Filipinos in Europe PDF

I N D E O L D E WO R L D E :
Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe
Edited by
Filomenita Mongaya Hoegsholm
1
Copyright 2007
Philippine Migration Research Network (PMRN) and
Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC)
No part of this book may be reprinted or
quoted without permission.
The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data

Recommended entry:
In de olde worlde: views of Filipino migrants
in Europe/edited by Filomenita Mongaya
Hoegsholm. -- Quezon City: Philippine Social
Science Council and Philippine Migration
Research Network, c2007.
p. ; cm.
1 Filipinos--Europe. 2. Emigration and immigration.
3. Filipinos - Employment--Europe. I. Hoegsholm, Filomenita
Mongaya
HB2109 304 840599 2007 PO73000015

ISBN 978-971-8514-29-0
Published by
Philippine Social Science Council
Copy Editor: Lorna P. Makil

Cover Design: Ariel Manuel
Layout: Karen B. Barrios
2 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE 5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 8
INTRODUCTION 9
PART I: WORKING AND LIVING IN DE OLDE WORLDE
Filipinos in Europe: Economic Contributions,
Challenges and Aspirations 28
Ildefonso F. Bagasao
Seafarers—Invisible Part of the Filipino Diaspora
in Europe: Scenarios from Onboard Research 58
Basco Fernandez and Roos Krootjes
Women Changing our Lives, Making HERstory:
Migration Experiences of Babaylan Philippine
Women’s Network in Europe 83
Malu D. Padilla
Filipino Migrant Workers in Europe:
Organising Strategies, Agendas and Campaigns 110
Nonoi Hacbang and Fe Jusay
Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions of
Filipina Domestic Workers in Italy 136
Charito Basa and Rosalud Jing de La Rosa
Filipino Migrant Youth in Rome, Italy -
A View of their Issues and Concerns 160
Cristina M. Liamzon
The Filipina Au Pairs in The Netherlands 192
Diana Oosterbeck-Latoza
“In the Service of our Kababayans” - Bayanihan
Philippine Women’s Centre 204
Malu D. Padilla
Information Needs of Filipinos in Belgium:
A Survey Research 225
Joyce del Rosario
3
Philippine Migration to Luxembourg 241
Dennis Nonato C. Yaun
Permission to Work: Filipino Migrant
Workers in the UK 243
Gene Alcantara
The Filipino Women Migrants in Germany 270
Mary Lou U. Hardillo-Werning
Filipinos in Spain 283
Fr. Roel Castañeda
A Simplified Map of French-Philippines:
A Bird’s Eye -Worm’s Eye - view 290
Maria Thelma Noval-Jezewski
Migrant Issues in Switzerland 301
Anny Misa Hefti
Maria Claras in Viking Country 318
Filipinos in Finland 334
Teresita Zurbano Ruutu
PART II. THE POLITICAL, THE CULTURAL AND

THE LITERARY AND THE RELIGIOUS
Barrio Utrecht 340
Nathan F. Quimpo
Becoming a Filipino Tilburger 347
Maria Ophelia Butalid-Echaves
Booklover’s London 355
Jun Terra
Parols, Dioramas and Rural Suite 362
Benn Adriatico
Filipino Missionaries in Europe:
Witnesses for Re-evangelisation 372
Sister Victoria Joson, RGS

PART III PERSPECTIVES ON PHILIPPINE MIGRATION:
FROM EUROPE AND BEYOND
British-Philippine Relations 384
Jun Terra
Nature and Perspectives of Philippine
Migration to France 389
Sally Rousset
The Filipino Diaspora:
Changing the Terms of Reference 394
Eric Gutierrez
Philippine Migration Statistics:
Insights from Europe and Beyond 402
Jeremaiah M. Opiniano
CONTRIBUTORS 412
5
PREFACE
The migration of Filipinos to foreign lands has a long history in modern

times. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 eased Filipino migration into
Europe. By the turn of the 20th century, the growth of nationalist ideas
fermented in Europe by Filipino exiles such as Dr. Jose P. Rizal gave birth
to the Philippine nation. In the early 1900s, Filipino workers laboured hard
in the sugar and pineapple plantations of Hawaii while skilled Filipino
labour in the health and tourism sectors helped in the reconstruction of
Europe after the devastation of the Second World War. The post war era
also saw many Filipinos joining the US navy for the privilege to petition for
residence in the United States and live a better life. The 1970s saw the
massive importation of Filipino construction workers to the Middle East
where petrodollars were readily available. By the 1980s and the 1990s, there
were Filipino doctors and physical therapists in the United States, Filipino
nurses in the United Kingdom, Filipino secretaries in the UN headquarters
in Geneva, Vienna and New York, Filipino engineers and teachers in Africa
and Asia, Filipino au pairs in Scandinavia, domestic workers in Italy and
Hong Kong, and seamen in Greece. Filipino migration has spread to other
continents and by the 2nd millennium continues unabated.
Filipinos are the second largest migrant population in the world. Easily
finding employment in foreign lands, Filipinos are prized for their highly
skilled labour and incomparable sense of service – their warmth, their
dedication, their diligence. Filipinos overseas comprise 10 percent of the
current Philippine population. Their remittances assist in the growth of the
country’s GNP and their financial contributions help to put food on the
table in many Filipino households and to maintain a comfortable standard
of living which would be unattainable without the inflow of hard-earned
foreign currencies. Filipino migration continues to affect the life of every
Filipino, whether living in the Philippines or overseas.
Filipino migration is a major issue of concern for the Philippine
government. In 1995, distress over the plight of overseas Filipino workers
that erupted with the death of Flor Contemplacion brought about a radical
redefinition of the priorities of the Philippine government. Today, the
protection of Filipinos overseas constitutes a strong third pillar of Philippine
foreign policy.

As a former Philippine Consul-General to Hong Kong SAR and the
current Philippine Ambassador to the Nordic countries and the Baltic states,
I have had the opportunity to observe the many varied faces of migration
in Europe and in Asia. I also noted the substantial number of literature on
migration and their many invaluable insights into this global phenomena.
I discovered that the existing literature on the migrant Filipinos living in
Europe is surprisingly rare despite the increasing number of Filipinos
migrating to this part of the world.
This book fills a surprisingly large information gap. It offers portraits
of Filipinos from all walks of life subjected to different conditions, coming
to Europe with their own sets of goals and aspirations. The Filipino migrant
as woman is portrayed here as well as the invisible seamen, domestic
workers, and missionaries. This volume also offers insights into the impact
of the Filipino diaspora not only on the migrants themselves but also on
their host countries and the Philippines they temporarily left behind. Thus,
the book contains sections on the economic contributions of Filipinos in
Europe as well as portrays the experiences of our kababayans in Italy,
Belgium, The Netherlands, Scandinavia, the United Kingdom, France,
Greece, Germany, Spain, and Switzerland. Their voices are heard here
and their stories compiled by Filomenita Mongaya H∅gsholm are spun
considerably well.
VICTORIA S. BATACLAN
Ambassador
Philippine Embassy, Stockholm
7
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
To produce a big volume like this is the work of a great many people so
The Editor, together with Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC) and the
Philippine Migration Research Network (PMRN), first of all thank the
contributors to this volume for sharing their own observations and
experiences, in the case of some also making their own academic studies
available. In writing, they took the effort to reach into their own life
experiences as well as out to their kababayans in different ways, not only
chronicling their individual and collective journeys as migrants in Europe,
but also honouring and respecting the difficult choices that have been made
for sustenance of family and nation.
I personally thank Ambassador Victoria Bataclan and Consul Joy Tirol
in the Stockholm Embassy who facilitated my contacts with embassies in
the continent who then shared some statistics and data. I am indebted to
Wads Wijnberg and Lakambini Sitoy, Ding Bagasao and Jeremaiah
Opiniano, who went the extra mile with me when work on this big book at
times truly became too much.
Special acknowledgments are hereby in order for the input of the
Filipino advocacy groups and networks—ERCOF and CFMW—to name a
few, and especially the many women organisations under the umbrella of
Babaylan network who were willing to tell and share their intimate and
unique stories with the readers of this first volume such that a picture of
genderised and feminised Philippine migration is finally documented. A
big part of this book is about the Filipina, mirroring the reality that an
estimated 70-80 percent of migrants to Europe are women.
The very useful critique at various stages, especially the final draft from
the editorial staff at PSSC has been indispensable in the making of this
volume. If not for the enthusiasm from the Executive Director, this book
might never have been started.
Lastly but not least, I acknowledge the help of my family—my husband
and children were a tremendous source of support and understanding.

Editor

INTRODUCTION
IN DE OLDE WORLDE
When I was proffered the opportunity to edit and compile materials
for this first ever volume on views of Filipino migrants on Philippine
migration to the European continent, I remember that I did not hesitate a
moment. On hindsight, it was an act of braggadoccio. The task was of course
a difficult and complex one from start to finish. But I felt an initial confidence
that I could do it because I have lived in Europe for almost 40 years or since
the 1970s when Filipinos really began to migrate for labour purposes, and
I have followed the migration phenomenon as a media practitioner; as an
organiser of migrant women, I have been liaising with many migrant groups
in Europe including Filipinos; with recent developments in the
communications field, in internet access and global communications,
everyone involved in the process should theoretically only be an email away;
as an editor by profession, I thought I had some degree of professional
aptitude for such a task; and I felt my interface and contacts would facilitate
the project in one way or another. The volume proved to be everything else
but easy.
The purpose of this publication is to present to its hopefully broad range
of readers—practitioners in the field, policymakers, media people,
academics, laymen, interested parties such as host families, recruitment
agencies, diplomatic staff and other Filipino officialdom abroad and last
but not least, the Filipino immigrants themselves and their myriad
groupings—facts, research results, analyses, perspectives, and essay pieces
on migration phenomenon. In fact the totality of the immigrant experience
itself from de olde worlde, as heard from “the horses mouth,” so there is
fostered a wider understanding of this earthmoving social phenomenon
the Filipino nation has had to cope with, in later years.
This volume on Philippine migration to Europe is a departure from the
other publications of the Philippine Social Science Council and the Philippine
Migration Research Network which observe the academic and scientific
tradition in studying the phenomenon of migration and its related topics.
Availing of the energies and commitment of the different capacities of
Filipino Europeans themselves, what this book lacks in rigour, we hope to
make up for in authenticity. Thus, the book was to become an innovation
9
in migration literature as we know it until now: dominated by academicians,
who may be not entirely isolated in their ivory towers, but a tinge removed
from the everyday life of, for example, a domestic helper: reality for a very
large segment of Europe’s Filipinos. Indeed, if it was going to be worth its
salt, this book has to mirror the breadth of the migration experience in all
its complexity.
The migration phenomenon can only be fully understood by those who
have undergone this bittersweet experience. In each and every contribution
within the pages is knowledge culled from research findings, which show
insights for use in the eventual formulation and implementation of policy
affecting Filipino migrants in their transnational lives as both migrants and
as citizens in Europe. This book is a small step in trying to bridge the
knowledge and experiential gap when it comes to Filipino migration to
Europe. And a tall order indeed.
AN ECLECTIC MIX
Thus, the enduring idea with such a volume was that it was only
possible if anchored on the narratives of the migrant Filipinos themselves,
who, as today’s bagong bayanis or new heroes, like their compatriots in other
continents, keep the Philippine economy afloat with their remittances. Even
as sustenance of family and nation, they live and hope in the here and now,
not missing a beat, enjoying their barrio fiestas, their karaoke nights, Flores
de Mayo and santacruzan, socialite debut parties but also active in the
different church activities and initiatives, for example, Gawad Kalinga that
have put up housing for the poor, back in the Philippines. Many of the
church denominations have followed them to Europe, showcasing
evangelisation by example. Not only are the Filipinos supposed to be the
happiest people on earth according to many studies, they also have a work
ethic that is much appreciated globally, also by Europeans.
As I began to collate the different contributions from European Filipinos
whom I met during conferences and seminars on the Philippines, in
numerous networks and from my own vast interface of acquaintances, it
dawned on me that the volume will gain from specialist knowledge from
contributors in the various fields of endeavour, whether as advocates and
activists, or as lobbyists, academics and documentalists in one form or
another. Another fact that emerged was that in this eclectic mix of research
papers and narratives by these concerned Filipinos in the European
community who are using their academic backgrounds to illuminate certain
aspects of Philippine migration that in the end might be alleviating the
plight of the Filipino migrant.

WHEN THE PERSONAL BECOMES THE POLITICAL
Where I live in my corner of Europe, the question constantly posed to
me as Filipino media practitioner (journalist-editor-lecturer) has always
been: Why do Filipinos migrate as they do?, the underlying message being,
Why do they take up jobs not commensurate to their education? (domestic work
is not even recognised internationally as “real work” with secure salary
levels and a firm set of domestic workers rights) when they have diplomas
as teachers, accountants, engineers, and lately as au pairs, many of them
with tertiary education qualifications in their “baggage.” Why do Filipinas
take risks in getting married to persons they hardly know? (as in the mail order
bride phenomenon); Why do Filipinos with marine engineering education settle
for risky posts on deck when they could be officers of ships and tankers?
We are not about to engage here in the much-agonised “shame
discourse” that discussions on Philippine migration have fostered in the
past. Indeed it is about time that a developing country such as ours recognise
that although there is a dismal side to migration which must not be swept
under the rug, we must however also echo how it looks from Europe, where
migration from developing countries is always viewed in the prism of costs:
social, cultural, psychological, political, economic, even as it brings
advantages to both migrant and host society.
The immediate aspect to tackle is Which Europe? We need to get a
glimpse of this continental destination in the migration loop.
GLOBALISATION AND EUROPE

Europe is an enigma that defies definition. Indeed there are many
Europes: west, east, central, south, north but more than this, also the fact
that Europe is changing so rapidly with globalisation as locomotive, and
migration as one of the main compartments in this fast moving train. In the
last 20 years, so much has changed in Europe’s reality that there are now
44 countries, making up what is considered the world’s second-smallest
continent (after Australia). Europe covers only two percent of the earth or
some 3,930,000 s.q. miles but populationwise, is the third-largest continent
after Asia and Africa, accommodating 710,000,000 people or about 11
percent of the world’s population. Russia, even after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, is still Europe’s largest country by area and population, and
yet, it is often considered as being on the “wrong side” of the so-called Iron
Curtain. It is not normally included in the layman’s view of Europe.
Early on when the volume was in progress and I was trying, with the
help of the Philippine Embassy in Stockholm, to gather statistics from the
Introduction 11
different missions around the European continent, I was kind of taken aback
when the Philippine mission to Turkey headed by HE Ambassador
Bahnarim A. Guinola promptly answered my call. Frankly, I had not
expected a response from Ankara. In my simplistic geopolitical coordinates,
Turkey is not yet part of Europe, that is to say Turkey is just at the start of
the process of seeking membership into the European Union in a Partial
Europe bound together in political, economic and social cooperation and
integration, comprised of 27 sovereign and independent states, with the
accession of Bulgaria and Romania at the start of 2007. This was actually
the only Europe that I knew, as immigrant resident and passport holder of
Nordic Denmark. In some quarters, it is quite commonplace to talk of
Europe’s migrants and refugees, all coming from the so-called Third World,
as its 28th state.
It would turn out that my networking interface in Europe was mainly
within the European Union, and at that, still not exhaustively. Several
countries, although covered statistically in the graphs and tables in many
of the articles in this volume are not actually written about as yet. The
bridgehead that our diplomatic representations make are naturally limited
to the areas where there is growing trade and tourism thrusts, for example
in the new Nordic areas —a new embassy has just been opened in Oslo in
oil rich Norway—and in the nearby Baltic states: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania
where the few Filipinos can be counted with two hands.
INTRINSIC HISTORY: THE MIGRATING FILIPINO

That sooner or later, the Filipino would find his or her way to this enigma
that is Europe was a given. But when did it all begin?
In the beginning was the balanghai or balangay, a Malayo-Polynesian
wooden vessel that brought our ancestors to the shores of Panay from other
places in Southeast Asia, debunking the theory that we had no contacts
before Spanish colonisation. In fact, we have always been a migrating people,
and in every Filipino sits that wanderlust gene characterised by curiosity, a
pronounced sense of adventure and a pulchritude, actually an attitude
fortified with grace for the Filipino, armed with his bahala na attitude
(trusting the Almighty who is always invoked in times of trouble) is as
irresistible as he or she is almost unsinkable. Today, the barangay, a derivative
of that prehispanic vessel, is the most basic unit of sociopolitical organisation
in Philippine society, and just as basic is the fact that of its primary
component, the Filipino family, none exists that has not been touched by
the migration phenomenon.

The first adventurous iconic Filipino, was supposedly Enrique,
Magellan’s helper-slave of Malay Filipino stock who, it is conjectured among
laymen and historians alike, had accompanied him in his travels as
interpreter and go-between, and must have helped the Portuguese explorer
navigate between East and West, especially in parts of Asia which he wanted
to win over for the Hispanic crown. This ended sadly though when Magellan
was slain by the local chieftain Lapulapu, in Mactan, Cebu, where he
introduced the Cross, marking one of the first significant outposts of
Christianity in Asia.
Centuries later, scions of the Philippine elite of the day, the illustrados,
went to Europe to study at Spanish universities while working for reforms,
notably lobbying for Filipino representation in the Cortes, the Spanish
legislature. Their efforts turned into a drive for independence and finally
armed revolution, which ended in a forged nation in 1898. History would
however lend them a phyrrhic victory, because although Spain lost, it
conceded defeat not to the Filipinos, but to the emerging superpower at the
turn of the century. The Americans, under President McKinley, had its navy
anchored off Manila Bay, were waiting out their dreams of empire.
COLONISATION AND MIGRATION

In a mock battle between admirals Dewey and Montojo, the Philippine
islands changed hands from Spain to America for 20 million dollars under
the Treaty of Paris. From then on, we would be colonised by the Americans
for a half century during which we saw the start of labour migration as we
know it in the modern context, and which has put the whole nation and
our entire people on the map, so to speak, in this age of globalisation.
At the turn of the 20th century, Filipinos came in migratory waves to
the territories of the new colonial master, America, first to Hawaii, then
California and Alaska, and finally the whole continental United States, as
labour migration became a way out of the quagmire during several
administrations including the present. Filipinos in the Americas figure more
as permanent residents than temporary contract workers, totaling millions.
The move continues, and the North American continent is still the favoured
route for most Filipinos, who believe that earning dollars as the best
economic life raft even if sheer numbers tend to favour the Middle East.
WHICH EUROPE? HOW MIGRATION?

But Europe as stepping stone continues to be an open destination
because globalisation and the “demographic deficit” factor have made the
Introduction 13
service-minded Filipino worker an attractive guest worker in this ageing
continent. But if migration’s pull is to raise the life standard for one’s family,
i.e., to be able to send children through college, build a better dwelling, set
up one’s own business, then Europe, this haven for libertarian traditions
and participatory democracy, lacking a viable migration policy, leaves much
to be desired for the Filipino migrant, according to this volume’s first entry
on economic migration by Ildefonso Bagasao of ERCOF (Economic Resource
Center for Overseas Filipinos). Indeed there are many obstacles facing the
new Filipino entrant to European society: strange languages, weather,
customs and traditions, racism and social exclusion, and most significantly
a high standard of living that does not leave much earnings for the Filipinos,
usually in the low skills sector, for sending home.
With its tumescent rightwing political parties and populations wanting
to close Fortress Europe to arrivals from the so-called Third World—as in
the recent example shown by newly accessed Malta who turned away many
asylum seekers in two incidents, who then perished in nearby waters in the
Mediterranean—Europe’s Filipino migrants, majority of whom are women
recount that at times painful, at other times positive stories in this first and
most voluminous part of the book, entitled “Part I: Working and Living In
De Olde Worlde.” These are illustrative of the plight of the quaint and
reality-defying unsinkable Filipino. Or more accurately, Filipina.
Ethnocentric and smug Olde Worlde Europe, with its glorious colonial
past, is marked by the social exclusion of immigrants which severely impacts
on Filipino women’s everyday lives. From structural racism and
discrimination by government (new laws as well as administrative policies
that limit the possibilities of migrants and refugees) and by the majority
society, to personal acts of racist violence perpetuated against the “outsider,”
the perception that life in Europe since 9/11 has deteriorated because of
heightened surveillance that even affects bank remittances is widely shared
by many of the contributors (see Bagasao, Hacbang and Jusay; Padilla, in
this volume) who lament how this has affected the quality of life of migrants
and refugees across the continent in general.
ADVOCATES, LOBBYING, NETWORKS

While those illustrados of more than a century ago, studying to be artists,
doctors, lawyers and other professionals in the cities of Barcelona and
Madrid, and who called themselves Los Indios Bravos were very politically
motivated, our modern day bagong bayanis hardly have a political profile
in the European scene, save a few who have joined political parties and

won seats in local councils (see Gene Alcantara’s Permission to Work: Filipino
Migrant Workers in the UK and Maria Ophelia Butalid-Echaves Becoming a
Filipino Tilburger). We have yet to see a Filipino member of Parliament in
any of the European states’ legislatures although Gene Alcantara has
attempted to be elected from London. Some will however argue that in fact
Filipinos are so politically involved—but with the politics at home in the
country they left behind—which drain them of the energies needed to fit
in and be equal to the challenges in their new country.
Mr. Alcantara’s paper also brings fresh tidbits on Filipino migration to
England in the mid-1880s when Philippine born seafarers formed a
community around Frederick Street in Liverpool, earning for the area the
name of Little Manila of Liverpool. He also recounts that our national hero,
Dr. Jose P. Rizal upon coming to London from New York in 1888, became a
leader of a group of Filipinos in the poorer area of Dalston in East London
even as he himself was lodged at Primrose Hill in fancy Regents Park.
Speculating that Filipino seafarers may have come to England following
this country’s brief occupation of Manila during the Seven Years’ War in
mid-1700s, the author avers, “…It is certain that Filipinos have long been
active participants in the global economy way before the term globalisation
became a buzzword.”
On the topic of contemporary Filipino seafarers, Basco Fernandez and
Roos Krootjes, in their paper Seafarers, Invisible Part of the Filipino Diaspora
in Europe: Scenarios from Onboard Research inform that the Philippines as a
major crew supply country, provides no less than 23.3 percent of the world’s
total seafaring community or a total of 247,707 workers in 2005, while an
estimated 25,000 of these seabound workers would board European ships.
Their research also shows that there is a fatal rate of 3.3 percent from
accidents on deck and are work-related for these seaborne Filipinos. And
49 percent of those onboard had cardiovascular malfunctions, presumably
from constant stress and fatigue from oftentimes 11-12 hour working days,
partly owing to a POEA recommendation that the seafarer perform 70 to
105 unpaid extra hours a month outside of the contract in order to make
the Filipino seafarers more competitive. Contrast this with the fact that the
same seafarer has very short stopovers in European ports of only 6 to 12
hours with which to relax a little.
On a more positive note, those seafarers who stayed on, even jumped
ship, and married Filipinas and in certain cases, European nationals, later
became “the initial core that later became fullblown communities” in many
European port cities “where one could refer to certain specific Filipino
Introduction 15
seafarer networks operating as hubs within the diaspora communities.”
Basco and Krootjes make a fine attempt to make visible these sea-based
workers, describing their work conditions that distinguish them from other
migrant Filipinos. And best of all, pointing out where improvements in
their conditions can be achieved: in better contracts, abolishing blacklisting,
monitoring of manning agencies.
FEMININE MIGRATION: GENDER MAINSTREAMING

The migrant aktivistas of the past century such as luminary linguist,
medical doctor, opthalmologist and writer, Dr. Jose P. Rizal, in his Letter to
the Women of Malolos, keenly noted as the traits of European women which
Filipinas, as represented by his sisters, could emulate. Rizal need not have
worried about role models for his female siblings if he were alive today.
The one glaring fact that cannot be ignored when it comes to Philippine
migration is, it continues to be more and more femininised. Majority of
this volume’s authors are women (16 vs. 11 males out of a total of 27
contributors). We start with Malu Padilla’s Women Changing our Lives,
Making Herstory,” she traces the migration experiences of Filipinas in the
Philippine Women’s Network, more commonly known as Babaylan, aptly
named after our prehispanic heritage of the priestess-shaman-sage female
figure. The network was formed after the first ever Europe-wide gathering
of Filipinas in 1992 in Barcelona hosted by Filipina contract workers there,
who later that year formed Amistad (meaning friendship) and one of the
pioneer member organisations in the Babaylan network.
Today, 15 years on, there are Babaylan platforms in 10 European
countries: Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, The
Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, thereby
underlying the fact that Filipinas are indeed one of the most organised
among Europe’s women migrant populations. As Padilla further notes
from POEA statistics, out of a total of 988,615 Filipinos deployed for 2005
in 180 countries, of the 75 percent landbased workers, 72 percent of these
were women. One can safely assume that of the approximately 500,000
Filipino workers in Europe today, a majority will be women.
In the age of globalisation, it is in the service sector that Europe, with
its ageing populations, needs a pair of extra hands, to do vital work. With
Europe’s women turning out in greater numbers in the work place, this
has impacted on the new labour migration pattern of opening up the
continent for the influx of young people—au pairs—who could assist young
families who do not want to miss out on their careers; these young women’s

input is much needed in a continent trying to be competitive with the vibrant
part of the world pushing the globalisation frontiers.
The paper on The Filipina Au Pairs in The Netherlands by Diana
Oosterbeek-Latoza, another former Babaylan Europe elected Board
Member, although writing only about one country’s experience on this
contemporary phenomenon, is nevertheless exhaustive, from a historical
look at this European institution for cultural exchange to following current
research on the phenomenon. She manages to build up a critique of current
practice which sometimes foments abuse, for in the words of the author
”au pairs … in reality are nannies and domestic workers rolled into one.”
The entrance of au pairs into the Nordic countries is partly the focus
of Maria Claras in Viking Country by Filomenita Mongaya-H∅gsholm,
founder of Babaylan Denmark and currently Board Member of the Babaylan-
Europe Executive Board. From a media perspective, her observation leads
her to conclude that Pinays rule in Viking country. Almost all media focus
has been on Filipinas starting from when mail order brides first burst upon
the Danish consciousness in the 1980s to today’s overwhelming arrivals of
Filipina au pairs. Roles multiply when the author also co-anchors a network
together with FOA (Fag og Arbejde), a Danish labour union in coordination
and KULU (Kvinde Uland’s Udvalg), a women and development NGO.
South of the border in Germany, Marylou Hardillo-Werning in her
contribution The Filipino Women Migrants in Germany echoes the feminised
migration that requires social-political engagement, and which can lead
to empowerment by Filipinas who are able to gain clout by among others,
networking not only with other Filipinas across Europe through Babaylan,
but also with European women as well as trade unions, etc. In Philippine
Migration to Luxembourg, Dennis Yaun writes on the quaint situation in this
small but important country in the European continent. There was no direct
recruitment of Filipinos but instead migration started when Filipina
entertainers came to work there in the late 1980s up to the 1990s. As often
happens, the Filipinas in Luxembourg intermarried and settled with their
European spouses thus starting the first wave of Filipino migrants into this
heart of Europe. Fr. Roel Castañeda’s paper entitled Filipinos in Spain traces
the coming of Filipinos to Spain which started in colonial times, as so many
contributors also mentioned. But what he calls the “new migrant” came in
the 1960s in the form of domestic helpers to returning Spanish businessmen.
In the mid-70s, this wave accelerated resulting today in the Filipinos being
the third largest Asian grouping after the Chinese and the Pakistanis. In
contrast to the other European countries where Philippine migration is
Introduction 17
feminising, in Spain, the gender ratio is equalizing because of family
reunification which has allowed the entry of Filipino males into the country.
They are now to be found mostly in the newly opened market of hosteleria
(hotels and restaurants). The author who has served as parish priest in
Spanish settings also describes the religiosity and sociocultural patterns of
his Filipino flock, and concludes with a list of recommendations for a more
successful integration of Filipinos into Spanish society.
Up north in Finland, Teresita Zurbano Ruutu, traces in Filipinos in
Finland the beginnings of only half a dozen Filipinos when she first arrived
in the early 1970s, to current numbers 30 years hence, reaching a thousand.
Majority of course are women married to Finnish men, and otherwise
employed in the service sector as domestics or foreign embassy personnel.
There is wide agreement as to how difficult the Finnish language is, and
why this is responsible for the lack of “white collar jobs” for Filipinos. Recent
moves to offer certain curricula in the English language have encouraged
the Filipinos to study nursing, thereby opening for them jobs in hospitals
and health centers. Apparently Finnish Filipinos are culturally oriented and
arrange a number of activities which are community-wide. The Finnish
Philippine Society, functioning since 1988 tackles aside from cultural topics,
also development, environment, human rights, etc.
UNDOCUMENTED WORKERS
The TNT (acronym for tago ng-tago or runaways from the authorities
typically due to expired visa or work permits) is as typical a designation
for Filipino migrants in Europe as does all other categories. They are present
in Europe in great numbers, it is surmised but no one has the exact figures.
Because of their clandestinity, the undocumented TNTs are forced into jobs
of the lowest rung, without social benefits nor welfare provisions such as
medical services nor educational opportunities for their children. They live
with the ever hanging dagger of being discovered by the police or by
Immigrations, with the immediate consequence of expulsion, and not even
having a chance to say goodbye to anyone.
In spite of this situation, many prefer to be without papers, a situation
Filipinas actually exploit by taking the odd cleaning and other service jobs,
preferably of the invisible kind so they can continue to be able to send large
chunks of money to their families at home. This is one of the focus areas in
the work of the CFMW (Commission on Filipino Migrant Workers) which
organises campaigns and strategises with other players in the field on the
European/international as well as national levels (Nonoi Hacbang and Fe

Jusay) while Anny Misa Hefti and Maria Thelma Noval-Jezeweski writing
on Switzerland and France respectively, examine the feminine aspect of
the undocumented.
Both Misa-Hefti and Noval-Jezewski also try to touch on bicultural
marriages which surprisingly and in spite of sensationalised reportage on
mail order brides, are for the most part successful. In addition, the two
authors trace the history of feminine migration to each their respective
country of residence. Misa-Hefti in fact conducts a small study to look at
how the Filipinas, the nurses and the Swiss-married Filipina wives,
perceived their own situation. She also co-produced a drama documentary
in 1997 “Breaking the Silence” about the plight of four Filipinas and the
violation of their human rights, whether trafficked or employed by
diplomats who could hide behind diplomatic immunity! Of the 150,000
sans papiers (undocumented) in Switzerland, some 10,000 are allegedly
Filipinas, a number considered a very low estimate in some quarters.
Ms. Jezewski estimates that of the 50,000 Filipinos (male and female)
who work as domestics in France, only 6,000 are registered, with the majority
of them or some 80 percent being females. The tendency is isolation and of
being afraid and remaining rightless, since the rate of deportation out of
France has been increasing per month. The quintessential cultural values
of the Filipina make her naturally feel indebted to the French employer
and/or husband. The drive for integration in France, as in other European
countries, may open the door to French society because there is currently a
frenzy for learning the French language. So the future augurs well for the
French-based Filipina. Surprisingly, there seems to be not one Filipina
engaged in prostitution in France, the author claims.
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH

Inside the covers of this volume, specificities have determined the
direction of certain authors’ research/study/contributions. In Italy where
the Filipinos are rumoured to be happiest, two sets of investigations were
carried out by resident Filipinas who respectively investigated: (1) the plight
of children and youth, and (2) the plight of domestics as they relate to their
employers. Cristina Liamzon, a development consultant and co-founder of
ERCOF, undertook a study of Filipino Migrant Youth in Rome, Italy—A View
of their Issues and Concerns while Charito Basa and Rosalud de la Rosa
undertook a participatory research which they themselves call an “historic
activity in the field of migration research as well as in the field of advocacy
for policy changes regarding migration.”
Introduction 19
The Italian employers were taken to task and investigated as to their
perception of the role and contribution of the Filipina domestic worker to
society. In the same study, it was also attempted to see how these women
saw their contributions both to the Italian family and Italian society at large.
Dynamics between the two parties would indicate self-values and self-
esteem of the women concerned. Another goal was to look at the motivation
of the women in their decision to leave home and stay with their Italian
families. Finally, the study aimed to develop strategies to address the
problems identified during the research.
Ms. Del Rosario’s paper on the communication patterns of Filipinos
residing in the heart of Europe Belgium, was part of an academic treatise
written as a masteral thesis and abridged for publication in this volume.
Entitled Information Needs of Filipinos in Belgium: A Survey Research, the paper
seeks to address two related issues, namely: (1) Do Filipino organisations
in Belgium, acting as information providers, meet the actual needs of
Filipinos in Belgium being the recipients of such information?; and (2) How
do Filipinos in Belgium use information formally and informally?
CULTURE, POLITICS, LITERATURE, RELIGION

Where would we be if there was no Europe where Rizal could crystallise
his thoughts and write his great novels Noli me Tangere and El Filibusterismo
which however led directly to his martyrdom? Our nation might not have
been a-borning and we might have remained under Spanish dominion.
In this book’s Part II, “The Political, the Cultural, the Literary, the
Religious,” the book explores the occurrence of the artistic and literary
figures in exile, as continues throughout Philippine history (Carlos Bulusan,
Ninotchka Rosca and many more in the Americas do not sound so political
as those sons of illustrados of a century ago, who sought reforms while
writing, informing and providing a forum of debate). It was in the pages of
La Solidaridad that Ferdinand Blumentritt entered into polemics with a young
Dr. Jose P. Rizal, at that time preparing for publication his two political
novels. Rizal’s Noli me Tangere and El Filbusterismo directly were responsible
for the making of the Philippine nation, Juan Luna’s Spolarium is a legacy
just as gripping today as it was more than a hundred years ago.
Author of several books on the Philippine left, Nathan Quimpo in Barrio
Utrecht manages to paint a political portrait while at the same time being
hardhitting in his critique of the hierarchy imposed especially by the so-
called “elders.” He ends his piece with an assumption that Barrio Utrecht

is a “state of mind.” Also in today’s Europe, we have the seasoned Europe-
based writer Jun Terra vacillating somewhat between Europe’s absolute
literary and artistic capitals London and Paris, transporting the reader into
this olde worlde of books. Other Filipinos, differently inclined, will instead
make a yearly pilgrimage to these metropolises to cater to their own love
for books and the other finer things in life by living it literally and coming
to these capitals during the winter and summer sales.
Varying from country to country, and usually depending on how the
host country views their migrants, whether creating space for them or not,
then the political, cultural, literary strivings of the Filipinos will follow
thereafter! Maria Ophelia Butalid-Echaves in Becoming a Tilburger recounts
how as a new entrant to Europe with leftist political background and
working with the socially excluded in Dutch society, she would later make
the political choice that culminated in her running and winning a seat in
the local council in the Dutch city of Tilburg.
Mr. Benn Adriatico in Parols, Dioramas and Rural Suite describes
intimately the processes involved when working crossculturally with his
group of young Filipinos trying to go mainstream in Denmark, and what it
means to have the support of the parents and the church infrastructure.
His personal triumphs and tribulations amuse the reader, and one can
almost heave his sigh of relief when the success of his young Filipino dancers
and thespians is finally in view. Mr. Adriatico, a smooth communicator,
repeats the familiar story of Filipino groups not being able to cooperate
because of petty jealousies. But miracles happen and they have
extraordinarily been cooperative during the Centennial of the Republic of
the Philippines when celebrations were observed worldwide.
An insider viewpoint on the story of Europe’s re-evangelisation and
how Filipino religious have been sent to be pillars of support for the migrant
communities against a steadily xenophobic Europe is told by Sr. Victoria
Joson, SGV who has been one of the “founding mothers” of Babaylan Europe
when it started in Barcelona in 1992. Her article Filipino Missionaries in Europe,
Witnesses for Re-evangelisation is partly about her personal religious ministry
with the migrant Filipinas that had her moving between Spain, France and
Italy, three countries with the Latin stamp of Catholicism and where the
Filipinas are most numerous.
Sr. Joson’s artistic bent (she finished design arts before she became a
Sister) has been fully appreciated and exercised in several historical play
productions depicting the strong role of the Filipino woman. She believes
that helping migrants discover their identity—knowing who they are and
Introduction 21
being proud of such identity—should be an integral part of the work on
pastoral care for migrants. She reiterates the inherent challenge which Pope
John II verbalised towards Europe’s Filipino migrants in these words, ”you
are called to be the new and youthful witness of that very faith which your
country received from Europe so many generations ago.”
TRANSNATIONAL OPTIONS
Indeed we need a paradigm shift where media stereotypes die hard
and bureaucracy begets benign neglect. The Filipino migrant himself/
herself, not the least in the light of developments globally and at home,
must rise to the political and social challenge of being agents of change;
firstly within themselves, and as part of the societies they have left but
continue to lift, as well as in societies they have settled in temporarily. Here,
they manage to contribute the best years of their lives, optimally as citizens
with full rights of participation. This presupposes that their own Philippine
government is capable of agency on their behalf, of negotiating bilateral
agreements with receiving countries/countries of residence so their labour
and human rights are upheld. A good start is to the campaign for many
more receiving countries to be signatories to the Convention for the
Protection of Migrant Workers and their families, but which only a very
few European countries have signed to date. It would also take all of 15
years of frenzied lobbying and networking both in Europe and in the
Philippines for overseas Filipinos to be given the vote in national elections,
with the passage of the Overseas Voters Bill in 2003. In the same year, the
Philippine Senate also passed the Dual Citizenship Act to allow overseas
Filipinos to participate in the Philippine’s political, economic and social
life. This right of suffrage, long in coming, first came into full use during
the 2004 elections, and most recently during the senatorial elections of 2007.
Another recent accommodation on the part of the Philippine state is
the availability of dual citizenship for its overseas population. Before the
government however extols the virtues of dual citizenship, it will be
necessary to streamline the workings and mechanics of the current voting
access for overseas Filipinos, since this important mechanism is not yet
fully in place. Much remains to be done however, in terms of improving
the mechanisms for the implementation of these laws during the May 2004
national elections, the first time the Bill was functioning, the turn-out of
overseas was only in the region of 300,000-400,000 globally, while there
was a possible voting population of at least some 5 million overseas Filipinos.
In “Part III: Perspectives on Philippine Migration from Europe and
Beyond,” the aforementioned writer Jun Terra in his British-Philippine

Relations offers a historical perspective to British-Philippine relations and
naturally Filipino migration to the British isles from the 16th century when
freebooter, later Sir Francis Drake supposedly sailed from England to South
America, crossing the Pacific, and touching the coast of Mindanao, to today
when large-scale migration continues with health and other professionals
including the entertainment industry, for example in the ever popular Miss
Saigon. Sally Rousset in her Nature and Perspectives of Philippine Migration to
France argues that the current migration of Filipinos to France cannot be
viewed separate from its history which started with students studying
(e.g., Sorbonne) as well as working with the many international
organisations based in Paris, and continuing into the early 1970s, at the
time of the Iran-Iraq war with escaping Filipino workers in the Middle East
came to France, with or without their diplomat employers. Strict migration
laws in France have resulted in their becoming undocumented, implying a
troubled status of no social protection. The lack of access to health services
can eat up decades of earnings when the now illegal Filipina gets
hospitalised. Rousset also discusses issues of identity and roles: political,
social, and cultural. Eric Gutierrez offers perspective in The Filipino Diaspora:
Changing the Terms of Reference when he proposes that the Philippines be
considered a “deterritorialised nation-state” whose nation-building can
continue even among its transmigratory citizens who neither lose nor
discard their national identities. This role the Filipino has straddled expertly:
as citizen and passport holder of any European state but intrinsically Filipino
with his fiesta culture, his bagoong-based cuisine, his song and dance culture,
his affability and flexibility to get along splendidly with other people and
his concern for the nation when he asks for the right to choose its leaders
from afar.
A sobering last contribution comes from Jeremaiah Opiniano who wrote
Philippine Migration Statistics: Insights from Europe and Beyond, which
discusses the different types of data/statistics on overseas Filipinos being
collected and processed by Philippine governmental agencies and embassies
(e.g., in stock estimates) and efforts to reconcile these to aid development
planners both in the Philippines and labour receiving countries.
CONCLUDING VIEWS
Explaining the phenomenon of Philippine migration can almost be a
profession in itself with its many challenges – to write, edit publications
and proceedings from many migration conferences, to even making
documentary films. Indeed there are many genres when retelling the
migrant’s story.
Introduction 23
Leaving home in search of greener pastures has resulted, on a global
basis, in remittances in the billions of dollars, far surpassing development
aid to the Philippines. This is the picture when one views the glass as half-
full. But the renewed forces of 21st century globalisation changing the
geography and sense of home for the millions of people on the move, and
resisted by an ethnocentric Europe will put it at risk as falling behind, as
being the sleeping cousin in the western family of nations. This is the other
view: that the European glass is half empty. But why Filipinos continue to
come to this Olde Worlde might have been intimated in the many
contributions in this volume.
For the time being, and by all kinds of predictions, this movement will
continue.
Aside from the demographic deficit, there is also the globalisation gap
that Europe must close vis-à-vis not only America but also the awakening
Asian elephants after the Asian tigers, namely India and China. Recruitment
of Indian doctors is in full swing but where are the Filipino doctors who
used to be in so much demand in past decades? Sounds like a bad joke but
last time we looked, we were told they were busy enrolling to be nurses so
they could go to America!
Brain drain worries aside, since our roaring birth rates will easily replace
naturally the loss due to migration, it should be possible for the Filipino
nation to compete and offer the same competences on the world market,
without necessarily leaving our nation empty of health professionals. There
is a new policy in Europe to allow students in from the technology savvy
Asian countries of India, Singapore, China, even including the Philippines.
They will make a pool of ready to convert highly skilled talents which
Europe’s telecommunications industry will profit from. Filipino youth can
be primed to be part of this picture too in the near future.
A little forward planning in our educational system will go a long way
in making sure that we Filipinos can board, like so many other developing
nations, the globalisation locomotive without losing so much steam like in
the days of yore, in a manner of speaking. And with suitcases full of
competences that Europe needs. Under a balanced migration and
development policy, individual Filipinos should be able to chase “their own
rainbows” for their future, secure under a state that provides it as an option
and not as a must.
The future for sure holds a brighter picture. There will be more markets
to conquer and the migration of Filipinos to Europe will likely not stop,

given the global picture of a Europe trying to catch up with the rest of the
world. And as the migration phenomena itself will become more
transparent, as well as more indispensable to European societies more than
they are prepared to admit, so will the value of monitoring and taking stock
become imperative.
The first Global Forum on Migration and Development, first tabled by
outgoing UN Secretary General Kofi Annan is finally being held in Brussels
on July 9 to 11 this year, and the second is already set to be hosted by the
Philippines in 2008, a signal that the second largest remitting country in
the world has the globally recognised competence in the migration-
development nexus. Welcome to the world of the global Filipinos, the
world’s most savvy migrants.
Our quest in these pages has been to be able to tell the migrant’s story,
not always through the hawk eye of the scholar but through the flesh and
blood tales that are the stuff migration is made of: tales of woe abound, but
also stories of hope and empowerment that result when migrants become
the agents of change in their own lives, and in the society they are part of,
both at home or abroad. Philippine migration to Europe is here to stay.
Plainly, this is just the beginning in chronicling this earthshaking journey.

