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Spoken Soul: The Language of Black Imagination and Reality

Article  in  The Educational Forum · October 2005

DOI: 10.1080/00131720508984870

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 Spoken Soul: The
Language of Black
Imagination and Reality
by Yolanda Sealey-Ruiz

Abstract
Despite American schools administrators’ refusal to accept the
language of African-American students and their overzealousness to
frame language and literacy skills in terms of an “achievement gap,”
African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is the language of
African-American imagination and reality. This article discusses the
characteristics of AAVE that make it a real language, as well as The
Dozens—an original use of AAVE and one of many creative vehicles of
expression used in the African-American community. The article also
describes how African-American adult learners used AAVE in their
composition class discussions and writings.

Nearly every African American, at some point, has spoken what is recognized as
African-American Vernacular English (AAVE). This language, which also is known
as Black English Vernacular (BEV), Ebonics, Spoken Soul or, simply, Black English, is
the vernacular most African Americans use with friends and colleagues in a variety
of social settings.

Part of what makes the language experience unique for African Americans in
the United States is that they know they must be bidialectal to survive. Most African
Americans speak AAVE when expressing their deepest feelings and most hilarious
moments. They use Standard American English (SAE) in settings such as workplaces
and schools—spaces that represent and reinforce the values of the broader European-
American society. Patterson (1973) asserted that though African Americans know
they must speak standard English to survive in this country, virtually all of them are
bidialectal and able to understand both AAVE and SAE.

The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005 • 37

Sealey-Ruiz

Throughout history, the language used by African Americans has been scorned.
Patterson (1973) pinpointed what nearly every African-American student of literacy has
endured. He noted that knowing and speaking Black English does not interfere with
a student learning to read. Rather, it’s the teachers’ rejection of Black English and the
children who speak it that engenders learning problems.

In his seminal and frequently anthologized essay “If Black English Isn’t a Language,
Then Tell Me, What Is?” Baldwin (1985, 652) noted:

A child cannot be taught by

Though African Americans are
creators and descendants of a
rich and complex culture, they
continue to battle the stereotype
of having cultural and language
deficiencies.
anyone who despises him, and a
child cannot afford to be fooled. A
child cannot be taught by anyone
whose demand, essentially, is that
the child repudiate his experience
and all that gives him sustenance,
and enter a limbo in which he will
no longer be black, and in which he
knows he can never be white. Black
people have lost too many black
children that way.

African Americans have been

stereotyped as mentally incapable and
absent of a language and culture since the first slaves were brought to the New World
in 1619 (Herskovits 1941). Though African Americans are creators and descendants of
a rich and complex culture, they continue to battle the stereotype of having cultural
and language deficiencies. The works of DuBois (1903), Herskovits (1941), Labov
(1997), and Smitherman (1977) have validated the sophistication and significance of the
African-American language. Sociolinguists argued that language is culture and culture
is represented by language. In 1962, Dell Hymes (in Saville-Troike 1996, 351) called
for “an ethnography of speaking,” which later became known as the ethnography of
communication. This subdiscipline of sociolinguistics, derived from anthropology and
linguistics (Saville-Troike 1996), was intended to capture communication behavior as it
relates to culture. It offered a lens into speech communities—a particular group’s way
of speaking. This interest in communicative behavior within particular communities
prompted the need to identify the tools and rules needed for members of a particular
community to successfully understand one another. The ethnography of communication
seeks to investigate and understand the communication skills or competency a person
needs to successfully participate in a speech community.

The debate over AAVE’s place in the classroom, or anywhere for that matter, did
not begin with the controversial 1996 Oakland Ebonics debate (Rickford and Rickford
2000, 165), where a task force was created to address the “challenge of helping students
make the transition from their home language, Ebonics, to achieve greater proficiency
in standard English.” Nearly three decades earlier in Ann Arbor, Michigan, African-

38 • The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005

 Essays

American parents successfully brought a suit against the school system concerning
the legitimacy of Black English. The ethnographic research on West African culture by
Turner (1932) and Herskovits (1941), as well as Labov’s 1973 groundbreaking research
on African-American speech communities, served as the bases for their arguments.
According to Richardson (2002, 11), “Turner and Herskovits’s research presented in-
formation confirming the systematicity, the West African background, the history, and
development of African-American Vernacular English.”

