration. Deep-seated divisions over the need for revolutionary
changes again led to tension between the government and some elements in the churches. *

Catholics fall into three general groups: conservatives who are suspicious of social action and hold that
Christian love could best be expressed through existing structures; moderates, probably the largest
group, in favor of social action but inclined to cooperate with government programs; and progressives,
who do not trust the government programs, are critical both of Philippine business and of American
influence, and feel that drastic change is needed. In the past, progressives were especially disturbed at
atrocities accompanying the use of vigilantes. They denied that they were communists, but some of
their leaders supported communist fronts, and a few priests actually joined armed guerrilla bands. There
appeared to be more progressives among religious-order priests than among diocesan priests. *

Cardinal Sin

Cardinal Jaime L. Sin was the top Catholic figure in the Philippines for decades until his death in 2005.
Arguably one of the most powerful men in the Philippines and one of the most powerful Catholic clerics
in the world, he was mentioned as a possible successor to Pope John Paul II. The son of Chinese
immigrants, Cardinal Sin is well-known for his sense of humor, his name and his jokes about his name.
When asked what his chances are of becoming the Pope, he says, "First of all, my name is bad." He often
greets guest to his residence with "Welcome to the House of Sin" and is notorious for his bawdy
comments.
Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: Cardinal Sin “shaped the role of the church during the
country's darkest hours after dictator Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law starting in 1972 by
championing the cause of civil advocacy, human rights and freedoms. Sin's action mirrored that of his
strong backer, Pope John Paul II, who himself challenged communist rulers in Eastern Europe. Three
years after Benigno Aquino Sr., a senator opposing Marcos, was gunned down on the Manila airport
tarmac in 1983, Sin persuaded Aquino's widow, Corazon, to run for president. When massive election
cheating by Marcos was exposed, Sin went on Catholic-run Radio Veritas in February 1986 to summon
millions of people to support military defectors and the Aquino-led opposition. Marcos fled and Aquino,
a deeply religious woman, was sworn in as president. Democracy was restored, but the country
remained chaotic. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, January 3, 2013 <<<]

Cardinal Sin influence goes back to the Marcos era. Once when he sitting between Marcos and his wife
Imelda in the back seat of the presidential limousine, Marcos asked him why he was so quiet. "Because,"
he said, "I feel like I am being crucified between two thieves." Marcos reportedly thought comment was
funny but Imelda wouldn't speak to the cardinal for three months after that.

Michelle O'Donnell wrote in the New York Times, “Cardinal Jaime L. Sin, the powerful Roman Catholic
archbishop of Manila, used his influence to champion the rights of the poor and rally the widespread
popular resistance that brought down the presidencies of Ferdinand E. Marcos and Joseph Estrada
Cardinal Sin led the nearly 40 million Catholics in the Philippines for almost three decades, through
political upheaval that brought martial law, repressive dictatorship and democratic rule. A round-faced,
bespectacled man, he was known for his sense of humor that included poking fun of his own name. But
it was through his withering and unwavering public criticism of the Marcos regime in the 1980's that
Cardinal Sin became an international figure. [Source: Michelle O'Donnell, New York Times, June 21, 2005
+++]

“At a time when reform-minded clergy in other developing countries were targets of assassination,
Cardinal Sin tirelessly used his pulpit first as bishop, then archbishop, to attack Mr. Marcos' martial law,
corruption and policies that oppressed the poor. Yet unlike Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, a
contemporary who also worked to empower the poor and was fatally shot as he delivered a homily in
1980, Cardinal Sin seemed insulated from personal harm. "If you compare him to Romero, he spoke out
as much as Romero did," said the Rev. Paul L. Locatelli, the president of Santa Clara University. "He saw
justice as making sure that the poor had a voice." But he was not witho Under the cardinal's tenure, the
church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests, according to The
Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual misconduct by
priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++
During his long career, the cardinal was not without his critics. He staunchly opposed artificial means of
birth control, which some critics said left the country overpopulated and mired in poverty. Under the
cardinal's tenure, the church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests,
according to The Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual
misconduct by priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++