Editor
Introduction 25
PART I
WORKING AND LIVING IN THE OLDE WORLDE
27
Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile
ILDEFONSO F. BAGASAO
INTRODUCTION
Migration of people, including the causes and motivations for doing so,
may be as old as mankind itself. History is replete with evidence of such
movements triggered by political, economic and social upheavals in their
places of origin, and to a certain extent, by a sense of adventure and curiosity
in exploring what lies beyond their hills, shores and mountains. Present
day migration is no different, at least in the factors that push and pull human
beings in moving from one place to another. The differences may only lie
with the numbers, the speed, and the organised ways by which these
processes are facilitated, mainly because of globalisation, advances in
transportation and communications, and the networks that were established
and that sustained generations of new migrants. The choice of migrant
destinations are also influenced by historical and colonial ties, by geography,
and of late, by the emergence of countries that are newly industrialising.
The Filipino diaspora has evolved from this brief backdrop. Of the
more than eight million Filipinos now overseas, more than half are in North
America. Another third are working in the service sectors in Asian countries,
and the Middle East. Much has been written about Filipinos living and
working in these areas, but there seems to be a dearth of literature about
Filipinos in Europe. They too have a story to tell. This paper attempts to tell
that story but focuses on the economic side of migration, the desire to
improve oneself and their families back home—probably the most important
motive for migrating.
We have also decided to tell that economic story in two parts. The first
part is Europe-specific while the second part invites the reader to reflect on

issues and challenges facing migrants in a highly globalised world. It
includes some initiatives emanating from civil society, thought out to
address what are perceived as some urgent structural reforms in the home
country rural areas—savings and investment mechanisms that could enable
Filipino migrants to contribute meaningfully to improving local economies.
In any case, this is written from the perspective of one who had lived as a
Filipino in Europe, specifically in Geneva, Switzerland, and while being a
househusband, traveled, met, listened to, gave legal assistance as well as
gave advice to fellow Filipinos on how to maximise earnings and resources.
It did not take long for this author to meet like-minded Filipinos and then
eventually decide to establish an organisation1 that will tread what then
was the less-travelled path of migration for development.
MIGRATING FOR DEVELOPMENT

Historical background
In the late 1800s, a group of intellectuals in the Philippines banded
together with students and exiles from Europe, such as Jose P. Rizal, Marcelo
H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena, to rally for reform in the Philippines
through propaganda activities. At present, the same fervor for equality and
human respect is kept alive through the activities of Europe-based Filipinos,
who with little or no resources, initiate activities against racism and
xenophobia, and advocacy for the respect for human rights and socio-
economic empowerment of migrants, in Europe and the Philippines. The
similarity however seems to end there. One will find difficulty tracing causes
of present-day Filipino migration, to the factors that drove many of our
national heroes to Europe in the 19th century.
According to the Commission on Filipino Migrant Workers (CFMW),
formal migration to Europe started in the 1960s as a response to the labour
needs of Europe during the post World War II reconstruction years when
the health sector and tourist industry were being expanded. Emigration to
Europe from the Philippines reached its peak under the “Labour Export
Policy” that started as a stop-gap economic measure during the Marcos era
in the 1970s and early 1980s and which has continued to the present.
Profiles
According to Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO), as of 2005,
there were approximately 824,419 Filipinos in Europe. According to the
CFMW,2 the largest concentrations are in Italy, Spain and Britain, with large
numbers of Filipinos also recorded in Germany, Greece, France, Austria,
Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 29

Switzerland, The Netherlands and Belgium, with the rest in other countries
of the European Union, and in Scandinavia.
The majority of overseas Filipinos in Europe are said to be in the prime
of their life, aged between 21 and 45 years old. Filipinos in Europe have a
high level of educational attainment and are highly skilled. The majority
are professionals or have achieved at least two years of tertiary education.
Approximately 80 percent of Filipinos in Europe are women. Many of them
are employed in the service sector in hospitals, hotels, restaurants, and in
private households.
The Philippines is now the 2nd highest migrant sending country in the
world, with almost 9 percent of its 82.8 million population living and
working in at least 192 countries worldwide, and a majority of whom are
in North America, the Middle East, Australia, Europe, and the newly
industrialised economies of Asia. Filipino seafarers comprise more than
one fourth of the entire merchant marine fleet in the world which is about
1.2 million, with 2/3 of them on board European-owned ships. The
Philippine government itself estimates that there are now close to a million
Filipinos who leave annually to take up foreign employment or about 3,000
departures daily.3
Europe as residence and work environment

Filipinos in Europe have to put up with strange languages and culture
wherever they are. Unlike other places of destination, mostly English
speaking countries, and where the migration or recruitment process is
generally organised and job expectations and conditions are predictable,
Filipinos—with the exception of those recruited with work permits or joining
spouses or relatives and those who travel to Europe on tourist visas to seek
employment—are basically on their own, relying only on personal or family
networks to get settled and find employment. Asian migrants are only about
17 percent of the non-EU migrants population with nationals from the
Balkans,Turkey, Africa and the Maghreb comprising the majority, such that
job competition has generally become stiff for everyone.4
Unlike North America and Oceania, where most of the Filipino
immigrants are, the European Union does not have a stable immigration
policy as a whole, given the tendency of member countries to craft legislation
to suit their specific interests and requirements. To have a settled status,
one has to enter with either a confirmed work permit, be an international
civil servant, an au pair, student, a minor son, daughter or spouse of a local
citizen.

Having said that, it may not be farfetched to conclude that all others
have gone to Europe on a tourist visa, have jumped ship or were trafficked,
and remain there on an irregular status . CFO figures estimate irregulars to
be at around 143,035, a figure many believe could be higher. For instance,
of the estimated 8,000 Filipinos in the cantons of Geneva and Vaud, in
Switzerland, only about 2,000 have a visa status, while the rest are of
irregular status, and are predominantly women in domestic work. In 2004,
the Philippine Embassy in Paris estimated that 40,000 Filipino migrants
lived in France, although in the same year, official Philippine government
statistics showed the number of Filipinos at 32,085, and 26,121 of whom
were of irregular status. 5 This places this group in a precarious and
vulnerable work environment, and while many have been lucky to find
good employers who offer fair employment terms, there have also been a
number of documented and undocumented cases of abuse, exploitation
and even physical harm. They are not also allowed to open bank accounts,
nor to join organisations such as cooperatives or NGOs. This has discouraged
the practice of savings, and has encouraged spending on luxury articles,
remitting, or keeping their earnings inside their closets or with friends who
have accounts.
Until fairly recently, they were not also allowed to obtain insurance so
that when undocumented Filipinos met with fatal accidents, the community
usually chipped in to raise funeral and repatriation expenses. A Swiss social
worker of the organisation Medecins Sans Frontieres Switzerland once
commented that they had difficulties in trying to do research on the health
condition of Filipino migrant workers, compared to other migrant
nationalities, leading them to conclude that illnesses among the Filipino
community, who are mostly women migrant workers, go undetected or
are not given proper medical attention. This is an obvious downside of
having irregular status where workers practice self-medication rather than
risk discovery of their status by local authorities.
Seafarers
Some 70 percent of Filipino seafarers are employed directly or indirectly
by European shipping states. They pass regularly various European ports,
such as Rotterdam, Antwerp, Barcelona, Dunquerke, Southampton and
Hamburg. Composing some 25 percent to around a third of the world
merchant marine, they are much in demand worldwide yet remain in a
vulnerable situation due to the contractual nature of their profession, with
economic needs similar to land based workers. Eighty percent of their wages
are retained and sent to their designated beneficiaries in the Philippines.

Seafarers often complain of delay in the remittance of their salaries, or
unfavorable exchange rates. There is a need for support services to help
seafarers and their families to maximise their income. Unions, shipping
companies, seafarers’ wives and NGOs, could play a big part in introducing
programs on financial planning, savings, investments and retirement,
particularly seafarers’ wives upon whom spending decisions are often
vested.
Table 1 Stock Estimates of Overseas Filipinos (2005)
Region/ Permanent Temporary Irregular Total

Country
World Total 3,651,727 3,391,338 881,123 7,924,188
Europe 523,442 211,351 123,282 858,075
Austria 4,238 30,000 962 35,200
Belgium 3,422 3,724 5,535 12,681
France 4,320 900 40,105 45,325
Germany 8,268 43,249 4,400 55,917
Greece 18,120 89 8,000 26,209
Italy 81,232 22,154 20,000 123,386
The Netherlands 2,931 12,897 2,000 17,828
Spain 5,927 17,017 2,000 24,944
Switzerland 1,896 8,107 2,000 12,003
United Kingdom 72,638 52,977 7,480 133,095
Others/Unspecified 320,450 20,237 30,800 371,487
* Permanent - Immigrants or legal permanent residents abroad whose stay does
not depend on work contracts
* Temporary- Workers documented for temporary work contracts overseas
* Irregular - Those not properly documented or without valid residence or work
permits, or who are overstaying in a foreign country.
Source: CFO, 2005 (World figures appear in Appendix 1)
Economic contributions
Migrants’ economic contributions are frequently measured by the
amount of money or goods they send back to their families, or voluntary
donations made for various humanitarian causes in the Philippines. The
Philippine economy is also heavily benefited as remittances stabilise foreign
exchange reserves and act as a buffer to economic crises and relief to severe
unemployment rates. In the year 2000, remittances constituted 14 percent
of exports of goods and services, 1047 percent of Overseas Development
Assistance (ODA) and 8 percent of GDP.6

The biggest direct beneficiaries are their families. Studies indicate that
remittances are primarily allocated for the following family expenditures:
(a) food, utilities and other basic family needs (b) education (c) housing
and property acquisition (d) health and other emergencies (e) payment of
debts and (f) money set aside for small business ventures. Migrants’
remittances are the main or primary source of support of about 6.2 percent
of Filipino families, a figure that translates to about 881,263 families or
households.7
Remittances
In the year 2005, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) recorded a total
of USD10,689,005,000 sent over to the Philippines by overseas Filipinos as
cash remittances sent through formal channels. Estimated informal transfers
through padala (door to door or cash brought home) may add another 4 to
7 billion. While the bulk of remittances came from the Americas at
USD6,605,231,000, Filipinos in Europe sent about USD1,433,904,000 or 13.4
percent of total remittances, with remittances from Italy, the UK and
Germany comprising 60 percent of said Europe-originated remittances.
Philanthropic donations
The giving or donation of funds, equipment, skills and technology
through various means and channels, by overseas Filipino groups or
individuals, for humanitarian causes or development projects in the
Philippines has evolved into the all-encompassing term now known as
Diaspora Philanthropy.8
In the early 1990s, a program called the Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino
(LinKaPil) evolved from the immigrant-monitoring operations of the
Commission on Filipinos Overseas, a Philippine government agency that
used to be an attached agency of the Philippine Department of Foreign
Affairs, but now with the Office of the President. LinKaPil taps overseas
Filipinos’ resources for various humanitarian and development projects in
the Philippines. From 1990 to 2004, LinKaPil had been able to mobilise and
facilitate from groups or individuals mostly from North America, Oceania,
and Europe, the amount of Php1.517 billion in the form of cash, equipment
and commodities for different projects and beneficiaries in the Philippines.
Beneficiaries have been identified either by the overseas associations
themselves, or in accordance with a nationwide needs profiling system
developed by the CFO.

34
Table 2: Overseas Filipino Remittances from Europe, 1997 to 2006
Country/
Worker 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
TOTAL* 5,741,835 7,367,989 6,794,550 6,050,450 6,031,271 6,886,156 7,578,458 8,550,371 10,689,005 12,761,307
EUROPE 436,050 329,317 457,671 534,675 406,194 889,094 1,040,562 1,286,130 1,433,904 2,061,067
Sea-based 48,555 50,505 98,330 105,009 73,975 103,582 93,047 158,813 153,432 490,646
Land-based 387,495 278,812 359,341 429,666 332,219 785,512 947,515 1,127,317 1,280,472 1,570,421
In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe
of which:
Italy 49,396 54,464 142,335 160,787 83,409 324,537 309,774 48,783 430,071 574,662
Sea-based 25 1 305 138 657 1,097 2,939 828 22,589 23,003
Land-based 49,371 54,463 142,030 160,649 82,752 323,440 306,835 47,955 407,482 551,659
Germany 121,258 78,486 93,588 64,320 37,475 81,030 84,978 96,461 134,804 97,522
Sea-based 29,119 28,978 40,069 27,246 11,954 21,897 22,475 19,883 24,073 16,193
Land-based 92,139 49,508 53,519 37,074 25,521 59,133 62,503 76,578 110,731 81,329
United Kingdom 205,940 130,961 83,079 91,087 134,168 221,959 271,034 280,805 300,725 561,670
Sea-based 8,209 9,300 13,370 15,588 11,380 16,421 10,510 13,468 18,764 103,822
Land-based 197,731 121,661 69,709 75,499 122,788 205,538 260,524 267,337 281,961 457,848
Source: Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (www.bsp.gov.ph)
Note: World Figures appear in Appendix 2
If we were to go by the CFO data, it would appear that over 90 percent
of donations come from developed countries in North America, Australia
and New Zealand and Europe, with the US alone accounting for 82.66
percent. This is due to the large populations of Filipino professionals who
have settled status, such as migrants or naturalised citizens in the US.
However, Filipinos in Europe had contributed a total of PhP100 million, or
6.61 percent of the total. There is a dominance of donations for humanitarian
and social development related causes, such as health related/medical
missions, education/scholarships and relief/calamity (altogether 96%) over
that of livelihood projects (2%) and small scale infrastructure (2%). Figures
for the year 2004 indicate that there was dispersal of these resources to
20 out of the 26 provinces mapped to be in the depressed regions
(Appendix 3).
Overseas Filipino associations in Europe
According to the Department of Labor, they have on file the names of
some 12,000 overseas Filipino associations all over the world, while the
CFO has a database of around 4,000 active associations. Filipino migrant
organisations in Europe, as elsewhere, are organised according to their
hometowns, as sports clubs, religious associations, cultural groups,
professional associations, and as self-help associations. In the year 2003
alone, the BSP recorded the amount of USD218 million as having been sent
as gifts and contributions, apart from those recorded as remittances.
Figures from the CFO indicate that associations in Germany, The
Netherlands, Belgium, Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, France and Spain
lead all others in raising funds for humanitarian projects in the Philippines.
As in the measuring of remittances, these figures may not reflect the levels
of philanthropy, given that remittances for donations could also be sent
informally, as when a visiting migrant might prefer to hand over personally
a donation when he or she visits the beneficiary.
Aside from usual fundraising activities for rural infrastructure, some
groups have found ways to go beyond one-off projects through the adoption
of sister-city relationships, philanthropy through trading, links with
Philippine NGOs to pursue poverty reduction, literacy or microfinance in
marginal Philippine communities, occasionally with the help of
development or funding organisations.

Table 3 Overseas Filipino Associations in Europe
Country No. of OFAs 1 Estimated Population 2

Austria 37 35,200
Belgium/Luxembourg 69 12,681
France 40 45,325
Germany 123 55,917
Greece 51 26,209
Italy 119 123,386
The Netherlands 27 17,828
Spain 21 24,944
Switzerland 73 14,647
United Kingdom 95 133,095
Denmark 4 -
Ireland 2 -
Norway 4 -
Sources: Ercof compilation from CFO and its own data.
1. Compilation from the Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos
2. 2005 Stock Estimates on Overseas Filipinos (Commission on Filipinos Overseas)
Migrants’ contributions to host countries

Although still under-researched, migrants also make an important
contribution to the economies of their host countries, by taking up jobs
shunned by locals, such as those in the construction and service sectors.
Caregivers and other health related professionals take care of a large
segment of Europe’s aging population, at less cost to what host governments’
social security programs could otherwise shoulder. Filipino domestic
workers and nannies who do housekeeping, take care of and even tutor
children, relieve parents, particularly European housewives, of such duties,
giving them opportunities for self-advancement and even employment. It
has been said that if all the Europe-based Filipino nannies, caregivers,
waiters, chambermaids, and seafarers took a simultaneous day off,
European industry would grind to a halt.
Filipino enterprises in Europe

Filipino groceries and convenience stores abound in European cities.
These are multipurpose centres, selling almost any item one could find in a
Philippine market, such as frozen bangus or tilapia, instant noodles, smoked
galunggong, kangkong and other vegetables, the favorite Skyflake crackers,
Filipino tabloids and gossip magazines and telephone cards. Most offer
money transfer and door to door deliveries of balikbayan boxes stuffed with

Table 4 Contributions to the Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino Program
Country Amount (in PhP) Percent

United States of America 1.254 billion 82.66
Canada 69.10 million 4.56
Germany 60.17 million 3.96
Australia 45.56 million 3.00
Japan 33.89 million 2.23
The Netherlands 16.22 million 1.07
Korea 9.13 million 0.60
Belgium 6.78 million 0.45
Sweden 5.00 million 0.33
Italy 3.11 million 0.21
Spain 3.03 million 0.20
United Kingdom of
Great Britain 2.82 million 0.19
Malaysia 2.55 million 0.17
France 1.74 million 0.11
Switzerland 1.46 million 0.09
Mexico 0.62 million 0.04
Singapore 0.49 million -
Austria 0.44 million -
Commonwealth of
Northern Mariana Islands 0.43 million -
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas
everything from shampoo, Marseilles soap (said to do wonders on the face

like Perla), calc (a local detergent for cleaning appliances but good for
cleaning dentures through night-soaking), and the usual canned goods and
sneakers.
Obviously, Filipinos in Europe find these items and services irresistible,
although entrepreneurs from Vietnam, Thailand, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka
have made inroads on the Filipino market by offering similar goods at much
lower prices (San Miguel Beer, which sells for SF5 in a Geneva Filipino
store, can be obtained for SF3 in a Vietnamese grocery). Yet the Filipino
store is still packed to the brim during the weekends by Filipinos coming
from all walks of life, mainly because it has also become a centre where a
migrant worker, especially one in a precarious situation could feel safe,
where one could make friends, network , get the local and Philippine gossip,
simply hang out, or get a cheap haircut or foot massage.

Filipinos in Europe have also specialised in the money transfer business,
with a few that I personally know, who through partnerships with locals,
have become quite successful and are now actually servicing not only
Philippine but other destinations as well. While competition has also become
quite stiff, it has resulted in lower rates and better services. To a large extent,
the laws of a particular country and the current anti-money laundering
rules being enforced have affected the ease of entering the money transfer
business. In Geneva, for instance, it takes an applicant about two years to
be given a license, and only after passing through a barrage of tests,
background investigation, staff training and compliance with office
infrastructure. In Geneva, there is only one licensed Filipino money remitter.
When the Philippines, together with Indonesia,was still in the Financial
Action Task Force (FATF) watchlist of terrorist havens, Filipinos remitting
through the United Bank of Switzerland (UBS) in Geneva had to occasionally
explain the source of money being sent even in amounts as low as SF100.
The top Philippine banks, such as Land Bank, RCBC, Equitable, and PNB,
are present in Rome, Milan, Rotterdam, Vienna, Amsterdam, and Madrid,
to siphon remittances from the local Philippine migrants.
Filipinos have also ventured into the restaurant and entertainment
business. In Geneva alone, there are three Filipino restaurants and a karaoke
joint, patronised by both Filipino and foreign clientele. Through Filipino
promoters and NGOs, Filipino communities have been entertained by the
likes of the APO Hiking Society, Martin Nievera, Rachel Alejandro, Rico
Puno, Gary Valenciano, Noel Cabangon, Joey Ayala, and award winning
choirs such as the Madrigal Singers and the UP Singing Ambassadors.
Small scale entrepreneurship is also very much evident, pursued mainly
by women migrant workers to augment their regular income. The row of
Filipinas selling home-cooked dinuguan, bopis, pancit, sinigang, and other
Filipino delights are a sight to see during Sundays near the entrance of the
Termini Station in Rome. So with their counterparts in other countries
especially during Sunday Mass or local national holidays. An enterprising
housewife imported Guimaras and Cebu mangoes for distribution in Geneva.
On a personal note, our group of househusbands in Geneva which we call
Home Defense, eventually overcame boredom by actually enjoying
housekeeping, being nannies to our children, and cooking – a reversal of
roles that some of our feminist friends wanted to document as our his-tories.
One member of our group, formerly a top official of the Metro Manila
Development Authority, became such a good cook, later enrolled in a French
culinary school and eventually went into full-time catering.

Money lenders, often of the 5-6 variety, also abound to address the
frequent needs of migrants short of cash but who have to send money to
their families for an emergency or to make quick purchases of jewelry or
solingen silverware. Migrants also convert unused flats as pension houses
for transient or newly-arrived migrants.
The paluwagan system, the Filipino approach to a self-help savings
initiative, is also very much alive among migrant groups in Europe.
Upscaling of these activities into a formal systematic cooperative is however
discouraged probably due to lack of knowledge and skills, time limitations,
and the difficult legal constraints in forming such an organisations in
European countries, particularly for those in an irregular situation.
Support groups
Migrant networks
Migrant networks are probably the main source of socio-economic
support for Filipino migrants, in large and especially in small cities. Amongst
these networks are clans or family-based networks that have through the
years, facilitated succeeding generations of family members to migrate.
These networks provide a venue for new friendships, job networking, as
well as the source of one’s daily gossip. I recall that on the day that popular
Filipino TV star Kris Aquino and the mayor of Parañaque parted ways, we
in Geneva already knew about it an hour before it was officially announced
in the Philippine media.
Philippine diplomatic posts
At the helm of migrant protection are the Philippine diplomatic posts
in Europe, consisting of about 15 embassies performing consular functions,
two standalone consulates, and four missions to the UN international
organisations, some of which also perform consular functions. In some of
these posts, there are attachés assigned to do specialised work on labour,
commercial, trade and agriculture. Although these attachés are operationally
under their respective departments, the Philippine Migrant Workers Act
mandates diplomatic posts to follow a team-approach in dealing with
Filipino migrant workers, under the direction of the ambassador or the
highest ranked diplomatic official at the post.
In practice, it is the consular section, headed by the consul general, in
addition to the labor attaché, that has most frequent contact with Filipino
workers and migrants. They also bear the brunt of having to liaise with
local authorities when problems involving Filipinos arise. The consul, in

order to become effective, not only has to develop excellent networks and
rapport with local authorities, but also has to reach out to the local Filipino
community at every opportunity, by conceptualising, organising and
coordinating Filipino activities during Filipino national holidays and special
events, meeting with Filipino groups in church, have dinners in the privacy
of homes, and occasionally rush in the middle of the night to visit a
compatriot in jail.
This may seem ordinary unless one has also to consider the voluminous
reports to be written, official and social diplomatic functions, and attending
to the needs of their own families. Diplomatic officials especially dread
those times when politicians come for a visit supposedly to attend
international conferences, but are observed to spend more time sightseeing
or shopping at factory outlets of Rolex, Bally, and other luxury brands,
sometimes using the embassy car to take three hour trips, with the poor
consul or attaché in tow as a tourist guide and even porter. No complaints
are heard unless one wishes to put his position or budget in peril.
The attainment of excellent embassy-migrant relations is important,
especially at this time that the government is seeking to mobilise greater
participation from local Filipino communities in Overseas Voting, Dual
Nationality law, savings and investments in the Philippines, and
contributions from Filipino associations to support the building of schools
and other infrastructure. Greater interest in embassy-led initiatives also
enables diplomats to gather more strategic local information, whilst larger
patronage of embassy facilities also adds up to revenues.
The front desk of the embassy or the consulate, is another critical area,
though at times taken for granted. The behaviour of the embassy’s front-
liner could make or break good relations, and unless left unchecked,
ultimately keeps Filipinos away from the embassy. The numbers and visa
situations of Filipinos at the post affect to a large extent, the ability of
diplomatic officers to effectively respond to problems. Heavy consular work,
for instance would be expected in the embassy in Rome, where there are
more than 100,000 Filipinos, compared to say Geneva, where there are only
about 8,000 to deal with. Having stayed a good nine years in Geneva and
seen at least two successive changes in diplomatic officers, positive results
in terms of Filipino support for embassy-led initiatives, were attained simply
through an effective reach-out policy, sincerity of consular officers, and
smiles on the faces of the staff who greet visitors at the front desk.
The case for the strategic importance of excellent relations and
cooperation between Philippine missions and overseas Filipino communities

might be illustrated by our organisation’s own experience during its
November 2005 roadshow in Luxembourg, Brussels, Geneva, Den Haag
and Rotterdam. While our organisation’s focal persons took care of
coordination, logistics and physical arrangements, the exceptional assistance
given by the heads of mission and their staff in all these cities in not only
hosting the forums but actively participating in the discussions, had
contributed immensely to raising awareness among Filipinos in these
European cities, on savings and investment channels in the Philippines,
financial literacy, and the positive impact of the work of Europe-based
Filipino organisations on depressed communities in the Philippines. The
heightened interest in the Filipino migrants’ role in the development of the
homeland encouraged the honorary Philippine consul in Luxembourg to
organise an unexpected extra session on microfinance for Luxembourg
business, with top bankers and government officials participating. It had
also inspired Dennis Yaun, our organisation’s focal person in Luxembourg,
to initiate a proposal now being actively considered by Philippine as well
as Luxembourg officials, on bilateral cooperation between his host country
and the Philippines on debt for development swaps as well as in modeling
remittance and microfinance mechanisms in a win-win situation for both
countries.
Church groups
Church groups are another important source of migrant support, and
for some the only source of support. Understandably, Catholic groups that
include El Shaddai outnumber indigenous sects such as the Iglesia ni Kristo
and Jesus is Lord. In our parish in Geneva, more than 50 percent of Sunday
mass participants are Filipinos, with the 7 p.m. mass populated by more
than 70 percent Filipino, complete with a Filipino choir. At one time, the
parish priest in Geneva had expressed amusing alarm over the Geneva
Couples for Christ Chapter, and was wondering how a religious group
could muster large numbers among adults and youth alike. The Episcopal
Commission on Migrants and Itinerant Persons (ECMI) of the Catholic
Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) is a full time mission that
not only provides assistance to the Filipinos scattered throughout the world,
but also addresses the needs of the families left behind by the OFWs.
According to their website, ECMI has four centres in Libya, 345 centres in
four American countries, 333 centres in 19 European countries, 171 centres
in 12 Asian nations, 31 centres in six Middle East Nations and 34 centres in
three nations of Oceania.

Nongovernment organizations
Among Filipino associations in Europe, NGOs provide the advocacy
and the concrete action in assisting Filipinos in distress, expose and help
prosecute abuses committed on Filipino migrants, dialogue and engage
with authorities on migrant matters, and keep alive the advocacy on
migrants/human rights in both European and Philippine settings,
relentlessly campaign against racism and other forms of discrimination,
advance the cause of women and women migrants, rekindle interest in
Philippine culture and arts, as well as engage in skills training for Filipinos.
There is little space to name all these groups who in their own way, have
provided concrete legal, social, economic, and emotional support and
solidarity on issues. They have proven that rights-based advocacy has to
co-exist alongside economic empowerment.
ISSUES, CHALLENGES, ASPIRATIONS AND RESPONSES

Issues and challenges
Differing views on migration
• A blessing
There are differing views on remittances. One school of thought views
migration as a blessing to migrant families and the country of origin. Despite
a highly consumerist and consumptive society, researchers point out that
consumptive behavior does have its multiplier effects in terms of increasing
the demand for goods and services and indirect investment, especially when
used for health, education and shelter, which impact on human
development. More than a million Filipino households benefit from
remittances.
• Or a moral hazard
On the other hand, migration is also said to have perpetuated a culture
of dependence on remittances. Recipient family members may tend to be
lazy and unproductive since anyway, remittances are expected to come at
regular intervals; the sending country may also tend to conveniently
postpone needed structural reforms to put the macroeconomic house in
order, relying on the billions of remittances coming in to prop up foreign
exchange reserves. As a migrant-sending country, the Philippines benefits
from remittances as it eases the burden of government in dealing with high
unemployment rates, as well as acts as a buffer to balance of payments
deficits. For these reasons, some researchers believe that unless governments
are able to come up with policies that will induce migrants to invest

productively and go over this “moral hazard or dependency syndrome,” it
is unlikely that remittances could be transformed as a significant source of
capital for development.9
Whither migration?
The subject of migration, especially remittances for development, has
aroused worldwide interest due to the sheer volumes that have been
recorded as having been sent by migrants to their countries of origin to
support their families and communities. Worldwide estimates, recently
recorded at about USD175 billion, with specific country estimates that dwarf
official development assistance and foreign direct investments, have given
rise to the notion of a new development paradigm. The push and pull for
more migration is predicted to be inexorable. With the ageing of populations
in Europe, Japan and North America, there has been a need to recruit nurses,
caregivers and other health-related professionals from developing countries.
The US alone is said to be in need of some one million health professionals
in the next 10 years. The effect of this siphoning of skills is already being
felt and is the subject of grave concern amongst Philippine health authorities.
The demand for migrant workers has also resulted in the proliferation of
schools offering courses designed to fill migrant needs in other countries,
with even top-class universities restructuring their curriculum to adapt to
foreign needs, not of those of the Philippines which has educated them.
There have been efforts to promote medical tourism in the Philippines
through its supposedly world-class hospitals and retirement havens or to
assuage brain drain through subsidies from foreign employer hospitals.
Another hope for stemming brain drain is the Philippine business
outsourcing industry, more familiarly known as the call centres, which have
spread out and have given employment in the provinces, with some of
them already foraying into what are traditionally Indian markets.
What is the Philippine government response to these realities?
Commissioned by the DFID-UK (Department for International
Development in United Kingdom) to conduct a scoping study on the
diaspora’s role on poverty reduction in their countries of origin, Kathleen
Newland writes: “The development strategy of the government of the
Philippines is not diaspora-oriented. Its policy focus is on temporary labor
migration. The policies of the Philippine government appear to treat the
financial contributions of diaspora and temporary workers alike primarily
as income flows rather than potential investment stock. As income flows,
they relieve poverty directly. While the Philippines does have an overseas

labor export system that has become the model for other potential migrant
sending countries, the government does not seem to have a strategy to
maximise the developmental potential of established communities of
Filipinos overseas, which might have a more lasting impact on poverty
reduction.”
Aspirations
There is little doubt that like their counterparts in other parts of the
world, Filipinos went to Europe for economic reasons—for survival, to
improve the quality of their lives and their families, and for professional
advancement, others yet for adventure. Until the opening of quotas for
nurses, caregivers, and health related professionals from the UK and Ireland,
Europe has not been the traditional destination for work. Most European
countries have no immigration quotas unlike the United States, Canada or
Australia. Small fortunes in the level of about PhP400,000 are paid to
recruiters that include the cost of airfare, visa facilitation, passport and other
departure expenses. Land or farm animals are sold or mortgaged, while
loans are arranged for those without or lacking capital, and are made to
sign contracts for the repayment of such loans through monthly salary
deductions. One is always tempted to ask why Filipinos with the capacity
to mobilise PhP400,000 would rather leave family and try to find work in a
strange land, than invest said amount in a business in the Philippines.
I have received no satisfactory answer to that.
The overriding aspiration, particularly for those with irregular status,
is actually to have a settled status, through marriage with a local national,
or finding that prized job as a domestic worker, driver or security guard at
a diplomatic office or with a diplomat. Some have regularised their status
by applying for amnesty programs in certain countries. Ironically, this is
not the case for some. Four years ago, we shared with some Filipinas in
Geneva the idea of the possible regularisation program for Switzerland
that we were advocating together with a Swiss parliamentarian. Expecting
enthusiasm from this group of irregulars, we were quite surprised when
they said that they would rather remain in their current status. Although
we found the reasoning absurd, we realised the workers were just being
realistic. They said that as regularised workers, they will be constrained to
remain with one employer, with taxes and social security contributions
taking a big slice of their income. By remaining irregular, they will be able
to do part-time work with at least three employers, and send more
money home.

Quite simply, it is the aspiration of migrant workers, including Filipinos,
to be able to spend their earnings for a house or an agricultural land, to
educate their children, set aside or even send in advance, money to set up
a business run by a spouse or a relative, and then return for good to retire
on the profits made from the business. Many are able to build their dream
house or educate their children. Unfortunately, coming home for good is
always postponed as extended families and social circles pester them for
support or loans. There have also been horror stories about small businesses
going bankrupt, mainly because of the lack of skills of relatives entrusted
by migrants to run the business. Being an absentee investor or entrepreneur
rarely works.
Despite its gains, migration may also have perpetuated inequitable
growth and spawned a culture of dependence on remittances, which as Prof.
Ranis has warned, “may allow us to postpone painful but necessary reforms
that will lead us to the proper growth fundamentals.“ Migration thus
becomes the raison d’etre of more migration, like a giant snowball that
expands geometrically with its circumference. That is until the opposite
forces of economic growth at home reach sufficient strength to oppose it.
International Labor Organization (ILO) studies indicate that the migration
transition only occurs once a country crosses a threshold of about USD5,000
per capita. Therefore unless the Philippines slows down the growth of its
population, its economy will have to grow at a rate of 10 percent a year
over the next 23 years if it is to reach that threshold. Unfortunately,
Philippine population is growing at twice the rate of growth of that of the
Asian region, while the rate of savings remains half of that of its more
successful neighbours.10 On a more positive note, Peter Stalker, a noted
migration researcher once remarked in a Netherlands forum, that like some
countries that once were migrant-dependent, the Philippines is currently
going through a phase of development, and will eventually hurdle the so-
called “migration hump,” such that future generations will be wondering
“what the fuss was all about.”
If that is the case, it would make sense and it is necessary for migrants
to help facilitate their homeland’s economic takeoff, to save and invest their
resources in initiatives that have high economic impact on local economies.
It should also entail a conscious identification of priority areas traditionally
neglected due to inefficiency or lack of capital. From a Philippine migration
perspective, it makes good sense that the focus should be on the countryside.
First, according to the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration,
two-thirds of all overseas Filipino workers originate from the countryside.

Secondly, poverty is still rural based. The adverse effects on agricultural
productivity by reason of soil erosion, pest incidence, chemical pollution
and the conversion of arable land into subdivisions, industrial zones and
recreation centres, have forced agricultural planters to move to urban areas
or overseas in search of alternative livelihood or join the informal sector. I
might add to these the inability of local farmers to compete with cheap
imports and the inefficiency of the market chain.
Why the informal sector? First because it absorbs all the victims of
globalisation-the displaced workers, forced retirees, educated unemployed,
etc. Second, because it is the womb of small entrepreneurs. Self employment
and small scale entrepreneurship are the coping mechanisms of poor
countries in the era of accelerated globalisation. Third, because the active
promotion of rural industrialization could complement informal sector
entrepreneurship.11
Responses
Europe-based Filipino NGOs speak
On the eve of an international conference on migration and
development that was going to be held in Davao in the year 2002, our
organisation invited to a preconsultation in Brussels, some 15 leaders and
officers of Filipino NGOs from Luxembourg, Switzerland, Belgium and
The Netherlands, to give country situationers and for them to identify the
various areas, needs, and opportunities that needed to be enhanced for the
economic empowerment of overseas Filipinos in Europe. The forum was
hosted by the Philippine ambassador at that time, and held at the Embassy,
with the full complement of the embassy present.
Participants identified key areas that needed review which were
savings, remittances, investments, policies and partnerships. Needs that
required strengthening were awareness on savings, fair remittance rates
and access to credit, the lack of information on the range of investments,
skills training, and the need to invest in rural development. Participants
identified the need to enhance the abilities of self-help groups, such as coops
and small savings groups (paluwagan), awareness raising on the
development potential of migration, and the consolidation of investors,
NGOs and banks, and government services available.
Two years later, the Economic Resource Centre for Migrants and
Overseas Employees (Ercmove) a Dutch-based Filipino NGO, convened
another consultation of community leaders from Switzerland, The
Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, Belgium, and Luxembourg, and went

through a SWOT (Strength, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats)
analysis , for the purpose of strengthening the capacity of Filipino NGOs in
Europe to respond to migrant economic concerns. In summary, the group
was of the consensus, among other things, that while the Filipino NGO
community was highly committed and motivated, with a strong network
of sympathetic development agencies and linkages in the Philippines, they
had to deal with the lack of resources. And due to different priorities, they
were unable to come up with clear plans or the drive to realise these plans
that could be linked to poverty reduction, aside from being bogged down
with internal dynamics, and the lack of interest on the part of Europe-based
Filipino migrants for investments.
Development potential of migrants’ remittances:
its relevance to overseas Filipinos
Money has been sent home by migrants to their families for basic family
needs, housing, education, medical expenses, setting up of small businesses,
and other related expenditures. Billions had likewise been donated for
scholarships, schools, calamity assistance, medical missions and other
humanitarian causes. Savings or money left over are then deposited into
banks through savings accounts, time deposits, government securities, and
other deposit instruments offered by both Filipino and foreign financial
institutions. Savings are also deposited in other non-bank forms such as
savings and loan associations (paluwagan), lending investor institutions
and other schemes that may also pay interest. Banks, aside from offering
remittance and banking services, also include related services such as
insurance, housing, appliance or car loans, credit cards in an effort to cross-
sell their products. Insurance companies today offer life insurance and pre-
need packages which have cash guarantees.
Given all these, one is still uncertain whether banks or financial
institutions use their funds for the benefit of communities by way of
generating livelihood opportunities for family members. One does not know
whether deposits or investments benefit the community directly or the
manner in which they benefit. This is where it begins with financial literacy
and then the designing of steps in order to lure remittances for development.
Financial literacy
The importance of this subject bears no further emphasis. By financial
literacy we mean the awareness and possession of skills in the management
of resources and earnings, the capacity to make informed decisions
regarding the use of money, including savings, investments,

entrepreneurship, budgeting and simply running a tight ship at home. The
ability to make responsible decisions is of course dependent on many factors
such as the level of education and experience, training at home, and the
presence and accessibility of sufficient support and information services
from government and non-government organisations in the Philippines and
even in foreign workplaces. Integral to this is also the availability of legal
assistance services to enable migrants and their families to be spared from
needless expenses resulting from making faulty legal decisions on purchase
and sale of property and financial scams. Financial literacy is needed by
migrants and families alike, in order that hard-earned earnings are spent
wisely and funds are set aside for emergency or retirement.
What do migrants care about these issues? In many consultations,
forums, and conversations it seems they are happy with simply providing
for their family’s needs. Yet, they express their frustrations and concerns
on when the giving and the sending will stop, and dream of the day when
their families will be self-sufficient, in order that they could finally go home
for good. During our roadshow forums last November in five European
cities, and especially during the presentation on financial literacy, savings,
spending and remitting to families, we observed that the local husbands
were nodding in agreement, and often looked at their Filipina wives as if
saying ”See, I told you so.” The former could not understand the culture of
Filipinas spouses sending money or goods to their relatives. (More details
on the financial literacy presentation and the roadshow may be found at
www.ercof.org)
When Ercof Philippines presented these programs in a roadshow in
the cities of Luxembourg, Brussels, Geneva, Rotterdam and The Hague,
some participants indicated in surveys their preferences, here given in
Table 5.
CONCLUSIONS AND WISH LIST

There is little doubt that wherever they are, Filipino migrants share in
the same economic contributions and aspirations, and are confronted with
identical challenges. It is therefore difficult to detect or introduce a flavor
distinct to their places of work or residence, except from the character of
the improvements evident in the houses they have built in the Philippines
or the distinct nationality of the bags, shoes, and currency their families
exchange at the local money changer. As a sector, migrants have contributed
to the welfare and interests of millions of Filipino families than would have
been possible without migrant earnings. Concededly, it has also been a

Table 5 Interests Related to Remittances and Economic Development
Country Luxembourg Belgium Switzerland The Netherlands

Microfinance 7 2 22 7
Local government
unit bonds 7 3 9 3
Financial planning 4 5 19 6
Entrepreneurship 8 1 19 5
Donations to hometowns 4 1 6 3
Savings consciousness 6 1 16 7
Others (agriculture,
housing) 2 0 1 0
Note: These were responses by attendees of a four-country, five-city roadshow by
the Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos (3-13 November 2005),
titled “Overseas Filipinos and Hometown Development.
Source: Ercof Philippines (2006)
boon to the Philippines in terms of bailing itself out of financial and economic
crises. Whether this is good for the Philippines in the long term, it still is
not clear. What is also evident is that Filipinos have to deal with gut issues
like dysfunctional families, brain drain, and abuse in foreign workplaces.
More importantly, if surveys reflect that five out of 10 Filipinos would like
to leave the Philippines to work abroad, then, we might be losing our ability
to believe in ourselves, a necessary ingredient in nation building. Migrants
can make a choice of simply being oblivious of these issues and go on
working abroad until their contract runs out or the authorities get to them
earlier, or making the decision of adopting new mindsets on financial
literacy and tough love as a guide in dealing with earnings.
As a member of an OFW family myself, I have decided to take the
second option, and despite still being a househusband who takes care of
two children in the Philippines while my wife works in Bangkok, I continue
to be involved in evangelising the need for Filipinos to be aware of the
present in preparation for the future. However, I do have a wish list that I
hope I could see fulfilled in my lifetime:
1. A meaningful and serious government program for the orientation
and reintegration of overseas Filipino workers. This would include
a reliable and accessible information system on services and
assistance available for intending returnees and their families;
2. Improvement of the savings rate, and the assimilation of financial
literacy and a culture of resource management on the part of
migrant workers and their families;

3. An organised and enhanced system for maximizing the work of
overseas Filipino associations, in accordance with urgent priorities;
4. Support by overseas Filipinos for the Philippine countryside,
through donations for rural infrastructure and participation in
financial instruments that will contribute to real countryside
development; and
5. Stronger support for the work of Filipino NGOs on migrant
economic empowerment coming from development agencies, the
EU and respective member-governments.
NOTES
1 The organisation referred to is the Economic Resource Center for
Overseas Filipinos or ERCOF), co-founded by the author, together with
Leila Rispens-Noel (Gouda, The Netherlands), Cristina Liamzon (Rome,
Italy) and the late Alan Glinoga (Nuernberg, Germany and Geneva,
Switzerland). Beginning as a study group, Ercof now has focal persons
or organizations in eight European countries, as well as in Japan,
Singapore, and Saudi Arabia. With support from the Dutch organisation
Oxfam Novib, it opened its Philippine office in June 2003, to oversee its
Philippine programs for migrant savings and investments.
2 The Commission on Filipino Migrant Workers, an Amsterdam-based
NGO
3 I.F. Bagasao, 2005, Ateneo Center for Social Policy Paper
4 Lucas, 2005, International Migration Regimes and Economic
Development
5 Fresnoza-Flot, 2005, Migration and Family Across Trasnational Space:
The Case of Filipino Immigrants in France
6 I.F. Bagasao, 2005
7 Stella Go, 2002
10 Manolo Abella, “Filipinos are Bound to be a Global People.” A speech
delivered during the Outstanding Overseas Filipinos Awards, Manila,
November 2002
11 I. Yuzon, The Informal Labour Sector Amidst Globalisation, Intersect
Magazine, June 2002

Appendix 1 Stock Estimates of Overseas Filipinos
Region/
Country Permanent Temporary Irregular Total
World Total 3,187,586 3,599,257 1,296,972 8,083,815

Africa 318 58,369 17,141 75,828
Egypt 54 2,620 1,420 4,094
Equatorial Guinea 0 2,569 150 2,719
Libya 75 5,440 485 6,000
Nigeria 18 11,750 586 12,354
Others/Unspecified 171 35,990 14,500 50,661
Asia, East & South 91,901 1,005,609 443,343 1,540,853
Brunei 26 21,762 1,700 23,488
Hong Kong 404 194,241 2,700 197,345
Japan 83,303 238,522 31,428 353,253
Korea (South) 4,850 33,285 9,015 47,150
Macau 56 17,391 1,000 18,447
Malaysia 313 52,337 300,000 352,650
Singapore 152 64,337 72,000 136,489
Taiwan 2,037 154,135 4,500 160,672
Asia, West 2,312 1,449,031 112,750 1,564,093
Bahrain 64 33,154 3,500 36,718
Israel 104 14,051 23,000 37,155
Jordan 108 5,885 7,000 12,993
Kuwait 93 80,196 11,500 91,789
Lebanon 19 28,318 6,100 34,437
Oman 20 18,941 1,500 20,461
Qatar 13 57,345 1,000 58,358
Saudi Arabia 243 976,134 18,000 994,377
UAE 405 185,562 20,000 205,967
Americas/
Trust Terretories 2,689,722 292,892 549,725 3,532,339
Canada 369,225 32,766 2,975 404,966
USA 2,271,933 101,249 350,000 2,723,182
CNMI 1,288 16,753 1,250 19,291
Guam 45,968 1,800 500 48,268
Oceania 228,946 57,357 30,978 317,281
Australia 211,664 930 2,900 215,494
New Zealand 17,182 307 120 17,609
Palau 5 3,702 400 4,107
Papua New Guinea 64 5,030 7,339 12,433
Seabased Workers 229,002 229,002
Permanent - Immigrants or legal permanent residents abroad whose stay does not depend
on work contracts
Irregulars - Those not properly documented or without valid residence or work permits, or
who are overstaying in a foreign country.
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas (2005)