AAVE and Black Students

Without familiarity with student’s traditions, how will teachers see them clearly?
How will they recognize their strengths and envision their potential? (Terry Meier in
Rickford and Rickford 2000, 163)

The mountains of data relating to the achievement gap are a clear indicator that African
Americans have suffered in schools because of their language and ethnicity connection.
This torment and labeling of underachievement are related directly to how the broader
society views their culture. AAVE is a spoken language rooted in the oral tradition of
Africa. It was transcribed by writers of the Harlem Renaissance in the 1920s, and today
is the language spoken by most African-American urban youth. The language, as well
as the people who speak it, are perceived as being of low status. The myths surrounding
AAVE include that it’s not a real language, the speakers have sloppy English, and the
language interferes with reading and comprehension. These are beliefs commonly held
by teachers and school systems. African Americans internalize this negative perception of
their language and implicit degradation of their people and, as a result, have done poorly
in school. Erickson (1996) noted that school achievement is distributed along the lines
of class, race, ethnicity, and language. Studies show that students who use nonstandard
English in school do not do as well as students who use standard English.

The 1973 Piestrup study of 208

African-American first graders is a
classic example of how teachers’ neg- Part of what makes the language
ative responses to students’ language
can lead to unsuccessful results. The
experience unique for African
study revealed that students who Americans in the United States
were interrupted by their teachers
during reading (for corrective in-
is that they know they must be
struction) withdrew from reading bidialectal to survive.
and had lower scores than students
who were not corrected during their
reading (Goodman and Goodman
2000). Edwards’s (1997) study of Black Patois in British classrooms revealed the power
of ethnic loyalty among West Indian children. As with African-American children, the
teachers of these African-Caribbean students emphasized the importance of learning
standard English. The students’ language that was developed and nurtured at home
went unsupported. The teacher in this study viewed the students as corrupters of British

The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005 • 39

Sealey-Ruiz

English. She had low expectations for them and, as a result, these students never reached
their educational potential (Edwards 1997). The study also revealed that some students,
particularly those who had lower performance in school, insisted on using Patois when
talking to teachers. According to McKay and Hornberger (1996, 414), this was a form of
protest against the dominant culture and a “positive assertion of their black identity and
the rejection of the negative connotations placed on black language and culture by the
dominant white society.” McKay and Hornberger (1996, 414) also pointed out other studies
in British classrooms that revealed the “educational underperformance of black children
often had been linked with their inability to speak British English.”

The gnawing question is how will children who acknowledge the relationship between
their language and ethnicity ever be accepted and respected for their culture, learning
style, and language if those who decide which culture, learning style, and language are
represented in schools hold racist ideologies about the children? AAVE pioneer and
scholar Smitherman (1977) suggested that teachers of African-American students create
and include programs that expand their linguistic abilities. Despite the Ann Arbor victory
and the exposure from the Oakland Ebonics debate, the battle for AAVE’s recognition as
a valid language still wages. African-American students are criticized, marginalized, and
even despised for the language on which they were raised—the language that distinguishes
them as a unique people with their own way of talking.

The Dozens and Black Imagination

Yo mama so skinny when she turn sideways she disappear. (A snap from The Dozens)

In a speech community (Hymes 1968), there are rules and expectations that are un-
derstood and accepted by the members. In the 1980s, hip hop exploded onto the scene,
changing the music industry and
the view of African-American urban
culture forever. In the South Bronx

Teachers’ rejection of Black and other urban neighborhoods like

it across the nation, youth often per-
English and the children formed the speech event known as
The Dozens. This activity, due to its
who speak it engenders sociohistorical context, was unique to
learning problems. that speech community. Often played
to display the creativity, lyrical prow-
ess, and wit of the persons involved,
this verbal sparring event attracted
the attention of many in the neighbor-
hood. The ability to rap, snap, rank, bust, cap, slam, or woof was looked upon positively
by peers and often was a sure way to earn respect from your compatriots.

The Dozens grew out of the dark days of slavery in the United States. It was a time
when people of African descent were dehumanized and sold as property. The slaves in
the best condition exacted the best price. In contrast, slaves with disabilities were not

40 • The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005

 Essays

worth much on the auction block. These inadequate or damaged slaves were packaged
in groups of 12 and sold as a set at bargain basement rates to anyone who would have
them. Being one of the 12 in a group of “Dozens,” as they were called in those days, was
considered the ultimate insult by the
black community-at-large (Pop and

Studies show that students

Rank 1995, 2).

Members of the Dozens lived in

tense, inhumane conditions and often who use nonstandard
fought amongst themselves. Slaves had English in school do not do
no rights, and the Dozens even fewer.
If they were caught fighting by their as well as students who use
masters, the crime was punishable
by flogging or death. The Dozens was
standard English.
born as an emotional outlet. Pop and
Rank (1995, 3) noted, “Under extreme
oppression, a relatively safe outlet emerged for venting fear, frustration, and anger that
wouldn’t result in punishment . . . known as the game of Dozens.”

Though many young people don’t know the history of the game, they certainly know
and understand what it takes to hold your own during this speech event in their com-
munity. Playing The Dozens always is done in front of a crowd. Much like “battling” in
rap, playing without an audience is futile. The Dozens is a measurement of strength— not
physical strength—but strength of wit.