See Religion

Protests and Demonstrations in the Philippines

Describing a Manila protest against President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2006, Nicola Menzie of CBS
wrote: “Riot police used water cannons and truncheons to break up a rally by more than 1,500
protesters as they demanded President Arroyo be removed from office. The protesters appeared
emboldened by the success of similar protests in Thailand that led to Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra's resignation from office. The demonstrators reported several injuries as a result of police
using wooden sticks, fiberglass shields and water cannon spray in order to force them away from a
bridge leading to the presidential palace. Rallies have been banned in the area, which has been the
scene of recent clashes between police and demonstrators. Leftist groups have vowed to continue
protests and are calling for Arroyo's ouster over corruption and vote-rigging allegations. [Source: Nicola
Menzie, CBS, April 6, 2006]

The next day, Fight Back! News reported: “Riot police in the Philippines attacked and broke up a
demonstration by human rights activists marching near an international parliamentarians' conference.
The protesters were gathering at the Malate Church in Manila en route to the Philippine International
Convention Center. The police injured various people, including Catholic priests from the organization
Promotion for Church People’s Response (PCPR). Baton-wielding police charged into the protesters near
the conference site for the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) assembly where about 1,400 lawmakers
from 145 countries were meeting. Human rights activists led by several priests and nuns marched on the
conference to protest widespread human rights violations in the Philippines under the Arroyo
government, including a number of recent killings of political activists. [Source: Fight Back! News, April
12, 2005]

Filipinos Grow Disillusioned with People Power Protests

The Philippine middle-class, instrumental in the overthrow of presidents Marcos and Estrada, is fed up
with political turbulence and wants stability, political analysts say. In 2005, Alan Sipress wrote in the
Washington Post, “Jennifer Santos's eyes gleamed as she recalled her days as a young housewife staring
down government tanks ordered to the streets by longtime dictator Ferdinand Marcos. For the better
part of a week in 1986, she and tens of thousands of other Filipinos, carrying flowers and rosary beads,
camped along the capital's gritty Edsa Boulevard until Marcos fell. She remembered with less
enthusiasm returning to the boulevard four years ago when another graft-tainted leader, Joseph
Estrada, left office after a single night of protests. "By the next morning," Santos recounted, "I was in
Starbucks drinking coffee, and we had a new president." [Source: Alan Sipress, Washington Post, July 10,
2005 ^/^]

“Now, that president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, is facing a crescendo of calls to step down due to
allegations she cheated in national elections last year. But like the vast majority of other Edsa veterans,
Santos, 44, is not very interested in joining the few protesters on the streets. "I got tired. It happens
over and over again," Santos said. "Our political system never changes." Across Manila, disappointment
in Arroyo is surpassed only by a weary recognition that the Philippines' celebrated protest movement
known as "people power" has run its course, and that no new political savior is at hand to rally the
masses. ^/^

“Only several thousand flag-waving demonstrators joined the main anti-Arroyo rally in Manila's
business district. Local office workers appeared almost oblivious to the event. The six-lane Edsa
Boulevard was clogged with traffic. Not a protester was in sight and the adjacent plaza at the heroic
People Power monument was empty. ^/^

“Luzviminda A. Santos, 52, a compact woman with intense brown eyes and shoulder-length black hair
streaked with gray, was invited by several friends to join a small anti-Arroyo demonstration Saturday
morning outside the local Santo Domingo church. She told them she would try to make it, but instead
stayed home drinking coffee and watching the dizzying political developments on television. "I said to
myself, 'What for?' " Four years ago, Santos said, she was among the first to reach Edsa Boulevard and
demand Estrada's ouster. But this time there was little idealism, and the ascension of Arroyo, a product
of the wealthy landed classes, was an immediate letdown. "Everyone is fatigued now with people
power. It can't snowball to people power again," she said. But now, she said her family is less interested
in the current political showdown than the basketball game Sunday between the country's two premier
universities. She predicted the Manila sports coliseum would attract more people this weekend than any
demonstration. "Are there people in Edsa now?" she asked. "Is anything happening now? I don't even
care." ^/^

Image Sources:

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet
Guides, Library of Congress, Philippines Department of Tourism, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian,
National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall
Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various
books, websites and other publications.

© 2008 Jeffrey Hays

Last updated June 2015

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