52
Appendix 2. OFW Cash Remittances
Country/Worker 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
TOTAL* 5,741,835 7,367,989 6,794,550 6,050,450 6,031,271 6,886,156 7,578,458 8,550,371 10,689,005
Sea-based 257,612 274,549 846,209 926,677 1,093,349 1,199,183 1,298,223 1,464,930 1,669,358
Land-based 5,484,223 7,093,440 5,948,341 5,123,773 4,937,922 5,686,973 6,280,235 7,085,441 9,019,647
ASIA 454,791 401,419 645,566 831,779 1,049,551 1,116,336 894,310 918,329 1,172,373
Sea-based 20,537 17,426 86,233 81,418 54,036 59,486 65,567 95,105 111,650
Land-based 434,254 383,993 559,333 750,361 995,515 1,056,850 828,743 823,224 1,060,723
of which:
Japan 131,375 107,807 273,831 370,097 391,871 490,435 346,057 308,128 356,659
Sea-based 8,873 7,333 43,820 46,739 18,248 25,402 41,499 48,567 55,709
Land-based 122,502 100,474 230,011 323,358 373,623 465,033 304,558 259,561 300,950
Hong Kong 189,230 171,353 176,738 146,831 248,337 275,155 238,198 273,812 338,895
Sea-based 9,076 7,955 27,286 20,334 12,739 18,886 14,681 18,123 20,476
Land-based 180,154 163,398 149,452 126,497 235,598 256,269 223,517 255,689 318,419
Singapore 93,329 69,288 80,180 105,351 194,711 178,133 137,166 182,567 240,149
Sea-based 2,259 1,540 10,364 11,987 13,838 10,550 6,103 20,547 23,183
Land-based 91,070 67,748 69,816 93,364 180,873 167,583 131,063 162,020 216,966
AMERICAS 4,127,656 6,443,587 4,929,671 4,000,022 3,300,327 3,537,768 4,370,705 5,023,803 6,605,231
Sea-based 183,678 202,335 611,564 734,460 949,341 1,030,462 1,133,604 1,202,270 1,392,010
Land-based 3,943,978 6,241,252 4,318,107 3,265,562 2,350,986 2,507,306 3,237,101 3,821,533 5,213,221
of which:
USA 4,109,430 6,403,215 4,868,879 3,944,639 3,202,230 3,443,547 4,299,850 4,904,302 6,424,848
Sea-based 183,509 202,260 609,910 733,199 944,871 1,028,878 1,132,785 1,197,303 1,382,444
Land-based 3,925,921 6,200,955 4,258,969 3,211,440 2,257,359 2,414,669 3,167,065 3,706,999 5,042,404
Canada 18,226 25,010 51,053 47,410 62,386 52,490 27,072 67,338 117,061
Sea-based 169 75 997 306 547 446 148 3,011 7,416
Land-based 18,057 24,935 50,056 47,104 61,839 52,044 26,924 64,327 109,645
Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile
Appendix 2. OFW Cash Remittances (continued)
Country/Worker 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
OCEANIA 19,396 17,060 87,336 21,360 21,188 34,793 44,470 42,600 54,573
Sea-based 192 86 42,530 644 691 605 253 2,415 3,911
Land-based 19,204 16,974 44,806 20,716 20,497 34,188 44,217 40,185 50,662
of which:
Australia 17,934 13,924 22,276 16,255 10,023 32,031 41,633 38,566 49,919
Sea-based 192 74 1,059 626 680 561 233 2,257 3,884
Land-based 17,742 13,850 21,217 15,629 9,343 31,470 41,400 36,309 46,035
EUROPE 436,050 329,317 457,671 534,675 406,194 889,094 1,040,562 1,286,130 1,433,904
Sea-based 48,555 50,505 98,330 105,009 73,975 103,582 93,047 158,813 153,432
Land-based 387,495 278,812 359,341 429,666 332,219 785,512 947,515 1,127,317 1,280,472
of which:
Italy 49,396 54,464 142,335 160,787 83,409 324,537 309,774 449,287 430,071
Sea-based 25 1 305 138 657 1,097 2,939 40,772 22,589
Land-based 49,371 54,463 142,030 160,649 82,752 323,440 306,835 408,515 407,482
Fed.Rep.of Germany 121,258 78,486 93,588 64,320 37,475 81,030 84,978 96,461 134,804
Sea-based 29,119 28,978 40,069 27,246 11,954 21,897 22,475 19,883 24,073
Land-based 92,139 49,508 53,519 37,074 25,521 59,133 62,503 76,578 110,731
United Kingdom 205,940 130,961 83,079 91,087 134,168 221,959 271,034 280,805 300,725
Sea-based 8,209 9,300 13,370 15,588 11,380 16,421 10,510 13,468 18,764
Land-based 197,731 121,661 69,709 75,499 122,788 205,538 260,524 267,337 281,961
53
54
Appendix 2. OFW Cash Remittances (continued)
Country/Worker 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
MIDDLE EAST 25,375 60,682 263,004 594,198 711,918 1,242,809 1,166,376 1,232,069 1,417,491
Sea-based 357 15 3,214 2,933 2,944 3,420 4,621 4,970 8,205
Land-based 25,018 60,667 259,790 591,265 708,974 1,239,389 1,161,755 1,227,099 1,409,286
of which:
Kuwait 16,998 13,550 21,264 36,107 19,147 59,400 94,050 86,028 91,765
Sea-based 25 0 2 330 0 0 29 54 255
Land-based 16,973 13,550 21,262 35,777 19,147 59,400 94,021 85,974 91,510
Saudi Arabia 5,723 33,433 183,304 494,032 609,612 993,876 826,358 877,209 949,372
Sea-based 328 1 2,294 1,042 1,643 1,613 1,874 535 2,298
Land-based 5,395 33,432 181,010 492,990 607,969 992,263 824,484 876,674 947,074
Abu Dhabi 194 2,508 17,220 12,758 25,944 81,585 92,797 76,946 105,917
Sea-based 0 0 144 67 55 448 1,142 1,906 1,615
Land-based 194 2,508 17,076 12,691 25,889 81,137 91,655 75,040 104,302
Dubai 0 0 4,431 15,768 41,361 58,758 68,025 106,496 151,512
Sea-based 0 0 3 416 824 1,160 1,479 1,885 2,977
Land-based 0 0 4,428 15,352 40,537 57,598 66,546 104,611 148,535
AFRICA 0 598 1,898 4,450 3,600 3,959 11,371 3,439 4,546
Sea-based 0 80 483 196 383 100 86 52 150
Land-based 0 518 1,415 4,254 3,217 3,859 11,285 3,387 4,396
OTHERS 678,567 115,326 409,404 63,966 538,493 61,397 50,664 44,001 887
Sea-based 4,293 4,102 3,855 2,017 11,979 1,528 1,045 1,305 0
Land-based 674,274 111,224 405,549 61,949 526,514 59,869 49,619 42,696 887
Source: Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (www.bsp.gov.ph)

Appendix 3. Distribution of Humanitarian/Charitable Donations by
OFWs to the Philippines by Provinces
List of Calamity/ Education Health & Scholarship Medical Infra/ Livelihood Total
Provinces Relief Welfare Mission Water Donation
System
Abra 14,000.00 14,000.00

Agusan del Norte 102,000.00 59,925.00 161,925.00
Aklan 57,800.00 788,700.00 7,000.00 3,498,000.00 221,5114.00 4,573,014.00
Albay 151,500.00 151,500.00
Bataan 93,779.00 93,779.00
Batangas 63,700.00 60,722.00 421,714.00 546,138.00
Bohol 442,264.30 442,264.30
Bulacan 1,640,266.70 9,496,200.00 11,136,466.70
Cagayan Valley 150,000.00 193,500.00 156,121.35 31,275.00 600,00.00 259,116.14 1,390,012.49
Camarines Sur 236,500.00 84,672.00 489,133.08 810,305.08
Capiz 4,760.00 4,760.00
Catanduanes 339,825.00 150,000.00 489,825.00
Cavite 280,800.00 122,098.97 624,950.00 1,027,848.97
Cebu 110,400.00 9,825.00 2,231,250.00 2,351,475.00
Compostela Valley 224,100.00 224,100.00
Cotabato 46,000.00 46,000.00
Davao del Norte 143,100.00 143,100.00
Davao del Sur 20,000.00 14,000.00 135,700.00 169,700.00
Guimaras 9,350.00 9,350.00
Ifugao 263,720.27 263,720.27
Ilocos Norte 14,000.00 14,000.00
Ilocos Sur 47,900.00 3,100,000.00 8,250.00 3,156,150.00
Iloilo 171,550.00 787,382.45 32,360.00 110,000.00 1,101,292.45
Isabela 222,596.00 222,596.00
Kalinga 88,625.16 9,625.00 98,250.16
La Union 49,700.00 3,258,800.00 8,250.00 892,500.00 443,012.32 4,652,262.32
Laguna 89,100.00 3,329,278.50 10,000.00 442,943.15 3,871,319.65
Leyte 2,500,000.00 27,500.00 275,595.15 2,803,095.15
Maguindanao 295,200.00 17,000.00 1,563,528.83 1,875,728.83
Masbate 146,700.00 360,000.00 3,120,000.00 3,826,700.00
Misamis Oriental 40,000.00 10,312.50 315,000.00 365,312.50
Mt. Province 87,300.00 87,300.00
NCR 404,900.00 7,251,149.54 619,470.00 8,275,519.54
Negros Occidental 278,700.00 1,629,878.40 11,360.00 4,099,200.00 882,719.10 6,901,857.50
North Cotabato 445,500.17 445,500.17
Northern Samar 87,950.00 221,732.00 309,682.00
Nueva Ecija 102,700.00 52,500.00 155,200.00
Nueva Vizcaya 89,100.00 5,500.00 220,815.52 315,415.52
Occidental Mindoro 43,500.00 25,000.00 1,374,450.00 1,442,950.00
Oriental Mindoro 25,000.00 1,374,450.00 1,399,450.00
Palawan 3,070,000.00 8,250.00 8,632,800.00 11,711.050.00
Pampanga 150,000.00 2,998,800.00 1,133,774.00 4,282,574.00
Pangasinan 1,017,412.00 9,000.00 3,855,600.00 223,632.52 5,105,644.52
Quezon 254,632.32 92,700.00 1,311,733.80 6,875.00 1,478,400.00 277,248.00 3,421,589.12
Rizal 296,500.00 495,001.25 75,700.00 2,356,200.00 129,800.00 3,363,201.25
Romblon 67,550.00 680,000.00 2,998,800.00 3,746,350.00
South Cotabato 3,500.00 222,596.00 226,096.00
Southern Leyte 300,000.00 3,748,500.00 4,048,500.00
Sulu 417,700.00 18,330,560.00 18,748,260.00
Surigao del Norte 17,603.77 30,100.00 47,703.77
Tawi-tawi 302,700.00 302,700.00
Western Samar 7,000.00 7,000.00
Zambales 99,000.00 11,780,394.00 1,785,000.00 13,654,394.00
Zamboanga del Norte 459,625.00 4,812.50 624,750.00 1,089,387.50
Eastern Samar 62,800.00 99,651.55 180,000.00 342,451.55
Lanao del Norte 220,481.36 220,481.36
Negros Oriental 16,500.00 3,120,000.00 3,136,500.00
Sorsogon 221,104.00 221,104.00
TOTAL 554,632.32 4,860,253.77 63,368,124.67 1,015,750.00 58,614,900.00 10,294,489.91 135,700.00 138,843,850.67

Seafarers—Invisible Part of the Filipino Diaspora
in Europe: Scenarios from Onboard Research
BASCO T. FERNANDEZ and ROOS KROOTJES
INTRODUCTION
With more than 90 percent of the world’s trade carried by sea, merchant
shipping is one of the largest and most globalised industries of the modern
era. Due to its inherent internationalism, seaborne trade has always known
mixed-nationality crews. But since the reduction of national labour markets
for seafarers and the massive deregulation of the industry since the 1980s,
the emergence of a global labour market for seafarers meant that crews can
now be recruited more easily from all over the world. As per Philippine
Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) online statistics, there were
247,707 Filipino seafarers listed as working aboard ships operating in
international waters in 2005, and an estimated 25,000 of these worked on
board ships plying the European routes. Since the mid-1980s, the Philippines
has served as a major crew supply country, providing for no less than 23.3
percent of the world’s seafarers in 2005, basing our calculations on BIMCO-
ISF 2005 manpower estimates.1
In spite of their strategic importance, seafarers are easily forgotten as
being part and parcel of the Filipino diaspora. The reasons are often less
theoretical and more practical in nature. As indicated by the Federation of
Filipino Organisations in The Netherlands (FFON) pre-forum consultations
of 1997, their extreme mobility (spending only six to 12 hours in inaccessible
ports) severely limits their interaction with the different sections of
mainstream society. As such, they are treated in the social imagination as
transitional entities with minimal social cogency or lasting relevance.
Moreover, in these same consultations, land-based Filipino community

members (predominantly female) admitted their hesitation in
communicating directly with seafarers who are able to come ashore. While
the reasons are understandable, such avoidance or exclusion only serves to
limit further the “presence” of seafarers, who do not also figure significantly
in the social imagination of the Filipino diaspora.
Their invisibility could be seen in the paucity of migrant research dealing
with the seafaring portion of the diaspora. Seminal community research in
The Netherlands indicate their significant role in pioneering the European
social space up to the mid-1980s when informal seafarer labour circuits
existed in many European port cities. Former seafarers interviewed in our
Stress and Work research (1996) relate how it was possible back then to
stop over in Amsterdam or Rotterdam, engage in some odd jobs ashore, or
to sign out and wait till ships with better working conditions could be found.
Many of these seafarers stayed on, sought work, and eventually got married
to Filipina nurses, midwives, or textile workers who were also working
since the 1970s in these core cities. These Filipino couples would act as the
initial core that later became full blown communities in Rotterdam and
Amsterdam. A similar process has been reported in port cities like Hamburg,
Antwerp, Barcelona, Lisbon, and Copenhagen where one could refer to
certain specific Filipino seafarer networks operating as hubs within the
diaspora communities. It is also interesting to hear active community leaders
explain how seafarers actually help sustain Filipino communities, at least
economically, particularly those that are located in port cities. On the other
hand, it is also in harbour cities like Rotterdam where a constituency actively
supporting seafarers could be found.2
Even though seafarers remain an invisible part of the Filipino diaspora,
their lives are in many ways comparable to those of land-based overseas
workers. Migrants abroad and afloat actually share the same struggles and
issues in terms of their work situation. In the Philippine context, land-based
and sea-based OFWs share in great degree the same regulations and
government bodies that structure their work abroad, like the POEA and
Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA). Both land-based and
sea-based migrants work far away from home in order to improve the
situation of the families they left behind. Like land-based migrants, seafarers
strive to maintain relationships with their communities at home while
finding themselves operating in a new community. For all migrants, issues
concerning home and feelings of belonging are prominent.
Yet there are considerable differences between the lives of seafarers
and land-based migrants. These are largely the result of the quite unique
Seafarers—Invisible Part of the Filipino Diaspora in Europe: 57

Scenarios from Onboard Research
reality and social space found on board. Due to their extreme mobility,
seafarers have to deal with a more drastic separation from home and family.
Limited and unstable means of communication complicate the sustenance
of relationships with their significant others ashore. The confinement of
the ship and its extremely hierarchical organisation leads to a reduction of
the seafarers’ autonomy even after work. The monotony of the surroundings
and the routine of work on board inevitably lead to feelings of inescapable
boredom. While all labour migrants face similar work issues, these features
of sea-based work actually aggravate problems faced by seafarers.
In this research article we aim to describe the unique work-related
aspects that distinguish seafarers from other migrant Filipinos. In this write-
up, we then focus on issues faced by seafarers in their separation from
home, their attempts to maintain links across spatial and temporal barriers,
and the ways in which they attempt to create a “place of belonging” on
board and within the profession as a whole. Third, we attempt to link these
with other issues facing seafarers which may not necessarily be grounded
on their onboard existence. Finally, we seek to encourage others to conduct
onboard researches and give more definition to the image of seafarers in
our diaspora.
Developing onboard methodologies

Due to the increasing hypermobility of these social subjects, research
on seafarers has been confounded as to how it could be accessed beyond
the momentary encounter. Onboard methodologies are part of recent
strategies that have been developed to overcome this difficulty by reaching
out to seafarers while they are in their own place of work—the ship. Being
on board provides the advantage of context which enables the researcher
to put into perspective any information or data gathered. This approach is
not only relevant in terms of understanding the technological layout of the
ships, but more so in terms of the unique social organisation that takes
shape on board. This onboard approach also allows a combination of
methods and techniques like interviews, focused group discussions, content-
analysis and participant observation. The ensuing interaction also provides
a rich source of qualitative information and the insights generated are
helpful especially in the analysis phase of the research. Needless to say, the
approach needs further enhancement to become a more widely used
methodology.
This research article relies on two or more researches that have been
conducted on board shipping vessels. The first set of researches provided

by Basco Tomas Fernandez focuses mainly on the “fulfillment of contract
conditions onboard Dutch ships.” The field work and analysis were
conducted for three years in the various ports of The Netherlands, with the
assistance of ship visitors who also contributed in the implementation of
onboard interviews. Over 200 semistructured interviews were analyzed in
2001 and were written into a report in 2002. Another sampling was made
in 2004, and updated in 2005. The research provides a coherent sample of
Filipino seafarers’ working conditions on board European ships. A master’s
thesis submitted by four Indonesian students to the Law Faculty of the
Vrije Universiteit provides the case study. Other sources used in this write
up include earlier field research done with the Occupational Health working
group of the University of Utrecht, a study that examined the response of
sea-based workers to the global restructuring of work.
The second set of researches was provided by Roos Krootjes who sailed
and conducted interviews as part of fieldwork for her thesis in anthropology
focusing on “The Filipino seafarers’ sense of home and belonging as
professionals working in a changing industry.” Her fieldwork consisted of
spending two weeks each onboard two German owned chemical tankers
that were plying the routes around European ports. During her visit on
board, she had the chance to conduct participant observation in some of
the seafarers’ work and leisure activities, giving her the rare opportunity
of experiencing first hand the seafarers life on board. She also incorporates
in this write-up, her four-month long fieldwork in Iloilo, in the Central
Philippines.
JOINING THE SEAFARING PROFESSION

To understand the seafarers’ life onboard, it is essential to see what
work-related factors brought these Filipinos to the particular situation in
the first place. This involves looking into the social profile of seafarers,
specifically the motives for joining this profession, the process of getting
the contract, and the requirements for sustaining this line of work. The first
research (Fernandez 2002) provides sufficient data to answer these aspects
in detail, but due to space limitations we need to select only a few aspects
in the aforementioned study.
In outlining the social profile, we begin by noting the origins of the
seafarers who hail largely from the Visayas and Mindanao regions. Several
areas in Central Visayas like Bantayan, and Barotac in Western Visayas are
known to be traditional seafaring communities. Most of the seafarers (64.6%)
stay in their native region, but a significant number move to the National

Capital Region (Metro Manila, ed.) in order to be closer to the manning
agencies that manage seafarers’ contracts, on behalf of principals from
outside the Philippines.
With a mean age of 35 years old, the seafarers in the sample are relatively
young. An overwhelming majority of seafarers are married (74.6%), and
two-thirds of the sample (68.6%) have children. The data shows a range of
2 to 17 members in a seafarers’ household, an average of 5.32 dependents
per household, or 2.7 extra members per household. Apparently, in order
to maximise their incomes, seafarers expand the number of income earners
by bringing in additional household members. In a typical seafarers
household, there is an average of 1.68 earners.
Choosing seafaring as line of work
Our 2002 sample shows that majority (55.8%) of seafarers studied four
years to become seafarers with diplomas. The diploma entitles them to take
national license examinations for officer positions in the future, though most
do not really take this option and are content to work as ratings. The rest
(44.2%) worked in other sectors and took short courses in order to become
certified able-bodied seafarers.
It is interesting to note that an overwhelming majority of the sample
(81.7%) worked to earn a living. We could interpolate that a significant
number (38.5%) were working students during their maritime college
studies, and only less than a fifth (17.3%) studied full time. Disaggregating
the data further shows that more than two-fifths (41.6%) worked in the
service sector as skilled technical or hotel staff, while others had experience
in factory or construction work (14.2%) and agricultural work (11.2%). This
data corrects the impression of seafaring as a middle class profession, and
definitely shows that more than two thirds come from the working class
sections of the population.
While social and professional backgrounds may vary, the reasons could
be simplified into three categories: The desire for financial stability is the
most dominant reason (52%), with desire for career development (24.7%)
as second, and following a family seafaring tradition (20.8%) as third.
Maritime graduates in the sample cited career development and family
tradition as reasons for choosing seafaring. Seafarers who underwent shorter
training courses have chosen seafaring more out of financial security.
Landing a contract
Seafarers in the sample were able to get their first contract at an average
age of 25.8 years old, which means that fresh graduates have to wait for

five or more years for their very first contract. With about a million registered
seafarers in the Philippines (AoS 1999), and 40,000 fresh graduates each
year, there is cut-throat competition for each and every contract available.
FAME estimates that only about 5,000 vacancies are available each year
(Tinig ng Marino July-August 2005). With a fallout of seven out of every
eight applicants, only a few persist and land their very first contract.
In terms of strategies, majority (60.7%) garnered their first contract by
applying directly to various manning agencies. Many (15.5%) became
seafarers upon the mediation of relatives, town mates and friends. These
facilitators are usually insiders who work in the agency, who expect some
form of payback for the “favor” rendered. In many cases this means the
seafarers’ salary for first 2 or 3 months or the equivalent of US$1000.
Experienced seafarers also intervene on behalf of relatives or townmates
by offering to accept a difficult contract, or accepting work a lower position
in exchange for hiring the new apprentice. A significant percentage (11.6%)
work unpaid as a utility worker or bonded apprentice for the agency for
months. Seafarers validate the abuses and mentioned worse cases where
seafarers are made to work in the farm or fishponds of the agency’s owner.
A smaller number (4.9%) admit shelling out money to get their contracts.
Sustaining their profession
In spite of the great financial rewards provided by seafaring, the drop-out
rate of seafarers demonstrates the difficult side of the profession. More than
two out of every five seafarers in the sample (42.6%) have actually dropped
out once or more times from active seafaring. Seafarers in the sample are
relatively experienced, accumulating an average of 8.25 years of sailing
experience, or an average of 6.6 contracts. They have therefore experienced
many of the problems inherent in seafaring.
The foremost reason given for dropping out is the difficulty in dealing
with the constant separation from family (34.4%) especially right after
marriage, after childbirth or when personal differences begin affecting the
couple’s relationship. The role of the family is very prominent in evaluating
the merits of continuing work as a seafarer. Even the early researches
conducted among seafarers (Fernandez 1996) have already indicated family
as a fundamental parameter used by seafarers for evaluating the degree of
success in their profession. This will be tackled more extensively in the
following section.
The next significant reason (25.3%) mentioned is the difficulty in finding
a subsequent contract especially when one leaves for another agency. This

actually refers more to problems caused primarily by the contractual nature
of the seafarer profession, a livelihood in the Philippine context that does
not offer any assurance of rehiring. Most seafarers (96.6%) in this sample
consider their status as contractual (96.6%), with only an insignificant
number considering themselves permanently employed. Without any real
job security, seafarers find it difficult to plan their careers, or invest in a
strategic way. Their contractual status also poses a problem because it denies
them entitlements that are normally provided to land-based workers like
loans, socialised housing, medical insurance, and social security.
Another common reason (25.2%) cited is the desire to take needed steps
to improve one’s future by taking an examination for next higher position,
or by setting up a personal business. During the onboard research, they
constantly went over their career plans or other livelihood alternatives. The
seafarers expressed to researchers their growing desire to shorten their
period of absence from family.They also wanted to deal more concretely
with the insecure job prospects after each contract.
Hence, it is surprising to see that more than three quarters (77%) of
those who have maritime diplomas have not attempted to work towards
an officer position. Two-fifths (42.4%) of these graduates were already aged
thirty and above but still had no definite plans of taking exams. Seafarers
in this sample explained to us that examinations should be taken within 10
years after graduation, otherwise hesitations will start to prevail.
To undertake both options would require the ability to save earnings
through the first five years, enough to tide them over the whole study and
waiting period which may take more than a year. Seafarers complain that
their partners do not save enough, or do not have enough capability to
manage the business on their own. During consultations held after the
ERCOF May 2002 Conference in Davao, the wives complained that it is
often the seafarers who do not want their partners to work away from home.
Furthermore, they also explained the difficulty of managing the income
when there is actual competition between the wife and the in-laws. NGOs
have started to assist seafarers families to manage finances and in setting
up their economic projects (See http://www.ercof.org/conf/davao/
owra.html).
The fourth most significant reason for dropping out (10.2%) is either
injury, illness or traumatic experiences on board. This data brings into focus
the dangers encountered in the seafaring profession, whose annual accident
rate Li and Shiping (2002) estimates at 2,816 deaths or a fatal accident rate

of 3.3 percent. They note that personal accidents (as differentiated from
ship accidents) constitute a third of the total fatalities, while diseases cause
nearly half of the fatalities (49%).3 The diseases are largely cardiovascular
in nature and attributed to the extensive stress and fatigue of the profession.
The onboard research corroborates this by indicating that 24 percent of the
sample experienced an accident within their present contract, wherein three
out of the five accidents mentioned resulted in serious injuries. More than
half of the seafarers point to the lack of precautions and haste in work as
the immediate cause, while other data would suggest under-manning and
excessive overtime as a related factors.
This presentation of the seafaring context is intended to give meaning
to the second onboard research that will be discussed in the research article.
We see the difficult process that each seafarer underwent to get an
opportunity to sail the seven seas, but on the other hand we also see the
difficulties that make the profession untenable for many who have stopped
or are unable to continue.This contrasting narrative leads us to examine
the processes that go onboard, dynamics that could prove decisive in
charting each seafarer’s future.
UNSEEN ONBOARD SCENARIOS

How can you feel at home or feel you belong when you are constantly
on the move? This second set of the research explores the experiences of
merchant seamen and their families, more specifically their experience of
home, their sense of belonging, and the impact of such fluid working and
living conditions. The interviews focused mainly on the concepts of home
and belonging. Where do Filipino seamen feel at home? What makes them
feel at home on board the ship? How do they create a place to belong for
themselves on board?
Such questions are of interest when we try to describe the experiences
of migrants who leave their homes in pursuit of better paid work or a sense
of adventure. Many of them become part of a migrant community abroad,
and of the Filipino diaspora in general. Many of them maintain contacts
and ties, however divergent in frequency and intensity, with their families
and communities in their home countries, through phone calls and (e)mail,
remittances, visits, and the media. Labour migrants often lead
“transnational” lives, maintaining “multistranded” relationships with their
different homes, crossing state boundaries, incorporating “familial,
economic, social, organisational, religious, and political” links and ties. Their
lives and experiences puts into question concepts such as home and
belonging which are just self-evident and natural to others.4

The ship as a total institution
Arriving on board, seafarers have to leave their homes behind for a
period of several months (the standard length of contract on board the two
vessels I joined is 10 months). Not only are they separated from all that is
familiar to them, they also have to (re)adjust to a life that is in many respects
completely different from life ashore. The ship is in many ways a very
specific and unique space. Surrounded by sea and constantly on the move,
access to and from the ship is limited. Seafarers are separated not only
from their home and family, but from the larger society as a whole.
As a result of the ship’s isolation, each aspect of life at sea has to take
place within the limited confines of the vessel. This is why the ship is often
called a “total institution.” The term total institution was first used by Erving
Goffman to describe a special and natural category of social institutions.
These institutions, like every institution, are inclined to contain its members
up to a certain degree by demanding their time and attention (Goffman
1980: 3). The total institution is able to contain its members in a very literal
and extensive way. Its totality is symbolised by its barrier to social interaction
with the outside world, which is often physically present. In the case of the
ship, this barrier is the sea. In modern society we segregate different aspects,
or behavioural roles, that are part of our daily lives such as work, leisure
activities, recuperation and family life—and we assign specific (social)
spaces for these aspects to take place in. Onboard, both leisure activities
and work take place within the same limited area. Not only is the ship, a
seafarer’s workplace, but it is also their place of residence for a prolonged
period of time. The purpose of the ship’s totality and isolation is the work
onboard, and is thus the central factor in the organisation of the ship. Roles
and (social) spaces are thus collapsed into one coherent and rationalised
whole, that revolves around work. This centrality of work is apparent in
the geography of the ship, its hierarchy among crew members, the division
of labour, its rules and sanctions and the schematised use of time.
At the same time, because of the ship’s isolation, the range of available
leisure activities is also constricted. Certain areas on board are indeed
designated for specific nonwork activities, such as the cabin for relaxation
and privacy, the messroom for meals and recreation, as well as the other
recreational rooms on larger ships. Yet in spite having specific spaces for
nonwork activities, all aspects of life on board still take place within the
limited confines of the ship. This results in a blurring of leisure and work
time, and creates the feeling of work as being omnipresent. For example,
many seafarers explained how they are always surrounded by work, even
when they are off-duty:

“There is always the chance of work, even at night, because the alarm
may go off and you have to go and check up on it. And there is no
choice of course, because there is no one else there, right? So it’s up to
you to go down.”5
The noise and vibration on board and the rolling motion of the ship
continue even when work time is already over. Even during leisure,
seafarers are therefore constantly reminded that they are still on board:
“You are always reminded where you are. At some ships it is really
bad because there is a lot of noise, a lot of vibration. On my last ship,
the doors rattle all the time because of vibration. And when there is a
bad climate, there is a lot of rolling and you can’t escape it even if you
are off work. So you feel…trapped. Like you cannot get away.”6
Additionally, in the larger society, the different aspects of our lives
often involve varying coparticipants. On board, colleagues are also
“roommates” with whom one is surrounded constantly. While contact with
the outside world remains limited, contact between crew members is
continuously present by sheer necessity. The group of people around you
remains the same throughout these different activities for several months
on end. This can result in a lack of privacy. One day, I ran into the Cook on
board one of the ships and asked him why he did not join the rest of the
crew for a drink in the mess room. He told me:
“I have a good time with the guys downstairs [in the mess room], but
sometimes... I like every one of them, no problems. I just need some
time alone. Some space, you know.”7
While in the larger society, behavioural roles in life are often supervised
by different forms and degrees of authority, all authority on board is in the
hands of the captain, and is handed down through a hierarchical system.
The captain is responsible for not only the work, but also the safety and
well-being of the whole of the ship: its cargo, the vessel itself, and its crew
members. The integration of work and leisure roles, time and spaces creates
a situation where authority and hierarchy are more present and all-
embracing than is usually the case ashore. In most land-based jobs, the
authority of the employer is bound to the place and hours of work. His
authority is contained and maintained by strict boundaries (Goffman
1980:17). Aboard, the authority and responsibility of the captain extends to
all parts of life on board, and rules and sanctions apply to both work and
leisure settings. Typical rules that apply to leisure time are restrictions on
the use of alcohol, the prohibition of drunkenness, fighting, use of drugs,
etc. Seamen sometimes feel they cannot get away from their work and the

authority involved with work. This omnipresence of authority gives some
of them a feeling of being watched and takes away a sense of autonomy.
For example one seaman told me that onboard the ship “you are never
your own boss.”8
Work aboard ship is divided and allocated into very specialised work
tasks. Every seaman on board has his own specific task, function and
position which is represented by his rank. This “formal allocation of work
tasks” forms a “highly formalised and institutionalised” (Nolan 1973: 86)
as well as rigid and traditional hierarchical structure. The presence of
hierarchy during leisure time is exemplified by the habit of addressing a
sailor by his rank or position (Aubert 1958: 201) during both work and
leisure time. Most ranks are held by one single person aboard the ship,
such as captain and the officers, and the ranks of ratings, such as able bodied
seaman (AB) and ordinary seaman (OS) are usually held by a small number
of people (especially since crews have reduced in number as a result of
ongoing automation). Groups of ordinary seamen (OS) and able bodied
seamen (AB) who all have the same rank, are called by their nicknames or
surnames. Hierarchy offers a stable structure in the fluctuation caused by
this high degree of turnover of crewmembers. Since the structure is nearly
the same in different kinds of merchant vessels and does not change much
over time, the predictability of one’s place in the ship extends even to future
contracts. This rigid institutionalisation of life and work on board creates a
predictable and unchanging structure which can provide a strategy of
stability for the more unpredictable and changeable aspects of life at sea.
Because of the desegregation or integration of roles, how you interact
with shipmates during leisure time may have an effect on your interaction
as colleagues during work. It is experienced by seamen that they can never
escape the judgment of authorities and fellow crewmembers. This
sometimes leads to complications in the interaction among crewmembers,
especially when difference in rank is involved. One young Filipino third
mate told me about his relationship with the ratings, and about his feelings
of being caught in the middle between his fellow officers and fellow
countrymen:
“Because the others [the other officers] are all British, I used to go to
the other dining room [for ratings]…. I feel more relaxed there, because
I am also Filipino and we speak Tagalog and I don’t like the European
foods so much. So we have a good relationship, but then sometimes
the things that happen that day are discussed and sometimes there are
complaints about what this or that officer said.[...] And I know it is not

a complaint about me, but I am also an officer. So sometimes, I just
listen, just eat.”9
Yet it is understood that maintaining a good relationship with fellow
seafarers is of great importance, because, in the words of one Filipino second
engineer, “together you guarantee the safety of the vessel, cargo and crew.”10
The formal shipboard organisation will define and supply all the
immediate needs of people onboard (Nolan in Fricke 1973: 88). The
responsibilities over many aspects in a person’s life in the larger society are
taken over by the institution due to a strong division of labour. The most
obvious of these aspects is the domestic chores which are the responsibility
of the catering department aboard the ship (although especially on smaller
ships, ratings take care of the cleaning of their own cabins, the alleyways
and other communal spaces as well as their own laundry). The seafarer
does not have to think about groceries, the preparation of food and other
chores. Likewise, he has limited access to the money he has earned and has
only an indirect control over how his remitted wages are spent. Most of the
money is sent to his family in the Philippines.11
The rest of his wages and his overtime money he can save or spend
during shore leave or on commodities such as drinks and cigarettes on
board. He will receive this money from the captain once a month, or once
in port, and he has to indicate how much he wants to withdraw. The
responsibility over the largest part of his wages is in the hands of his family
at home. The ship also is responsible in keeping his allowances and
supplying his everyday needs. While on board, he does not have to pay for
supplies, rent or lodging fee, and other commonplace expenses.
Discussing their autonomy over money with a group of ratings, one
seafarer remarked:
“Next to basic wage, you know we have to send a part of this home,
but next to that I send home some of my overtime pay. So, it’s my
choice what I do with that money, but we don’t need it here anyway.
Only for the shore leave. But I don’t need much. I don’t want to spend
my money in bars or girls. Or not too much anyway, because I am
working here for my family. Not just to have a good time in port. So, I
think it’s a good thing to send more money home. That’s where it should
go.12
Another said he spent some of his money on a digital camera. “That is
for the memories and the Kodak moments [laughs]. And that my children
can see the film when I’m home. I bought it in Singapore, it was less

expensive there.”13 Others agreed that money spent in port is often to bring
home something from abroad: “When we are in port and I have a chance I
ask for some money, because I can go to the mall and buy souvenirs.”14
Some seamen see this limitation in their responsibilities as a deprivation,
while others see it as a pleasant aspect of life on board. The limitations on
choices and opportunities in services and commodities that can be found
ashore is more often seen as a deprivation.
Through this collapse of roles, spaces, activities, coparticipants and
authority, the ship as an institution holds a monopoly over all aspects of
the everyday lives of seafarers. Work takes up a central and organising
space, while other aspects of life ashore are reduced or even taken away
entirely. In contrast to the wide range of realities found ashore, and the
multitude of roles played in them, the reality of shipboard life is a singular
and all-embracing “monolithic social experience” (Morgan et al. 1991: 279).
As a result, seafarers’ autonomy and individuality are reduced, or made
largely subordinate to the organisation and its demand for homogeneity.
The routine-driven pace of life on board can be experienced as monotonous
and can lead to feelings of extreme boredom. The work is often hard and
stressful, and seemingly unending. Adequate relief from work is very
important to have, even when, or indeed especially when, it is in fact not
possible to leave the ship. A “place away from work” can be created by
offering seafarers recreational facilities.
Recreation and food

The ship can only supply a limited range of means of recreation, food
and communication. Seamen have no access to or substitution for many of
the shore activities that people ashore can take part in. Many ships offer
recreational facilities (although varying widely in quality and range from
vessel to vessel), such as the possibility to use the ship’s library, a dvd-
player, a karaoke or videoke machine, satellite for the television, email etc.
Some of the larger ships have a fitness room, swimming pool, football table,
and such. These amenities are greatly significant for the seamen, since there
can be a deprivation effect when choices over activities for passing the time
away and getting your mind off work, are insufficient or limited in scope
(Goffman 1980: 59). These facilities increase choices for seafarers, providing
them ways of recreating themselves. These are ways for them to relax or to
flee to another, non-work related level of reality, not easily created onboard
the ship, as it is for people ashore. It is thus an instrument to regain a certain
degree of segregation of spaces and roles, between leisure and work, and it

retrieves some of the autonomy one has in his choices of spending leisure
time. Therefore, recreational facilities, simple as they may seem, do offer a
way of manipulating the permeability of the ship’s isolation.
Seafarers seem to prefer recreational forms that they could find and
enjoy ashore. Filipino movies are watched, mahjong games are played, and,
perhaps most importantly, many ships now have a karaoke machine.
Popular songs such as “Green green grass of home” and “Paradise City”
are sung along wholeheartedly while the lyrics appear over a background
of the rice terraces of Banaue. Even with more recreational facilities onboard,
a favorite pastime seems to be telling jokes and funny anecdotes. For one, it
is a part and parcel of short breaks taken between work, and it helps create
a relaxed atmosphere.
When I ask an AB what he considers to be the most important asset for
seamen, he replies:
“A sense of humor, just be good-humored. It’s no good if you have
sulky people around for months. You need somebody who is very
talkative and makes a lot of jokes, so you get to laugh every once in a
while.”15
However, the use of recreational facilities that are available on board
has to be in agreement with shipmates, and recreation continues to be a
collective activity for the crew. For example, crewmembers will have to
agree on what movie to watch, or not to watch a movie at all, and sing
karaoke instead. This is sometimes experienced as a problem, but more
often experienced as a positive feature of life onboard.
“When we have karaoke night, we all sing together. One will sing the
song but when the refrain comes, everybody sings. And everybody
listens and have a drink.”16
Likewise, seafarers have little autonomy over their diets. On board
smaller ships, the cook prepares only a couple of courses and the sailors
will have to eat whatever has been prepared. On larger ships, where the
catering department is more extensive, the range of choices offered is also
extensive. Since seafarers have no access to many of the pleasures of life
ashore, food is often very important as a part of recuperation and
remuneration on board. It is invested with more meaning and significance
then it would normally have for people ashore. Although food is considered
very important by seafarers in general, the Filipino crewmembers were of
the opinion that it has an extra importance to Filipino seafarers. Having
Filipino food aboard is a way of retaining at least one aspect of life ashore.

As food is considered important in many aspects of the daily lives of
Filipinos ashore, so is it aboard.
[Interviewer: “What makes the food good?] If it is a Filipino meal, it is
much better than just bread.”17
Or, as another seaman remarked:
“You miss the Philippines, and for me one thing I miss especially is the
food.”18
The seamen consider it their right to have good and abundant food at
their disposal.
“For us, it’s important to have good food. At home, it is also important
to have three meals or more, so especially when you work hard all day,
you deserve to look forward to a good meal.”19
The sincerity and frequency of remarks and complaints about food may
suggest the importance of the link to life ashore to the Filipino seaman.
These matters of recreation and food may seem of little significance to people
ashore, but the many choices that they have in spending their leisure time
(to go out and see a movie of their choice, to bring their own lunch instead
of eating in the cafeteria of their company, etc.) are denied the sailors.
Separation from and contact with significant others

A second specific characteristic of the ship is its isolation. Not only are
seafarers separated from the larger society in general, but also from their
homes and families ashore. They have limited means of ship-shore
communication and have to deal with a reduced contact with their
significant others ashore.
Mentioned almost unanimously by informants as the most negative
aspect of life on board, is their lack of access to family relationships. This
deprivation is experienced daily by seafarers but is most potent when the
work at sea is demanding. For example, one of the AB’s on board said:
“That’s what I miss the most about home. My family…..I miss them
every day, but sometimes when the work is hard, we make a lot of
overtime, or when there is bad weather, I miss them the most.”20
Missing regular and face-to-face contact with family members can also
be more apparent when problems occur ashore:
“I think this is the most important because even if you have only a
small job in the land, after a day of work you can come home to your
wife and children. You can relax… let go. But there [on board], it’s just
you and the others.”21

Seamen find it upsetting when they lack the ability to participate in or
exercise control over events ashore, especially when related to family. Due
to limited and often costly communication facilities, the information about
family matters is limited and not always up to date. Missing out on everyday
experiences of family members can create a feeling of emotional
disconnection. The incapability to help out when important decisions need
to be made is experienced as a loss of autonomy in his role as a husband
and father. It can be very difficult for the sailor who is away from home for
10 months a year to play the role of the father, husband, brother or son
onboard the ship. Seafarers express the feelings that these roles in their
lives are put on hold for the duration of their contracts and could be difficult
to pick up once back ashore.
One seaman described his concerns about the effect of his absence on
the upbringing of his youngest son, as well as the involvement of his brother-
in-law in this role:
“It’s a good thing that he is around to help my wife. My son likes his
uncle also. Well, you know, I think it is just the case that I am not there
and it is sometimes difficult to be here. I’m maybe afraid that he will
approach him like a father and not me.”22
While some shipping companies offer seafarers the opportunity to be
accompanied by their wives, this arrangement is often only available to
officers. Many seafarers told me that if given the choice, they would not
opt for this opportunity because life on board would be too demanding for
their wives:
“I think for only a short while it will be ok. But I don’t think my wife
will be happy here. It’s a man’s world, ha ha… Maybe if there would
be more women on board also. Maybe.”23
Another OS explained: “No, she would have to stop working, and I
would not like that for her. Unless she is working on cruise ships. But not
here, there is nothing else to do here.”24
A way to negotiate the ship’s isolation is maintaining contact with
significant others ashore, through communicational facilities. Seafarers
regularly use telephone calls, short message services and email to keep in
touch with people ashore. Seafarers appreciate updates and good news
greatly. Supportive messages and words of appreciation that are expressed
by family and community members at home are deemed very important.
Seafarers’ families support them by offering some form of stability, by
providing a “home front” that is always there, no matter what happens,
and a space filled with positive images:

“Sometimes it’s hard, especially after you haven’t seen your wife’s face
in a long time ....but she tells me she is proud and that she tells them
[the children] about the work...”25
At the same time, good news reminds them why they are in the ship: to
provide for their family. It reminds them that their work is paying off, and
many of them say that this news is what makes it all worth the effort and
deprivations.Their lives on board thus have some effect on the lives of their
loved ones at home:
“Every time I call home I speak to my children. They tell about what
they learned at school, tell me their grades, or ask me for some advice
on homework. It’s good because I know it’s going well, they are doing
well..”26
“My son likes going to school and he wants to go to college. I want to
go back to work so I can send him to college...”27
When seafarers are ashore between contracts, they can see the results
of their effort on board with their own eyes. For example, one bosun told
me he expected the construction of his house to be finished next time he
would be on leave. He told me about the progress of the construction:
“It’s looking good, it’s almost finished. Last time there were problems
with the ceiling, the material was not the right one, but i think to
myself....one more contract, maybe two and the project is finished.”28
On the other hand, bad news is dreaded and may complicate life aboard
the ship even more. Bad news is said to be upsetting and distracting from
work.
“My wife asked me the last time we spoke on the phone; “you want the
good news or the bad news first?” I tell her, good news only. If it is not
necessary, don’t give me any bad news....it’s hard to deal with it.”29
Many seafarers explained that the experience of lacking control which
they can exercise over the situation at home is particularly upsetting:
“Bad news is tough because it upsets you. You can’t focus, you can’t
concentrate on your job. And anyway, there’s not much you can do
from the ship.”30
This incapability to deal with problems at home is partly caused by the
costs of shipshore communication, but also by the inadequacy of phone
calls and emails in certain situations. For example, one OS, after describing
the troublesome relationship between his wife and his parents, told me:

“My wife is upset with me. She wants me to call my mother, to mediate
in whatever is going on between them this time. Really I don’t mind
because I love my wife, but it’s expensive to make calls from Europe.
And some things you can’t solve without seeing each other face to
face.”31
Put more simply by another crewmember: “Sometimes, for some things,
you just need to be there, you know.”32 The support offered by the family
is in such cases disrupted and cannot offer stability during difficult times
onboard.
As Hopwood (in Fricke 1973: 4) describes, the outlook and sentiments
of the seaman towards his career at sea may be changed by changes in his
personal and family situation. Important changes such as sickness or the
passing away of family members, marriage, the birth of children, financial
or other problems, may cause a seafarer to reevaluate his career choice.
Many of the former seafarers I have met in the Philippines quit the seafaring
profession because of such a change:
“I stopped working in 1994 because I wanted to be with my family.
You know, when you are a sailor you cannot raise your children, and
you cannot guide them. I stopped because my youngest, he was having
a lot of problems at school, a lot of fights with the others students. Even
with the teachers. So, I decided I wanted to be nearer to them. Nearer
to their hearts is what I mean. At that time my first child was finishing
college. After that, I myself, I was thinking: what is the use of making
money far away from your family?”33
But most seafarers I interviewed were determined to return to sea, at
least until they would have accumulated enough savings to start a small
business project ashore. One of the retired seamen I met in Iloilo told me
about his small business:
“Well, when I was still in the ship, I thought about staying in the
Philippines, not going back to the ship. But I found more contracts and
tried to save up money and buy some piece of rice land. And I have it
still today, that’s why my garden here is full of this equipment. I don’t
have to hire anybody, well, I worked in the machinery before, so I can
do it myself. Business is hard nowadays, I don’t make much profit, but
it is enough for me. You need to have some savings for your
retirement.”34
OTHER ISSUES AFFECTING SEAFARERS

Aside from these working conditions on board that have been
mentioned, the researches done in the Dutch ports also raise other issues

that need to be addressed in order to improve their working conditions.
Most of these concerns involve reforms within the Philippine maritime
industry itself rather than wide-ranging international measures. This
emphasis probably reflects the great difficulty of pursuing reforms in a
very globalised industry where ship owner, ship management, and ship
registry may not be based in the same state or regulated by the same national
laws. Yet for the majority being interviewed, the sources of the
vulnerabilities that seafarers encounter while working on board
international ships could actually be found much closer to home.
Professional development, accreditation and trainings

Seafarers, especially maritime graduates, look forward to promotions
in their positions in proportion to the amount of time spent onboard. Even
experienced ratings who do not plan to pursue any further studies do take
pride in the years of experience gained working in various types of ships,
across various oceans, under various flags. Yet this development in terms
of skill and know-how of officers and ratings alike is not adequately reflected
in the current system of accreditation, a set-up which seafarers usually see
as being dominated by “landlubbers” or nonseafarers.
An analysis of this sample demonstrates this contradiction. Majority of
the ratings (75%) and the officers (88%) have served more than three years.
More than a third of the majority have sailed between 6-10 years and could
rightly be called highly experienced seafarers. This relatively high level of
experience is also corroborated by the data on flags served, where two-
thirds of ratings are shown to have sailed under one or two flags, while
one- third has served under three to four flags. Furthermore, a majority of
officers (76%) worked in bigger
90
ships having more than 10 crew
members, while majority of
80
ratings worked in medium sized
ships having less than 10 crew 70
members onboard.Notwith-
standing this breadth of
M ean Hrs F ixed O vertim e
60
experience, almost three-fourths

(72.8%) of seafarers in this sample 50
had to take an upgrading course, POSITOB1

40
an average of 2.8 trainings more Officer
than is really required by actual 30 Ratings/GPs/others
practice. fixed OT fixed-guaranteed fixed-open
OT system

In short, this sample shows seafarers whose length of service is relatively
long, with limited experience in number of flags but used to working on
board medium to large sized ships. A more thorough skills level analysis
shows the disparity between experience and pay, especially among ratings
whose experience is four to six times the scale of newcomers, but still enjoy
the same total pay between US$500 to US$1000. It is therefore no wonder
that 40 percent of the sample, usually those with uninterrupted service,
raised the issue of relevance of new trainings to their work. They complain
about the unnecessary multiplication of two basic training courses that have
become mandatory in the wake of the Standard Training Certification and
Watch-keeping Convention of 1995. Officers have suggested that self-
accreditation by fellow officers as practiced in the UK be adopted in the
Philippines, while ratings suggest that training done while serving onboard
be accredited by Philippine training bodies.
Establishing standard contracts and neutralising blacklisting

While a POEA standard seafarer’s employment contract exists as a
mandatory document, the real work conditions that seafarers do encounter
would differ from ship to ship as proven by the onboard research.
Manning agencies fill in the specific terms of employment such as basic
pay, overtime pay, duration of contract, and other benefits accruing, while
seafarer unions are required to sign these employment contracts so they
could monitor whether such conditions are following international
standards. However, it is only upon joining a ship that a seafarer discovers
the actual living conditions onboard (i.e., food and accommodations,
recreation facilities, communication, relations on board) and organisation
of work (schedule of shifts).
The researches show a high level of discontent over work, with only a
third of seafarers expressing contentment and 66.5 percent as having one
or more complaints about their work situation. Using a cross-tabulation,
five specific work aspects scored highest in terms of significance, namely:
work-load, recreational facilities, wage or salary, promotion, and job
security. Most of the complaints apparently cluster around the issue of
overtime pay and long hours of work. The POEA-guaranteed overtime
system obliges the seafarer to provide 70 to 105 hours overtime per month,
or an equivalent of three to five extra hours for each working day. Under
such a system, only the hours of work in excess of this limit will be paid to
the seafarer onboard.