In “Rules for Ritual Insults,” Labov (1997) touched on some guidelines surrounding
The Dozens. The use of “mama” (someone held in high esteem in African-American com-
munities), sexual metaphors, and “cracks” about the conditions of poverty are popular
subjects. Others include snaps on facial features or intelligence, or slams on personality
traits, bad breath, or body odor. Youth wait in hopeful anticipation of someone initiating
The Dozens, so they can “lay down” snaps such as:

Yo’ mama so fat she sell shade.

Yo’ mama so fat , she sat on a quarter and made George Washington cry.
You so poor, you shoplift at the Goodwill.
You so poor your dog begs the roaches for scraps.

Though no official rule book exists for The Dozens, participants know when someone
has won. The audience serves as the judge and determines the victor of the event, gener-
ally based on who gets the loudest cheers and laughs. In The Dozens, the loser does not
get upset, but often gives his or her opponent a “high five”—the slapping of palms in
midair—to acknowledge the winner’s wit and send a message of respect, admiration,
and brotherhood or sisterhood.

Noted author Toni Morrision (in Rickford and Rickford 2000, 5), credited AAVE as
the distinctive ingredient of her fiction.

The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005 • 41

Sealey-Ruiz

The language, only the language. . . . It is the thing that black people love
so much—the saying of words, holding them on the tongue, experimenting with
them, playing with them. It’s a love, a passion. There are certain things I cannot
say without recourse to my language. It’s terrible to think that a child with five dif-
ferent present tenses comes to school to be faced with books that have less than his
own language.”

In their book Spoken Soul, Rickford and Rickford (2000) devoted a section to the
use of AAVE by writers, preachers, prayers, comedians, actors, singers, toasters, and
rappers—some of the most gifted and talented individuals in the African-American
community. These examples illustrated
how AAVE articulates the imagination

African Americans of African Americans.

Despite supportive comments

internalize the negative
perception of their language
and implicit degradation of
their people and, as a result,
have done poorly in school.
stratified education and a stratified society, that reproduce the trend of African-American
literacy underachievement.”
such as these, the reality is that Afri-
can-American students are penalized
for their language. Richardson (2002,
8) noted, “One of the major roots of
African-American literacy under-
achievement is the ideology of white
supremacist and capitalistic-based
literacy practices that undergird cur-
riculum construction and reproduce

The complex structures of languages such as AAVE should be carefully examined

before they are considered deficient. Smitherman (in Dinwiddie-Boyd 1996, 211) said,
“We have kids in the inner cities who are verbal geniuses, but we call them deficient in
school and attempt to eradicate a part of their identity. But by teaching them the rules of
language appropriateness, by showing them the similarities between the way they speak
and Standard English, you can encourage them without disrespecting them.”

AAVE: As Real as It Gets

You are 100% incorrect that ‘Ebonics’ has no rules, structure, or dictionary.
Africanized English has a consistent structure and rules. . . . Please do not confuse
street slang with Africanized English. (America Online contributor as quoted in
Rickford and Rickford 2000, 91)

In Spoken Soul, Rickford and Rickford (2000) provided linguistic-based evidence

for AAVE. They focused on the syntactical and grammatical structure and use of
vocabulary by AAVE speakers, pointing out that all language regularities and rules
that apply to British Broadcasting Corporation English and other accepted forms of
English pertain to AAVE. All languages, including AAVE, have several components.

42 • The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005

 Essays

Colloquial phrases (sometimes known as slang), vocabulary, and grammatical rules

are all part of what makes a language unique. For example, AAVE has a rule that al-
lows speakers to move negative helping verbs, such as ain’t and can’t, to the front of
a sentence to make the statement more emphatic. For example, “Nobody ain’t going”
becomes “Ain’t nobody going!” Extensive evidence of the structure and vocabulary
of AAVE can be found in Negro spirituals, jazz, be-bop, rap, movies, and African-
American literature.

One of the first comprehensive dictionaries of AAVE was Major’s 1970 Dictionary of
Afro-American Slang. In the early 1990s, Major (1994) updated this work and expanded
it into a 548-page dictionary. Also in the early ’90s, Smitherman (1994a) compiled the
AAVE dictionary Black Talk. AAVE vocabulary is forever changing, morphing to fit the
times and ever-evolving imagination and reality of African-American people.