The POEA justifies this by assuring seafarers that the basic pay is higher
by 30 percent because it already includes the payment of guaranteed
overtime. Yet in practice, the research shows that the actual percentage is
less especially for officers, cooks, and mess men. The system severely limits
the earning possibility for seafarers because it depends largely on how the
work scheme is organised at port and at sea. Often the work hours are
made long but not long enough to earn extra income. Hence as a result we
see two-thirds of seafarers in this sample working 11-12 hours daily, a
situation that easily leads to fatigue, stress and accidents.
Another gray area in the POEA standard contract is the grievance
machinery which supposedly prescribes the mode of channelling and
resolving issues within the ship structure. Necessary as a work-floor
mechanism, the contract actually exposes seafarers to serious consequences
as they try to resolve issues on board. Listing “behaving with disrespect”
or “inciting to subordination” as acts punishable with dismissal and
payment of fare, the standard contract makes the grievance process a virtual
minefield for the seafarer. It only complicates further the seafarers’ tenuous
hold of their labour rights in face of what is now commonly called
“blacklisting” by the manning agencies in the Philippines.
While blacklisting is outlawed by ILO 179 as pointed out by the ICONS
(2000) it remains part of the practice among manning agencies in the
Philippines to share information on “problematic” seafarers. Seafarer groups
in the Philippines estimate that around 12,000 seafarers have already been
included in this blacklist. These abuses need to be addressed by a more
progressive seafarer contract.35
Economic alternatives and sustainability

Considering the difficulties, danger and uncertainties facing this proud
seafaring profession, it is not surprising that seafarers dream constantly of
escaping this by becoming economically self-sufficient in a matter of five to
10 years of sailing. The onboard research even shows how setting up one’s
business continues to be one of the three topmost topics discussed on board.
This obsession seems logical especially when we examine the estimated
total remittances of US$1billion being sent home by seafarers. Yet as could
be seen from the graph below that compares household income (£ line)
and wage of ratings and cooks (x line)—the levels of income could fluctuate
sharply from time to time. While the graph suggests that there is little room
for savings since household income is largely dependent on onboard wage,
it also shows onboard overtime pay of about US$250 as extra income for

seafarers ( line). While this
amount is usually used as total household income
+ income from side job / business
emergency money by seafarers, x general wage of ratings + cook
fixed overtime pay
a big part of this amount is
actually spent on communication
x
Mean
(telephone cards). A Filipino ICT
consultant suggests that with the
proper use of internet and x
mobile, seafarers could easily
reduce by 60 percent their
communication costs, a saving of + +
US$150 that the seafarers could
bring home. The graph (+ line) length at sea (experience)
also shows opportunities for
earning between US$100 and up to US$750 from side businesses that
seafarers invest in while staying at home.
At least 12 percent of the sample points to the necessity of
entrepreneurship within the unstable seafaring sector as a more stable
alternative source of income. Yet migrant conferences have also identified
how being absent from the actual site of the business constitutes the greatest
obstacle seafarers face when getting involved in entrepreneurial endeavors.
This aspect was echoed during ERCOF consultations with seafarers groups
in Davao which called for the establishment of a national network that could
support seafarers interested in going into business. Seafarers’ wives have
also called on a mentality change among seafarers, that would allow partners
to work or engage in businesses.
CONCLUSIONS: OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND?

Throughout this write-up, both researchers have tried to provide a solid
glimpse of the lives behind the steel hatch doors of international cargo ships.
Studying this invisible dimension does not only help to complete our view
of the diaspora, it also redresses the historical oversight of such an important
traditional profession. With the Philippines providing the bulk of seafarers
servicing the global trading system, these workers deserve the support of
Philippine communities worldwide. As could be seen in the various sections,
there are various issues and concerns affecting this sector that stem from
its hyper-global operations and mode of existence. One of the concrete ways
of supporting the development of this profession is in making their life-
situation more visible by sustaining various research efforts within the
sector.

In the first section, we see how seafarers face extreme difficulties in
getting their contracts, and we sought to signify the powerful transnational
role of manning agencies as gatekeepers of maritime labour deployment.
To a great degree, these agencies determine the actual situation facing
seafarers onboard, closely monitoring any sign of dissent or discontent
among the Filipino crew even while onboard. The 400 plus manning
agencies possess such control over the future of our seafarers, that they
ought to be a subject of a separate research that could help seafarers and
their advocates achieve a more balanced relationship with these agencies
in the future.
Thousands of professional seafarers, both ratings and officers, have
been mobilised by these agencies to “man” the various ships, armed only
with the standard employment contract in their hand. This document, while
binding for the seafarers, does not guarantee the actual work floor
arrangements of the ship, nor does it state with certainty what real living
conditions exist on board. As a result of these gray areas, countless cases of
physical abuse, labour dispute, abandonment, or even blacklisting have
taken place each year. One could also refer to Astuti et al. (2001) who criticise
the lack of social security cover for Filipino seafarers working in European
shipping.
Yet, on the other hand, onboard research also describes how seafarers
have been able to overcome certain vulnerabilities like unpaid extra work,
or inadequate rest, or the lack of food provisions through creative onboard
negotiations. It has been suggested that the key to these successful
negotiations is the degree of social capital accumulated within the crew,
plus the support of other social actors like the churches, unions, and the
diaspora networks. It would therefore be interesting to study further the
actual practice of onboard negotiation, especially studying the best
experiences, because the lessons would surely be of great help to the
seafaring profession.
The second section explains how life onboard is characterised by
extensive isolation. Today, it is popular belief that this isolation could easily
be lessened by communication technologies like the internet. While ICT on
board is technically available, access to internet remains limited due to high
costs and is only open to officers. On the other hand, a number of changes
in the maritime industry has resulted instead to a radical increase of isolation
among seafarers. With the implementation of the ISPS Code, as response to
the events of 9/11, safety regulations have become more stringent and
draconian. This makes it difficult for seafarers to go off the ship when in

port, and also restricts port personnel, chaplains of missions and surely the
members of land-based (Filipino) migrant communities from accessing the
ship.
Likewise, port locations are progressively moved farther away from
city centre which only increases the isolation of seafarers. With the seafarers
becoming less visible, it becomes significant more than ever to promote
maximisation of the diaspora’s interaction with seafarers. Onboard research
should now be promoted as “outreach” specially among community
networks in port cities, an initiative that could easily be supported by
researchers and academics in the locality. Several in the community have
established good connections with seafarers and this has been maintained
through e-mail, letters and mobile communication. They should be part of
community-wide initiatives that will continuously monitor and document
information or data on the situation of seafarers passing through European
ports.
This new layer of isolation caused by the worldwide campaign against
terrorism somehow recalls the initial research done with University of
Utrecht in 1996 that studied the effects of fast turnaround work in container
ships. Seafarers working in liners between UK and The Netherlands had
suggested to us researchers then, to take a closer look at the higher level of
stress and proneness to accidents which they believed was caused by the
faster intermodal loading systems that linked ships with the European rail.
New ship technology and transport modernisation have not only shortened
waiting time at port, but has also made it possible to reduce drastically the
manning levels of the ship. Together with long hours of work, under-
manning has been the main cause of accidents and injury on board.
The effects of technology on shipping work systems and safety has
been one of the issues strongly corroborated by the different onboard
researches. The research in Dutch shipping presents a a relatively high
degree of crew discontent, around the system of overtime (problem of too
long hours, and little overtime pay), heavy work load, the use of general
purpose ratings, and the relations on board. These aspects are usually
subsumed in maritime discussion as “the human element” that is supposedly
equally important in developing the global maritime industry further. In
contrast to the 1990s where technical studies were more dominant in maritime
research, we are now seeing a steady increase of researches on the workers
behind the shipping industry. As stated above, the lives of seafarers as a
global transport worker need to be given a greater profile in future researches.
There is much that the diaspora could contribute to such endeavor.

NOTES
1 BIMCO –ISF statistics are more accurate because they use fresh crewing
data from their 100 member organisations and compare this with other
research institutions in monitoring the level of manpower demand and
supply. They also monitor the mix between ratings and officers, the
age composition and nationalities of the crew. Refer to their website:
http://www.marisec.org/resources/manpower2005update.htm.
2 For a more detailed description of the migrant community evolution,
mentioning the seafaring dimension, refer to Fernandez (1997) Migration
as Transnational Agency Formation: The Philippine Migration Experience of
the 1990s, Chapter III, p. 42.
3 Using a parallel UK study, Li and Shiping (2002) calculate that with
personal accidents, nearly half are caused by slips and falls (46%), a
fifth occurring during manual handling (20%), and another fifth from
the handling of machines (19%). Refer to http://www.mersante.com/
maritime_professional_safety.htm.
4 Basch, Glick Schiller and Blanc Szanton 1995, p. 7.
5 Interview, AB, on board ship a, 15 March 2005.
7 Interview, Chief cook, on board ship a, 18 March 2005.
8 Interview, AB, on board ship b, 23 March 2005.
9 Interview, third mate, Iloilo, April 5 2005.
10 Interview, bosun, on board ship b, 25 May 2005
11 As part of the specific regulation for seafarers, it is mandatory for the
seafarers to remit 80% of the pay to family.
12 Interview, OS, on board ship a, 13 March 2005.
17 Interview, pumpman, Sta. Barbara, Iloilo, Philippines, 8 June 2005.
18 Interview,OS, on board ship b, 26 March 2005.
20 Interview,AB, on board ship a, 13 March 2005.
21 Interview, AB, Iloilo City, Philippines, 28 February 2005.
22 Interview, OS, on board ship v, 27 March 2005.
23 Interview, second engineer, Sta. Barbara, Iloilo, Philippines,
1 June 2005.

27 Interview, third engineer, Manila, Philippines, 8 February 2005.
30 Interview, third mate, Iloilo City, Philippines, 2 June 2005.
31 Interview, AB, on board ship a , 13 March 2005.
32 Interview, OS, on board ship b, 25 March 2005.
33 Interview, retired third mate, Sta. Barbara Iloilo, Philippines,
3 May 2005.
34 Interview, retired second engineer, New Lucena, Iloilo, Philippines, 21
May 2005.
35 The ICONS 2002 report entitled Ships, Slaves _ Competition was made
after interviewing a roomful of seafarers who presented evidence of
blacklisting by manning agencies in the Philippines. For more details
refer to http:// www.icons.com.au.
REFERENCES
Astuti, A., S. Chandraeka, T. Fauzy, and T. Sihombing
2001 International Social Protection for Seafarers. Unpublished Master’s
Thesis, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
Aubert, Vilhelm and Oddvar Arner
1958 “On the Social Structure of the Ship.” Acta Sociologica: Scandinavian
Review of Sociology Vol. 3.
Basch, Linda, Nina Glick Schiller and Cristina Szanton Blanc
1994 Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments and
Deterritorialised Nation States. Basel, Gordon and Breach Publishers.
Federation of Filipino Organisations in the Netherlands (FFON)
1998 Philippine International Migration: Issues and Concerns of Filipino
Migrants in The Netherlands (Public Forum Report), Filomenita
Mongaya Høgsholm (ed.). The Hague.1998.
Fernandez, Basco Tomas
2002 Third Word Seafarers and Dutch Maritime Policy Beyond 2000.
Unpublished white paper document. Rotterdam.

1997 “Migration as Transnational Agency Formation: Decentreing the
Global Migration Discourse.” The Philippine Migration Experience of
the 1990s. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, University of Amsterdam.
1996 Status Report on the Research “Work and Stress among Filipino
Seafarers.” Unpublished field reports, University of Utrecht.
Goffman, Erving
1980 Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other
Inmates. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books.
1980b Totale Instituties. Rotterdam: Universitaire Pers Rotterdam -
Standaard Wetenschappelijke Uitgeverij.
Hopwood, Warren H.
1973 “Some Problems Associated with the Selection and Training of Deck
and Engineer Cadets in the British Merchant Navy.” In: P. Fricke
(ed.), Seafarer and Community. London: Croom Helm Ltd.
Morgan, M. et al.
1991 “The Hospital as a Social Institution.” In Peter Worseley (ed.)
The New Modern Sociology Readings. London: Penguin Books.
Nolan, Bryan
1973 “A Possible Perspective on Deprivation.” In P. Fricke (ed.), Seafarer
and Community. London: Croom Helm Ltd.
Internet materials
BIMCO – ISF.BIMCO/ISF Manpower 2005 update: Summary report. (2006).
Retrieved on 8 October from http://www.marisec.org/resources/
manpower2005update.htm
ERCOF Philippines.Identifying effective economic linkages between
overseas Filipinos and the rural communities of the Philippines. (2002).
Proceedings available at http://www.ercof.org/conf/davao2002.html
International Commission on Shipping Ships, Slaves and Competition.
(2002). Retrieved on 8 October from http://www.icons.com.au
Li, K.X. and Shiping, Z. Maritime professional safety: prevention and
legislation on personal injuries on board ships. Paper presented at the
IAME Panama 2002 conference. (2002). Retrieved on 8 October from
http://www.mersante.com/maritime_professional_safety.htm
Gambe, R. Real reasons for the drop in number of students taking up
maritime courses. Tinig ng Marino [Online Version] (2005, July-August).
Available at www.ufs.ph

“Building ‘another world’ which belongs to us all”
Women Changing our Lives, Making HERstory:

Migration Experiences of Babaylan
Philippine Women’s Network in Europe
MALU PADILLA1
“Doing it for ourselves is the essence of the women’s movement: it

keeps us honest, keeps us real, keeps us concrete. And that is that
doing – not just being, feeling, or sweeping the floor that gets dirty
again - which brings women into history. It is new for women to be
making history – not just a few queens, empresses or exceptional
geniuses, but hundreds, thousands millions of women now entering
history, knowing we have made history - by changing our lives….”
Betty Friedman, 1921, from It Changed my Life
OUR BEGINNINGS
We did it for ourselves; it changed our lives – knowing that we have made
history by founding Babaylan – the Philippine Women’s Network in Europe.
September 1992, Barcelona, was a milestone in the herstory of Filipina
migrants in Europe. It was an unforgettable moment for the founding
mothers of Babaylan in Europe.
The Babaylan network was the first initiative of Filipina migrants to
establish a pan-European network of Europe-based Philippine women’s
organisations committed to women empowerment and service to the
community. In the true spirit of the babaylanes2 during the colonial period
of the Philippines, we named our network after these priestesses who,
during the Spanish colonisation of the Philippines, performed not only
83
sacred rites but also exercised leadership roles in all aspects of community
life. They fought alongside the people for a peaceful society against the
imposition of a foreign system by the colonisers. Though repressed by the
Spanish friars, babaylan priestesses continued to be revered and respected
by the people. The original babaylanes did it for themselves and made a
mark in history which until today has inspired contemporary Filipinas like
us.
We, Philippine women in Europe, want the babaylanes spirit to live on
through our work within the migrant community and our engagement in
the empowerment not only of our Filipina kababayans but also of our other
migrant women sisters. We see ourselves as part of a wider migrant
community in Europe, who along with them, strive for a peaceful and just
society. Together with them, we are making history by changing our lives.
The Babaylan network grew out of a need to develop an effective and
empowering support system for Philippine women living and working
across Europe. We are a network of Philippine women organisations in 10
European countries – Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy,
The Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland, and United Kingdom. In the past 15
years of our existence, we have reached a stage where we take Babaylan’s
agenda to a level that would move Filipina migrant women beyond being
on the agenda, thus to setting the agenda themselves.
Babaylan believes that migration is brought about by a combination of
sociocultural, economic and political factors in the Philippines that push
women to migrate as well as factors in Europe that pull women to immigrate.
We also believe that Filipinas have common problems that confront us as
migrant women in Europe—the unequal and unjust divide between rich
and poor; the colonial culture ingrained by years of colonisation by the
west; the Philippine government’s failure to address decisively the problem
of poverty and its policies that encourage migration; and, the low value of
women’s work in the Philippines and in Europe.
Like other migrant women in Europe, we experience racism, social
exclusion and sexual discrimination. Most Filipinas are employed in low
paid ‘reproductive work,’ receive low salaries, suffer de-skilling, intellectual
stagnation, unrecognised educational level, and often have language
difficulties.
At Babaylan, the experience of poverty in all its forms is a thread that
binds the Filipina migrant workers that form our majority membership.
We began arriving in Europe in the 1960s for adventure, as wives of

European nationals, as refugees, as professionals—but most of us came to
escape the privations of an economy in free fall. We came to work as nurses,
cooks, house cleaners, caregivers, nannies and other domestic employment.
We keep enough of the euros, pounds, francs, and kroners for the essentials
of living, and send the rest to the Philippines. In this way, we have raised
and educated our children and the children of relations who cannot
otherwise afford to. We have built homes for our families, who are also fed
and clothed by our efforts. Driven to leave our homeland by an economy
that has been battered by recession and political instability, we struggle
not just to alleviate the poverty of our own insecure social status abroad,
but the poverty of our families in the Philippines.3
The driving force behind this commitment to keep the babaylanes spirit
alive is our belief that by pulling our skills, know-how, resources and
experiences together, we can participate and integrate fully in our adopted
communities and pave the way towards the empowerment of Filipina
migrants. We believe that we can affect changes and improvement in our
lives if we strive for it together. Our empowerment will not be served by
others in a silver platter—we have to work for it, we owe it to ourselves.
We see ourselves as agents of our own transformation.
Babaylan has taken a long journey in our 15 years of existence. We
have learned a lot of lessons and gained new experiences along the way. At
the country level, we have reached significant achievements which we can
be proud of. We have developed our own migrant women orientation course
which looks into the specificities of women conditions in the different
European countries and its interconnectedness with their upbringing as
Filipino women.
When Babaylan was founded, according to the European Women’s
Lobby, it was the only Europe-wide network of migrant women. We are
very proud of this recognition.
It is with great pride, therefore, that I present to the readers an overview
of our collective work as Babaylan and its members. What is presented in
this paper is an overview of our collective experiences as a network and
not the work of individual members, although I will frequently refer to
specific organisations for concrete examples.
Since this is also the first attempt to put on paper the Babaylan
experience of migration to Europe, the presentation of our work may not
be as balanced as I would have wanted. The experiences of some countries
may be mentioned a lot more than that of the others – the reason is very
Women Changing our Lives, Making HERstory: Migration 85

Experiences of Babaylan Philippine Women’s Network in Europe
simple: these are the information available as of the time of writing. This
paper is based on written information,4 some interviews and personal
knowledge of the network. Nevertheless, this paper will give the readers a
good glimpse and impression of Philippine migration to Europe by a specific
group of organised Filipinas. It is also from this perspective that I present
the analysis and context of our work in Europe.
But before I begin with the narrative about Babaylan and our work, let
me give a short background on the relationship between gender and
international migration and the onset of the feminisation of Philippine
migration. Babaylan was conceived against this background which defines
the urgency of creating a network of Philippine women in Europe.
GENDER AND INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

Today, several studies and researches are conducted to address the
importance of considering gender issues in migration. The proportion of
women who are involved in global migration flows is rapidly increasing.
An expanding source of data from ongoing researches, however limited, is
making it possible to understand the significance and potential of the
contribution of migrant women, not only to gender equality, but also to
socioeconomic development, worldwide.
The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) estimates that
almost half of the world’s 175 million migrants are women (IOM 2003).
Statistics indicate, for example, that the proportion of women among
international migrants had reached 51 percent in more developed regions.
Women moved on their own as principal wage earners, or for family
reunification purposes.5 Historically, a large proportion of female migrants
will have travelled as the spouses of male migrants, or other family
dependants and this has been one of the reasons for the higher percentage
of female migrants in developed regions. Today 50.9 percent of migrants
in the developed world are women, compared with 45.7 percent in the less
developed world.6
The gender component in international migration is related to the
motivation of men and women to move, to the migration process itself, and
to the conditions migrants find on their arrival at the country of destination.
Unemployment and conditions of poverty are the major factors that push
not only women but also men to migrate to another country. Both men and
women see migration as a vehicle to improve one’s living condition and
one’s share in development. Most women see migration as a strategy for
better life not just for them but primarily for their families.

According to United Nations Population Fund for Assistance (UNFPA)
State of World Population 2006 Report, the participation of women in the
labour market showed rates close to those of men. However, women
migrants continue to be vulnerable to gender-based discrimination, as
evidenced in the type of work they engage in. They find themselves
incorporated into an already disadvantageous labour market for women,
and these disadvantages intensify in the case of migrant women, especially
for those who are undocumented. Specific gender-related issues come to
the fore when female migrants suffer abuses and violations by those who
take advantage of their dual vulnerability as migrants and as women.
Another gender issue that we should look into are the working
conditions of migrant women. Women are particularly vulnerable to various
forms of abuse and discrimination as migrant workers in an already gender-
segregated labour market. While men commonly work in groups (e.g., in
construction or in plantations), women often go into individualised work
environments (e.g., domestic service), where there is greater isolation and
lower likelihood of establishing networks of information and social
support.7
On the other hand, the experiences of migrant women are as diverse as
their backgrounds, where they come from and the communities to which
they migrate. The demand for women migrants is at an all-time high and
growing. While women migration has many advantages, it does not come
without obstacles and challenges, as will be illustrated later based on the
experiences of the Babaylan network.
FEMINISATION OF PHILIPPINE MIGRATION

The magnitude of the feminisation of Philippine migration has never
been as significant as it is today. Currently, there are more than eight million
overseas Filipinos worldwide, almost 10 percent of the total population of
the Philippines, dispersed in more than 193 countries and destinations.
However, the number may be higher due to a large rate of undocumented
Filipino migrants who overstay or who carry lapsed visas. The Philippines
is the largest exporter of migrant labour throughout the world, the majority
of whom are women (IOM 2005). The Filipino diaspora is the third largest
in terms of population. According to the World Bank, the Philippines
received in 2005 the amount of $12 billion worth of remittances, ranking
fourth globally trailing India, China, and Mexico.
International labour migration is not new to the Philippines and its
colonial history, but the exporting of women workers is. At the end of the

twentieth century, Philippine-gendered labour migration and its diaspora
have become not only the primary means of keeping the Philippine economy
afloat, but have also created new conditions and problems which affect the
current Philippine social and cultural identities. In her two books,8 Rhacel
Parreñas described in detail the consequences of gendered migration to
the family and to the community. In her first book, Parreñas writes about
Filipina domestic workers who leave their own families behind to do the
mothering and caretaking work of families abroad, done at great cost to
the relations with their own split-apart families. In the second, she writes
about the creation of what she calls transnational migrant families where
children grow up separated from one or both parents, as parents are forced
to seek employment abroad to provide for their children.
According to the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration
(POEA) Summary Report 2005 Performance, a total of 988,615 Filipinos
were deployed for employment in 180 countries, 75 percent of whom were
land-based and 72 percent were women. The increase in the female
deployment in 2005 may be attributed to the sizeable increase in the demand
for household workers. Of the 3,000 Filipinos who leave the country each
day, 65 percent are women.
In 2005, POEA further reports, a total of 47,493 Filipinos went to Europe
for employment. Of the estimated 500,000 Filipino migrant workers in
Europe, around 75 percent are women. These figures indicate a definitive
trend towards feminisation of Philippine migration worldwide.
Aside from the Filipina nurses who worked in the hospitals, the majority
of the Filipinas who came to Europe in the late 1970s were employed as
domestic workers. Their deployment was in response to the great demand
for domestic labour in private homes in countries like Italy, Spain, France
and Britain. We can attribute this growing demand for domestic work to
the following factors:
• The emergence of a middle class population in Europe who
benefited from the industrialization in the 1960s and had the
economic capacity to employ cheap labour for domestic and
household work. However, the high cost of living also necessitated
that European women had to join the labour force for additional
income to meet the family’s increasing needs;
• The women’s movement, at the same time, called for a greater
participation of European women in the economy, which led to a
growing recognition of women as wage earners leading them away
from their traditional role as fulltime homemakers and mothers;
and

• The availability of cheap labour of migrant women to do service
and domestic work facilitated the smooth entry and participation
of European women into the labour force.
Domestic and other service sector work, generally deemed by the
workforce in Europe as low-paid, menial, offering little job satisfaction, or
opportunities for career advancement, and done under appalling working
conditions, created labour shortages which were filled by migrant workers
particularly women. Migrant women became surrogate mothers in
European homes—taking care of children, doing the housework, and taking
care of the old and infirmed members of the family. Compared to the cost
of hiring local labour, migrant labour was cheaper and easily affordable
for middle-income families.9
OUR ISSUES AND CONCERNS

Within the context of the growing trend of international migration and
its feminisation, the women of Babaylan are found in its core. Like other
migrant women in Europe, we encounter a host of problems. These problems
can be divided into two categories in relation to our rights and our migration
status as: a) employee/worker; and/or b) partner in a relationship with a
European male.
The fact that Filipinas come from a so-called “developing country,”
the kind of employment they find in Europe is in the lowest categories.
This employment makes them particularly vulnerable to different forms of
exploitative labour practices; paid at a very cheap wage, their employers
make use of their highly skilled and qualified labour. Found mostly in the
private service sector work, their employment is generally stereotyped as
women’s traditional work and, therefore, unrecognised and undervalued
as productive labour.
Since most of them do domestic work in the confines of the home
considered to be in the private sphere, the working conditions of these
Filipina domestic workers escape official government scrutiny and
supervision. As a result, they do not have access to standard labour practices
with regard to wages, social security and welfare benefits, and the right of
the workers to organise themselves and be members of a union.
The deterioration of skills and eventual de-skilling is another problem
that migrants confined to do domestic, routine and repetitive work are
confronted with. Emotional and psychological scars are the eventual results
of years of unskilled menial work done by these often highly educated and
highly skilled professionals. They are denied their right to live with dignity,

stripped of their confidence and pride in their own capacity to make their
own choices and options for self-development.
Other examples of problems that Filipina migrant workers experience
in the workplace are: a) the withholding of wages and documents such as
passports, b) low pay, c) long working hours, d) the lack of opportunities
for meaningful career advancement, e) the lack of work benefits and job
security, f) sexual harassment, and g) racism.
The current immigration policies in Europe give rise to a range of gender
specific issues that affect migrant women—they are either ‘tied’ to their
employers or to their European husbands or partners as wives or fiancées.
Because those deployed for employment are bound by their contracts with
their employers, they are vulnerable to all forms of exploitation. The same
can be said for those women with dependent residence permits based on
the durability of their relationship with their European partners. In 2005,
more restrictive requirements for admission and renewal of residence
permits were put in place. As a result, the dependency of women migrants
on their partners is made longer, and with all the possible negative
consequences.
Many Filipinas suffer the break-up or loss of their marriage, while others
are confronted by big challenges and serious problems in making their
bicultural relationships work, and in raising their children borne out of
two cultures.
Gendered violence
Restrictive European migration laws and regulations contribute to the
vulnerability of migrant women to become victims of violence. Denied of
an independent immigration status, many of these women are forced to
continue working under violent and slave-like conditions which deny them
access to the legal justice system. In the meantime, the same system
criminalises them if they decide to break free from their oppressive
relationship and bonded labour.
Migrant women experience violence in the workplace, outside and
inside their homes. There are many reported incidents of physical abuse,
sexual harassment, and in some instances, rape of domestic workers at the
hands of employers. It is not unusual that migrant women who escape from
their oppressive employers and violent partners report constant fear and
anxiety of being haunted by the authorities and being jailed , or sent back
home without any documents at all.

If, for whatever reason, a Filipina decides to separate from her husband
or partner within the period of her ‘dependency,’ she automatically faces
deportation proceedings. Hence, many who are trapped in violent
relationships have been forced to endure the oppressive and violent situation
until they become entitled to more permanent residency in the host country,
which can take three to five years.
Trafficking of women
A more serious situation is that of Filipinas who have been, under false
premise, recruited as ‘entertainers,’ then land into forced prostitution. As
described in one report of The Netherlands-based Foundation against
Trafficking of Women: “The women are recruited with promises of marriage
or well-paid jobs. Some know or assume that they are being offered jobs as
prostitutes, but they are misinformed about the conditions. Once they are
in The Netherlands, ‘forced labour’ is the more appropriate term, and they
become a gold mine for others.”
The devastating consequence of violence committed against ‘trafficked’
migrant women is enormous. Its short and long-term effects have impact,
not only on the individual woman herself, but also on her children and the
society at large. It results in the continuing subordination of women and
contributes to their low level of political participation and self development.
Undocumented migrant workers
Today, data show an increasing trend in the number of undocumented
Filipina migrants in Europe. Their growing numbers need to be seen within
the framework of the current conditions both in the Philippines and Europe.
The grave economic situation in the Philippines pushes these women to
Europe where they are confronted with restrictive immigration laws and
regulations. Both conditions have direct consequences on the entry and
stay of migrant workers.
The view that undocumented workers are taking advantage of public
benefits and causing the unemployment of native workers contributes to
their negative image. Changing the unfavourable image of undocumented
workers and gaining public support is paramount in protecting their rights.
Without public support, the undocumented stand little chance of fighting
exploitation and abuse, a reality that many endure on a daily basis.10
If we consider the state of law, undocumented migrant workers are
virtually invisible. As non-EU nationals and being undocumented, they
have no official or legal access to any welfare benefits and social services,

health care or medical assistance, to affordable and safe housing, and no
freedom of movement to choose employment. Fortunately some centres/
helpdesks were put up by progressive organisations to cater to the
immediate needs of the undocumented.
In Greece, according to Kasapi-Hellas, in spite of the difficulties and
problems, almost 80 percent of the estimated 35,000 Filipinos were able to
avail of the legalisation programme implemented by the Greek government.
All too familiar are the complaints of migrants that the requirements set by
the government have put migrants in danger of returning to their status of
being undocumented. The same requirements are necessary to be able to
get a renewal of their residence and work permits. Among these
requirements is proof of stable work, as shown in social security payments.
But it is common practice among employers in Greece not to meet the social
security obligations of their employees. A specific number of social security
payments are determined to qualify for a renewal of residence and work
permits. So Greek employers would rather lay them off.11 Similar situations
can be found in other European countries.
“Fortress Europe”
Over the last 15 years or so, EU states have been gradually increasing
cooperation, and attempting to establish common policies and laws on areas
related to immigration and border controls. Common rules regarding visas,
asylum rights and controls at external borders were adopted, and
coordination of the police, customs and the judiciary increased. As a result,
rules and regulations have become more and more restrictive all over
Europe. But no matter how tight controls at EU borders are, immigration
to Europe is inevitable and people fleeing persecution, war and poverty,
will continue to risk their lives trying to get into the EU zone. Thousands of
immigrants are forced to live in Europe illegally, with maintenance of strict
control over migration into the EU. This creates a workforce willing to accept
the most insecure working conditions, together with the worst salaries and
appalling conditions.
One of the first steps towards the creation of Fortress Europe was the
Schengen Agreement which was originally signed in 1985 by five EU states12
to eliminate border controls between their countries and to establish a
common visa policy. The agreement was said to be about the freedom of
movement over the internal borders between the Schengen countries. Little
by little however, the Schengen area has been extended to include almost
every member state,13 with the exception of the United Kingdom and Ireland.

By nature, immigration controls are racist in that they always aim to
exclude particular distinct groups. They cause massive suffering, cost
billions and promote racism. After 9/11, draconian measures have been
taken to increase police powers of surveillance at the borders, with
tremendous impact on more and more migrants, whose only crime is to
seek a better future in Europe for themselves and their families. The war on
terror, in practice, has become another tool to strengthen the walls and
close the gates tighter in Fortress Europe.
THE OBSTACLES AND CHALLENGES WE FACE

The issues and concerns illustrated above are further compounded by
structural obstacles and the challenges we face as migrant women in Europe.
National immigration laws and policies are not ‘women migrant friendly’;
instead they impede or prohibit the smooth integration of migrant women.
They also do not offer easy avenues toward the socioeconomic participation
in the community of these women. To make matters worse, one big obstacle
we also face is language. Aside from the differences in culture, norms and
values, Europe as a continent has different languages. Except for those who
are in the English-speaking countries like the United Kingdom and Ireland,
we have to learn and speak a foreign language in order to access important
information which will enable us to integrate and participate in the
socioeconomic and political realms in our adopted countries.
In The Netherlands, for example, the Filipino community is not
recognised as an official ethnic minority. This prevents us from having access
to government support on the local and national level. In the meantime,
big groups of migrants and other special groups are given substantive
financial support to carry out integration activities and projects. For our
part, if we are lucky, we Filipinas are given a pittance to carry out small-
scale activities. This lack of structural support from host governments
weakens the potential capacity of Filipina migrants for self-empowerment.
Painstaking and sustained lobby work is needed to move the politicians
and policymakers for our official recognition which, obviously, at this point,
we do not yet have the capacity to carry out.
Another issue we face is that Filipina migrants are seen more as ‘victims’
instead of self-confident hard-working women. The stereotype propagated
by the media, projects us as weak and meek. We are not seen as strong
women who know how to solve our own problems and very much capable
of finding ways and means to make ourselves matter meaningfully in the
community. Unfortunately, the educational background and the skills we

have are not fully utilised or maximised. We cannot participate fully in the
labour market on the same level as our education and work experience
should guarantee. Our diplomas are not recognised and given much lower
value. What we need is to be given the chance to exploit our capacity to the
fullest.
Furthermore, our role and potential as agents of transformation and
trustworthy partners for development are not fully understood and
appreciated by the host government, nor by the civil society organisations.
This is experienced in our networking with mainstream organisations of
women, trade unions and political parties. To illustrate: our issues are
relevant or useful as long as they do not conflict with their own interests
and internal agenda, and, we are only good as “examples.” Tensions become
evident when Filipinas are used as ‘poster girls’ to promote/emphasise the
majority women’s own engagement on migrant women issues – they would
speak on our behalf, as if we do not have the capacity to articulate our own
issues, and when we assert our right to speak for ourselves, they feel
challenged and become indifferent. Also due to the stereotyped image of
the Filipina migrant, there is lack of recognition in our diversity—that we
have diverse professions and employments among our ranks.
On the other hand, we can also be accused of too much ‘inward
looking’—we are only concerned about our own problems. We do not take
an active approach in forging cooperation and solidarity with other migrant
organisations, with which we share common issues of struggles. Babaylan
realises, however, that networking and cooperation with other migrants
organisations are necessary and are effective strategies to make our voices
heard.
At the same time rivalry and mistrust among Filipino organisations
hinder us from moving forward together, and in carrying out successful
projects. We get entangled in intrigues and slanders which lead to
demotivation and defragmentation of our organisations. However, this
phenomenon of rivalry and competition does not only happen in the Filipino
community but is common among other migrant communities.
Lastly, we are disadvantaged by the lack of political will of the
Philippine government to ensure the protection of our rights. The Republic
of the Philippines is a signatory to almost all treaties and conventions on
the protection of human and migrants’ rights. However, it does not exercise
its power of putting pressure on the receiving countries for the protection
of the rights of its citizens abroad. In addition, in some European countries,

the Philippine embassies are indifferent to the woes that their citizens
encounter. The common attitude is that it is our own fault so we have to
solve it ourselves. Fortunately there are Filipino organisations which offer
help and support. There are also instances of good working relationship
and cooperation between Philippine embassy officials and Filipino
organisations.
OUR RESPONSE AND ACHIEVEMENTS

Our issues and concerns, made more difficult and complicated by the
obstacles and challenges we face, are daunting, to say the least. In the true
spirit of the babaylanes, our response has been to develop strategies that
are empowering and relevant to the communities that we serve.
In varying degrees, and according to the particular countries concerned,
our network has achieved a common and rich experience in terms of self-
organisation, initiating campaigns and struggles to assert our rights, and
building our capacities. This is found in the number, variety and dynamism
of our organisations within the community, as well as in our networking
with Europewide and international organisations.
As a Filipina network, we have developed our own migrant women
orientation course which looks into the specificities of women conditions
in the different European countries and its interconnectedness with our
upbringing as Filipino women.
Our organisations span both national and local levels, which range from
specific women organisations, youth and children, social and religious
support service and counselling centres, housing associations and
cooperatives, savings and credit cooperatives, and indigenous peoples
organisations.
A great variety of our activities have been developed and organised
around interests and issues: community, women, workers, youth, children,
cultural, religious, microfinance and social services. There are also initiatives
for cultural expression in drama, song and dance. We are also active in
chaplaincies and programmes for pastoral care and liturgy. Support of
small-scale projects in the Philippines is carried out by a number of our
organisations.
We owe all our achievements and success to our members on the
country-level. This is where we are rooted and imbedded and where our
communities are based. It is also where we are most confronted by the
obstacles and challenges and the arena of our struggles. In the meantime,

our coordinated Europe-wide activities focus mainly on capacity-building
of our internal network. Much as we would like to carry out Europe-wide
activities more often for more impact and projection, our limited resources
prohibit us from doing so. The lack from coordinated Europewide projects,
however, is very much compensated for by the collective efforts and
activities of our organisations on the national and local levels.
Empowerment activities
As a preventive strategy, Babaylan organisations engage in
empowerment activities as part of our capacity-building programmes. On
the European level, we have conducted trainors’ trainings on basic and
advanced women’s orientation; intercultural communication/culture
crossing; leadership and organisational management; conflict resolution
and management; and organisational intervention and development. These
training activities which are re-echoed down to our local networks are our
strategy to inform and raise the awareness of our general membership and
our wider target groups. Through these trainings, we build our capacities
to run and manage our organisations and we are given tools not only to
analyse and solve our problems but also for self development as leaders of
the community. We transfer this new knowledge to our own organisations
through re-echo trainings.
In the national areas, our members conduct seminars and skills trainings
on topics such as leadership, organisational management, gender sensitivity,
assertiveness skills and personality development, intercultural
communication, participation in the labour market, rights and welfare of
migrants, integration and security, and child rearing in a bicultural society,
IT and media literacy, etc.
Social service and counselling centres

All our organisations are involved in social services and counselling.
Most were established as a response to the needs for assistance of our
kababayans. Some have established counselling and women’s centres run
by part-time staff and volunteers. The assistance we offer range from giving
practical tips and advice on various issues to intensive guidance and
counselling. We also give immediate and direct help, for instance in partner-
related cases involving physical, mental and emotional violence. Telephone
help lines were opened ready to receive calls from Filipinas who needed
information, immediate help or simply a listening ear. We have also opened
temporary shelters for women.

To be as accessible as possible to those who need help, we have formed
networks of contact persons/counsellors who get professional trainings on
basic counselling and social services.
At least two of our organisations have taken up the issue of Filipina au
pairs.14 One has put up especial support services for Filipina au-pairs which
include giving information about au pair rights and obligations and lobby
and advocacy work for the rights and welfare of au pairs. We provide
practical assistance in their social and cultural adjustments in their host
countries and, when necessary, act as mediator between the au pair and
her host family.
NETWORKING, LOBBY AND ADVOCACY

Networking is an important strategy for Babaylan. It enables us to make
our issues known to a wider network of like-minded and interested
organisations. We do networking on the European and national levels with
civil society organisations and government agencies. Networking gives us
a venue to advocate our issues and concerns and a platform to project our
organisations. We also are able to learn from each other and exchange best
practices in our work.
At the same time we do advocacy and lobby work on issues, laws and
regulations that affect us as migrant women and as workers. We do this as
much as possible together with other organisations for more impact. These
issues focus mainly on our rights and welfare i.e., recognition as a migrant
community by the host government at national and local levels; recognition
of the au pair programme as a cultural exchange program; recognition of
domestic work as migration status; rights and welfare of undocumented
domestic workers; and, independent residence status for Filipina wives of
European nationals.
In Greece, Italy and Spain, we have participated in the campaigns for
the regularisation of undocumented migrant domestic workers.
On the international level, the Filipino Women’s Council (FWC) in Italy
participates in high-level lobby and advocacy work. Most recently it took
part in the expert meetings on female migrants by the UNFPA-IOM.15
Up north, Babaylan-DK takes part in the conference of Filipino
organisations in the Nordic and Baltic regions. This conference entitled
Pulong ng Bayan (meeting of the community) was attended by a network of
organisations and some individuals representing Denmark, Finland,
Norway and Sweden. Now a yearly event, it brings together leaders of

Filipino communities in the Nordic countries. The first-ever regional
conference in 2004 was held in southern Sweden, Helsingborg with the
cooperation of the ambassador and her staff. Babaylan DK leaders inputted
as resource speaker and workshop anchors.
At the European level, Babaylan occasionally takes part in various
international conferences and forums. Most recently, Babaylan was invited
to present its experiences in the workshop “Rethinking Migration and
(Alternative) Development” at the Asia-Europe Peoples’ Forum (AEPF)
held in Helsinki.16 The workshop discussed the challenges and organising
strategies in sending and receiving countries. Together with migrant
organisations in Asia and Europe the participants developed “joint agendas
and new strategies” with regard to migration issues.
At the Association for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID)
International Forum 17 held in Bangkok in 2005, FWC organised with
Babaylan a workshop entitled “Me, Us and Them: Migrant Women
Organising for Change,” where women shared their experiences while
participants engaged in a broader discussion on migrant workers’ needs
and rights internationally.
Information and campaigns

In the early years of Babaylan, we coordinated a two-year Europe-wide
information campaign on violence against women aptly called “Kiss
Violence Goodbye!” This awareness-raising campaign was carried in all
member countries of Babaylan. Our target groups included women of other
nationalities and the wider European public. Later, small scale campaigns
against gender-based violence including women trafficking are regularly
initiated on the country level.
Furthermore, Babaylan participated in a number of international
campaigns on issues which affect the welfare and rights of overseas Filipinos
such as the ratification of the UN Convention for Migrants Rights. From
2000 to 2003, we took part in the international campaign of Filipino
organisations worldwide for the approval by the Philippine Congress of
the Overseas Absentee Voting Bill.
On the country level, we campaign on various issues which affect us
directly. These issues include right to stay and against deportation; rights
and welfare of migrants, violence against women; the right of family
reunification; legalisation status of undocumented migrants; strike action
with coworkers in factories, on ships or in hospitals; and the recognition of
migrant domestic work as proper work.

As part of our information activities, some of our organisations
produced film and video documentary projects depicting the situation of
Filipina domestic workers and the general condition of Filipina migrants
in Europe. We have also helped mainstream television networks in their
documentary projects on the effects of the feminisation of Philippine
migration.
Research and publications

Most of our members have their own newsletters. The newsletters report
updates of our activities and other issues that we are involved in. Some
organisations have also produced quarterly magazines, books and
pamphlets on poetry, Philippine culture, profiles of Filipinas, working and
living conditions of migrant domestic workers and practical handbooks on
how to find one’s way in the new adopted country.
On the national level, there are also on-going surveys like a survey on
ageing and migration by Babaylan-Switzerland, and a profile on the
socioeconomic situation of migrant Filipinas by Bayanihan Philippine
Women’s Centre in The Netherlands.
In 2000, the Philippine Women’s Forum-Germany in cooperation with
Babaylan, published a book called Trans Euro Express – Filipinas in Europe.18
It is a collection of more than 50 stories of Filipinas living in Europe. In
2004, the Filipino Women’s Centre in Italy conducted a research entitled
“Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions of Filipina Domestic Workers.”
The research project focused on the social role of Filipina women in Italian
society as service workers, as citizens, as mothers (both in Italy and in the
Philippines) and how to help these women achieve a self-realization process
to increase their own self-esteem.
In 2004-2005, four Babaylan members participated in a research project
“Networks Migrants and Natives” by the The University of Rome.19
Children and youth

Children and youth are two main concerns of Babaylan. In some
countries, there are especial programmes and activities, such as theatre
and drama, exposure and exchange programmes, summer schools, day care
centres and primary schools. In Italy, Spain and Greece, day care centres
were established.
In 1995, the Munting Nayon day care centre in Athens evolved into a
regular primary school. According to Debbie Carlos,20 “the primary school

is a response to an urgent need of migrants to provide care and early child
education in a supportive, caring and familiar environment. The experience
has shown that the project not only answers a concrete need but offers a
new way of organising and raising consciousness of migrant women on
issues directly affecting them: children’s basic rights, care, early education
and development.”
CFMW-Italy, likewise, has a day care centre for children and two youth
programmes (a summer activity for Filipino youth and skills trainings for
multiethnic youth). It has organised a youth encounter and exposure trip
to the Philippines for second generation Filipino-Italian youth. These
encounter activities are effective strategies to let young people get
acquainted with their roots. Babaylan-UK, through Lingap, initiates children
and youth activities, such as theatre and drama. Other countries also
organise children and youth activities during Christmas and around the
Philippine Independence Day celebrations.
In Barcelona, Amistad (women organisation) is a founding member of
Iskwelang Pinoy (Filipino school) and did volunteer work as teachers. IP is a
nonformal education/formation programme of Centro Filipino for second
generation children of Filipino migrants.
Cooperatives and microfinance

Recognising that economic independence is one important aspect of
empowerment, Babaylan is involved in the cooperative system. Bahay Kubo,
a member of Babaylan-UK, is a housing cooperative in London which
provides housing advice and advocacy on migrant housing issues relevant
to the Filipino community.
There are also some initiatives to set up microfinance projects. One
exemplary initiative which needs mentioning is the savings and credit
cooperative by Diwata in Greece. Diwata women put up their own
cooperative as an answer to their constant cash flow problems. Today, they
are proud of what they have achieved—putting their economic
independence in their own hands.
Their experience has inspired other Babaylan women who are now
members of savings and credit cooperatives in their local areas, while others
are looking into the possibility of setting up one themselves.
CONCLUSION
Today, given all what we have achieved, Babaylan realises that they
are just small steps towards our long journey to a productive and meaningful

life in Europe. Broad strides to empowerment and protection of our rights
entail small steps taken together. There are more daunting challenges facing
us in this era of neoliberalism and globalisation which spawned the trend
of not only the free flow of capital and goods, but also the internationalisation
of migration with all its negative impacts on women.
On the other hand, we have to recognise that through migration, there
are benefits and positive experiences too, for women. Migration has an
empowering impact on women in terms of higher self-esteem and increased
economic independence both as family members and as economic actors.
It is a life-changing experience. We get exposed to new ideas and other
social norms and values which make us aware of our rights and our
potentials to participate fully in society. Our awareness can also contribute
to the gender discourse within our community in Europe and back home
in the Philippines.
Since the onset of migration, the issues of migrant women have been
ignored and have always been at the back burners of the international policy
agenda. Today, we have a unique opportunity to transform it. The explicit
recognition of the human rights of women and the call for gender equality
are basic criteria of any sustainable, effective and equitable policy
framework that wants to address migration in a sincere and humane
manner. Government bodies, politicians and policymakers, civil society
organisations, the media, and international bodies like the UN, are
increasingly paying attention to the socio-economic and political significance
of the international migration of women.
International migration of women, specifically of our women
compatriots, is an intrinsic part of today’s globalised world. Philippine
migration can play a key role in development and poverty reduction in our
country if ‘managed’ properly both by the Philippine government and the
receiving countries. Furthermore, it has clear benefits for women
empowerment that could be enhanced and disadvantages that could be
minimised.
Women are on the move and will continue migrating, so will the women
of the Philippines. The protection of our rights deserves priority attention.
Our needs are urgent and should be addressed immediately. Only then
will the benefits of international migration be maximised and the risks
minimised.
The women of Babaylan, just like millions of other migrant women,
face serious obstacles and challenges that have critical consequences for

our very survival. Yet our experience need not be fraught with danger when
migration can be such a positive experience for so many millions of migrant
women like us. Enlightened public leaders can help maneuver current
debates in Europe from rightist sentiments and its emphasis on differences
to our common humanity which brings us together in a world increasingly
without borders.
The obstacles and challenges we face can be overcome through
courageous measures and actions designed to empower migrant women
like us and to protect our human rights. Our hard work deserves recognition,
and our human rights, protection. Our voices must be heard.
Sensationalised incidents involving migrants and sensitive debates
about migration policies have highlighted stories of migration gone bad.
Meanwhile, hundreds of stories of migration gone good—of women who
leave their families behind and contribute to both their adopted and home
countries through their skills, labour and remittances—tend to go largely
untold. Their stories must be told.
The Babaylan network representing hundreds and thousands of Filipina
migrants in Europe has a mission to have our voices heard in chorus with
millions of other migrant women in Europe. We will tell our stories and
that of the others and make people in Europe hear our voices. We will
build alliances and networks and devise new strategies towards defending
human rights and migrants’ rights. Only through painstaking work and
small but determined steps can we tread this long journey towards
empowerment, participate in society and its development, reap the benefits
of migration and build ‘another world’ which belongs to us all. Every small
step we take, we make herstory by changing of lives.
NOTES
1 The author served as chairperson of Babaylan from 1994-1998 and is
currently a member of the Babaylan Advisory Committee. Major parts
of this paper were presented during the Asia-Europe People’s Forum
held on 3-7 September 2006 in Helsinki, Finland.
2 The word babaylan means priestess. In precolonial Philippine history,
it specifically referred to a holy woman and a woman leader. One of
the significances of rediscovering the babaylan figure in Philippine
history is that we came to know that before the Spanish colonisers came,

the native woman of the Philippine islands did not hold a subjugated
role in society; rather she was a leader and an equal. She was also
essential in spiritual practice of the community.
3 “Remembering Rome,” Babaylan Conference Proceedings, Rome, 2001
by M. Padilla, conference coordinator.
4 Country reports in the proceedings of Babaylan Conferences – 1992,
1994, 1996, 1998, and 2001 and Babaylan websites.
5 Summary submitted by the Chairperson of the Commission, High-level
panel discussion on the gender dimensions of international migration,
www.un.org/esa/population/hldmigration/Text/CSW_2006-15.pdf,
3 September 2006.
6 Women, trade and migration by Don Flynn and Eleonore Kofman,
ID21 Gender and Development, Vol 12, No 2, pp 66-72, July 2004,
http://www.id21.org/id21ext/s6aek1g1.html, 3 September 2006.
7 See The Importance of Considering Gender Issues in Migration by Gloria
Moreno-Fontes, a Migration Specialist of the ILO Migration Branch.
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/projects/
gender/.
8 Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work (2001),
and Children of Global Migration: Transnational Families and Gendered Woes
(2005) both Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
9 Paper presented during the NEWR Workshop on Women’s Social
Entitlements by Debbie Carlos, 10-11 October 2003, Athens, Greece.
10 Ten Ways to Protect Undocumented Migrant Workers by Michele
LeVoy and Nele Verbruggen, PICUM 2005.
11 Example cited by Kasapi-Hellas, Women’s Social Entitlements NEWR
Workshop, 10-11 October 2003, Athens, Greece.
12 France, Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg and The Netherlands are the
signatories of the Schengen Treaty.
13 When it started in 1952, the EU of today had only 6 members. Now it
has 25 member states, as of 2006. At least seven (possibly even more)
are expected to join in the future.
14 Since 1996 Bayanihan, Philippine Women’s Centre in The Netherlands,
has been giving assistance and support to Filipina au pairs. (More on
Bayanihan’s work about au pairs can be found in a separate report by
Diana Oosteerbeck-Latoza in this book.) Most recently, Babaylan-DK
has started attending to the problems that Filipina au pairs face in
Denmark.
15 In May and September 2006, Chato Basa participated in the United
Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the International Organisation

for Migration (IOM) expert group meetings on female migrants and
development. For a full copy of the proceedings entitled: “Female
Migrants: Bridging the Gaps Throughout the Life Cycle,” see http://
www.unfpa.org/publications/detail.cfm?ID=313 and/or http://
www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/site/myjahiasite/shared/shared/
mainsite/published_docs/books/female_migrants.pdf.
16 The Asia-Europe Peoples’ Forum (AEPF) was held in Helsinki, Finland
on 3-7 September 2006. For more information about AEPF and the
proceedings of the forum, see http://www.aepf.net.
17 The AWID International Conference was held on 27-30 October, 2005
in Bangkok, Thailand, attended by four Babaylan members (It, CH,
DK, and NL). For more information and proceedings of the forum, see
http://www.awid.org/forum/plenary_reports.htm.
18 The book was edited by Mary Lou Hardillo-Werning who served as
Babaylan’s chairperson in 2000-2003.
19 Four Babaylan members (It, D, NL and Gr) participated in the EU-
funded research project by the Tre University Roma in 2005-2006.
20 Debbie Carlos served as the first chairperson of Babaylan from 1992-
1994. She is a founding member of Kasapi-Hellas, the spirit behind the
founding of Munting Nayon primary school and the establishment
Diwata.
Babaylan website: www.babaylan-europe.org

Annex A Babaylan Europe Objectives
We, at Babaylan, strive to:
• promote women’s empowerment and full participation in development
processes through sharing of our experiences, information and
resources;
• promote a liberating education programme for women to tackle issues
affecting women in Europe and the Philippines;
• strengthen Philippine women’s groups networking on the national level;
• establish links of support with women’s groups of other nationalities
in Europe and in the Philippines;
• project our voices through effective lobby work at all planning and
policy-making levels and representation both in the Philippines and
Europe;
• provide channels for campaign on women issues; mobilise participation
and action among Filipinas through Babaylan’s biennial General
Assembly meeting.
Annex B Short Profile of Babaylan Network Member Countries

• Austria
Pilipina Sa Austria is a civic and charitable organisation formed on 11
July 1996 with 20 Filipino women ratifying its constitution in Vienna. In
September of 1996, it was registered as a member organisation of Babaylan
Europe, correspondingly named Babaylan-Austria. As such, it is the
umbrella organisation of all women’s groups in Austria under Babaylan.
One of its primary objectives is to promote the upliftment of the Filipina
woman, and ultimately of womanhood as a whole, in the educational,
economic, cultural and social spheres to enable her to fully share in the
development process of society. Its main activities are media work,
networking, education and skills trainings, fund raising, counselling and
referrals and charitable support to projects.
Contact e-mail: a.chech1@chello.at.
Website: http://babaylanaustria.tripod.com/index.html
• Denmark
Babaylan-Denmark was formally organised in Copenhagen on
17 May 1997 by a few women who together believed in organising Filipinas

in Denmark towards uplifting their conditions. Prior to this date, a telephone
network to assist victims of violence was set up by two of its founding
members as a response to thwart the problems and negative publicity
surrounding Filipinas in Denmark. Babaylan-DK formally joined the
European network in October 2001. It provides a forum for Filipino women,
and in helping Filipino youth to develop and integrate into Danish society,
and establishing links and support with women’s groups from other
nationalities and ethnic backgrounds in Denmark, i.e., computer literacy
courses for Somali women and internationally. Babaylan-DK publishes a
quarterly newsmagazine on women, migration, integration and
development entitled ABAKADA. Lately, it has worked actively in the
Taskforce on the welfare of au pairs, relatively a new and potentially
bombastic phenomenon in Danish society.
Contact email: babaylanes@yahoo.com
Website: http://www.babaylan.dk
• France
Babaylan-France is a working group of committed Filipinas (about 10)
who come together and meet regularly. It is a not a mass organisation of
Filipina migrant women, however, it welcomes all members of the Filipino
community, particularly women, to participate in its activities. It has been
a member of Babaylan since its founding. Babaylan France has four major
activities—information through seminars/sessions and newsletter; direct
assistance such as medical or health care, legal help and assistance to
Filipinas married to French nationals; cultural activities, and networking
with European and international organisations.
Contact e-mail: sally.rousset@wanadoo.fr
• Germany
Philippine Women’s Forum (PWF) is a response to the need for a
concerted effort to address the problems and issues of Filipinas in Germany.
It is a network of Filipinas who are members of various Philippine
organisations and/or German institutions in various cities of Germany.
Presently PWF is officially recognised as a registered non-profit association
in Germany. Membership is categorised into Active Members and
Supportive Members. Main activities of the association include the
celebration of IWD in March, cultural and social gathering in summer and
info evening in November for International Day against Violence against
Women. Recent initiative of the association is setting up of Babaylanes
Internationales, a small group of international women interested in situation

of migrant women, cultural exchange and binational relationship and
gender-related issues.
Contact e-mail: babaylanes@gmx.de
• Greece
Diwata which stands for Determined Women in Action for Total
Advancement was formed and launched in March 1993. It is an organisation
of Filipina migrant workers based in Athens. It was organised after a training
on basic women orientation conducted by the Kasapi-Hellas Women’s
Committee right after the founding of Babaylan in Barcelona. Together with
Kasapi, Diwata helped in setting up Munting Nayon daycare centre in 1995
to provide early childhood education and care for children of migrant
women. In 1999 Diwata formed a savings and credit cooperative.
Recognising that women migrants in Greece have a more difficult situation
than their sisters in other European countries, they came to realise that to
overcome the situation of powerlessness, they have to organise themselves.
Aside from fighting for women’s rights, they wanted to do something to
bind them together and make them strong. The idea of a credit cooperative
was born as a response to their problem of cash flow. Diwata stresses the
importance of education for the empowerment of its members. Education
in a cooperative system places importance on a collective and cooperative
way of doing things affecting changes in our lives. Today, Diwata has
around 60 members who are solidly united and actively participating in
their cooperative.
Contact e-mail: kasapi@hol.gr
• Italy
Babaylan-Italy is a network of four women’s organisations – Alay sa
Kababaihang Pilipina (AKAP), Malayan, CFMW-Italy and Filipino
Women’s Council (FWC). The major activities of the four organisations are
social services, counselling and referrals; seminars and workshops on
migrants’ rights and welfare; religious and pastoral services; cultural
activities; skills trainings; and, networking and advocacy. Awareness-raising
activities for women are organised on various women issues i.e., upbringing
of bicultural children.
It has youth and adolescent activities, also for young people of other
nationalities, on issues such as aids, drugs and alcohol. A multi-ethnic day
care centre, Munting Tahanan was established for children up to three years
old, while a summer school Munting Paaralan is organised for Filipino
children from 6-15 years of age. There are also skills trainings and

information sessions for multiethnic youth. Several cultural activities are
organised such as introduction of Filipino culture to the Italian public,
cultural animation (song and dance) of Filipino children at elderly and
nursing homes (i.e., during Christmas season). At the same time, it has
links with government offices on the national and local level and
strong network and advocacy work on European and international
level i.e., UN bodies.
Contact e-mail: mindoro@tiscali.it and cfmwitalia@libero.it
• The Netherlands
Diwang Pilipina or Diwa, established in 1993, is a network of three
Filipina organisations (Alab, Bayanihan and Kapit-Bisig) and individuals
involved on migrant women issues. It serves as an action forum, a pool of
resource persons and a coordinating body for women-specific activities.
Diwa’s main objective is to develop a gender-friendly perspective towards
issues concerning the integration and participation of Filipinas in Dutch
society. Its activities are information gatherings and campaigns, specifically
during the International Women’s Day, education and skills trainings,
networking with other women (migrant) organisations, and lobby and
advocacy. One of its members, Bayanihan, offers all forms of social services
and counselling, telephone help line and crisis intervention. It also organises
empowerment and skills trainings and is actively involved in networking
and advocacy on migrant’s issues. It has a support and advocacy service
for the rights and welfare of au pairs. Kapit-Bisig, on the other hand,
undertakes similar activities but on the local level.
Contact e-mail: bayanihan.nl@planet.nl
• Spain
Amistad de Mujeres Filipinas is one of the founding members of
Babaylan which saw its birth in Barcelona in 1992. Its main activities are
promotion of rights and welfare of Filipina migrants through information
gatherings and awareness-raising, networking with other migrant
organisations, and lobby and advocacy towards local government officials.
Amistad also gives support and assistance to Filipinas who need help or
are in crisis situation. It participates actively in the Filipino chaplaincy
through its pastoral care and community-building programmes and
promotes women’s issues within the church community. Through Centro
Filipino, Amistad is involved in activities for children and youth. Amistad
women are also members of a savings and credit cooperative.
Contact e-mail: amistadbentinig@yahoo.es

• Switzerland
Babaylan-Switzerland, founded in 1992, is a network of organisations
and individuals. Its members include Samahang Pilipina Zürich, Samahang
Pilipina Bern, Samahang Pilipina Luzern, Tuluyang Pinoy, and Balikatan.
Its main objective is to consolidate the efforts of the different organisations
and centres towards empowerment and better integration of Filipinas in
Switzerland through information campaigns, education and trainings,
networking and lobby, cultural activities, social services and counselling.
It has a newsletter which publishes updates of its activities and issues of
interest.
Contact e-mail: balikatan@datacomm.ch
• United Kingdom
Babaylan-UK is a network of four organisations and individuals:
Lingap, for children and youth: Bahay Kubo, housing cooperative; Igorot-
UK, an indigenous people’s organisation; and, Kanlungan, a service centre.
Together they give social services and referrals; skills trainings and
awareness-raising on migrants’ rights and welfare; cultural and theatre
activities; housing assistance; and networking and advocacy with other
organisations.
Contact e-mail: estelavn@hotmail.co.uk

Filipino Migrant Workers in Europe:
Organising Strategies, Agendas and Campaigns
NONOI HACBANG and FE JUSAY
INTRODUCTION
For more than four decades, Filipino migrant workers have been living
and working in Europe, re-inventing our lives, supporting our families,
engaging in the economic and political realities of both Europe and the
Philippines, and developing our organisations and initiatives as part of the
new global movement of migrants linked to the social movements
committed to a new model of development based on global economic justice.
Our initiatives have been developed within the framework of a
comprehensive Migrant Agenda (Athens 1997) addressing the EU
governments as well as the Philippine government, and taking on the
challenges of a transformative political and economic development
(Amsterdam 2003).
This short overview of migrants’ lives and some of their struggles and
achievements will be presented in the following structure:
• Who are We as a Filipino Migrant Community in Europe?
• Context of Migration in Europe – Restrictive Policy Regime
• Philippines – Economic Crisis, War and Migration
• Organising Work in the Migrant Community
• Campaigning for Migrant Rights
• Europe-wide and Global Campaign for Overseas Voting
• Campaigns for Regularisation of Undocumented Migrants

WHO ARE WE AS A FILIPINO MIGRANT
COMMUNITY IN EUROPE?
The presence of Filipinos in Europe can be traced back to the late 1800s and
early 1900s when Filipino patriots were exiled in Spain. We also have some
records of Filipinos settling in Europe immediately after World War II.
However, significant migration started in the 1960s to The Netherlands,
Austria and Germany and peaked in the 1970s and 1980s with large
concentrations in Italy, Spain, and Britain. It was also in this period that
Filipino migration to the other countries in Europe occurred—to Greece,
France, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Belgium, Luxembourg,
Ireland, Cyprus, Finland and Iceland. There are also reports of Filipino
migrants in Eastern Europe, but the data is still being researched.
Drawing on data from community sources, host governments and
Philippine embassies, we place the number of the Filipino migrant
community in Europe at 700,000 of which 80 percent of us are women
(CFMW 2006). In addition, an estimated 300,000 Filipino seafarers
(Philippine Seafarers Assistance Programme - [PSAP] 2006) representing
20 percent of total world seafarers, are mainly employed on European-
owned international ships, and large numbers of Filipino seafarers pass
through European ports such as Rotterdam, Antwerp, Hamburg, Piraeus
and Barcelona.
There is also a growing sector of youth and second generation children
among us, as well as an increasing number of migrants who reach
retirement age.
Alongside the estimated 16 million migrants, immigrants and refugees
of other nationalities, we have made and continue to make a significant
contribution to the economic, political, social and cultural development
and enrichment of Europe, as well as to the development of the Philippines.
Over the years, we have built a variety of organisations and networks
at national and European level; pioneered innovative programmes and
projects for the education of our children; and conducted leadership and
empowerment training, aids education and gender orientation. We have
also developed alternative livelihood initiatives, both in Europe as well as
in support of community development projects in the Philippines.
Overseas Filipino profile in Europe
We are engaged in work in the professional and service sectors—
domestic workers and au pairs, seafarers and oil-rig workers, nurses and
health workers, religious and church workers, entertainers and students.
Filipino Migrant Workers in Europe: 111

Together with the 7 million Filipino diaspora, spread throughout 146
countries in all continents of the globe, we are an integral and significant
sector of the Filipino people.
We see ourselves as part of the 16 million black and ethnic migrant,
immigrant and refugee communities in Europe.
Our experience of migration has been primarily shaped by the demand
for a flexible international labour pool as a result of the globalisation of the
world economy. It is also driven by continuing poverty, unemployment,
unstable political conditions and the war situation in the southern part of
the Philippines, as well as by an aggressive labour export policy of the
Philippine government in its pursuit of a flawed development model.
Here in Europe, the impact of the integration of the European Union
(EU) has resulted in severely restrictive immigration policies, through
mechanisms such as Trevi and Schengen agreements, which make legal
migration almost impossible. In December 1999, the EU Summit held in
Tampere, Finland under the Finnish Presidency introduced for the first
time a Europe-wide migration policy. This policy was to be applied in all
countries of the EU and also provided for heavily militarised borders
towards the Eastern and Southern borders of Europe.
Throughout the 1990s, and into this new millennium, the trend towards
restriction of migration has intensified. With the rise of xenophobia,
islamaphobia and rightist political parties in a number of countries, migrant
rights which had been gained in previous decades and integrated into the
legislation of many states in Europe, have been significantly eroded (e.g.,
family reunion, independent residence status based on marriage, and
freedom of movement). Given the restrictive immigration policy in all
countries in Europe, a significant number of migrants, including Filipino
migrants become undocumented.
CONTEXT OF MIGRATION IN EUROPE –

RESTRICTIVE POLICY REGIME
Corporate driven globalisation is generating multiple crises in the South.
These crises include: worsening financial crises from Asia to Latin America;
major conflicts and war of resources, particularly in the Middle East and
Africa; land and ecological degradation and environmental disasters; the
September 11 aftermath with the rollback of civil, political, migrant, and
refugee rights in every continent; and the US-led coalition against terrorism
bringing war in Afghanistan and Iraq and the threat of war in other areas,
particularly in the Middle East and Asia.

This is impacting globally on people’s livelihood and employment;
access to land and food sovereignty; security and peace, particularly in the
South. Latin America, Africa and Asia, have seen more and more people
forced to flee as refugees, or become migrants seeking livelihoods and work
in the more industrialised capitals of the their own country or continent, or
journeying further to the US and Europe. A significant percentage of these
refugees and migrants are women.
However, the North’s response (the ‘North’ within their own continent
as well as in US and Europe) has been framed in a policy regime of selective
recruitment of highly trained individuals and severe restrictions on entry
of all other migrants and refugees. Increasingly, refugees and migrants are
treated as a source of highly exploitable labour without rights and subject
to forcible arbitrary repatriation (e.g., 2002 massive deportations from
Malaysia and the less publicised deportations from Europe).
In this context of increasing poverty as a result of globalisation of
economies and massive foreign debt, it is migrants, particularly migrant
women, who have ironically become the main source of foreign currency
earnings for their countries of origin and the main support to their families.
Despite conditions of exploitation, migrant women are also organising and
articulating new strategies of resistance and proposals for both economic
and gender justice.
PHILIPPINES – ECONOMIC CRISIS, WAR

AND MIGRATION
Various analyses of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s (GMA) years in office
show the serious problem of an ever-widening gap of social inequality and
increasing mass poverty. Instead of maintaining the momentum of EDSA
2, the Arroyo presidency allowed land reform in the countryside and the
city to be bogged down by narrow interests of elite ownership. Likewise,
GMA squandered the possibilities of negotiating real autonomy and
equality for the Bangsa Moro and indigenous peoples in Mindanao and
has reverted to a military policy of all-out war.1
Moreover the situation in Mindanao becomes unstable as US troops
are introduced ostensibly to join the Philippine military in crushing the
Abu Sayyaf. This has drawn the Philippines into the explicit framework of
the US-led “war against terrorism” and contributes to the continuation of
war in Mindanao but also to enmeshing the Philippines in US geopolitics
in Southeast Asia.

In terms of economic policy, the GMA government has submitted to
the demands of the IMF and the Asian Development Bank—putting for
instance energy privatisation at the top of her legislative agenda. This meant
that the government, according to Walden Bello, has failed to develop a
programme, which would stimulate domestic demand via income and asset
redistribution, increased social expenditure and more aggressive taxations
of the rich.2 Wigberto E. Tañada further explains how this economic policy
is impacting on families: “More than 80 percent of the national income goes
to just half of the total Filipino families…the rest belong to the ‘other’
Philippines…who according to the official census are now 31 million
Filipinos, up from 27 million in 1997. More than two-thirds of them live in
the rural areas…none of them have sufficient income to afford even life’s
necessities.”3
Filipina women and out migration

Thus, while the Philippine economy remains in the doldrums, more
and more Filipinos continue to see migration as a solution to their poverty
and lack of job opportunity.
In October 2000, 3.4 million Filipinos were unemployed out of a labour
force of 33 million. One out of every five employed workers is
underemployed. Labour productivity has been stagnant over the past 12
years resulting in loss of competitiveness compared with those of
neighbouring countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, etc. It is this loss of
competitiveness that is an important factor for the decline of foreign
investments in the country.
In 2002, estimates placed the number of overseas Filipino workers close
to eight million in over 150 countries. This is about 10 percent of the
population. Of this figure, 40.8 percent are overseas contract workers, 32.5
percent are emigrants or permanent residents and 26.6 percent are classified
as undocumented (CFO 2000). Close to a million Filipinos leave the country
annually.
Throughout the decade of the 1990s and continuing up to the present
time, women continue to outnumber men among the newly deployed
workers. In 1992, women migrants represented 49.8 percent, by 1999 this
ratio increased to 64 percent . In 2001, women composed 73 percent of newly
deployed migrant workers. A significant part of this continuing migrant
women exodus joins the Filipino migrant community in Europe4 mainly as
migrant domestic workers – which is the main area of employment, besides
prostitution, which is open to migrant women.

Europe – between zero tolerance and selective regularisation
Globalisation is also impacting on the internal structuring of the
European labour market as well as on the EU’s relations with countries of
the South. Through the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS)
within the WTO, the EU is proposing a carrot and stick approach in
negotiating with Southern governments—offering “selective legalised
migration” in return for further liberalisation of trade and investment
favouring European transnational corporations.
In Europe, under conditions of globalisation, economic considerations
are demanding that family households be supported by two wage-earning
adults resulting in increased numbers of European women working outside
the home. In the context of very inadequate state provision of day care or
preschool facilities for children, there is a widespread demand for workers
in private households, much of which is being met by migrant women,
many of whom are unable to regularise their status.
European households are dependent on such ‘live-in’ or ‘live-out’
workers and without them, their employers could not go out to work in the
“productive” economy. In this way, the transnational, globalised economy
is brought into the private home, not just in goods consumed there, but at
its very core in the organising and delivery of reproductive labour.
While some countries in Europe have recognised this role of migrant
women and have responded with periodic regularisation throughout the
past decade, migration policy in many countries has remained mired in
intense polarised debate. And in some countries—like The Netherlands—
the government has resisted any immigration policy change, including in
the field of migrant workers in the domestic sector. Instead, the au pair
system, ostensibly for cultural exchange, is now widely acknowledged to
be used as a framework for bringing in young women as au pairs from the
South and East to work in the private home. Au pairs are frequently expected
to work in their ‘host family’ homes and many become migrant domestic
workers when their au pair ‘contract’ ends.
ORGANISING WORK IN THE MIGRANT COMMUNITY

Organising for migrant empowerment
The Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers (CFMW) is an
organisation which works in partnership with Filipino migrant
organisations in Europe. It aims to develop migrant empowerment through

self-organisation, education and campaigns for migrant rights and welfare
and for solidarity with migrants of other nationalities against racism.
CFMW’s mission
CFMW was established as a foundation in 1979 to develop appropriate
programmes and services in response to the various needs of the overseas
Filipino community, particularly migrant workers, thus building a
“partnership of development” in Europe and in the Philippines. CFMW
seeks to contribute to an empowered migrant community where Filipinos
and Filipinas, confident in representing their realities and struggles, rally
the organised strength of their community and harness the support of the
international community.
CFMW works for the recognition and protection of the rights and
welfare of overseas Filipinos among the international community and
European peoples. CFMW promotes linkages and solidarity with other
migrant nationalities in a spirit of cooperation and partnership.
CFMW core programmes and activities
• Migrant Empowerment and Education
• Migrant Rights Campaigns in Europe and the Philippines working
with the Platform of Filipino Migrant Organisations in Europe,
RESPECT the Europe-wide campaign for rights of migrant domestic
workers (MDWs), Migrant Rights International, Migrant Forum
Asia and Centre for Migrant Advocacy (Philippines)
• Networking—links with migrants communities, trade unions,
human rights organisations, and church centres, development
organisations, civil society organisations and parliamentarians
• Information, Publication and Research
The CFMW international office based in Amsterdam has a Europe-
wide programme as well as a specific programme in the Netherlands.
CFMW undertakes a joint programme with programme partner
organisations – CFMW Italia in Rome, Kasapi in Greece, Centro Filipino in
Barcelona.
Since 1997, CFMW has facilitated the Platform of Filipino Migrant
Organisations in Europe in terms of campaigns and activities. The Platform
Council meets every year for planning and assessment of its activities.
Currently CFMW is also anchoring the RESPECT Europe-wide campaign
for the rights of migrant domestic workers.

TULONG AT SERBISYO SA AMSTERDAM
Migrant Empowerment and Education
Facilitates initiatives in self-organising of women and youth
TRUSTED Migrants and KOOP Natin
• Holds workshops for “capacity building” in personal
development and leadership training
Migrant Rights Advocacy and Networking
• Participates in campaigns and advocacy for the independent
immigration status of migrant women in their own right—
whether as workers, as spouses or women on their own
• Campaigns for the rights of Migrant Domestic Workers
(MDWs) with the working group RESPECT NL
• Facilitates the Platform of Filipino Migrant Organisations in
Europe (Platform Europe) and links with the networks and
activities of other migrant nationalities in The Netherlands
Information, publication and research
• Hosts radio program Atin ‘To Monday and Friday at 7:00-8:00
pm FM Cable 104.6 and FM Ether 99.4
• Research MDW’s and other migrant issues
• Website: www.cfmw.org and www.platformweb.org
• Conducts Public Information Forums on migrant issues and
related topics
• Provides direct support and services (advice, temporary shelter,
social network, legal and medical referral) to the migrant
community and migrant women and their children
Beginning initiatives
CFMW began its work in 1979 with programmes in two cities – Rome
and London. The early work centred on major issues confronting Filipino
migrant workers at that time: the threat of deportation and the “compulsory
remittances” demanded by the President Marcos Executive Order 508. In
the early 1980s, CFMW began to link up with Filipino migrant organisations
in other European countries – Kampi in Rome, Kapiling in London, PSAP
(Philippine Seafarers Assistance Program) in Rotterdam; Tuluyan in
Madrid; Alab in The Netherlands; Ugnayan in Stockholm. In 1985, the

international office of CFMW was established in Amsterdam. As part of its
programme, CFMW has facilitated the holding of Europe-wide
consultations and conferences as venues to respond to the trends in
migration policy globally, and in Europe, and the economic and political
developments in the Philippines.
Highlights in developing a migrant agenda and

Europe-wide overseas Filipinos (OF) network
The following conferences were co-organised with Filipino migrant
organisations at important junctures over the past decades resulting in
strengthening the profile of the Filipino migrant community and working
on common advocacies and campaigns.
• Building a Europe-wide profile, Rome, Italy, 1984
• Our work in Western Europe: Its Roots, character and prospects,
Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 1998
• The Philippine migrant community: Facing the challenges of 1992
in Europe and in the Philippines-Kerkrade, The Netherlands, 1991
• Philippine women’s conference, Barcelona, Spain, 1992
• Europe-wide consultation on undocumented migrant women
workers, Maastricht, The Netherlands, 1995
• Sharing the future beyond the year 2000 and launching the platform
of Filipino migrant organisations in Europe, Athens, 1997
• New approaches in migrant empowerment – Maximising migrant
savings and economic initiatives, Amsterdam, The Netherlands,
2003
CAMPAIGNING FOR MIGRANT RIGHTS
Campaigns for migrant rights have witnessed sustained mobilisation
of migrant community commitment and international solidarity which
include these high moments:
• Filipino seafarers endured the bitter cold of winter 1978 during a
six week strike on the Tropwind ship in the port of Amsterdam;
• The KOS garment workers held their 21-day and night picket at
the Philippine embassy in Athens;
• Lisa Mamac winning her case against her Dutch and Philippine
traffickers;
• Leovy Bongay and Ronna winning their right to stay in Britain;
• Participation in The Netherlands campaign for the right of
independent immigration status for migrant women;

• Waling-waling celebrating the victory of their campaign for the
recognition of their rights and status as migrant domestic workers;
• Writing together the Migrant Agenda during the process of the
Athens Europe-wide Conference;
• Participation in the first Global Advocacy delegation to the
Philippines in August 2001 as part of the Platform (Europe) and
together with EMPOWER (US), KaKammpi and e-Lagda,
campaigning for the right to overseas voting; and
• Jointly launching the Filipino Migrant Economic Development
Agenda during the Amsterdam consultation in 2003.
Europe-wide campaign for the rights of
migrant domestic workers
This campaign for the rights of migrant domestic workers builds on
the achievements of both CFMW’s earlier work together with partner
Filipino migrant organisations in several European countries (Italy, Spain,
Greece, Britain), as well as on joint initiatives with the RESPECT network.
These experiences have deepened our understanding and analysis of
domestic work itself and the role of migrant domestic workers in Europe’s
economy and society and their function in reproductive work within the
home. Despite invisibility in the societies where they work, denial in
immigration policy, migrant women are emerging as a dynamic sector of
transnational social actors. One significant expression of this has been the
Charter for the Rights of Migrant Domestic Workers5 which was developed
by MDWs in six countries in Europe (Britain, France, Greece, Italy, Spain,
The Netherlands) and carries three basic inter-related demands:
• the recognition of domestic work in private homes as proper work
• that the rights of migrant domestic workers be recognised and
protected as workers’ rights
• that migrant domestic workers have the right to an immigration
status independent of employers
The Charter and the ongoing education work based on it is breaking
new ground on raising both the issues of domestic work and immigration
status on the political and policy agenda in Europe.
Domestic work in private households is crucial to European family life
and social support systems, yet it is undervalued and regarded as invisible.
Changes in the traditional role of women and the demographic effects of
an ageing population have led to an increased demand for domestic work
within European households. Because of the undervaluing of this work,

the range of skills required and the sacrifices it demands of the worker, it is
more and more difficult, and expensive, to find workers willing to take on
the role within the local labour force. Increasingly, domestic workers from
outside the EU (Asia, Africa and Latin America and more recently Eastern
Europe) are meeting the demand. This, coupled with restrictive immigration
practices governing the entry and terms of employment of MDWs in the
EU, has led to massive abuse of rights within this sector.
“I had to get up at 5 a.m. and take care of 5 adults and 5 children. I had
no time off and I was not allowed to leave the house. When visitors
came, I was made to stay in the cellar or in a cupboard. I was often
beaten and I was made to sleep next to the dustbins during the winter.”
Domestic work is a particular kind of work, not just because it takes
place in the household, but also because of its fundamental importance to
the very fabric of society. Without provision for child-care, care for the
elderly, cooking and cleaning, society simply could not function.
Domestic work in private households is currently not recognised as
proper work. Even in those countries in which it is given some recognition,
it is dealt with by discriminatory employment regimes. The personalised
nature of the employment relationship in the private household and the
unequal power relations between employer and worker mean that
employment relationships become blurred, mainly to the advantage of the
employer.
Immigration status, abuse and exploitation of MDWs

Currently, MDWs who have a regularised immigration status, i.e. some
kind of work permit, are dependent on their employer for its renewal. For
domestic workers to take advantage of “regularisation” (government
legalisation process in EU countries), they may also be dependent on the
goodwill of their employer—for example to confirm employment. This gives
the employer unacceptable control over the worker.
Many MDWs have suffered and continue to suffer abuse, whether
physical, psychological, sexual, racist or economic, at the hands of their
employers, their employer’s children or their employers’ relatives or friends.
The situation of live-in domestic workers in private households is
particularly difficult. Their right to privacy, free time, and freedom of
movement may be extremely limited or ignored completely.
“I worked 17 hours a day and they woke me in the night if they needed
anything. The employer’s wife insulted me and called me ‘dog’ or

‘animal.’ I had to sleep on the floor in the child’s room and he would
hit me. I got $180 a month, but often they did not pay me.”
Undocumented MDWs are often very vulnerable to abuse from their
employers. Here, the employer can withhold wages, and psychologically
or physically abuse their worker with impunity, reassured that the MDW
will not report the abuse for fear of prosecution and deportation.
“I worked for 18 hours a day for 5 years with the same employer. I was
promised $100 a month but never received anything. I was shouted at,
insulted, threatened and I was hit and had my hair pulled by my
employer.”
The RESPECT Europe-wide network
RESPECT was developed in 1998 as a network of migrant domestic
workers organisations, migrant rights support organisations and trade
unions campaigning for the rights of MDWs in Europe. Initiating members
included: Anti-Slavery International, UK; Babaylan France, France; Bayt
Al- Thaqafa, Spain; Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers (CFMW),
The Netherlands; RESPECT-NL Working Group; CGIL, Italy, Donne Nel
Mondo, Italy; Entremujeres, Spain; European Trade Union Confederation
(ETUC), Brussels; FILCAMS-CGIL, Italy; International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), Brussels; Instituto de Estudos para o
Desenvolvimento (lED), Portugal; In Via, Germany; Kalayaan UK; Kalayaan
Dublin, Ireland; Kasapi, Greece; Movimiento por Ia Paz, el desarmé y Ia
Libertad (MPDL), Spain; SOLIDAR, Brussels; Transport and General
Workers Union (T and GWU) UK; Transnational Institute (TNI), The
Netherlands; Vomade, Spain; Zapo, Germany. CFMW currently coordinates
the initiatives of the RESPECT network.
The network has combined national campaigns and international
networking and its achievements include: giving visibility to MDW working
and living conditions in Europe; placing the rights of MDWs on the political
agenda in Europe and internationally; successful regularisation campaigns
in a number of EU countries – Greece, Spain, Italy and the UK.
Gains in the campaign
• Regularisation in several European countries
• Establishment of RESPECT Network (Europe-wide network of
migrant domestic workers)
• Charter of Rights for Migrant Domestic Workers in Europe
• Joint advocacy and submissions towards the UN Human Rights
Commission

• Policy dialogue with the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human
Rights of Migrants, Ms. Gabriela Rodriguez-Pizarro (April 2004)
who focused her annual report on migrant domestic workers - and
submitted to 60th meeting of UNCHR
• Policy dialogue with UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against
Women (CEDAW, Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women) in Amsterdam, June 2006
Current MDW campaign in The Netherlands
In The Netherlands as in other countries in Europe, the main
employment (except prostitution) open to migrant women, even when they
have spent many years in The Netherlands, is working in the private
household. There is a growing sector of migrants working in the private
household. The majority of domestic workers are women, but there are
increasing numbers of men who also work in this sector. Many come from
the Philippines, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. The
demand for workers in private households either as live-in or live-out to
work with the old and the very young—as carers, cleaners, cooks,
housekeepers, gardeners and drivers—continues to increase. Likewise more
and more families employ domestic workers. Much of this demand is met
by migrant women, some of whom are documented, whilst others are
undocumented.
Au pair schemes in Europe and in The Netherlands are increasingly
being used as a way of ensuring that families have access to low cost
domestic labour. Constructed as “cultural exchange” and as family rather
than contractual labour, this can often leave young women extremely
vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. Agencies operating for profit are often
unregulated even though au pairs are extremely dependent on them for
protection. There is an urgent need for research and evaluation of these
schemes in order to decide how best to work with them.
Working and living conditions of migrant domestic workers

Most commentators and experts recognise that domestic work, by its
very nature, is invisible and isolating. The work takes place in the private
household, a place which is often exempt from labour laws, and where
typically, trade unions do not have access to. MDWs are often exploited by
the families they work for, and many face psychological, physical, sexual,
and racist harassment from their employers and their employers’ children.
A research report published in December 2005 of migrant domestic
workers’ experience in The Netherlands identifies the following:

• Multiple part-time jobs when live-out or total availability when
live-in
• No access to medical and health benefits and services or
compensation for injuries
• No work-no pay i.e., when employer is on holiday
• No compensation when sick or absent because of an emergency
• ‘Always on the job’ – reprimands or threats of losing the job when
absent even if there are legitimate reasons such as illness or
emergency
• Frequent experiences of name calling and other humiliating
treatment.
• Threats of being reported to the police
In view of the particularly vulnerable and unprotected situation of the
majority of MDWs in the Netherlands, we seek to ensure that this
increasingly significant sector of workers will have protection of their
fundamental human rights and internationally recognised labour rights
guaranteed.
CFMW, TRUSTED Migrants and RESPECT NL are campaigning for
the rights of MDWs and are linking with the trade unions FNV and CNV to
develop broad support for the campaign. Since June 2006, many MDWS
have joined the ABVAKABO FNV trade union (Breakthrough for trade
union and migrant domestic workers!, CFMW Press Release, Amsterdam,
27 June 2006).
This campaign urges the Dutch government:
• to recognise work in the private household as proper work
• to ensure the protection of the rights of MDWs as workers and as
women
• to put in place an immigration status related to their work as
migrant workers
EUROPE-WIDE AND GLOBAL CAMPAIGN

FOR OVERSEAS VOTING
The year that the overseas vote became law
Spring 2003 was the year that finally saw the passage of the Philippine
Congress bills on overseas absentee voting and dual citizenship. This
marked the combination of several years of campaigning by overseas
Filipinos from many parts of the world. Through many twists and turns,
the Platform of Filipino Migrant Organisations in Europe, had sustained

the Panahon na! campaign of direct lobby at the Senate and House of
Representatives in the Philippines.
Panahon na! (The time has come!)
Through the Panahon na! Campaign, we mobilised a broad
participatory campaign which linked our efforts with OF organisations and
networks globally, especially through the OF Advocacy delegations to the
Philippines in 1998, 2000, and 2001 and with OF families and advocates in
the Philippines. At its height, the campaign resulted in the formation of the
International Coalition for the Overseas Filipinos’ Voting Rights (ICOFVR).
On Migrants’ Day, 7 June 2002, ICOFVR posted a one page advertisement
Panahon na! in the Philippine Daily Inquirer signed by a very wide spectrum
of migrant and other organisations.
These diverse efforts gave high visibility to the campaign and mobilised
broad support in the Philippines and abroad, and generated a political
momentum which finally resulted in the enactment of the law. For the first
time the voice of OFs reverberated in the political arena in the Philippines.
Political empowerment – bittersweet and flawed
However, the Overseas Absentee Voting bill in its final enactment was
only a shadow of what has been demanded by the campaign. Registration
and voting (except Japan, UK, and Canada) required physical presence in
the Philippine Embassies. The actual geographical context of the OFs
diaspora and the specific circumstances of Filipino seafarers were ignored
by the legislators and the COMELEC. Additionally, despite the passage of
the dual citizenship bill, this sector of OFs was prevented from voting in
the Election 2004.
CAMPAIGNS FOR REGULARISATION OF
UNDOCUMENTED MIGRANTS
A particularly vulnerable sector of migrants are those who are
undocumented. Their status as undocumented migrants arises in the context
of severely restrictive migration policy throughout Europe.
CFMW has strongly promoted the protection of the rights of the
undocumented and has participated in many regularisation campaigns
together with partner organisations in Greece, Italy, Spain, and the UK.
An important focus has also been the campaign for the ratification of
the UN Convention for the Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers
and All Members of their Families.