AAVE: The Language of My Students, The Language of Me

For the past seven years, the author of this manuscript, Sealey-Ruiz, has taught com-
position to African-American adult learners. During class discussions, when students
speak in AAVE, Sealey-Ruiz does not “correct” their English. In the second week of the
semester, she initiates a conversation about their speaking and writing. The students
explain how they believe they “speak incorrectly,” “don’t know proper English,” and
“can’t write good.” Sealey-Ruiz listens and periodically interjects with “really,” “Oh,
you think so?” and “I see it a little
differently.” By the third week,
the class has discussed the 1996
Oakland court case, the Ann Ar-
bor case, and various opinions on
AAVE. Students are given writings
African-American students
by Baldwin (1985) and Rickford are criticized, marginalized,
and Rickford (2000) to read, as
well as articles from English Jour-
and even despised for the
nal, a publication of the National language on which they
Council of Teachers of English.
The purpose of standard English
were raised—the language
is discussed, along with how both that distinguishes them as a
languages are equal in validity,
except that one is the language unique people with their own
of power. The group then talks way of talking.
about power—who has it, who
doesn’t, and how this came to be.
Though the class isn’t a linguistics
course, Sealey-Ruiz believes that
she must talk about language because this is what students will use to produce their
written work. According to Moll (2000, 257), “To put it simply, human beings interact
with their worlds primarily through mediational means. These mediational means, the
use of cultural artifacts, tools, and symbols, including language, play crucial roles in
the formation of human intellectual capacities.”

The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005 • 43

Sealey-Ruiz

Students often are amazed to learn that AAVE is a language with a formal structure
and that they indeed speak a valid language. In the fall of 2002, during the second week
of class, Chuck, a student in his late 30s, stated, “When I talk, I don’t feel I’m speakin’
right. I feel that I’ve been talkin’ dis way all my life with my friends, hangin’ out in
the street and all, you know, and it ain’t right. It can’t be right.” Chuck’s comment
ignited a discussion that lasted for 40 minutes. At first, he seemed to resent validation
of his language and his bidialectil-
ism. He closed the class discussion
with, “I’ma have to disagree wit
you on dis one, Ms. Ruiz.” After a

AAVE is the language few weeks of disseminating articles

and validating his language use in
most African Americans his writing, his opinion shifted. By
the eleventh week in the semester,
and their children speak Chuck accepted his language and
and, indeed, is the language was well on his way to using it as a
way to improve his SAE skills.
of African-American
imagination and reality. Experts on teaching African-
American students have suggested
that the black experience and lan-
guage should be represented in
writing assignments (Smitherman
1994b). For example, Smitherman
(1994b, 95) argued that AAVE “has a distinct syntactical pattern and should not be
viewed as incorrect.” Smitherman (1994a) urged instructors to de-emphasize students’
concerns about BEV grammar to avoid suppressing the production of African-American
discourse and its rich expressive style.

In an assignment surrounding the civil rights movement in America, Chuck wrote

about the close relationship he shared with his grandmother and the influence her experi-
ences had on him.

My grandmother is from Cherokee Center, Alabama. My grandmother, Jennie

V. Stubbs Reese passed on November 18, 2001. She was very ill. That why I made
it my business to go see her once a year. And since I was the oldest grandson, and
the only family member in New York, she told me all kinds of stories about the civil
rights movement.

By not correcting his language, Sealey-Ruiz let Chuck know that his voice was ac-
cepted and valued. Students are encouraged to discuss their lives and the literature in their
unique way. At times, only their language can evoke the exact emotion that a memory
brings. Wertsch (1991, 232) upheld this practice: “Voice pertains to the role of language in
constructing meaning. Voice applies to written as well as spoken language and relates to
point of view: it is concerned with the broader issues of a speaking subject’s perspective,
conceptual horizon, intention, and world view.”

44 • The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005

 Essays

Most students in Sealey-Ruiz’s semester-long class were employed and held positions
such as transit clerks, administrative assistants, waiters and waitresses, nursing home at-
tendants, and school aides. Speaking SAE was an everyday occurrence for them because
many had been told that speaking AAVE was wrong. They transferred this belief to their
writing. Once AAVE was validated through research articles and class discussions, they
began to compare AAVE speaking and writing to SAE. When they were not sure how to
spell a word or clearly articulate a thought in SAE, they were asked to write it as they
would say it. The result was that they turned in writing assignments written completely in
AAVE or SAE, or a combination of both. Creative writing assignments (poetry, dialogue for
short stories, and informal essays) were enhanced by their use of AAVE. However, when
their 15-page research paper was due at the end of the semester, there was no confusion
for them: they knew the paper was to be written in SAE.

Despite American schools administrators’ refusal to accept the language of African-

American students, and their overzealousness to frame language and literacy skills in
terms of an “achievement gap,” AAVE is the language most African Americans and their
children speak and, indeed, is the language of African-American imagination and reality.
Though its use may be unpopular, it has a place in American society and in developing
the writing skills of African-American students.

References
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Yolanda Sealey-Ruiz is Assistant Professor of English at Kingsborough Community College,

City University of New York and a member of Kappa Delta Pi’s Kappa Chapter. Her research
interests include race in education, black college reentry women, and culturally relevant cur-
riculum.

46 • The Educational Forum • Volume 70 • Fall 2005

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