This Convention establishes the framework of universal human rights
for migrants both documented and undocumented.
A more detailed discussion of these attempts is given in the annexes.
NOTES
1 Peace Advocates Response to GMA’s call to Arms – Statement May
19, 2003
2 Crisis and lost Opportunities of the Arroyo Presidency by Walden Bello,
Professor of Sociology amd Public Administration in the University of
the Philippines in “Perspective”, Business World, December 10, 2002.
3 Two Countries, One Republic – Development in the “Other” Philippines
by Wigberto E. Tanada, President of PRRM and former Philippine
Congress Representative
4 The Filipino migrant community has grown in Europe over a thirty
year period and now numbers half a million, with 80% being migrant
women.
5 The Charter for the Rights of Migrant Domestic Workers was developed
through a Europe-wide Consultation process with migrant domestic
workers organised in six European countries and launched in 2000.

Annex 1 Breakthrough for trade union and migrant domestic workers!
CFMW Press Release, Amsterdam, 27 June 2006
About 60 people, mostly migrant domestic workers (MDWs) filled up
the hall at the CFMW office on the evening of June 26, to participate in a
historic first Trade Union meeting bringing officials of the ABVAKABO
FNV and MDWs together for the purpose of joining the trade union.
Welcoming the participants on behalf of CFMW, Mr. Nonoi Hacbang
emphasised the significance of this occasion: “Five years ago when we
started the campaign for the rights of MDWs in The Netherlands, this
moment was unimaginable. Today we are making history as a result of the
persistence of the MDWs and the response of the ABVAKABO FNV who
have taken the significant step to recognise MDWs as workers and to
welcome them whether documented and undocumented as members of
the trade union.”
ABVAKABO FNV was represented by Charlotte van Baaren, Imke van
Gardingen, and Coen Helderman who formally introduced the Trade Union
and its perspectives on MDWs and explained the role and responsibilities
of its members. According to Coen Helderman, “this is also a first moment
for our Trade Union, but together we can develop and shape the future
possibilities as we come to know more of your working conditions and the
challenges you face as workers in The Netherlands.”
The meeting then became a lively exchange of experiences with MDWs
sharing their conditions of work – “Is working a 54 hour week normal?
What about my situation when employers go on holiday – it’s a case of no
work no pay…and being without contracts, our rights do not count and we
are very vulnerable to threats from employers.”
Commenting from the floor, Fe Jusay, coordinator of the CFMW
Women’s programme explained that this historic meeting is the culmination
of the many initiatives of the RESPECT NL campaign for the rights of MDWs
with the participation of MDWs as the principal actors in the campaign—
“It is the lack of recognition of domestic work as proper work or as a category
for immigration which creates the conditions of vulnerability and violations
of MDWs rights as workers and as migrants.”
Charlotte van Baaren (ABVAKABO FNV Rotterdam) who has actively
campaigned to give visibility to the sector of MDWs within the Trade Union
movement said “I did not realise that this train (inter-action and dialogue
of MDWs and the Trade Union) is an intercity train—moving quite fast

and decisively to the point of MDWs becoming trade union members and
taking us on a new journey together.”
The meeting concluded with an excited buzz as MDWs filled out their
Trade Union membership forms. Reflecting the atmosphere of the meeting,
Marlyn remarked “Although this is just the beginning, we are now
recognised by the trade union and we now feel we are part of the Dutch
society.”
The meeting was hosted by CFMW, TRUSTED Migrants, Transnational
Institute (TNI) and RESPECT NL.
Annex 2 Executive Summary of CFMW Research Report on MDWs

in The Netherlands: MDWs Visible and Making a Difference!
(December 2005)
Global context of migrant domestic workers

Migrant domestic workers in the private household and their living
and working conditions have gained increasing importance within migrant
communities as well as from human rights advocates, trade unions,
women’s networks, academe, media, and policy makers. A number of
interrelated factors contribute to this:
• The “North-South divide” in terms of intensification of unequal
trade, debt and impoverishment of developing economies of the
South, with resultant widespread unemployment and increasing
out-migration;
• Continuing ‘demand’ and ‘supply’—the relationship between
immigration and the need for cheap Third World labour in the
North and how governments of receiving and sending countries
‘pull’ and ‘push’ respectively, while encouraging and controlling
the migration of labour as it suits their needs;
• Personal and national factors operating on the individual’s decision
to migrate to find work overseas;
• Double standards vis-a-vis labour migration—in Europe, there is
significant employment of MDWs in the private household either
as live-in or live-out workers, without due acknowledgement and
in fact denial of their labour and immigration rights, resulting in
the process of many MDWs becoming “undocumented;” and
• Campaigns in several European countries (UK, Spain, Italy, Greece)
by migrant communities, trade unionists and migrant rights
advocates have been successful in changing the immigration

legislation and current on-going campaigns are putting the issue
on the international political agenda.
In Europe
Many European households are increasingly dependent on live-in or
live-out workers, and without them their employers could not go out to
work in the “productive” economy. In this way, the transnational, globalised
economy is brought into the private home, not just in goods consumed
there, but at its very core in the organising and delivery of reproductive
labour (B. Anderson 2000).
In The Netherlands
Changes in the labour market in Europe have resulted in a significant
increase of women working outside the home. This trend is also observable
in The Netherlands, although high social and moral value is still given to a
strong ‘motherhood vision’—which expects women parents to stay at home
to take care of their young children. While in many instances men share the
parenting and care of children with their woman partner, in practice as
well as in public discourse, childcare still remains a predominantly female
responsibility. Despite this, a number of other factors are impacting on
women’s choice to work outside the home—commitment to a professional
career; feminisation of the labour market; higher costs of living and
availability of a supply of cheap ‘buy in’ labour for domestic work. These
factors result in many more women participating in the labour market
outside the home. Some statistics indicate that as many as 50 percent of
women are participating in the labour market – these statistics are mainly
referring to those in part-time work.
Participatory research – resourcing MDWs
It is in this context therefore that this participatory research project
was initiated as a method of resourcing and empowering of MDWs of all
nationalities and to begin to establish a common profile of MDWs in the
Netherlands. The project was developed and implemented together with
TRUSTED (Towards Respect and United Strength for Total Emancipation
and Development) Migrant Workers – a migrant domestic workers self-
organisation based in Amsterdam and the RESPECT NL Working Group
campaigning for the rights of MDWs.
1. The tools of the research included:
• A questionnaire which was implemented with 123 MDWs – 61
Filipinos; 26 Ghanaian; 27 Nigerian; 6 Indonesian; 1 Korean,

1 Colombian and 1 Surinam. From the total respondents, 93 were
women and 30 were men.
• Focus Group Discussions – CFMW conducted two in-depth group
interviews. The first was conducted on 22 October 2005 when 10
Filipino MDWs were interviewed - 6 women and 4 men. The second
Group interview was conducted on 6 November 2005 when 4
MDWs were interviewed – 2 from Ghana and 2 from Nigeria. All
were male MDWs.
• In-depth one-on-one interviews – The in-depth one-on-one
interviews were conducted with 20 MDWs.
• Forum theatre session consultation – This consultation in a forum
theatre session was held with 25 MDWs in September 2004.
2. Key issues focused on in the research
The research focused on the following key issues:
• MDW – Working Conditions
• MDW – Living Conditions
• MDW – Health and Well-being
• Human and Social Costs
• Racism and Discrimination
• Unequal power relations with Employers
• MDWs – Being Undocumented
3. From violations of rights to protection of human rights
The research findings reveal the working and living conditions of
MDWs as extremely difficult, and show MDW lives that are completely
vulnerable and open to violations of their rights. Their wages vary
considerably between MDWs who live-in (earning between 500-800 euros
per month) and those who live-out (earning up to 1,944 per month based
on an average of 9 euro per hour and working nine hours per day during
six days a week).
Emerging issues reveal a widespread range of violations of rights, which
include the following:
4. Working conditions
• No written contracts between family employers and workers
• Work without social benefits, access to health care and education
• Insecurity of job – options for terminating employment are
frequently unilateral on the side of the employer

• Multiple part-time jobs when ‘live-out,’ including work at
weekends
• Total availability when ‘live-in’ – can be called on to work at any
time and frequently the agreed ‘day-off’ is cancelled or changed
by employer
• When employer is on holiday, or worker is ill, a practice of ‘No
work-no pay’ applies
• MDWs are expected to be ‘always on the job’ – they experience
reprimands or threats to lose job even if legitimate reasons for
absence such as illness or personal/family emergency
• Most find it difficult to negotiate even a small change in their
working conditions – and feel they are ‘totally dependent on the
goodwill of employer’
5. Living conditions
• MDWs who live-in are constantly negotiating a dividing line
between being a ‘worker’ and being ‘part of the family’; their
accommodation is often in cramped conditions
• MDWs who live-out are faced with frequent sub-letting, high rents
and unscrupulous landlords
• ALL MDWs interviewed do not have access to public health care
and are therefore not able to benefit from preventive health care
services; a few choose to pay a private health insurance
• Fatigue and stress are common health complaints among MDWs
6. Other experiences common to all MDWs
• Most are fearful to protest violations of their rights or experiences
of abuse and threats, since the consequences of losing their job(s)
are very high – MDW families in their home countries literally
depend on their daily work
• All MDWs interviewed report experiences of racism in different
forms: racist remarks and stereotyping; racist put-down African
MDWs report discrimination on availability of work and
exploitation in the lower wages paid to them as compared to MDWs
of other nationalities
Although not widespread among those interviewed, some MDWs
reported experiences of sexual harassment; withholding of passport by the
employer and threats to be reported to the police.

MDWs being undocumented
While the demand for workers in the private household has increased
significantly in the Netherlands and throughout Europe, there is no adequate
provision for the protection of the rights of MDWs.
Underlying the unequal power relation with the employer is the fact
that many MDWs are undocumented. Many employers value the work of
MDWs and freely admit that that they perform a very important function
towards Dutch family and social life (employers participating at the Women
Inc. Conference Amsterdam September 2005). Some employers would like
to regularise the status of the workers and pay proper wages. MDWs
likewise are very willing to pay their taxes.
However, the fact that work in the private household is not recognised
as proper work, and not currently accepted as a category for immigration,
creates the situation that MDWs become undocumented when their original
visa expires. MDWs regularly describe their situation like this:
“Circumstances force us to become undocumented – we have no
choice.”
Or as another MDW, Allan expresses it:
“Now we are in a situation as if our human rights are being privatised
and depending on the good will of our employer…we are not criminal
– why are we denied our human rights? We are workers – contributing
to the Dutch society and to our home country. Why can’t we be treated
as workers and be given our rights?”
MDWs demands
MDWs in the Netherlands have established their own self-organisation
TRUSTED Migrants and have identified the following campaign demands:
• to recognise work in the private household as proper work
• to ensure the protection of the rights of MDWs as workers
• to put in place an immigration status related to their work as
migrant domestic workers
• to continue to give special attention to the rights of MDWs as a
particularly vulnerable sector of migrants, and to raise this as a
central concern of the UN Human Rights agenda
The Profile of MDWs emerging from the Research, provides an initial
basis for information and campaigning strategies. It is a starting point to
make new connections between MDWs and a range of civil society

organisations in The Netherlands—human rights and migrant rights
advocates, the churches, trade unions and women’s organisations.
This Report “MDWs Visible and Making a Difference!” brings the voice
of MDWs themselves directly into the policy arena and it documents MDWs
as transnational social actors taking initiative to campaign for their rights
as workers and as migrants.
Perspectives of MDWs
New Experiences in MDW campaigns
• MDW’s are organising their self-organisations and transforming
themselves into significant transnational social actors.
• Contributing to the economic, political, social and cultural
development both in the receiving countries in Europe and in their
home countries.
• Become stakeholders in strengthening international human rights
standards and practice.
• Indication of the emergence of this sector on the political agenda
(e.g., at the UN level in the Report on MDWs by UN Special
Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants [April 2004]); UN
Special Rapporteur for the HR of Migrants—Ms. Gabriela
Rodriguez-Pizarro focused her 2004 Report—submitted to the 60th
Session of the UNCHR; the Dutch NGO Shadow Report on the
implementation of CEDAW, June 2006; MDWs are also the focus
of increasing attention from academe and from Parliaments.
Strategies: moving forward
• Strengthening the campaign for the rights of MDWs whether
documented or undocumented
• Further developing cooperation across migrants communities on
the agenda of MDWs
• circulating – CFMW Research Report on “MDWs Visible and
Making a Difference”
• linking campaigns:
- MDW rights
- migrant and refugee rights
- campaigns against trafficking
• deepening mutual understanding (trade unionists and migrants)
• strengthening cooperation between European women and MDWs
– raising the issue in the women’s movement (e.g in the Netherlands
Dutch women “werksters” and MDWs)

• sharing expertise and experience – TU education with MDWs,
including the ILO policies on migrants
• promoting further the ratification campaign on the UN Convention
for Migrant Rights
Annex 3 Towards a Filipino Migrant Economic Development Agenda

A Declaration adopted by the Europe-wide Filipino Migrant
Consultation on “New Approaches in Migrant Empowerment–
Maximising Migrant Savings and Economic Initiatives” Amsterdam,
27-30 November 2003.
This Declaration is the result of the warm sharing and rich discussions
during the Consultation’s plenary sessions, workshops and caucus groups,
engaged in by fifty participants from twenty seven Filipino land-based and
sea-based migrant organisations in the Philippines, Belgium, Britain, France,
Germany, Greece, Italy, Ireland, The Netherlands, Spain, Sweden,
Switzerland, Hong Kong, and the US. It signifies the commitment of Filipino
migrant organisations in Europe to further implement and elabourate the
Filipino Migrant Agenda.
Preamble:
Whereas, we acknowledge the continuing movement of peoples across
borders within the context of globalisation, the role of migrants and their
families in both the countries of origin and host countries and the increasing
recognition of their essential contributions to global economic development;
Whereas, there is a strong inter-relationship of European and Philippine
experiences in the struggle for the recognition of our work and our human
rights as persons, as Filipino citizens, as migrant and workers in foreign
countries;
Whereas, existing international and regional standards on human rights
including, in particular, those contained in the UN Convention for the
Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their
Families (entered into force 1 July 2003), other relevant legal instruments
and policy statements including the EC Communication on Immigration,
Integration and Employment (June 2003), are essential components of the
bases of our work as migrant organisations;
Whereas, Filipino migrants, including undocumented migrants and
workers, continue to experience violations of human rights, while economic

development initiatives have been confronted by restrictions and limitations,
particularly those imposed after September 11;
Whereas, we are at a convergence in which these efforts are reflected
in the development of the Filipino Migrant Agenda, adopted during the
Europe-wide Conference of Filipino Migrants held in Athens, Greece, (27-
30 November 1997) and in its current implementation, and in the holding
of the International Conference on OFW Savings, Remittance and Economic
Potential: A Challenge to Governance, Partnership and Development held
in Bohol, the Philippines (28-30 October 2003);
Whereas, we value the achievements and initiatives of the Filipino
migrant communities in Europe, in the assertion and fulfillment of our civil,
cultural, economic political and social rights, including the development
and strengthening of economic development initiatives;
Whereas, we recognise the imperative to sustain, start up and broaden
these economic development initiatives in terms of their reach within the
Filipino migrant communities, their impact on the improvement of our lives
and their linkages with other development efforts outside of our migrant
communities;
Whereas, we strongly commend and support the current Filipino
migrant economic development initiatives directed towards the
empowerment of Filipino migrant communities in Europe and as a
contribution to the ongoing challenges in the implementation of alternative
economic paradigms in the Philippines;
Whereas, we strongly believe that Filipino migrants exist as a political,
social and economic force in both the Philippines and in our host countries,
and are capable of asserting our identity and our voice, as well as in creating
independent economic development initiatives;
Whereas, we affirm that all Filipino migrant economic development
initiatives should lead towards a sustainable development that is rights-
based, people-centred and empowering. We therefore commit ourselves to
undertake the following Programme of Action.
The Programme of Action was developed along the following areas:
Organising: include refocusing on economic development intitiatives.
Orientation: deepening the consciousness of ourselves as migrants who
are social, economic and political actors and stakeholders in both the host
country and the Philippines and principles to promote on migrant
empowerment in the migrant economic development agenda.

Skills training: leadership in cooperative, project and enterprise
management; in new methods and strategies for organising in economic
work e.g. accountability and transparency.
Advocacy and Lobby: on the issues of a migrant economic development
agenda – aimed at the broader migrant community, migrant families in the
Philippines; the Philippine government and the host government and policy
makers.
Networking: linking with new partners e.g., specific government
programmes (host countries and Philippines); funding agencies specialising
in migrant economic development initiatives.
See www.cfmw.org for complete text.

Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions
of Filipina Domestic Workers in Italy
CHARITO BASA and ROSALUD DE LA ROSA
Filipinos started to arrive in Italy in 1977 when the Philippine and Italian
governments signed an agreement that allowed Filipino migrants to work
as domestic helpers there. Some were directly hired with proper working
contracts approved by the Ministries of Labour of the two countries. In this
period, it was also possible and easy to acquire a tourist visa to Italy.
Filipinos arrived with tourist permits, stayed on, and worked illegally as
domestic helpers.
Italian missionaries in the Philippines played an important role in
facilitating the arrival of the first Filipino migrants to Italy. Subsequently, a
social network for recruiting Filipino domestic helpers developed
informally. But much recruitment is also performed unlawfully, through
agencies of varying shades of legitimacy.
Several factors push Filipinos to seek jobs/migrate overseas. They
include: unjust economic relations between nations, unequal system of
exchange of commodities and capital, belief that foreign is better (colonial
mentality), nationwide economic crisis, low salaries and few jobs for women,
poor education (signifying ignorance of reproductive issues which leads to
increase in number of children), women increasingly bearing the burden of
providing for basic needs for the families, and finally, Philippine
government’s promotion of labour migration to ease unemployment and
foreign exchange pressures.
Other factors pull (lure) Filipinos to overseas jobs. They include: an
increase in demand for ‘reproductive’ work (household chores) in
industrialised countries (with the working women in those countries

requiring home assistance and child care), and the rise of informal
recruitment networks used by overseas employers.
Today, Filipinos rank 13th in the population registers of migrant
communities in Italy. Official records show a total of 74,030 legally residing
Filipinos as of 31 December 2003. Women are approximately 62 percent
(as of 2002), working in the service sector as domestic helpers, caretakers
and babysitters in big cities such as Rome, Florence, Milan, Turin, Naples,
Parma, Bologna and Messina.1
OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY OF THE

COMMUNITY RESEARCH PROJECT
Community leaders of the Filipino Women’s Council (FWC) observed
that Filipinas in Italy suffer as a result of complex social problems. The
issue can be summarised as one of adjustment to a foreign culture—
adjustment that is cultural, social and economic in scope.
This community research project thus endeavoured to:
1. investigate how Italians perceive the role played by Filipino
domestic workers in Italian society, as well as how the Filipinas
perceived their role in this situation;
2. understand, in-depth, the factors propelling these women to work
as servants in Italy; as well as why they chose to stay on with their
employers instead of returning to their families in the Philippines;
and
3. develop strategies to address problems among Filipino domestic
workers that emerge from the research, with community
intervention in assisting integration in Italy, and reintegration in
the Philippines, being an initiative.
Methodology
This project was a pilot study initiated by FWC and encouraged by the
community of Filipino domestic workers in Italy. This research study
employed three social science research techniques:
Firstly, trained interviewers conducted the focus group discussions
(FGDs) in six neighbourhoods of Rome with six to ten participants who are
all known to each other, making up a total of 42 participants. All participants
are Filipina domestic workers, including the trained interviewers. The point
was to create a non-threatening environment that would facilitate open
discussion.
Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions of 137

Filipina Domestic Workers in Italy
Secondly, a small-scale exploratory study was conducted through open-
ended interviews with 43 Italian employers who were selected to respond
to general questions about their Filipina domestic worker. This study
allowed us to examine the bivariate relationships (or multivariate
relationships) between worker and employer. The results of the quantitative
data, analysed using a statistical package software system (SPSS), allowed
us to discover simultaneous interactions of the items or variables
determining whether what was observed were all appropriate for inclusion
in the overall analysis.
Thirdly, validation processes brought the results back to the community
who participated in the research. These processes allowed further reflections
both from the community and the researcher in order to amplify the scope
of the analysis of the research.
Validity of the collected data, beginning with the raw product
“harvested” by the subjects themselves and strengthened by application of
external professional support in the analysis phase and solidly anchored in
the three research methodologies employed, ensures information potential
that can be of optimum use for those interested in migration discourse.
RESULTS OF THE FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS
WITH FILIPINA DOMESTIC WORKERS
The following section describes the findings generated from the
responses of women from six focus group discussions conducted in six
church-based communities and groups in which 42 Filipino women
domestic helpers participated. Some 11 respondents were 26 to 30 years
old, while another 10 respondents were 31 to 35 years old. As to FGD
participants’ levels of education, half of the total participants have finished
high school while 16 other respondents studied college in the Philippines.
Table 1 shows the number of women with children, including the
number of children with them in Italy:
Table 1 Number of children of FGD respondents
Number Number of Respondents with

of children respondents % children in Rome
1 child 9* 22% 4
2 children 6* 14% 0
3 + children 13* 31% 5
without children 14 33% 0
Total 42 100% 9
* Of the 28 women with children, only 9 of them have their children in Rome.

Self-esteem issues
1. Perception regarding awareness and curiosity about the Philippines by
Italian employers
When the participants were asked about their perception of their
employers’ awareness about the Philippines, responses were meager. This
could be because: 1) part-time workers hardly have the chance to speak
with their employers, except at the end of the day during the handover of
their work; and 2) Filipina domestic workers are often timid and unwilling
to talk.
Many responses indicated that there is a strong willingness among
employers to learn more about the Filipino situation, stemming from
mention of the country on the Italian news. This signifies that Italians do
not learn much about the Philippines from the domestics they
employ. However, many participants stressed their employers’ curiosity
about the number of Filipinos they see in Italy doing menial jobs (versus
professional work), seen as a sign of economic desperation.
Many participants mentioned that their Italian employers are curious
about Filipino traditional practices, in particular, strong religious practices,
citing that they see many Filipino women going to church, especially on
Sundays. The employers also expressed curiosity about the natural beauty
of the country.
The majority of the participants described how their Italian employers
are also curious about and appreciative of Filipino food.
The curiosity of their employers about the Philippines reflects an
openness trait, which can be an entry point for a supportive relationship
between the employer and the worker.
2. Trust and preference leading to supportive relationships
Many of the Filipinas actually enjoy the trust and preferential treatment
by their Italian employers. This can even extend to the family of the Filipina,
especially in times of their distress.
Many participants recounted that their employers have always had
Filipino domestic workers or caregivers. Several participants (especially
the “live-ins”) described the kind of support they receive from their Italian
employers, especially financial, in times of distress such as death in the
family, illness and important celebrations like weddings. They also feel
they are being treated just like a member of the family.

The trust and preference enjoyed by the Filipina domestic workers are
further enhanced by the appreciation and understanding of Italian
employers about the Filipinos’ upbringing and values regarding the
importance of taking care of elders – the caregiver role, and of financially
supporting the whole family – the breadwinner role.
3. The crucial “sticky points” between employer and the Filipina
domestic worker
Even in the most supportive relationships, there are of course crucial
“sticky points”—both for the Filipina domestic worker and her employer.
While only few participants mentioned really bad experiences with their
employers, they based their perception on their feelings: (1) at times they
felt that those concerns were only a “pretence;” and (2) at times they felt
employers distrusted them.
In this case, they feel that the dominant behaviour of the employer is to
exercise “power.” The power issues come to the fore over the matter of the
Filipino worker’s “permesso di soggiorno” (stay permit). This very sensitive
issue point to uncomfortable situations that were interpreted by some as
an abuse of power, leading to unfair labour practices.
One obstacle is the lack of skills needed to speak the Italian language.
We note that tools for negotiations of the Italian labour law, learning the
Italian language, and the use of a third party, can alleviate the situation.
4. Tools for negotiation
• The Rule of Labour Law
The Rule of Labour Law is the best weapon used by the Filipina
domestic workers to negotiate. The National Labour law provides equal
treatment to all the labour workers, whether Italian or foreign workers.
• Language skills
In the event of a crisis, two situations confront the Filipina domestic
worker:
Situation 1: The timid Filipina domestic worker accepts the situation
for what it is.
Situation 2: The Filipina domestic worker would rather reason but
cannot because she cannot speak the Italian language.
But other workers who can speak Italian use their fluency with the
language as an empowering tool to reason and negotiate.

• The use of a “third party” to negotiate
One solution inferred from responses is the importance of the use
of a third party to empower those who do not speak Italian.
Decision-making issues
The reasons why Filipina domestic workers decide to leave their families
in the Philippines are as follows: (1) No job options back home even for the
university graduate; and (2) Pressing family obligations, especially
education of children.
Meanwhile, the reasons for deciding to stay with employers in Rome
are: (1) the experience of being economically independent; (2) “family
reunification” in Italy; (3) changing household dynamics; (4) rule of the
heart (over head).
Being economically independent can give a heady sense of
empowerment to those accustomed to poverty.
“Family reunification” in this context refers to the practice of already-
established Filipina domestic helpers of assisting younger members of their
family in coming to Italy and working also as domestic helpers. Relationship
chains can go back 25 years. Young people in the Philippines “seek rescue”
from their relatives; the established Filipinas also believe that grown-up
children and relatives can take over their jobs in Italy once they are too old
to work.
RESULTS OF THE INTERVIEWS WITH

ITALIAN EMPLOYERS2
Methodology and realisation of the quantitative research
The study investigated the degree of awareness of the Italian employers
on the personal history of the worker, the level of integration that the Filipino
community in Rome has achieved, and the effects of this migration flow on
Filipino society.
On 26 October 2002, a half-day training workshop was conducted by
Filipina Public Health and Anthropologist consultants. The objective was
to give an overview of social research methodology and techniques and,
particularly, to train researchers in conducting interviews.
The research took place from November 2002 to July 2003 in Rome, a
city that contains the largest Filipino community in Italy and Europe.
Interviewed were 43 Italians who had Filipina domestic helpers in their

employ. They had agreed to answer a combination of “open-ended” and
“closed-ended” questions on the condition of Filipina domestic workers in
Italy and on the Filipino community in Rome specifically. Considering the
small size of the sample, the research amounted to a small-scale pilot study
serving to develop elements of analysis and indicators for further research.
Filipino domestic helpers, trained to conduct social research, but
without previous experience, interviewed the Italians (employees did not
talk to their own employers). The use of non-professionals involved the
risk of methodological gaps. But the fact that the interviewees were
personally and professionally involved gave the research innovative value,
increasing their awareness of how Italian society perceived them and their
jobs. This was significant in later analysis of data.
The questionnaire was in four parts: 1) general data regarding
respondents, 2) their experience in dealing with their Filipina domestic
workers, 3) respondents’ knowledge of the workers and of the Filipino
community in general, 4) integration questions and the Filipina domestic’s
situation e.g., living conditions, rights to family reunification, cultural
similarities and differences.
The administration of the questionnaire took one to one-and-a-half
hours. Language difficulties somewhat inhibited the discussion of “open-
ended questions.” Employers, on the whole, showed willingness to
cooperate in answering the questions, even though their answers were often
unclear and vague.
The initial target sample of 100 interviewees was not reached because
of the incompatibility of work schedules between interviewers and
respondents. Italian employers who could not be interviewed did not reject
the request outright as a consequence of prejudice, but mentioned said
scheduling difficulties or other personal situations.
Respondents expressed curiosity/surprise at being interviewed by
servants but saw this as a positive factor.
The results obtained from the questionnaire were subsequently analysed
with the statistical package software system (SPSS).
Filipina women and the role of domestic helper

The respondents are part of a large group of Italians who resort to
outside help in the management of domestic life, giving them more
opportunities for professional fulfilment and more time for other activities.

We found that 93 percent of domestic helpers carry out mainly domestic
chores, whereas the rest chiefly assist the elderly (4.7%) and take care of
children (7%).
Part-time collaboration predominates. In most cases, servants do not
live in the same house as the employing family. Employers over 65 years
old employ Filipina domestic helpers for a relatively short time (for 88.1%
from 1 to 4 years). On the other hand, in two other age group of the sample,
28-45 age group and 46-65 age group, the working relationship with the
domestic helper has sometimes extended beyond 12 years, in 18.8 percent
and 11.1 percent of cases, respectively.
Another significant finding is that the younger age groups keep the
domestic helpers in their homes longer than the older age group, sometimes
exceeding 30 hours a week. But degree of acquaintance, described in more
detail below, is not necessarily linked to the number of working hours per
week.
Interpersonal relations with the domestic helper

Although Filipino domestic workers perform personal tasks within the
home of the employer, analysis of data shows there is no real “intimacy.”
Respondents knew little of their employees’ life story and that knowledge
was superficial, such as age, place of origin and marital status. Even though
95.3 percent of the respondents stated that they know the details of the
private life of their domestic helpers, only 25.6 percent of the respondents
knew how many children their helpers had, only 34.9 percent knew whether
these children live in Rome, and only 48.8 percent knew whether the helper
had a husband living in Rome.
The youngest group of respondents is the least well informed about
their helpers. For example, majority of the 25.6 percent respondents who
knew how many children their helpers have belonged to the two older age
groups. Of the younger respondents, only 18.2 percent could answer this
question.
To the subsequent question: “Do you ask your domestic helper
information about her family in the Philippines?,” a large 75 percent of the
youngest group answered, “No” (Table 2).
Therefore, many painful issues most important to Filipina domestic
helpers (see introduction) are often ignored by employers, who are more
concerned with the practical side of the working relationship.

Table 2 Do you ask your domestic helper information about her
family in the Philippines?
Age Yes No Total

From 28 to 45 28.6% 75.0% 37.2%
From 46 to 65 48.6% 12.5% 41.9%
Over 65 22.9% 12.5% 20.9%
Total 100% 100% 100%
Do Italian employers define their domestic helpers as “modern-day

heroes” as overseas workers are often referred to by the Philippine
government?
The presence of a Filipina domestic helper in the house represents an
opportunity to understand the processes behind each single, personal case
of migration—processes that are symptomatic of the division of labour on
an international scale. However, this research shows that employers find
it difficult to see beyond the stereotype of the “good domestic helper” who
solves the daily problems of family management.
This hypothesis is reinforced by the finding that a considerable number
of respondents age 28 to 45 state that they are interested in the phenomenon
of Filipino migration, but get their information on these matters only from
the mass media and the internet, and do not engage in direct dialogue and
“personal” questions about the domestic helpers.
This age group is actually the best informed about the presence of
organizations that provide assistance to Filipino migrants (70 percent out
of a total small percentage of 23.3 percent who state they are informed
about such organisations). This result reveals a general “intellectual” interest
among those in the younger age groups, which does not correspond to a
desire to deepen the relationship beyond working interaction.
The perception of the Filipino culture among the employers

Enquiring about the employers’ perception of the Filipino culture, the
interviewees were asked to list possible cultural similarities and differences
between them and their domestic helpers. The answers highlighted a
surprising data: 72.1 percent of the sample stated that they could not find
differences or could not point out what these were. But, when asked to
indicate the similarities between the two cultures, they replied in an equally

remarkable way: 55.8 percent of the sample recognised that there are
similarities, while 44.2 percent could not indicate any.
According to the respondents, the “shared values” between the two
cultures included—Roman Catholic faith affiliation, the competence in
child-care, the sense of family, respect for the elderly, etc. It is significant
that these values are what an Italian employer might search for in a domestic
helper. The responses may indicate that the employers questioned fail to
appreciate their workers as fully human personalities, seeing them only in
terms of their domestic-helper role.
However, this may be due to a domestic helper’s eagerness to promote
her “culturally-determined” qualities, in order to get/keep a job, and, in
consequence, a stay permit.
This would also explain the almost total absence of significant answers
indicating cultural differences. Cultural differences can be a source of
conflict. It must be asked to what extent the domestic helpers want these
“differences” emerge and to what extent the employers want to address
possible areas of conflict.
When the interviewees were asked if Filipino migrant workers have a
positive role in Italian society, they responded once again with a list of
sound virtues necessary for a domestic helper: attachment to their families,
respect for the elderly, special capability in taking care of children, honesty,
etc. All these characteristics could lead to the conclusion that Filipina
domestic helpers have no possibility for a different future. We must then
ask: Is it culture that creates domestic helpers or is it the role of the domestic
helper that risks defining an entire culture?
Domestic helpers as human beings, the sense of true integration

Analysing, understanding, building a true sense of integration is one
of the greatest problems for social experts. There are manifold
interpretations of this word. Integration is one of those “stratified” concepts
in which a complicated intersection of historical, cultural, social factors, of
accidental and structural elements, of psychological, anthropological and
sociological factors determines its variables and interpretation.
Governments have dealt with the “problem” of migration through
national policies, which are not always sound, concealed a particular
meaning of what is meant by “integration of migrants.” But integration,
besides being an issue dealt with by politicians and social experts, is a human
issue.

This research project attempted to examine how the relationship
between employer and the domestic helper was conceptualised by the
respondents within the framework of the general issue of integration. In
other words, do the respondents believe that their domestic helpers are
integrated or not? How do they define integration?
This section of the questionnaire devoted to the topic of integration
ranges from the general issues of immigration in Italy to some possible
social “effects,” such as mixed marriages, to the more specific theme of
Filipino migration.
The presence of migrants in Italy was judged favourably by the majority
of the interviewees (93%, Table 3), but a general positive acceptance of
migrants was almost always dependent on their presence as workers (Table
4). Because the survey did not collect data on the educational status of the
interviewees, it was not possible to correlate whether respondents who
favour the presence of migrants are highly educated or not. The apparent
openness to “migrants in Italy” is clearly conditioned by utilitarian and
functional issues of the migrant as worker rather than as persons in their
wholeness.
Table 3 Are you in favor of the presence of migrants in Italy?
Number Percentage
Yes 40 93%
No 3 7%
Total 43 100%
Table 4 Should the right to stay for migrants be subordinate to

that of work?
Number Percentage
Yes 40 93%
No 3 7%
Total 43 100%
One respondent referred to the Filipino community as “the best among

the migrant communities.” But this positive assessment, which reflects that
of the respondents at large, does not help the unemployed migrant who is

no longer “economically useful” and is at risk of being expelled from Italy.
Trust and esteem turn to mistrust and cynical indifference. Another
respondent opined: “They are welcome if they have a job, otherwise they
start stealing.”
Hence, the positive attitude towards the migrant is subordinated to
their utility for Italian society and their identification with specific working
roles. These jobs are “what the Italians don’t want to do.”
This suggests that to the respondents, integration in their perception is
the result of an equation: migrant = work = integration.
The employers were asked in what way Filipino migrants might better
integrate into Italian society. Only one respondent out of 43 suggested that
Italians be made aware of Filipino culture through “cultural initiatives on
the part of the Filipino authorities in Italy, fostering opportunities for
encounter between the two cultures.”
In all other cases, it seems the respondents forget or ignore that
integration is a process involving two parties, the “I” at the centre, and the
“Other.”
The most recurrent answers involve inviting Filipino migrants not to
remain closed in their community, but to become “interested in the host
country,” “to study Italian culture,” “to send their children to Italian school,”
and “to improve their knowledge of the language.”
In many of the proposed strategies by the respondents, more effort is
asked from the migrant to unilaterally integrate into the society, focused
mainly on the acquisition of the elements of “being Italian.” Some
respondents opined that Filipino migrants demonstrate a sort of laziness
(and maybe shyness) in going out of the group they belong to and acquiring
key elements to integrate better into Italian society. Yet all but one
respondent did not mention the need to organise cultural exchanges. The
study identified a lack of interest among the respondents in meeting other
people who are in any way different from them.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The findings of this research show the complexity in addressing the
issues relating particularly to Filipina domestic workers and the role they
may wish to portray in both Italian and Philippine societies.
The many facets of the lives of a Filipina domestic worker need to be
understood and examined. We need to understand the context in which a

woman plays different roles—a domestic worker for an Italian family, a
service worker for Italian society, a citizen of the Philippines, a driver of
the Philippine economy, a family breadwinner, a distant mother, a distant
wife…. and how these roles combine.
Much of the current research somehow captures this multi-
dimensionality and tends to underline the feminisation of migration. One
specific example is highlighted in the lives of “transnational families,” those
households with core members of the family living in two nation states. In
this case, the members of the family, some or all of its dependents, live in
the Philippines while the mother works and resides in Italy. This clear
example shows the different roles that the mother plays. This “transnational
family” phenomenon has been studied carefully, for example, by a Filipina
researcher, Rhacel Parreñas, as well as other researchers like Pierrette
Hondagneu Sotelo and Ernestine Avila. They call this practice of mothering
from a distance “transnational mothering.”
Below, we attempt to recapitulate the findings of our research through
the “pathways” approach. These are the paths that a Filipina domestic
worker will decide to choose given such scenarios. Behind each Filipina
domestic worker, there is a “human face” with a personal life story.
First case analysis:

Transnational mother, Filipina domestic worker
In referring to the diagram above, we would like to show the context in
which we can analyse a single case of a transnational mother. The first path
would be that as an individual: she values herself as a healthy woman in
her productive age, usually between 20 and 40 yrs old, she has obtained at
least a high school education, her upbringing and values make her a “timid”
woman but she knows that she is able to cope, adjust and take risks and
initiatives, against all odds. The second path would be that as a family
woman, who values her role as a mother (most likely of more than two
children), and realises that the children are growing up and need a good
education. Salaries back home are just not high enough to sustain the daily
expenses of the family. At this point, there needs to be a person who will
have to sacrifice to help meet the family needs, which brings her to the next
(third) path where she becomes that person called the modern-day hero of
the family. Her next path (fourth) is where she makes a judgment about
her own environment—that there are no options for economic opportunities.
Once she moves along all of these four pathways and also sees that
there are opportunities that guarantee economic benefits and that there are

PATHWAYS OF A TRANSNATIONAL MOTHER
FILIPINA DOMESTIC WORKER
1. Her own self

productive age — 20 to 40 years old
obtained at least high school education
timid personality
able to cope, adjust and take risks and initiatives
â
2. Her own roles
mother of > 2 children
provider (breadwinner) to respond to urgent needs
of the family (food, school fees, medicine)
3. Her own as well as others’ perception about her role

the hero
â
4. Economic situation in the Philippines (home)
no job options back home
â
5. “Attraction” system in Italy (host country)
Coping mechanisms in place (churches, social gatherings, friends)
Culture which creates domestic helpers
Work available for domestic helpers
+
Forces of Globalization (for Western World)
Transformation, progress, modernization
Female emancipation, change in family management
Increased labor demand (especially for emancipated women)
= â
The Good Filipina Domestic Helper

“attraction” systems in the host country, such as friends and relations who
will help her cope with loneliness, she will immediately move to the next
path (fifth).
Lastly, we cannot ignore the factors which contribute to the “attraction”
systems in the host country, such as the change of specific labour demand,
especially for women migrants. These processes of transformation that are
changing the household dynamics, including an opportunity for women to
join the labour force and, therefore, needing someone to take on the
management of domestic household chores such as cleaning. This is the
niche of the Filipina domestic worker.
What is the impact of this pattern of pathways? It has completely altered
the family structure and has led to role shifts. This abrupt change has
brought about problems of holding the family together. The long separation
of Filipino wives and husbands leads to serious estrangement between
married couples. Studies have shown that this has not only created
remittance-dependent husbands and families, but also entire communities.3
This pattern has also led to changes in family and community values.
Practically, the Filipina transnational mother, working as a domestic helper,
has now become the main breadwinner of her family and consequently has
created dependency among family members.
Our findings show that unless a woman is really in a bad situation that
affects her own self, such as loss of job, loss of working permit, ill-health
and old age, or involved in a distressed period with the family, such as the
loss of a family member, she will continue to be a transnational mother working
as domestic helper.
The proportion of transnational mothers in our focus group was 50
percent: they are women who have left their children back home. A research
study done by Parreñas about Filipino transnational families had a higher
proportion - 70 percent of the women she interviewed in Rome were mothers
and the majority of them had left their children back home.4 Both studies
were targeted at women and incidentally found a high proportion of
transnational mothers. The numbers of transnational mothers are of interest
to many researchers but no large-scale studies have been done so far.
Recounting the experience of FWC’s counselling support, the systematic
collection of data is a major issue that must be addressed.

The Second Case:
The Filipina domestic worker with family in Rome –
The reunified family
The pathways exercise has been helpful to us when looking at each
case of migration. We used the same exercise to examine a second case: the
life of a Filipina domestic worker with family in Rome. There are those
mothers who have managed to keep their families intact in Italy and there
are also those who have successfully petitioned for their children and
husbands to join them – the reunified families.
In Italy, the new policy on immigration has changed, transforming the
migrant worker from a person with rights, to a simple “labour force.” The
stay permit has become the work permit and its validity is connected to the
work contract: in a market regulated by “limited contracts,” and with the
subsequent insecurity, it is always difficult for the migrant workers to have
an “unlimited contract” that would allow them to stay in Italy on a longer
term basis.
The right to family reunification is linked not only to income, but also
to the migrant workers’ length of stay and available decent housing for
family members.
The situation is even more difficult for live-in domestic workers who
rarely have the provisions from their employers to accommodate or provide
housing for their family. Therefore they are forced to maintain their families
in the country of origin.
A more complex scenario arises when we deal with the implications of
the prior separation of those reunited families. This also needs to be studied
more in-depth, in particular, the issue of managing the second generation’s
integration in Italy. Those who arrived in Italy to join their parents as grown-
up children seem to be the most vulnerable and most affected by changing
family dynamics and estrangement. Our findings have shown that this is a
growing problem for those reunified families, especially those with teenage
kids who do not cope well with Italian education and peer pressure.
In our validation process with FGD groups, many mothers said that
their children whom they left in the Philippines experience very serious
problems when they are reunited with their families in Italy. Some parents
who reunited with their children already in their adult years recounted
that their teenage children, below 18 years of age, refused to study due to
language difficulties, and therefore are already working as domestic helpers
even at their young age.

Other cases
Our findings also show that there are two images of Filipino domestic
workers.
The first image is that of the women who are risk-takers, enterprising,
able to cope and take initiatives, able to adjust to different situations, able
to offer services that they themselves appreciate and that are appreciated
by their employers. They are also able to realize their important roles and
contributions to Italian families and to their own families.
The second image is that of women who can never get out of destitution,
always have problems to solve, lack opportunity and who experience further
problems, such as discrimination, labour exploitation, pressures due to
family separation, etc.
1. Common issues
The importance of examining the specificity of each Filipina domestic
worker’s personal life has been carefully covered in the above section. In
this section, we will touch upon the common issues that run through the
focus groups and validation exercise discussions.
2. Self-respect and self-esteem
The findings of the research, as well as the validation process, did not
come up with an agreed-upon definition or measure for self-esteem. The
notion of self-respect rather than self-esteem is perhaps a concept that can
be used to explain the valuable and admirable quality of women domestic
workers. The validation process enables us to take this concept further in
the context of the situation of the women domestic helpers.
3. Economics – income
With a Filipina domestic worker earning an average of 600 euros by
working eight hours a day, it has been estimated that 68 percent of the
income is spent for family and personal expenses, while 24 percent goes to
payment of debts. The remaining eight percent which goes to savings may
still be spent on emergency expenses.5
The majority of the respondents put income as the most important
reason behind their decision to come and stay in Italy. This monetary factor
—materialism/consumerism—very much instilled as a Filipino value, is
the biggest challenge for those working in the field of migration.
We can infer from the responses of the Filipina domestic workers that
money is necessary for basic needs, of course, but there is a suspicion that

at times they feel that the money they send back to the Philippines is spent
on things which are not necessities, such as nice clothes.
4. Understanding the coping mechanisms
Ironically, no matter the difficulties, Filipina domestic workers seem to
maintain an outward cheeriness. They gather in parks in EUR, a district in
Rome, and in the Underground (Stazione Termini) and other parks on
Sundays happily sharing with each other.
A professor of Filipinology at the University of the Philippines in
Manila, Felipe de Leon, has conducted a study that seeks to explain why
Filipinos consider themselves by far the happiest people in Asian and
Western cultures. Some explain this phenomenon by the unique ethnic
makeup of the Philippine culture — Malay roots (known to be warm and
mystical) mixed with Catholicism and the festive spirits of the Spanish
colonisers (1565-1898), and, of course, the mix of Americanism (1902-1946).
Mr. de Leon, after a decade of research, has concluded that Filipino culture
is extremely inclusive and open, as opposed to the individualistic culture
of the West that puts emphasis on personal fulfilment.
We agree with Filipino researchers like Felipe de Leon who traces this
to the Filipino culture value described by the notion of kapwa, a Tagalog
word that translates into “shared being.” Put simply, it is their role as the
“lifeline” for their families at home that has earned the Overseas Foreign
Workers (OFWs) their Tagalog nickname, bayani – the modern-day heroes.
On the other hand, the notion of bayanihan, used to describe the
traditional way of moving house in the Philippines where all villagers would
get together and carry a hut to the new place, shows that shared effort as
very fulfilling. These two notions—kapwa and bayanihan—are what bind
Filipinos together as heroes. And the fact that they share all together—that
kapwa and bayanihan—could be responsible for that “happiness” of the
Filipino worker in Italy.
5. Family reunification
Italy is home to 2,395,000 migrants at the beginning of 2003 (Data from
Dossier Statistico Immigrazione, Caritas Roma), and among these, 74,030 are
Filipinos. An important feature is the overwhelming number of women—
approximately 62 percent (data from 2002) – the majority of whom work in
the service sector as domestic helpers, caretakers and babysitters.

The following show Filipino residents in Italy according to their stay
permits as of 31 December 2002.
For Employment (total) 50,955

Dependent worker 48,551
Independent worker 1,386
For study 352
Family reunification 9,930
Religious 3,565
Others 455
TOTAL 65,257
According to the 2003 Dossier Statistico Immigrazione of Caritas Roma,

the proportion of family reunification among the Filipino community is
rather lower than the average, calculated at only 13.7 percent in 2001. This
matches with the higher proportion of transnational mothers from our
sample which we described earlier. In fact, no one from among the Filipino
women interviewed had requested family reunification. Most family
members who came after them were either hired directly from the
Philippines, or came in illegally and were only legalised by the amnesty
laws passed through the years.
This could be attributed to the mere fact that it is very difficult to invite
family members here to Italy due to its restrictive and bureaucratic policies:
an entry visa is not easy to obtain; housing is not guaranteed for family
members; there are strict requirements for proving the number of working
hours (while the majority of the Filipinas have low numbers of working
hours declared by employers); for presenting petition documents etc.
Or perhaps, the kind of work migrant women do, especially in the case of
live-in workers, does not allow them to provide enough for a family to be
together.
A perplexity remains—some respondents mentioned that they had no
plans of staying in Italy for so long and that this was their main reason for
not bringing their families with them. However, this point was negated by
the response of the majority of the respondents who said that they have not
achieved their plans because of unexpected circumstances. In other words,
their objectives and plans prior to their departure have changed over time
– which is the obvious reason why they are still here. These changes include
new needs and demands from the family back home for additional support,
new expenses, the sickness of ageing parents, etc.

A conjecture is that most of the recent arrivals left the Philippines
without proper contracts established by employers. Therefore, many of them
did not have legal documents (stay permits) when they arrived. However,
once they manage to organise their legal documents, it is only the first step
for achieving legal status in this country. The time it takes to find an
employer who will agree to support the petition of the family in order to
secure permanent or longer term legal status in the country can be long.
6. Integration
The major barrier for integration to all migrants is the lack of knowledge
of language. This important issue is a responsibility that has been given to
the Filipina domestic helper. However, unless options and access are made
easily available to the migrant, it will be difficult to overcome this obstacle.
The findings of this study bring a new challenge to those who might
wish to take on the other part of the responsibility—the employers. The
situation presents a paradox of female emancipation: whereas Western
societies promote equal opportunities for Western women, women coming
mainly from developing countries experience new forms of exploitation.
This study encourages the need to formulate different strategies that
are honest, peaceful and just for both the employer and the domestic worker.
The forces of globalisation are pushing Filipino migrant women further
into the dilemmas for which there are no “ready-made” answers. The
problems are not only economic, social and legal—but also intercultural.
FWC both supports integration of the women domestic workers in Italy
as well as re-integration to the Philippines. The findings show that there
must be a common understanding about what we mean by integration and,
of course, reintegration. Once a Filipina domestic worker loses her job, can
she still qualify for integration into Italian society? How? Once a Filipina
domestic worker decides to go back home, what are the mechanisms set in
place for her to reintegrate into her family and community?
It is a serious question of responsibility for all—the other and I, you and
me, us and them: realities and illusions of the Filipina domestic workers. There is
a need for new thinking to find quick solutions that should be developed
by the Philippine government together with the host country to improve
the situation. Accompanying this article is a list of FWC’s proposed strategies
and recommendations.

TEN RECOMMENDATIONS
Identified Problems and Needs, Proposed Strategies and Partners
Identified Problems Proposed Strategies Partners

and Needs
1. Italian language
skills - facilitate referrals to Filipino migrant
language schools organisations and
- increase number of church-based groups,
available Italian language language schools
teachers catering to migrants institutions, Philippine
with convenient schedules Embassy, Italian
social service
organisations
- mass promotion, advertisement
and campaign
- organise lessons at community
levels
- provide incentives for learners
to make language lessons
more attractive
- use of Filipino migrant
organisations to organise and
advertise lessons
2. Legal advice
and referrals - provide paralegal training Labor Unions and
to migrant organisations other Italian
and civic organisations institutions, Filipino
- develop a comprehensive migrants organisations,
booklet with all available Philippine Embassy
information of laws, legal
rights and available help
centres for advice
- establish help desk centres
in key locations where
migrants meet
- disseminate information
through Filipino radio and
television programmes
- develop partnerships and
linkages with other community
groups, trade unions, etc.
for referral services
- strengthen the capacity of
migrant organisations as service
providers of information to
communities

and Needs
3. Skills building
training - develop skills building training Italian businesses
programmes like cooking, and institutions,
bar tending, pizza making, Filipino migrant
business management, associations,
franchising, etc. Philippine-based
- facilitate access to credit organisations,
facilities Philippine Embassy,
Fondazione Risorse
Donna, Municipality of
Rome, Province of
Rome, Region of Lazio
4. Culture and
political - develop and promote fora Italian academics and
awareness and discussions about the key opinion leaders,
exchanges economic and political Filipino key opinion
situation of the Philippines leaders and community
- strengthen the capacity of leaders, Philippine
migrant organisations as Embassy, other
service providers of infor- migrant organisations
mation to communities in Italy, Italian
- promote participation of solidarity NGOs
Filipino community in various
intercultural activities at the
local and national level
5. Capacity - strengthen the capacity of Migrant organisations,

building of migrant organisations Philippine-based
migrant conducting empowerment NGOs, international
organisations training such as FWC to institutions, US-based
expand and re-design the migrant organisations,
current training modules to Europe-based migrant
include Italian culture and organisations,
politics, importance of Philippine Embassy,
language skills, empowerment Mun icipality of Rome,
and self projection, juxtaposing Province of Roma,
the two cultures looking Region of Lazio
at differences
- exchange of experiences and
strengthen networking acti-
vities with other migrant orga-
nizations at the national,
European and international
levels
- access financial support for
migrant-related activities

and Needs
6. Awareness of - adapt the Training Module of Migrant organisations,

women-specific Values, Moral Recovery Moral Recovery
problems and Programme from the Program in the
values Philippines Philippines, Education
- organise women specific for Life Foundation
training programmes
7. Family - strengthen the capacity of Migrant organisations,

counselling and migrant organisations to Professional counsellors,
peer support provide counselling and peer Philippine-based NGOs,
support through trainer’s Philippine Embassy
training
8. Exchanges and - establish partnerships with Migrant organisations,

learning from migrant associations on US-based migrant
community em- hometown associations organisations,
powerment and activities, i.e., remittance Philippine-based
development savings and investments NGOs, international
programmes programmes for communities institutions
- establish partnerships with
Filipino organisations back
in the Philippines
9. Leadership and - conduct leadership training/ Church-based Filipino

professional training of trainers of migrant groups and Filipino
skills training community leaders to develop migrant organisations,
integration and reintegration Philippine Embassy,
programmes International
- tap or mobilize the profes- Organisation for
sional expertise of Filipinos Migration, professional
(expatriates) working with leadership trainers
international organisations, both in Italy and in
civil society organisations and the Philippines,
private sectors in Italy to Philippine-based
provide support to organising NGOs working on
efforts of Filipino migrant reintegration, Italian
organisations Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (bilateral
agency), Office of
Worker’s Welfare
Agency (OWWA)

and Needs
10.Linkage on - develop “twinning Migrant organisations

reintegration programmes” that address based in Italy, Migrant
programmes, options and organisations based
opportunities back in the in Europe and US,
for returning migrants Philippines
- establish partnerships and International
linkages with institutions organisations
working on programmes for working on migrant
migrant communities and their development
hometowns, and broader programmes,
Philippine development Embassy (Rome),
programmes Italian Ministry of
Foreign Affairs
(bilateral agency),
OWWA
NOTES
1 Caritas Roma, Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2003.
2 This section was made possible through the professional contribution
and support of our Italian colleagues and friends Raffaella Bagnara,
Barbara Codispoti and Barbara Ferri.
3 Estrella Dizon-Añonuevo and Augustus T. Añonuevo, Coming Home:
Women migration and reintegration, 2002.
4 Parreñas, Rhacel Salazar, “Mothering from a Distance: Emotions,
Gender, and Intergenerational Relations in Filipino Transnational
Families,” Feminist Studies. 2001.
5 Estrella Dizon-Añonuevo and Augustus T. Añonuevo, Coming Home:
Women migration and reintegration, 2002.
We need to reflect on our own self-esteem (or self respect) and

we need to reflect on old ways of thinking in the modern world.
Plans will change and decisions will be altered.There is a sense
of altruism for each individual; this is especially true for the
Filipina domestic helper to whom this study was dedicated.
She feels she needs to continue to share and to rescue.
The modern-day hero syndrome, we imagine, will continue.
Charito Basa and Rosalud dela Rosa

Filipino Migrant Youth in Rome, Italy—
A View of their Issues and Concerns1
CRISTINA LIAMZON
BACKGROUND
It has been a positive move on the part of the Italian government to allow
the unification of migrant families. Parents are legally able to bring their
spouses and children below 18 years of age to join them (recongiungimento
familiare). More Filipino parents are also deciding to give birth and raise
children in Italy, increasing the chances that their children will obtain Italian
citizenship when they reach 18 years of age. However, many parents whose
children are born in Italy, send their babies back to the Philippines under
the care of their grandparents or other relatives until the children reach
school age, easing the infant-rearing responsibilities of parents.
While this is a positive development for allowing families to live
together on a continuing basis or for parents to reunite with their children
after years of separation, the problems and concerns related to migrant
youth have also been on the rise, even as their numbers are also increasing.
There are an estimated 30,000-40,000 Filipinos in Rome and around 105,000
in the whole of Italy. Filipinos are among the top five largest migrant
communities in the country. Over the past several years, the number of
Filipino youth (defined for the purposes of this study to be those from 12 to
30 years old) in Italy has been rising dramatically because of family
reunification. There are also many Filipinos below the age of 30 who come
to Italy, not primarily to join their parents but to escape from the bleak
economic scene in the Philippines and to seek employment primarily as
caregivers or domestics. The majority of these youth are armed at least
with high school diplomas, while a number have college degrees.

According to many Filipino parents, as well as chaplains, religious and
other church leaders interviewed in the course of the research conducted
in 2005 through the auspices of PILIPINAS OFSPES and the Sentro Pilipino
Chaplaincy in Rome2 on the situation of the Filipino youth in Rome, the
study was timely and overdue. The growing numbers of migrant Filipino
youth, sometimes termed as ‘second generation’ migrants, have become
much more ‘loud’ and visible in public places (e.g., at Rome Termini Station
and other major piazzas). They attract the attention of older Filipinos who
oftentimes disapprovingly view the young people’s adoption of Italian ways
and behaviour contradictory to Filipino values and culture.
Psychologist Dr. Ma. Lourdes Carandang (1995) noted that the
pressures of economic needs, deteriorating or disappearing family support
structures with growing numbers of single-parent families, and marital
discord and violence, are among other factors which create more anxieties
for the Filipino youth. This is further compounded for those youth who
migrate to other countries, often not wholly through their own decision.
They are confronted with even more stresses, such as adjustment to a new
culture with its concomitant set of values and norms, a totally unfamiliar
language, and—for school-age youth—having to enter into a new school
under a different system and making new friends. It is no surprise, then,
that most migrant youth, our Filipino youth included, undergo tremendous,
even overwhelming feelings of insecurity and doubt, loneliness, failure,
and lack of confidence. At times, these lead to socially undesirable behaviour
manifested in such forms as dropping out of school, or even gambling,
drinking, drug abuse and teenage pregnancies.
As the situation of our Filipino youth is clearly inter-linked with that of
the Filipino family and parents, this study on the Filipino youth in Rome
must necessarily also be a reflection on Filipino parents and Filipino families.
As several parents interviewed for this study commented, “the problem
really isn’t so much with the youth as with their parents.”
Objectives of the study

Despite the expanding numbers of migrant youth, including Filipino
migrant youth, in Italy, no systematic study has been undertaken on this
phenomenon. This study thus meant to obtain a better picture of the social,
religious, cultural and economic realities of Filipino youth in Rome and the
magnitude of their problems and concerns. The study then sought to provide
specific recommendations addressed to various stakeholders to respond to
the issues and problems identified and to draw up the elements for a plan
Filipino Migrant Youth in Rome, Italy— 161

A View of their Issues and Concerns
of action around which commitment to develop and implement the plan
can be generated.
Both Associazione PILIPINAS OFSPES and Sentro Pilipino believe that
it is in the best interest of both Philippine and Italian government authorities,
as well as of the church and other religious groups, that Filipino migrant
youth become positive influences in Italian (or in Philippine) society. This
is especially significant for the future whether these youth become citizens
of Italy or return to the Philippines, particularly in the context of the recent
passage of the Philippine law on dual citizenship. Therefore, both
governments as well as civil society organisations—particularly religious/
church organisations—need to forge a common agenda and program for
the migrant youth, overcoming their traditional points of dispute.
Methodology
This study utilised several data-gathering methods. Two survey
instruments were used: one for the youth and the other for the lay leaders,
religious nuns, chaplains or ministers of community or church organisations
servicing the youth. The youth survey consisted of a questionnaire with a
set of ten questions in the vernacular, Filipino. The survey was meant to
obtain a general picture of how the young people have managed since they
arrived in Italy. This was expected to give insights for a more intensive
probe on the situation of the youth using focus group discussions (FGDs)
or more focused interviews.
To obtain more qualitative and in-depth data, several focus group
discussions were also organised. Individual interviews were conducted with
selected youth leaders and parents who expressed interest in the study as
well as lay leaders, religious nuns, chaplains or ministers working closely
with the youth on various programs, some explicitly targeting the youth.
All in all, close to 200 people participated through the survey
questionnaires, the FGDs, or the individual interviews. Ninety-nine youth
questionnaires were returned while for the other set of survey forms,
19 were obtained from lay leaders, religious nuns, chaplains and ministers.
The study, however, had several limitations. One major limitation was the
period in which the data collection was conducted, i.e., during the summer
months of June-August, when many Filipinos were away from the city for
the holidays or joined their employers on their summer vacations. This
made it extremely difficult to invite more people to join and to organise
more FGDs as was originally planned.

It must also be noted that those interviewed generally belonged to
church-related organisations. Thus, their responses may not have been fully
representative of the types of issues and problems faced by youth who do
not belong to any organisation and are not involved in the programs and
activities that such organisations offer. Ideally, interviews should have been
conducted among more youth facing serious social and psychological
problems—although to some extent a few parents, chaplains, ministers and
other religious did relate the experiences of their and other children
encountering such types of problems. Finally, youth not belonging to any
social group or whose major preoccupation is to ‘hang out’ in Termini should
have been given more emphasis as interviewees.
Another major shortcoming of the study is the limited gender
differentiation in data and analysis. Such differentiation could have given
further insights on the differences between male and female Filipino migrant
youth.
FILIPINO YOUTH IN THE PHILIPPINES

Existing literature and studies on Filipino youth in general provide
insights to help increase our understanding of the situation of our migrant
youth.
The national survey undertaken by the Social Weather Stations in 1996
of Filipino youth aged 15-30 years (Sandoval, Mangahas and Guerrero 1998)
found that they considered the following as important:
• their pride in being Filipinos;
• marriage and family, friends, education, work, religion, society and
money; but not particularly recreation or politics;
• active participation in religious organisations.
In comparison to American youth, the study found that Filipino youth
had more self-confidence and were generally more satisfied with life than
their American counterparts, being more content with their standard of
living, their jobs, and their educational opportunities.
However, the survey also showed a disturbingly high incidence of
involvement by Filipino youth in destructive forms of behaviours,
e.g., criminality, illegal drug use and illicit sex. Six percent or 1.2 million
young people claimed to have sold illegal drugs, seven percent claimed to
have used them; and 13 percent admitted to having had premarital sexual
relations.

Contrary to the general thinking that children of migrants tend to suffer
more than children of non-migrants in terms of their emotional adjustments,
the study by the Scalabrini Migrant Centre in the Philippines entitled
“Hearts Apart: Migration in the Eyes of the Filipino Children” (2004)
indicated otherwise. Surveying children of migrants aged up to 12 years,
the study showed that this particular age group did not appear to have
more problems as compared to children of non-migrants. The disadvantages
of children of migrants appeared to be in their academic performance and
other social adjustments, particularly if their mothers were the absentee
parents.
Nevertheless, whether they are offspring of migrant or non-migrant
parents, Filipino youth bear tremendous pressures for a variety of reasons
that are both internal to the family as well as social. These stresses have
been highlighted by many Filipino psychologists starting in the 1990s.
Dr. Lourdes Carandang (1987, 1995), who has written extensively about
Filipino children at risk (as well as Filipino families), notes the many societal
changes brought about by modernisation that contribute to difficulties for
families and their children. Among the shifts that she cites are: migration
from a rural to an urban area (or parallel migration to another country)
which has resulted in the shift from an extended family structure to a nuclear
structure or even single-parent families; women’s changing roles in the
workplace and in the homes; increased and continuing exposure to media
without adult supervision that has widened the generation gap; growing
incidence of violence in the home and on the streets; moral degradation felt
in all levels of society; and—particularly for middle and upper income
classes—strong academic pressures by many parents on their children. All
these factors have contributed to what she calls the ‘cynicism of the youth’
and the deterioration of families’ capacities to adequately handle these
situations.
Carandang also cites the McCann-Erickson Youth Study in 1992 which
showed several interesting but rather disturbing findings related to values.
One was the erosion of so-called traditional Filipino values, such as respect
for elders and family togetherness, among the Filipino youth; a second was
that the standards of right and wrong had become negotiable; and a third
was the emergence of a work ethic among the young that places little value
on excellence, which translates to merely aiming to pass in school—even
resorting to cheating as a common practice.
Another Filipino psychologist, Dr. Naomi Ruiz (1995) also refers to a
finding in the McCann Study that only 58 percent of the 12-20 year age

Table 1 Categories of Filipino Youth in Italy and their General
Characteristics
CATEGORY CHARACTERISTICS TYPES OF PROBLEMS

A. Youth born • born in Italy but brought back • has less adjustment
and/or raised to the Philippines as a baby and problems as started
in Italy starting returned to Italy upon reaching studying in Italy at a
at a young age school age young age, facilitating
• learns Italian starting at a integration
young age and is fluent in it; • tends to forget practices
speaks Italian at home and of Filipino norms,
in school; does not know much values and traditions—
Filipino nor English becoming a source of
• parents sometimes may not see conflict with parents
the value of teaching the Fili- • tends to take in Italian
pino language and culture to forms of behavior and
the child values which are
counter deemed to
Filipino values and
traditions, highly
influenceable and
impressionable by a
liberal society and
environment
B. Youth under • born in the Philippines and • tends to experience high

18 years of age brought to Rome after stress in adjusting to
who are reunited parents have stabilised their living in new country,
with their incomes and legalised their especially having to
overseas parents stay or residences and are able learn a new language
to claim their children • tends to lose self-
• migrates to Italy after studying confidence as a result
several years in the Philippines of inability to cope
at least at elementary level and adequately and can
often finishing elementary or suffer from negative
high school level image problems of
• tends to be ambivalent about Filipinos in Italy, i.e.,
leaving the Philippines as this being domestics (low
implies losing friends and social status)
havingto adjust to a new coun- • suffers loneliness as s/he
try but is eager to reunite with misses friends in the
parents Philippines more acutely
• has imbibed more Filipino as peer influence is
traits including fluency with strongest during the
the Filipino language youth years
• may or may not want to conti- • may have difficulty in
nue studies, as going to Italy relating to communica-
presents opportunities to work ting with parents from
without a college degree and whom s/he may have
entails adjustment to a different been separated for long
educational system periods

CATEGORY CHARACTERISTICS TYPES OF PROBLEMS
• may continue previous
socially undesirable be-
haviours in new country,
e.g., smoking, drinking,
drug use, etc.
C. Youth who come • more females than males as • no mental or emotional

to Italy primarily women have higher chances baggage of previous
for employment of finding employment as parental absence in their
reasons domestics or caregivers lives (if no parent lives
• comes to Italy at older age than abroad)
those in category B and there- • loneliness is a big source
fore more stable emotionally of stress for those without
• has finished higher educational any family, even extended
level by the time s/he arrives • de-skilling especially for
in Italy, at least high school gra- those with college
duate or college undergraduate degrees and past work
or graduate or may even have experience that do not
some previous work experience match their present
• comes to Italy as direct hire or employment, resulting in
as ‘tourist’ who then stays on loss of self-confidence
to work and/or self-esteem
• more focused on reason and • lacks orientation and
objective for coming to the training in domestic work
country—to earn money to • can make do with
assist their families and them- minimal Italian language
selves financially skills especially if
• tends to mature faster with working part-time and
work and financial responsi- no incentive to be fluent
bility to support parents, or to learn new skills to
siblings, etc. try to seek other
employment
• has no permanent security
of residence or work as
this is dependent on legal
environment and
economic opportunities
D. Youth with • born in Italy of mixed paren- • problems are mostly

mixed parentage tage, mostly of Filipino mothers similar to other Italian
and Italian fathers; raised in children although may
Italy and only occasionally experience stresses
visits the Philippines arising from having
• does not really know much mixed parentage,
about the Philippines – culture, particularly with regard
traditions, values and the to image problems and
Filipino language as not many youth peers
opportunities to learn
• Filipino parent may not see
value in teaching Filipino lan-
guage and culture

group lived with both a father and a mother, showing the increasing
numbers of overseas migrant workers leaving their children behind.
Furthermore, the numbers of single parents and marital break-ups had
likewise grown, a trend which Ruiz argues is a cause for alarm because of
the serious consequences for the victims of these broken homes, the children.
Ruiz opines that unfortunately “both the State and the church have
neglected the high risk population which will be the nation’s future family
makers” although she also mentions that “only the church has taken concrete
steps to stabilise further erosion of the Filipino family.”3
Key among the challenges to addressing the problems and concerns of
youth, Carandang contends, is the need to assist parents to improve their
parenting and child-rearing skills. Of particular importance are the issues
of discipline, self-worth, instituting values, communication, conflict
resolution, and being good role models for their children.
All the above-cited studies contribute to the backdrop for this study on
the situation of Filipino youth in Rome, and are used as a basis for analysis
and comparisons.
CATEGORIES OF FILIPINO YOUTH IN ROME

This study categorised Filipino children and youth in Italy into four
major groups. The first group consists of children who were born in Italy
and/or brought in and raised as a young child in the country. Many Filipino
mothers give birth to their children in Italy, bringing the average to around
750 Filipino births a year in Rome alone. However, the mothers tend to
send their babies back to the Philippines for a few years so that they can
continue to work unimpeded by costly child care arrangements and high
opportunity costs of lost employment. Once the children are of school age,
the parents claim them and bring them back to Italy to study, particularly
when both parents live and work in the country. If only one parent works
in Italy, the children normally continue their schooling in the Philippines
under the care of the parent or other extended family left behind.
A second category of this study would be children under 18 years old
who are asked by their parents to join them in Italy while they are still
eligible to do so. Majority of these youth would have at least finished a
significant number of years of their elementary or high school education in
the Philippines, and the objective of their coming to Italy is to reunite with
their families and continue with their education up to the tertiary level.
Many parents whose children are in college or university by the time they

decide to get them let their children finish their studies in the Philippines.
They then find the means to bring them to Italy as direct hires. Those who
resume their studies in Italy find themselves in a very different educational
system.
A third category is composed of the young people who are at least
high school students or even college graduates who come to the country on
their own to seek employment. They do so through direct hiring
arrangements, or enter as ‘tourists’ or through other non-formal channels
and stay on to work.
The last category consists of those with mixed parentage, one parent
(usually the mother) being Filipino and the other (usually the father) being
Italian. A sub-category of this group of youth with mixed parentage would
be children of one Filipino parent and one non-Filipino (not necessarily
Italian) parent. With the large numbers of other migrant groups in Italy,
there is a growing number of Filipinas forging long-term relationships with
other male migrants. The children from such relationships share some
similar characteristics with children of Filipino-Italian parentage.
Filipino children born and raised in Italy (Categories A and D)—with
either pure Filipino parentage or mixed Filipino/Italian (or Filipino/non-
Filipino) parentage—tend to have high levels of Italian language proficiency,
high motivation to pursue educational goals having had early exposure
and adaptation to the Italian school system, and relatively low tension levels
in their relationship with their parents who have been a continuing presence
in their lives. Thus, these youth can be expected to have less of the stresses
associated with the situation of migrant youth, as suggested by Waldorn
and other researchers on the plight of migrant youth in the US. The dominant
issues among the youth in these categories relate to the conflicts that may
arise from the lack of knowledge and appreciation of the Filipino language
and Filipino culture vis-à-vis their Filipino parents.
In contrast, Filipino youth under Categories B and C would be expected
to undergo many more challenges and stresses as a result of their poor or
minimal facility with the Italian language and limited understanding of
Italian culture; weak support systems and mechanisms due to the absence
of family members and friends to turn to, especially in the beginning; and
low motivation to continue their studies in the country. These in turn can
lead to increasing the youth’s feelings of insecurity and low self-esteem,
particularly for those in Category B. Those who have come to Italy in pursuit
of employment (Category C), however, have the advantage of being older

and having generally higher levels of emotional maturity born out of the
need to search for work to support family members back in the Philippines.
However, these youth can suffer from feelings of insecurity as contract
workers without permanent security of residence or work, as their stay in
the country is dependent on the legal environment and existing employment
opportunities.
The youth in Category B are often caught in the stage of not knowing
yet what they would like to do with their lives. They have the option, for
example, not to search for work immediately upon arrival as they can rely
on parental support, especially at the start. Nevertheless, the youth in both
Categories B and C—with their higher level of fluency in the Filipino
language and understanding of Filipino culture, traditions and norms—
have the advantage of reintegrating more easily into the Philippines should
they decide or be forced to return there, unlike those born and raised in
Italy.
Profile of the Filipino youth respondents

Out of a few hundred questionnaires disseminated, 99 questionnaires
were filled out and returned. The following summarises the demographic
data of the respondents. The age distribution of the respondents was as
follows: Sixty-seven percent of the respondents were 20 years old and below,
indicating the large numbers of youth who are coming into the country
claimed by their parents. One-third of those below 20 years old were
between 18-20 years of age and another 28 percent were in the 15-17 age
bracket. Fifteen percent were between 21-23 years of age, while 18 percent
were between the ages of 24-30 years. Only six respondents were between
12-14 years old. (See Table 1 for the summary of the major charecteristics of
the respondents while appendix 1 shows the graphical representations of
the responses.)
Over 80 percent of all the respondents had been living in Rome for
seven years or less, with 50 percent having lived in Rome for three years or
less. It thus appears that the majority of the youth were relative newcomers
to Italy, with several having resided in the country for less than a year.
Only four percent of the youth had lived in Rome for more than seven
years. Those born in Italy represented 13 percent of the respondents. These
youth in Category A, who were either born or raised as a child in Italy, did
not respond to the survey questions regarding adjustment, willingness to
come to Rome, etc.

Among those who grew up for the most part in the Philippines,
the most often-cited reason for coming to Rome was to join their parents
(41 percent of responses); followed by 33 percent who said they came to
work; while 15.8 percent also mentioned adventure. Other reasons given
included ‘to study’ (10.1 percent).
For those with parents living and working in Italy, over 90 percent also
stated they had good relations with their parents. Only five respondents
expressed discontentment with their relationships.
Adjusting to living in Italy

Acculturation or integration into a receiving country can be a difficult,
even painful, experience for any newcomer, especially for young people
who did not really choose to come to Italy but whose parents made the
decision for them to migrate. In fact, among the youth surveyed, close to 40
percent indicated that they were pressured to go to Italy by their parents,
while 61 percent stated that they went voluntarily.
On the question regarding whether they received any orientation on
living in Rome prior to their arrival, 31 percent of those who responded
said they obtained some form of preparation/orientation, several of them
mentioning parents and friends as the source of the orientation. Two-thirds
reported, however, that they did not acquire any adequate preparation to
prepare them to live in a new country thereby constraining their adjustment
in Italy. In fact, four-fifths of those who responded to this question found
their adjustment either ‘somewhat difficult’ (61 percent) or ‘very difficult.’
Only 19 percent stated they had an easy time adjusting.
The most common problem cited by almost half of the respondents
was the lack of knowledge, skill and facility in the Italian language; followed
by not knowing what to do (16 percent) and having nothing to do (14
percent). Thirteen percent also mentioned that they had no friends, while
seven percent said they could not go to an Italian school.
To solve and ease their adjustment problems, 26 percent said they
looked for friends and a group to hang out with. The highest number of
responses (32 percent) cited joining various groups, including church
groups. An equal number of responses (16 percent each) related to setting
out to study—either to learn the Italian language or to study at a regular
Italian school. Other responses included doing some self-study of Italian,
being tutored or going around with family and relatives. Around 16 percent
started to work as domestic helpers, house caretakers, or hotel staff.

Despite their initial adjustment problems, a majority seemed to enjoy
living in Italy. The biggest number of responses on what they liked most
about living in the country (37 percent) centred on the ample chances to
work and earn an income. The next most common response (30 percent)
was reuniting with their family. Seventeen percent also stated that they
liked the abundance of activities to do and places to see, indicating an
eagerness to explore their host country and the numerous opportunities
that it offers for visitors. The increased chances to study were cited by only
12 percent of the respondents—indicating the lack of focus or priority placed
by the surveyed youth on the educational opportunities that could be
obtained in Italy.
On the question of what things can help to improve their living and
acculturation in Italy, again, work opportunities appeared the most
important with as many as 74 percent of the total responses. This confirms
the observation that the migrant youth surveyed view work possibilities as
critical to their wanting to live and remain in Italy. Eleven percent—close
to the 12 percent in the previous question who mentioned educational
opportunities in Italy—cited having greater opportunities to study as easing
the adjustment process. Eight percent of the respondents also stated that
having a group or centre they could approach and ask help from would be
beneficial.
Perceptions of youth on their issues and problems

Data from the FGDs provide more in-depth insights into the nature of
the problems confronting the young people, especially those who came to
Italy as adolescents. For those who enrolled in the Italian school system,
language was a major hurdle to being able to adequately manage the
academic requirements. Some of the children had no previous knowledge
of Italian but went to regular Italian schools almost immediately or soon
after arriving. One student stated that, after a year, he was still not confident
in the language even if he understood everything, as he could not express
himself adequately. One learned the basics from friends or through self-
study. Others were luckier. Some parents got tutors for their children; while,
in one school, the English teacher took special time and attention to provide
extra Italian lessons to the students.
Those who came to the country primarily for work likewise faced
language barriers which restricted their possibilities for seeking other
employment opportunities. This lack of language proficiency also prevented
them from communicating effectively with their employers. This further

confirms a finding from the 2004 Filipino Women’s Council study (Basa
and de la Rosa) which singled out the critical importance of learning the
language in order for Filipino migrants to integrate more fully into Italian
society, to do well, or at the very least, to have a higher chance of succeeding
in the host society. The same was argued in Waldhorn’s (2004) and many
other studies on migrant children in the US (Salerno 1991, Portes 2003), as
in other industrialised countries.
Problems that the youth experienced in schools, aside from lack of
fluency in the Italian language, related to lack of friends and getting poor
grades. Some mention was made of discrimination. This discrimination was
present even outside school—with some youth feeling hurt even when the
Italians may not have been referring directly to them. Several did note,
however, that their schools helped them in their adjustment process.
Once the initial adjustment and integration problems were hurdled,
many of the youth seemed motivated to study well—as they see education
as a means for moving up the economic ladder, rather than face the prospect
of having to return to the Philippines with minimal employment
opportunities. Still others attempted to study but only for several months
and then stopped, a key reason being the inability to cope with school
requirements.
Despite the 90 percent of respondents whose parents reside in Italy
stating that they had positive relations with their parents, several of the
youth in the FGD expressed their frustration with what they considered as
overly-strict parents. Some girls expressed that their parents were especially
strict with them. This seemed particularly the case for the children who
had been previously separated from their parents over a relatively long
period. Many of these youth did not necessarily feel close to their parents
after such a long separation. Some actually felt shy in relating to them.
They had gotten used to being free from rules in the Philippines and having
their way, unlike in Rome where their parents suddenly imposed their rules.
It was difficult for the youth to cope with this new reality, although many
just refrained from saying anything or answering back to explain.
A few mentioned that, when they attempted to either ask a question or
to explain their position to their parents, this was misconstrued as being
disrespectful to one’s elders.
This was in contrast to when they first came to Italy to join their families.
Back then, they reported receiving a hundred percent love and attention
from their parents who tried to make up for the long separation. There was

much more joking around in the family and the reunion was generally
considered a happy period. In time, however, this situation changed and it
appeared to the teenagers that they were very often nagged, yelled at, or
even cursed for any perceived misdemeanor. As a consequence, they no
longer tried to say anything or to reason out lest they be subjected to further
cursing. Some reported losing respect for their parents.
Several youth nevertheless mentioned that, after initial problems met
in reuniting with their parents, they were able to subsequently develop a
stronger rapport and effective communication with them—with some even
seeking their parents’ advice. More respondents expressed feeling closer
to their mothers, but when it came to financial needs, they would approach
their fathers for money.
Reference was made to the family having no unity—with family
members not seeing each other for days, as the parents were too busy with
the many obligations related to their employment.
Generally, the youth who were raised in both Italy and the Philippines
brought up the issue of how the differences between growing up in the two
countries create a lot of conflict between the generations. Parents want their
children to follow Filipino traditions and culture and so, just to avoid or
lessen the conflict, the kids often follow until they start to feel rebellious.
The youth pointed out that the more common issues their parents seemed
to raise concern their children’s copying of the Italian manner and overly-
liberated styles of dressing, and the seeming lack of respect for elders. A
few youth argued that it is really up to the individual to adopt the positive
values of any given culture—whether Italian or Philippine—and it is not
really dependent on one’s race or nationality, even if it is generally believed
that Filipinos tend to be more religious and exhibit more so-called ‘positive’
values.
On the issue of Filipino youth being observed as engaging in socially
undesirable behaviour, including drug use, several young people
interviewed pointed out that many of the young Filipino migrants guilty of
such vices were already indulging in these vices even while they were back
in the Philippines. This merely confirmed the reality already brought out
by the Social Weather Station’s 1996 Youth Survey of high incidences of
socially undesirable behaviour among Filipino youth. It should not be
concluded, then, that coming to Italy necessarily precipitated the
development of such behaviours among the migrant youth.
On the subject of sex, which is usually a taboo subject in most Filipino
families (unlike in Italian society where the liberal environment is highly

tolerant of early sexual activities), a few youth dared to articulate this conflict
in values. They argued that, despite the openness of Italian society to
premarital sexual relationships, teenage pregnancies among Italian girls
were rare, if not non-existent—in contrast to the numerous cases of Filipina
teenage pregnancies. They attributed this to the inability to discuss such
critical matters within Filipino families, or to these young women acting
out their rebellion against their parents—some of whom end up disowning
their daughters. They further contended that these young Filipinas who
gave birth but opted not to get married unless forced to by their parents,
often wanted to return to their formal studies so that they could attempt to
carve out a brighter future for themselves and their offspring. They were
often, however, constrained by their parents who instead pressured them
to work and support themselves. Cases of teenage pregnancies being
aborted were also mentioned.
Some youth who came to Italy looking for work expressed their
disappointment that after so many years of studying in the Philippines, the
work they could find—mostly domestic or caregiving work—was very
different from what they had taken up in college or university. Several
expressed the heavy, if not overwhelming burden they carried having to
meet the needs of numerous family members, including siblings they have
to send to school, medical needs they have to cover, debts incurred coming
to Italy which they have to repay, or agency fees they have to answer for so
that other family members can also go abroad. It often seemed as if all their
relatives were asking for some help, but generally the youth were able to
cope. Nevertheless, not having enough money was a persistent problem
for many of the youth.
Living in an apartment, often already overcrowded with many others
was also mentioned by a few as creating stress—especially if they could
not get along with each other.
Parents’ issues and dilemmas
In the FGDs and in other interviews, many of the parents tended to
agree with the observations of some of the young people regarding the
difficulties they encountered in their relationships with their parents. They
argued that, for some parents, communication with their children was no
longer possible as they had fallen into a regular pattern of scolding and
curses if they perceived their children as misbehaving—including going
out frequently with friends and staying out late in the evenings. Notices of
misdemeanors sent by schools immediately caused parents to reprimand
their children, without necessarily examining the causes or roots of these

behaviours. A few fathers, for example, had resorted to physically beating
their sons as a form of punishment. As Carandang (1995) notes, many acts
of violence by parents are done in the name of discipline, as parents view
discipline as generally saying ‘no’ and as a means of punishment. However,
she argues that discipline is also being able to affirm and not only to correct
what is wrong, with the ultimate goal being to build and not destroy. As a
consequence of the wrong approach to discipline, the youth shut out their
parents and reject what they say. They then seek other means to vent their
negative feelings or to actually engage in rebellious and negative behaviour
as a conscious or unconscious way of getting back at their parents.
Most Filipino parents in Rome, both fathers and mothers, spend long
hours working to earn as much income as they can for their families. They
argue that this is the primary reason they have come to Italy and that they
are making the most of the opportunities for employment. Because of their
long hours at work, especially for those with part-time arrangements, some
parents admit to being unable to spend sufficient time with their children
to provide the needed guidance and supervision. Moreover, parents
generally come home from work too tired to really communicate effectively
with their children. They may also not really know how to deal with their
children, especially the older ones. The result, as mentioned previously,
can be disastrous. In fact, a number of children are left to fend for themselves
at home while their parents work. Some take advantage of this absence
and the unsupervised time to engage in activities which would probably
not meet their parents’ approval.
The need for parental supervision becomes critical, particularly when
the children are new arrivals. Parents need to provide support, love and
care to ease the initial adjustment problems that are inevitable and to
facilitate their children’s integration into Italian society. For older children,
this can be a crucial point as they learn to cope and adjust to the new
language, environment and culture, especially in school where they spend
most of their time. In fact, lack of facility with the Italian language for the
new arrivals was a predominant problem raised by many parents, who
themselves experienced a similar situation. Several parents also noted the
problems they experienced in helping their children adjust to the school
system, and the traumas and shocks the children initially faced. However,
they did report that many children gradually overcame such traumas with
much help and support from both the family and the school.
Unfortunately, a number of parents were not comfortable participating
in school-related activities of their children, nor could they make the time

to visit their children’s schools regularly for the parent-teacher conferences.
Thus, they were basically uninformed about what went on in the schools
of their children and the progress their children were making—or the
lack of it.
Some fathers related how they, with their wives and children, would
leave their homes early each morning—the parents to their work and the
children to school. The parents had no inkling, until they were subsequently
informed by the school, that their children had already been absent for
several weeks or had in fact dropped out of school. They were in a state of
shock when they realised that, all the time they thought their children were
in school studying, the kids were either at home watching television, playing
with their play stations, or hanging out with other kids—many of whom
were also Filipinos and who were also playing truant.
One father gave his son an ultimatum upon finding out that he had not
been in school for some weeks. He gave his son three choices: to put serious
effort into his studies, to go back to the Philippines, or to work as a domestic
helper. His son decided to go back to school and to improve his academic
performance. This had since paid off as the boy ended up doing very well
in his studies. Other parents continued to be very frustrated and at a loss as
to what was best to be done for their teenage offsprings who had fallen into
bad company and had found themselves out of school; or their older children
who had lost motivation to finish their studies. Some parents had resorted
to sending their children back to the Philippines under the care and watchful
guidance of extended family members, in the hope that the children would
refrain from further negative behaviours and would continue their
education without further mishaps.
One parent related how her child, who had recently arrived in Italy,
tried to integrate into the school and to feel that he belonged. In so doing,
he covered up for the misbehaviour of some classmates to gain their
acceptance, and as a result, got into serious trouble with the school
administration. Another mother mentioned how her college-level daughter,
who had been doing very well as a student while in the Philippines, had a
very difficult time adjusting to the Italian school system and found her
self-confidence faltering in not being able to perform at the level she had
been accustomed to. The daughter’s problem was compounded by her
separation from her mother in Rome because of the objection of her mother’s
employer to them staying together. The daughter concluded that going back
to the Philippines was her only alternative even if she had only been in
Italy for a little over a year and despite her mother’s pleas for her to remain.

When queried about why they did not claim or bring their children to
Italy sooner or while they were younger—when doing so would have
lessened the pressures on their children during their integration process—
parents brought out issues such as lack of reasonably-priced and accessible
day care centres for their young children and the lack of low-cost housing
that would allow their children to live with them. Nevertheless, a growing
number of parents have begun opting to claim their children, if given the
choice—especially if both parents are already in Italy and if the children
are still in the lower school levels in the Philippines.
Several parents also described the poor role models of some parents
who themselves indulged in vices such as smoking, gambling and even
drug use—thus making it doubly difficult to impose certain norms on their
children who see a double standard of behaviour with their parents.
Numerous parents also pushed their children to look for employment
instead of pursuing their studies, just as there were youth who insisted on
working instead of trying to expand their skills and improve their
educational qualifications. Both these types of parents and youth appeared
not to perceive any value in continuing education, arguing that getting a
degree or pursuing higher education made no difference in the kind of
employment that would eventually be available for the youth. Thus, their
only option remained that of unskilled labour in the domestic sphere of
housework or caregiving – as nannies to Italian children or as companions
or assistenza for the elderly. Often, once the young people have experienced
financial independence, earning what may seem to be a large amount of
money (frequently equivalent to what their parents would be earning), the
motivation to study can be permanently lost. The cycle of lack of skills
leading to limited job opportunities thus continues. The more well-rounded
exposure that education generally provides and which makes for a richer
and fuller life beyond specific skills is also missed.
There were parents who further argued that certain groups of parents
were not acting in solidarity to help each other deal with their kids. One
distraught father related how he searched frantically all over for his missing
son who had not gone home for a week, as the son could not face his father
about having dropped out from school. When the father finally located his
son at a gangmate’s flat, he resented the fact that the father of his son’s
friend had not even bothered to inform him about his son’s whereabouts.
Almost all the parents raised their deep fears that their children would
grow up as Italian kids, unmindful of the traditional Filipino values and
customs they cherished, particularly related to respect for elders. Or even

worse, they feared that their children might fall into what they viewed as
vices of Italian youth or other Filipino youth, such as smoking or substance
abuse. They lamented the influence of Italian mass media and Italian norms
and culture negatively affecting their children—including modes of dress
and demeanor—as was also frequently verbalised by the youth who were
interviewed. Several parents with strong Christian values decried the
neglect of prayer, going to church and frequenting the sacraments, not only
by the youth but even by themselves.
Perceptions of community leaders/other authority

figures on youth issues/problems
As previously mentioned, data were also obtained from coordinators
or key members of community groups, advisers, chaplains, ministers,
counselors, etc. Sixty-two percent of the respondents were from community
groups while the rest were providing pastoral or advisory support to
individuals or communities. There were slightly more male respondents
than female, and the median age was between 41-45 years. Close to 75
percent have had up to 10 years of involvement working with their
particular group or community, while 84 percent were members of church-
related groups. More than one-third of the groups had regular members of
30 or less, while a similar percentage had between 40-60 members. Only 16
percent had over 100 members. Those with youth members averaged from
6-15 members.
Data from the survey among community leaders or religious/ministers
assisting the communities on the key problems of their youth constituents
showed that behavioural problems were the more common, followed by
dropping-out of school and related issues of inadequate preparation for
school due to lack of fluency in Italian, discrimination in school, and the
difficult adjustment to a different educational system. Family problems
received an equal number of responses as school drop-outs and lack of
drive and ambition, followed by financial debts. Low self-esteem was also
cited by several respondents. Otherwise, many tended to view the general
condition of their youth members as good.
A few respondents also mentioned drug use and teenage premarital
sexual activities. When asked if they knew of young people who had
problems and were engaged in serious socially undesirable behaviour, two
answered that they knew youth who were bumming around, involved in
paid sex or prostitution, engaging in teenage sex, or were homeless.

Working youth faced such issues as not having enough training for
their employment (7 responses). Not actually being able to join the work
force (5 responses); ‘no motivation to find work’ and ‘poor treatment by an
employer’ each received four responses; and ‘hard conditions at work’
received three responses. A religious nun working closely with the youth
expressed her observation that many of the youth working full-time often
felt tired with their work and tied down with the heavy responsibilities of
supporting families back in the Philippines. Many did not have much energy
left to get involved with activities not related to their employment.
Finding a partner and eventually getting married were likewise
concerns of many of the female youth, who largely outnumbered their male
counterparts. The common perception of the chaplains, ministers,
counselors, and other religious was that the majority of our Filipino youth
did not have ambitions beyond their current employment and income-
generation, and some experienced problems in relating smoothly with their
parents.
The specific problems of the youth in the various communities were
revealed primarily by the youth themselves talking about it, followed by
the parents who shared with members of their communities the dilemmas
they encountered in dealing with their children.
Community leaders, priests, nuns and ministers observed that parents
coped or dealt with their children’s problems in three major ways: a)
disciplining, scolding and talking with them; b) involving them in church
activities; and c) sending them to school or getting them a job. Parents needed
to share their problems and find some solution or at least an outlet for their
worries and concerns by discussing these with other parents. Some of them
sought counseling for themselves as parents, just as some also sent their
children for counseling. Withholding money from their children and
threatening to send them back to the Philippines if they did not change
their behaviour were other forms of punishment that parents resorted to.
Strict monitoring was a response given, as well as distancing from the
children and taking a hands-off attitude.
Current and suggested programs and activities for the

youth by communities, church-related organisations
In the survey of leaders, representatives, religious nuns, priests or
ministers working with community organisations and youth groups, the
respondents were asked if their organisations had specific youth programs
or activities. Forty-four percent replied yes and the rest said they had none.

Of those who specified the types of activities they had for their youth
members, the most frequently mentioned activity was church-related or
religious such as joining choirs or assisting in church services, e.g.,
Eucharistic Celebrations. Music and dance activities were mentioned by 44
percent; and another 31 percent had various sports, e.g., basketball,
volleyball. Social activities, e.g., outings, had 37.5 responses. Only four
reported counseling as an activity they provide for their youth.
One success in mobilising sizable numbers of our migrant youth in
Italy has been the World Youth Day (WYD)—from the 2000 WYD held in
Rome, to the 2003 event in Canada, and the 2005 WYD in Cologne.
Participation in the WYD events involve months of regular meetings and
other preparatory activities. The Sentro Pilipino, aside from its sports
program for any interested youth, also organises an annual youth camp for
youth from several different church communities, as do lay organisations
like the Commission on Filipino Migrant Workers (CFMW). The CFMW’s
Munting Paaralan Program involves a summer-long youth camp to orient
and familiarise Filipino children born and/or raised in Italy with the Filipino
language and customs for better appreciation of Philippine culture and
traditions. The CFMW also organises month-long exposure programs to
the Philippines for Filipino youth who grew up in Italy.
The reach, however, of these different programs and activities—
especially those which are church-related—is basically limited to the youth
members of the organisations. It does not touch the Filipino youth at large.
Recommendations for action arising from the surveys and interviews

A programmatic approach
The following recommendations attempt to address the myriad of needs
among the Filipino migrant youth—both general ones cutting across the
various categories as well as specific needs depending on the different
circumstances that they face. The recommendations also address the
requirements of Filipino migrant families and parents, given the close
interlinks with the needs of the children.
A programmatic approach is being suggested to streamline the many
suggestions and recommendations that have emerged from the surveys
and interviews (see Table 2). The five key components are:
• values formation for youth and parents;
• career advice and preparation;
• language proficiency and cultural orientation;
• arts and sports development; and
• education on sexuality, health and drug use.

Values formation for parents and youth
Following from the survey made of community leaders, religious nuns,
chaplains and ministers and their views on the special needs of their youth
members, 62.5 percent identified promotion of and training on the right
values as being a special need of the youth. Imparting of morals and spiritual
and Filipino values (such as respect for elders) has been strongly suggested
to be part of youth formation and as a means to prevent youth from falling
into socially undesirable forms of behaviour that can lessen or destroy their
future prospects as migrants in the country. Because migration creates many
more pressures on both children and parents alike, and on relationships
between husbands and wives, there is an even more urgent need for
orientations/seminars/forums on parenting skills, and on strengthening
marriages and families. On the question of the most important thing that
can be done for the migrant youth, the three most frequent recommendations
related to the formation of spiritual and moral values, organising of the
youth, and providing them the space and opportunities to express
themselves and to communicate to form friendships. The giving of love,
attention, care and respect was also recommended, as was more discipline
by parents.
It was likewise recommended that parents, too, be assisted to
communicate better and more effectively with their children and to learn
general parenting skills that can help build up more caring relationships,
built on solid Christian values.
Career advice and preparation
Community leaders and chaplains/religious and ministers viewed
preparation for careers of the young people as critical, receiving 62.5 percent
of responses. Assistance to youth in their future careers is critical especially
for Filipino youth in Category B, as well as for those in Category C, even if
the youth in the latter category are already employed. Young people,
especially as they reach the end of their high school education, should be
given career counseling which includes helping them to determine whether
to study at university or undertake vocational training, which course to
pursue, and what resources they may tap.
Providing short courses such as those on work ethics and technical
skills (e.g., computer skills, etc.) can also equip the youth, particularly those
who have dropped out from school, with new qualifications for seeking
employment.

Part of this component could also be the promotion of financial
management skills, particularly savings, among the youth.
Language proficiency and cultural orientation
A large majority of respondents highlighted the need for the youth
(especially those in Categories B and C) to learn and increase their
proficiency with the Italian language, as soon as or even before they come
to Italy. The same holds true for their parents. Community leaders and
authority figures also cited the importance of providing the youth with
adequate orientation on and familiarisation with Italian life (43.7 percent
of responses) prior to even arriving in the country. This would then empower
the youth to cope in their school and/or work environments.
A strong recommendation likewise emerged that the youth should have
the opportunity to learn Filipino (as well as English). This is particularly
recommended for those in Categories A and D, as these youth would not
have sufficient exposure to Filipino and to opportunities fostering what is
good in Philippine culture among the children.
This is where Wolf’s theory of cultural integration can be applied, as
linguistic competence can help to ease the integration of the youth into
Italian society, while not negating their roots and, in fact, enabling them to
appreciate their Filipino culture.
Arts and sports development
To some extent, sports development is already being done by various
organisations such as the Friendship Youth Ministry (FYM) under Sentro
Pilipino which organises various sports contests for the youth, or by
communities such as The Apostles Peter and Paul with their annual
basketball league, open to both adults and youth.
Singing is a major talent among our migrant youth, as with dancing or
acting. Some youth are members of church choirs; and modern dances are
performed by the youth in every Filipino celebration or event. Nevertheless,
much more can be done to provide opportunities to hone, improve, or
develop the skills of our migrant youth in these, including Philippine folk
dancing, and other areas of the arts and sports.
Promotion of literary skills in Filipino, Italian, or English among the
youth is not a part of any existing program or activity of any organisation.
This can be an important activity for fostering stronger Philippine traditions
and culture among migrant youth.

Education on sexuality, health and drug use
Education and orientation on these subjects (particularly those in
Categories B and C, who are more prone to seeing drugs or sex as a form of
escape from their realities or as a way to cope with their problems) should
be provided. The range of interventions should extend to providing
information for these youth on available counseling services or centres,
either Italian or Philippine, that they can approach for help.
As one youth stated and some parents have concurred with, “Italian
kids may be quite liberal in their sexuality but hardly any of the teen-age
girls get pregnant, whereas an increasing number of young Filipinas, many
of whom are still teenagers, while supposedly conservative, manage to get
themselves pregnant.” A key, of course, is acknowledging the need to help
ensure that the youth receive sufficient sex education (as with health
education), particularly given the liberal sexual context of Italian society,
while balancing the moral issues that the churches and many Filipinos deem
critical.
Major stakeholders/support groups

The following are the major stakeholders that can provide assistance
and support to migrant children and youth. Through a strong and active
collaboration among the stakeholders, a plan of action can be more
concretely formulated and implemented, likewise monitored and eventually
evaluated for its results.
• Youth and youth organisations, such as the Friendship Youth
Ministry
• Parents and parents’ organisations
• Church-related organisations, such as Sentro Pilipino
• Non-church organisations, such as Munting Paaralan
• Educational institutions
• Philippine embassies (Italy and Holy See) and Philippine
government agencies such as Overseas Workers Welfare
Administration (OWWA)
• Italian agencies, such as the Centro Per L’Impiego di Roma,
Centro Elis
• Media, such as the Vatican Filipino Radio, Pinoy Patrol and Ako
Ay Pilipino newspapers, other radio programs in Rome,
television program
• Private sector: Philippine and Italian

Table 2 Summary of Recommended Program Elements and Priority
Target Categories Made by Children, Youth and Parents
Program Possible program Youth Groups

Components elements A B C D
values formation family enrichment x x x x

for youth and marriage enrichment
parents parenting seminars,
counseling
spiritual formation x x x x
work ethics x x
career advice career orientation x x
and preparation and preparation
career counseling x x
language profi- Filipino language training x x
ciency and cul- Italian language training x x
tural orientation cultural orientation on
Italy for youth/parents x x
cultural orientation on the
Philippines for youth/
parents x x
arts and sports sports activities and
development contests x x
music courses, contests
singing, dancing (modern,
Phil. folk dances, etc.) x x x x
art courses, contests, art x x x x
therapy, photography,
painting
literature, creative writing x x x x
education on health, sexuality and
sexuality, health substance abuse seminars x x
and drug use counseling on health,
sexuality and substance
abuse x x

NOTES
1 This article is based on a 2005 study entitled “The Phenomenon of Youth
in Rome – An Exploratory Study” undertaken by Associazione
PILIPINAS OFSPES and the Sentro Pilipino Chaplaincy.
2 PILIPINAS OFSPES is an association which aims to assist overseas
Filipinos in Italy in their socio-economic and cultural empowerment.
The Filipino Chaplaincy in Rome is more popularly known as Sentro
Pilipino and brings together 45 Catholic church communities in Rome
into one Chaplaincy.
3 Ruiz, N. R. (1995) “Where to – Our Filipino Family” in PSSC Social
Science Information, Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2, January-June 1995, pp. 31-35.
REFERENCES
Arellano-Carandang, Ma. Lourdes
1987 Filipino Children Under Stress – Family Dynamics and Therapy. Quezon
City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
1995 “The Filipino Family: Changes, Choices and Challenges.” Keynote
Address at the 31st Annual Convention of the Psychological
Association of the Philippines. PSSC Social Science Information, Vol.
23, Nos. 1-2. January-June 1995.
Basa, Charito and Rosalud De la Rosa
2004 Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions of Filipina Domestic
Workers – A Community Research Project by the Filipino Women’s
Council. Rome.
Carino, Benjamin V. (ed.)
1998 Filipino Workers on the Move: Trends, Dilemmas and Policy Options.
Quezon City. Philippine Migration Research Network (PMRN).
CARITAS
2002 and
2003 Immigrazione Dossier Statistico. Roma.Episcopal Commission for
the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People.
Migration: Situationer and Impact, Biblical Inspiration, Pastoral
Challenges.
Go, Stella P.
1995 “The Filipino Family: Contemporary Issues and Research
Prospects.” In PSSC Social Science Information, Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2.
January-June 1995.
185
Medina, Belen
1995 “Issues Relating to Filipino Marriage and Family.” In PSSC Social
Science Information, Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2. January-June 1995.
Migration Youth Programs
2003 “Perceptions of Why Migrant Students Drop Out of School and
What Can be Done to Encourage Them to Graduate.” Paper
prepared for the Office of Migrant Education, State Education
Department, Albany, New York.
Portes, Alejandro
2003 “Ethnicities: Children of Migrants in America.” In Development,
Vol. 46, No. 3, pp. 42-52. September 2003. UK: Sage Publications.
Ruiz, Naomi
1995 “Where to – Our Filipino Family.” In PSSC Social Science Information,
Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2. January-June 1995.
Salerno, Anne
1991 “Migrant Students Who Leave School Early: Strategies for
Retrieval”. ERIC Digest, ED335179. May 1991.
Sandoval, Gerardo, Mahar K. Mangahas, and Linda B. Guerrero
1998 “The Situation of Filipino Youth: A National Survey.” Paper
presented at the 14th World Congress of Sociology at Montreal,
Canada on 26 July - 1 August 1998.
Scalabrini Migration Center
2004 Hearts Apart: Migration in the Eyes of the Filipino Children. Manila:
Scalabrini Migration Center.
Torres, Amaryllis
1995 “Rethinking the Filipino Family: Tracking Changes Across the
Years.” In PSSC Social Science Information, Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2. January-
June 1995.
Vasta, Ellie
1994 “Youth and Ethnicity – the Second Generation.” In Family Matters,
No. 38. August 1994.
Waldhorn, Mara
2004 “The Difficulties of Adaptation on Migrant Youth” part of series
of papers related to the Mexican Migration Mosaic Project,
Dickinson College.
Wolf, Richard
2005 “Dimensions of Integration – Migrant Youth in Germany.” Paper
presented at the Conference on “Dimensions of Integration: Migrant
Youth in Central European Countries,” Vienna. 10-11 March 2005.

Appendix 1 Graphical Representations of the Survey Responses
Figure 1. Age distribution of youth respondents
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
0
12-14 yrs 15-17 18-20 21-23 24-26 27-30
% 7.5 31.25 33.75 16.25 8.75 0.075
Figure 2. Youth respondents’ length of stay in Italy
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
<1-3 yrs 4-7 yrs 8-12 yrs >12 yrs born in Italy
% 49.36 30.38 3.8 1.27 15.19

Figure 3. Reasons for coming to Italy
Figure 4. Percentage of respondents who received orientation prior

to or upon arriving in Rome
60
50
80
40
60 30
20
40
10
20
0
0
% % Join parents
Yes 34.43 Find work

Adventure
No 65.57
Others

Figure 5. Desire to come to Italy
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
% %
voluntarily 60
pressured to go 40
Figure 6. Ease or difficulty in adjusting to living in Italy
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
% % %
easy 20
somewhat difficult 60
very difficult 20

Figure 7. Most frequently cited problems in adjusting to living in Italy
50
40
30
20
10
0
% % % % %
lack of facility in Italian 41

language
not knowing what to do 18
having nothing to do 16
no friends 13
could not go to Italian school 8
Figure 8. Ways the youth solved their adjustment problems
25
20
15
10
0
% % % % %
joining groups , including 23

church
finding friends 22
setting out to s tudy:Italian 17
started to study in regular 17
school
started working 12

Figure 9. What the youth liked most about living in Italy
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
% % % %
chance to work and earn 35

income
reunite with family 32
adventure 15
chance to study 12
Figure 10. What can help the youth improve their living in Italy
80
60
40
20
0
% % %
more work opportunities 74

more chance to study 14
having a center 8

The Filipina Au Pairs in The Netherlands
DIANA OOSTERBEEK-LATOZA1
INTRODUCTION
The new trend in child care for the past 10 years in The Netherlands is
hiring nannies from the Third World. Officially they are called au pairs but
in reality they are nannies and domestic workers blended into one, working
day and night. They are usually young women. Most of them come from
Eastern Europe, South Africa, the Philippines and most recently Latin
American countries.
Bayanihan Foundation has been assisting Filipina au pairs in The
Netherlands since 1993.2 Several factors make the au pairs vulnerable to
different forms of abuse and exploitation. To name a few: they are generally
not well informed about the regulations of the au pair programme; ignorance
of their rights and welfare; ‘invisibility’ when they enter the country; prey
to the exploitative practices of au pair agencies; and, inability of the Dutch
institutions to give them immediate protection.
The problems that the Filipina au pairs faced before 2000 are the same
problems they face until now: long working hours, heavy work, inadequate
allowance, ill-treatment and disrespect from host families, nonhelpful
agencies, not enough free days or none at all.
Bayanihan’s extensive and vast experience in assisting and working
directly with Filipina au pairs in The Netherlands have led us to serious
lobby and do advocacy work on this issue. Bayanihan believes that the
exploitation of au pairs and other problems that arise from it can only be
addressed through concerted efforts of the various stakeholders and actors.
Most important of these actors are the Philippine and Dutch governments,

through their respective policies concerning the au pairs and the au pair
program.
The au pair program is a valuable cultural exchange program for the
youth, especially those from the global south, hence it should continue and
be supported by both the “sending” and “receiving” countries. One of the
most immediate steps that needs to be taken in this direction is the lifting of
the unilateral ban on the part of the Philippine government and the
concomitant establishment on the part of the Dutch government of a concrete
system for monitoring, and penalizing abuses by au pair agencies and host
families.
What is an au pair and what is the au pair programme?

“Au pair” is French meaning “on a par” or “on equal footing.” Hence,
someone is placed au pair, meaning she is positioned in a family as an
equal or on an equal footing with the rest of the family members, much like
a guest.
The au pair exchange programme is an internationally recognised
educational program through which young people learn a new language
and become acquainted with another society and culture by (or becoming)
being placed as an au pair. The idea is that one learns a new language and
culture easily and thoroughly by living with a family. In exchange for the
hospitality, the young person contributes to the household by doing certain
light household work, like babysitting and washing dishes. Although there
is an agreement signed between the au pair and the family, the contract is
not a labour or work contract, nor is the au pair a hired domestic worker.
Learning a new language and experiencing a new culture by being
placed as an au pair is not something new. Young people from all over the
world, especially western countries like the USA, Canada and western
European nations, have been doing this since even before World War II.
(These same countries are also the major receiving countries for au pairs.)
It is a relatively inexpensive way to know a country thoroughly, especially
for the parents of au pairs.
Before World War II, the arrangements for becoming an au pair took
place between families who were friends or via mutual acquaintances.
However, since the end of WWII, the number of young people going abroad
as au pairs increased tremendously and arrangements now involve several
parties who are unknown to each other. In Europe in the 1960s, the influx
of tens of thousands of au pairs triggered an international regulation of this

migration development. The regulation meant to protect the parties
concerned.
In 24 November 1969, the Council of Europe signed the European
Agreement on Au Pair Placement. Each destination or host country also
has its own au pair regulations which may slightly differ from those of
others. For instance, the USA has an Au Pair Exchange Program Regulation
which is slightly different from that of The Netherlands. There are however
core similarities among these regulations: its main purpose is to give social
protection to the young au pair, that the au pair stays with a family as an
equal, helps the family with light household chores and in exchange, she
learns a new language and culture.
The European Agreement on Au Pair Placement

and the Dutch Au Pair Regulation
In 1969, the member states of the European Council formulated the Au
Pair Placement Agreement in response to the ever increasing number of au
pairs travelling into Europe. It was realised that this migration phenomenon,
though temporary, needed to be internationally controlled and regulated
if the youth are to be protected. This Agreement enjoins all contracting
European States to take the necessary measures to follow the Agreement.
However, noncompliance does not necessarily constitute a violation of the
Agreement if such noncompliance is due to parliamentary, legislative or
administrative reasons. The Agreement is meant and used as a guideline
for the member states’ legislations on au pair placements.
The European Agreement recognises that an au pair is neither a student
nor a worker, but a special category of its own: it has features of
both.3 Because of this, “it is useful to make appropriate arrangements for
them”4 to be able to give them adequate social protection, consistent with
the principles laid down in the European Social Charter. The agreement
was entered into force in 30 May 1971 although it has not been ratified by
all member states.5
In practice, however, European States use the Agreement as the basis
for internal regulations concerning au pairs, such as what counts as an au
pair, minimum age requirement, the visa and health insurance requirements,
the need for a contract of agreement between au pairs and host families,
the responsibilities of an au pair and a host family. Actually, receiving
countries make use of the model text for the contract of agreement between
au pair and host family created by the Council of Europe.

The Netherlands has not ratified the European Agreement. The Dutch
government argues that the Dutch regulations for au pairs protect more
their rights than that in the European Agreement on Au Pair Placement.
The basis for this argument is that the au pair problems are not addressed
and the work descriptions are not specified in the European Agreement. In
the Dutch regulations these are specified. Furthermore the primary objective
of the au pair programme which is for young people to learn the Dutch
language and culture is very much stressed in the Dutch au pair programme.
But although The Netherlands has not ratified this European level
agreement, its own Au Pair Regulation is based on it. As with the European
Agreement, the Dutch regulation allows young people from foreign
countries to visit The Netherlands for a maximum period of one year to
learn about the Dutch language and culture. Under this regulation, an au
pair does “nonphysical household chores and/or babysitting in exchange
for room and board and an allowance. And as with the European agreement
and consistent with how au pair is understood in countries with au pair
program, an au pair is considered part of the family of the host. She is not
a domestic help/worker or a lodger; she is a guest or friend of the family,
hence she stays with the host family on an equal basis as a member of the
family.
In order to prevent au pairs from performing any form of labour that is
contrary to the Labour Law for aliens (Wet Arbeid Vreemdelingen, WAV), the
following are the requirements under the Dutch Au Pair Regulation:
• The au pair must be at least 18 years old and no older than 25 years
old;
• The au pair must not work for more than eight hours per day,
working for a maximum 30 hours a week in exchange for board
and lodging and allowance;
• The au pair is entitled to two free days and two free evenings per
week;
• The au pair must do work that has bearing with that of being an au
pair. This means that an au pair cannot do work as required by the
Labour Law for wherein a work permit is required;
• The au pair must be single;
• The au pair may not have resided previously in The Netherlands
as an au pair;
• The au pair must do only light household chores and look after the
children;
• The au pair can do only work which can be taken over during her
absence by other members of the family, a babysitter or
housekeeper;

• An au pair is not completely responsible for the household chores.
An au pair actually stays with the host family on an equal basis as
a member of the family; and
• An au pair receives a maximum of euro 340 pocket money per
month.
If the host family lets the au pair work wherein a work permit is required
according to the Labour Law, then the host family is punishable by law.
The requirements which the au pair and the host family should follow are
found in the bewustverklaring (statement of awareness).
The following conditions were added to the regulation in August 2000
to improve the legal position of au pairs:6
• An au pair can move between families as long as it is within the
one-year period; and
• Both au pair and host family have to sign a declaration of awareness
(where the rights and obligations of both au pair and host family
are stated).
The au pair situation in The Netherlands
Filipina au pairs are usually in demand. They are popular because
according to the host families, they work hard for less pay, are modest, are
serious, speak good English and are affectionate with the children. The
estimated number of au pairs was 1,100 in 2000.7 Taking into consideration
the high cost of crèche facilities, au pairs are a financially attractive
alternative to Dutch couples with children. The au pair programme is
however abused to such an extent that these au pairs become domestic
workers instead. Moreover, since there is no official recognition of work in
the private household as proper work or as a category for immigration,
these young women are generally denied of their rights and eventually
become undocumented when they stay longer than one year.
Exploitation of au pairs and what is being done

to improve their situation
Since 1993, Bayanihan came across cases of abuses by many host
families. Filipina au pairs came to Bayanihan for help and assistance. Some
examples of their complaints were: long working hours and heavy work;
verbal abuse and indifference by host families; unpaid and cheap labour;
irregular free days or no free days at all; bad service and exploitation by au
pair agencies.

Later, the Dutch Trade Union Federation (FNV), with the cooperation
of Bayanihan brought some labour abuse cases to court in 1999 and 2000.
In 1999, a Filipina au pair got financial compensation from her host family
when FNV threatened to file a lawsuit against them for underpaying her.
Other cases which FNV handled were that of the Bulgarian (2001) and Polish
(2002). The au pairs won the case. Unfortunately another FNV case of two
Filipina au pairs ( 2000- 2001) was not successful. Although the FNV lawyer
succeeded in getting their two months allowance, they lost the case because
of lack of evidence. Due to the efforts of FNV, a new legislation was passed
making the au pair regulations much clearer. These are the regulations
mentioned in the au pair requirements. However, in spite of the regulations
au pairs abuses still continue.
According to RTL 1 TV News,8 a large number of au pairs are exploited
in The Netherlands. They based this conclusion from the evaluation report
made by the Ministry of Justice last June 2003 and from Bayanihan’s
experience. Bayanihan validated the conclusion of exploitation and abuse
based on its eleven years experience giving help to au pairs and doing lobby
and advocacy for the protection of the rights and welfare of Filipina au pairs.
It is also based on the findings of the research made by Bayanihan in
19949 and by the research on the position of au pairs from countries outside
the European Union by Ralph Reede of the University of Tilburg (UT), as
commissioned by Bayanihan on June 2001.10 The results of the latter were
presented to the public during a symposium organised by the
Wetenschapswinkel (Scientific Research Centre) of Tilburg University and
Bayanihan Foundation on January 2002 and attended by representatives of
the Filipino community, policymakers and a member of the parliament. It
received a lot of media attention which eventually paved the way into the
political arena forcing the Dutch Ministry of Justice to conduct its own
research on the situation of the au pairs. The reasons why the Dutch Ministry
of Justice conducted its own research was that in spite of the signals showing
the exploitation of au pairs, there were no hard numbers and evidences
available on how many au pairs are actually involved and what their
motives are for coming here. It is important to establish the extent and
magnitude of their exploitation and their motives.
Evaluation of au pair regulations

The report on the Evaluation of Au Pair Regulation11 showed that au
pairs do heavy work like cleaning the whole house to working in the garden.

Here are the following conclusions:
• 34% of the 107 host families (respondents) admitted that their au
pairs were doing heavy work;
• 52% of the 108 au pairs respondents do heavy work;
• 50% of the 108 au pairs (respondents) are underpaid ( under euro
340 allowance per month);
• 7 to 9 from the 10 host families violate in one way or other the au
pair regulations; and
• the au pairs work longer than required and often do heavy physical
work.
The findings of the report of the Ministry of Justice about the abuse of au
pairs led to the following resolutions: 1) improvement of the information
regarding au pair regulations; 2) framing of concept au pair agreement; and
3) setting up of meldpunt au pairs (hotline), a sort of help line for au pairs.
The temporary IND Meldpunt

A temporary meldpunt (or hotline) of the Immigration and
Naturalisation Office (IND), for au pairs was opened on 1 June 2004.
According to the IND, this meldpunt could give more insight on the violation
of au pair regulations so that a better supervision can be made. Minister
Rita Verdonk of Aliens Affairs (Vreemdelingenzaken) was determined to
eradicate the abuses of au pairs through these regulations.
But all complaints, depending on their nature, will be directed by the
IND to the police or Labour Inspection. For physical and mental abuse, au
pairs are advised to go to the police. At long last a body has been formed to
supervise the regulations. Bayanihan has been lobbying for this since 1996.
However, self-help organisations who are involved with au pairs and have
expertise in this subject matter such as Bayanihan were not informed and
involved by the Dutch government with the development about the
reinforcement of the abovementioned resolutions.
The following are the setbacks of the IND meldpunt based on
Bayanihan’s observation and experience since it was opened last June 2004:
1. The IND is not an independent body and it is very hard for the au pairs
to call them because of their “high threshold” nature. The au pairs whose
passports were confiscated by the host families have to muster enough
courage before calling IND. They are afraid to be sent home by IND
when they could not find another host family. An IND employee
interviewed about the efficiency of the meldpunt admitted that it is

seldom used by au pairs. They only got a few calls per month (Sandra
Kooijman 2005).
2. This meldpunt does not support the au pairs effectively. There was a
report from an au pair who complained that IND did not attend to her
urgent call right away when she reported that the host family did not
give IND’s letter to her. It took three days for IND to give her the proper
information. They give information, register the complaints but they
do not mediate, look for second host family, give the au pairs guidance,
support them emotionally, supervise the au pair agencies and see to it
that there is sanction done if the au pair regulations are violated. The
police and Labour Inspection have their own specific functions.
3. The Dutch Au Pair Organisation (NAPO) which was designated to form
a meldpunt in the future is not an independent body and may have a
conflict of interest since it is a branch organisation of au pair agencies.
The views of Bayanihan were confirmed by the interviews made with
two IND employees managing the meldpunt. During an interview made
by Sarah Kooiman, a researcher of the University of Amsterdam,12 the
employees pointed out the following points regarding the meldpunt:
1. In their opinion, the meldpunt has not improved the supervision of au
pairs;
2. A year after it was opened, the meldpunt was scarcely used. There
were very few calls of complaints from au pairs. Most of the complaints
received were found groundless after investigation. So the host families
concerned could not be held accountable for the offence mentioned. It
does not mean, however, that because there were few calls no abuses
took place;
3. A large number of au pairs belongs to the undocumented group, so
they will not file any complaints at all with the IND. The fact that the
hotline is at IND shows that it is a “good for nothing” complaint line.
Because of this, many abuses will go unreported; and
4. Regarding the plan to let the Dutch Au Pair Organisations (NAPO)
take over the managing of a hotline, the two IND employees think it
will take time before it will materialise and they are not positive about
it. The chance to bring the abuses in the open might be minimal because
of conflict of interest by the very nature of the NAPO.
Undocumented au pairs working as domestic
workers in private homes
TV station RTL 1 revealed that a majority of au pairs coming from the
third world countries come to The Netherlands without visas and as such
stay undocumented. Au pairs are allowed to change their host families as

long as they do it within the one year period of their permit to stay. When
that permit expires, they have difficulty finding a new host since they are
already considered undocumented. There are also au pairs who came here
with visas and have permits to stay. While most of them end up as domestic
workers and are paid low, they are afraid to complain to the Labour
Inspection for fear of being sent home. Their permit to stay is dependent on
the sponsorship of their host families. This practice is indeed an example of
exploiting cheap labour and a violation of the rights and welfare of au pairs.
Suspension of the placement of Filipina au pairs (temporary ban)
by the Philippine government
Since 1990 up to the present, young Filipina au pairs have been coming
to The Netherlands. There were around 700 Filipina au pairs estimated in
1993 to 1995. But in the year 2000 up to the present the number of au pairs
decreased. In 2002, it is estimated that the number of Filipina au pairs is
around 100. This estimate does not include the undocumented—those
without a valid visa or expired visas. It seems that the embargo by the
Philippine government on the au pair programme in 1998 caused this
decrease. According to the Philippine government, this temporary ban is
intended as a safeguard against the abuse on Filipina au pairs; the au pair
programme has been abused as a means to recruit cheap domestic labour.
Furthermore, the Philippine government pointed out that the other reason
is that there is no au pair agreement between the Philippines and any EU
country.
In reality this measure of banning the au pair programme does not
stop the abuse. It triggers the au pair agencies and the Filipinas themselves
to devise tricks so that Filipinas can still come to The Netherlands via other
means like coming as tourists with limited permit to stay with the intention
of staying as long as possible which leads them to become undocumented.
The ban is not water tight. It brings also so much confusion and corruption
on the Philippine side.
Quite a big number of au pairs told Bayanihan about their negative
experiences with the Philippine migration and customs officials during their
departure who had to be bribed with amounts from P10,000-P30,000 to
allow the au pairs to board the plane. Those who refused to pay were denied
to leave. Others were told to go to a certain office where they were
interrogated and given subtle hints to pay something.
Most of the au pairs who came to The Netherlands were advised by
their au pair agencies to prepare the abovementioned amount to be given

to the customs officials to be allowed to leave the country. A certain au pair
agency even bribed some custom officials. Sometimes these agencies have
their own contact persons inside the airport. The plane flight of the au pairs
is arranged during the time these officials are on duty. This way the au
pairs could leave the country without much ado.
Another confusion is the unilateral nature of the au pair ban by the
Philippine government. While it stops these young women from leaving
the country, the Dutch Embassy on the other hand continues to give them
visas as long as they meet all the requirements. This kind of situation leads
to a pingpong effect which makes Filipina au pairs victims of red tape from
both bureaucracies.
Suspending the au pair programme does not address the underlying
roots of the problem. It is imperative for the Philippine government to put
up mechanisms of protection and support. If the au pair system is properly
implemented, it is an excellent opportunity for the young people to broaden
their cultural horizons and enable them to have some financial advantages
as well.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Below are the specific recommendations:
1. The au pair programme, as a cultural exchange programme for young
people, is a good programme and should continue as conceived.
Therefore au pair regulations should be enforced properly and strictly
by the Dutch government.
2. The Philippine and Dutch governments should have coordinated
policies to ensure the protection of the rights and welfare of Filipina au
pairs.
3. Set up a monitoring and supervision system by the Dutch Ministry of
Justice on au pair agencies and host families. Those found violating au
pair regulations must be imposed sanctions.
4. Set up an independent hotline for Au Pairs with Bayanihan as anchor,
in close cooperation with credible au pair agencies, trade unions and
the police.
5. Support and encouragement from the Dutch government to au pair
agencies and organisations that provide empowerment trainings and
services to the au pairs. This also includes au pair agencies which focus
more on the cultural aspect of the au pair programme.
6. The Philippine government should lift the au pair ban to Europe since
it proves to be ineffective. Filipina au pairs still continue to come. Instead

more protection and supervision should be imposed such as
predeparture orientation and registration at the Philippine embassies
upon arrival in Europe.
CONCLUSION
Abuse and exploitation of au pairs still continue in spite of the recent
resolutions made by the Dutch Ministry of Justice. The banning of the au
pair programme from the Philippine side is not an effective measure to
stop the exploitation of Filipina au pairs. Instead it forces them to go
‘clandestine’ which exposes them to more danger and abuse.
Bayanihan is still receiving complaints not only from au pairs coming
from the Philippines but also from Latin American countries. Based on
General Recommendation number 19 made by the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), abuses and the
exploitation suffered by the au pairs are clear violations of their human
rights, specifically on violence against women.13 Two violations stand out:
coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty and economic exploitation. The
existing international human rights standards as contained in the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women can, if effectively implemented, be utilised to ensure the protection
of the rights and fundamental freedoms of exploited au pairs. In this
connection, both sending and receiving states must be held accountable in
protecting the human rights of these young women.
This primarily concerns people who want to form a family (by marriage,
for example) with someone in The Netherlands or who want to join family
members already living in The Netherlands.It is of great importance that
an independent “Hotline for Au Pairs” be set up to support and assist au
pairs in trouble. Bayanihan can play a role as self-organisation to anchor
the Hotline because of the expertise it has developed through the years in
giving assistance and support to au pairs and in recognising the exploitation
done by host families.14 It was also Bayanihan, which brought to the Dutch
public and politics the au pair exploitation issue, lobbied for years for the
protection of their rights and welfare. In this regard, Bayanihan should be
given support and encouragement to continue this important work.
NOTES
1 Diana Oosterbeek-Latoza, who was one of the founders of Bayanihan
in 1991, is currently Bayanihan’s social cultural worker and has been
giving support and assistance to Filipina au pairs since 1993. She has

also been doing lobby work for Filipina au pairs since 1996. Cecilia
Nalagon, Bayanihan board member and publications and research
officer also contributed some parts to this paper on au pair.
2 Statistics: estimated total number of au pairs Bayanihan assisted since
1993 to present.
3 European Agreement on Au Pair Placement Preamble.
4 Explanatory Report European Agreement on Au Pair Placement,
General Considerations.
5 Signatories to this agreement are Belgium, the Federal Republic of
Germany, Greece, Switzerland, Denmark, France, Italy, Spain, Moldova,
and Norway. Nonsignatories are Ireland, the UK, The Netherlands,
Finland and Luxembourg (who withdrew its support in 2004).
6 Due to the efforts of FNV a new legislation was passed changing the au
pair regulation for au pairs.
7 Financial Times, 4 August 2000.
8 RTL 1 is one of the Dutch commercial television stations. A TV report
on the abuse of au pairs was shown last November 2003 based on
research done by the Ministry of Justice.
9 Survey on Filipina Au Pairs in The Netherlands, Bayanihan, 6 August
1994.
10 Ralph Reede, ‘Positie van au pairs uit landen buiten de Europese Unie in
Nederland’ (Position of au pairs from non-EU countries), University
Tilburg, June 2001, was commissioned by Bayanihan to do this research.
11 Miedema, Frank, Bob Post, Clara Woldringh. ‘Voor geld of Van Gogh?
Au Pairs en hun gastgezinnen in Nederland. Evaluatie au pair regeling’ (For
money or for Van Gogh. Au pairs and their host families. An evaluation
of the Au pair Regulation). This research was commissioned by
Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Documentatie Centrum (WODC)
Scientific Research & Documentation Centre of the Ministry of Justice,
June 2003.
12 Kooiman Sandra, ‘Au Pairs en gastgezinnen; Een onduidelijke relatie’(Au
pairs and host families; an unclear relationship), December 2005. p. 27
13 The Declaration’s definition of violence against women is “any act of
gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical,
sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women including threats
of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether
occurring in public or in private life.
14 Ralph Reede made this proposal in his research (see Note 10).

“In the Service of our Kababayans1” -
Bayanihan Philippine Women’s Centre
MALU D. PADILLA2
Just like in any part of the world where they are, Filipinos in The Netherlands
are found in various sectors of the Dutch society. Today, the majority of the
Filipino community is composed of permanent residents, complimented
by a number of students and scholars, au pairs, refugees, land-based
seafarers and oilrig workers, and undocumented (domestic) workers. They
work in the professional sector, local government, entertainment, and in
the formal and informal service sectors. Some are self-employed who have
put up their own businesses offering various services from selling Filipino
products to shipping balikbayan boxes.3 There are big concentrations of the
Filipino community in the major cities like Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The
Hague, Utrecht, and also in big towns and municipalities. But it’s not
unusual to find Filipinas even in small villages.
According to the Dutch Central Bureau of Statistics, as of July 2006
there are 13,499 registered Filipinos in The Netherlands, 67 percent (9,075)
of whom are women. Of the total community population, 64 percent are
first generation migrants, 79 percent are women. In comparison with the
second generation which makes up 36 percent of the community, there is a
slight tip of the balance with males making up 52 percent.
With regard to their civil status, 56 percent of the first generation
Filipinas are married, 80 percent with Dutch partners. A very small
percentage, around 7 percent are divorced.

Table 1. Filipino Population in The Netherlands
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
Compared to official figures, based on its own work and research,

Bayanihan Foundation estimates, however, that there are 17,000 to 19,000
Filipinos in The Netherlands, including those without papers, land-based
seafarers and offshore workers. Majority of the Filipinas who are married
assumed their Dutch husbands names in their registrations and passports,
hence their Philippine origin is not easy to trace anymore. Nobody can
exactly tell how many Filipino residents are there in The Netherlands.
The Netherlands prides itself in being a model of a welfare state. In
2005, it ranked 12th as ‘most liveable country’ according to the UN Human
Development Index.4 The Netherlands is known to be an open, tolerant
and multicultural society. It opened its doors to refugees fleeing
dictatorships in the 1960s and 1970s. Its controversial liberal policy on soft
drugs and regularisation of prostitution is either applauded or criticised
by governments worldwide. It started receiving migrant workers for its
reconstruction after World War II in the 1960s. The flow of migrant workers
from Northern Africa and its former colonies has continued in the past 20
years.
However, during the past 10-15 years, and most recently due to
economic decline and the upsurge of what they call ‘economic refugees,’
the government has introduced more restrictive and discriminatory
migration laws. Moreover, with the war against terror, more and more
restrictive laws are put in place. For those wishing to migrate to The
Netherlands, acquiring a working or residence permit has been more
In the Service of our Kababayan–Bayanihan Philippine Women’s Centre 205

difficult than ever. These restrictions have tremendously affected women
migrants.
Today, according to official figures by the Dutch Central Bureau of
Statistics, 4.3 percent of the total Dutch population have a foreign origin or
background. The big groups of migrants are composed of Surinamese,
Moroccans, Turks and Antilleans. It is a common street scene to see a lot of
coloured people in the big cities and towns.
FILIPINOS IN THE NETHERLANDS – THEN AND NOW5

As far as it can be traced, the first Filipina who married and settled in
The Netherlands arrived in 1948. In the beginning of the 1960s, Filipina
musical artists came to The Netherlands to pursue their careers and
eventually settled in the country. One was an opera singer and the other a
child violin prodigy who won an international competition in Vienna. Two
upper-class women from exclusive Catholic schools also joined their
husbands.
Up to the 1960s, anyone could come to The Netherlands and work
without the need for a work permit. A tourist could simply go to the Foreign
Police and apply for a residence permit. Apart from individual Filipinas
who came to develop careers or who settled down with a Dutch partner,
several groups of Filipinas also came to work as nurses and garment
workers.
For many women who came in the 1960s, their reasons for coming were
not so much the reasons why majority of Filipina women leave their country
today. Then, there was still the excitement of adventure in working in a
foreign country, and not so much to the inability to find good-paying jobs
in the Philippines or the necessity to escape poverty.
Health workers
The nurses (around 50 of them) came in the early 1960s upon the
invitation of the current Queen Beatrix. At the same time, The Netherlands
was undergoing economic recovery and was in need of health workers,
particularly nurses. The nurses acquired a three-year contract and worked
in Utrecht and Leiden. Some of them even came from the USA where they
had been working and undergoing training. However, majority of the nurses
later asked to be released from their contracts because of the heavy work
which nurses in The Netherlands were normally made to do. Many of these
nurses left for the United States, while some stayed behind. To replace the
nurses, the hospitals changed their recruitment targets to midwives. They

were also given three-year contacts. The first group arrived in 1967 to work
in Amsterdam. Successive groups arrived in Haarlem, Bussum, Eindhoven
and Apeldorn. The recruitment stopped sometime in the early 1970s when
the economic condition of the country changed.
However today, due to a shortage of health workers in Dutch hospitals
and nursing homes, there are new recruitments again; at least three to four
groups of Filipina nurses arrived since 2000. It is expected that there will
be more active recruitments of foreign health workers in the near future.
Textile and garment workers

Between 1966 and the early 1970s, some 600 Filipinas came in batches
of 10 to work in the textile factories of Berghuis in different parts of The
Netherlands. This recruitment was arranged through Catholic missionaries.
Many of the women who came were college graduates and professionals.
The women were divided into groups of 60-70 and were housed collectively
with eight or nine women living in an apartment. Each group was assigned
a Filipino social worker.
They were not obliged to learn Dutch; rather, their Dutch colleagues
were given English lessons. They worked at the Berghuis Textile Company
until two of the factories closed down due to recession leaving the
Amsterdam factory as the only one operating. Around 70 of the women
decided to stay, either because they got married or they found other jobs.
Most migrated to Canada, to the USA and Britain, while a few went back to
the Philippines. Filipinas stopped coming to The Netherlands as contract
workers in the late 1970s.
Trafficked Filipinas
In the 1980s, the growing economic crisis in the Philippines had pushed
Filipinas to take their chances with recruiters, who promised them good
jobs, but some ended up as victims of the sex trade. Others who came to
work as entertainers saw themselves forced into prostitution. Various
methods were used to force them to become prostitutes: their passports
were taken away, intimidation, threats, violence, rape, blackmail,
withholding of food, restriction of movement. They were told that they
owed the trafficker the cost of their plane fare, visa, clothing, etc., that was
why they had to work hard.
In mid-1980s, the celebrated case of “Nena,” a Filipina who escaped
from forced prostitution, hit the Dutch media and not only attracted public
attention, but also landed in the political agenda of the Dutch parliament.

A film based on the life of Nena, entitled “Cannot Run Away,” was
produced in The Netherlands which garnered several international awards.
Eventually, the director took the information she gathered in making this
film and saw to it that the Filipino man who headed up the racket was
prosecuted for his many crimes. The Dutch Foundation against Trafficking
of Women (STV) was instrumental in taking Nena’s case in the open.
The few cases of Filipina women victimised by traffickers hit its all-
time peak during the mid-1980s. Today, there is hardly any information
available on Filipinas being trafficked to The Netherlands. But that does
not mean it does not happen anymore. Today, more known cases are that
of women coming from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
Filipino refugees
Around late 1970s until early 1980s during the height of the political
repression in the Philippines, Filipino activists were forced to flee the country
and seek asylum in The Netherlands. There are also reports of new arrivals
most recently. There would be around 20 or more Filipinos with refugee
status and some with asylum applications still under process.
Marriage migrants
During and after the 1970s, the migration of Filipinas grew and their
situation today is much more varied. The number of Filipina residents in
The Netherlands continues to grow mainly through marriage; they compose
the majority of the Filipino community. Some Filipinas met their partners
in the Philippines when Dutchmen were on vacation. A small number of
them are married to Dutch development workers and ex-missionaries. Of
late, a number of Filipino seafarers and offshore workers who have lived
and worked here for several years married Dutch and Filipino-Dutch
nationals. In the past 20 years, the bicultural marriage trend has been
stimulated by correspondence and marriage bureaus.
Today, with the onset of globalisation, a new form of acquiring partners
is taking place. Instead of the “pen pal correspondence and agencies,” the
Internet is used as the modern medium in looking for possible partners.
The trend of meeting partners through the Internet steadily continues. This
is used especially by young people living in the urban areas in the
Philippines. The new Filipina brides coming to The Netherlands are young
and fresh graduates from college. Likewise, their Dutch partners/husbands
are also young, educated and more open to other cultures. This new
development is a far cry from the traditional pen pal clubs in the 1970s and

the 1980s when Filipinas did not get much opportunity to know their future
husbands more interactively. However, due to new restrictive immigration
laws and regulations, the criteria to come as bride have been very strict.
Scholars and students
Under Dutch and Philippine government scholarships, professionals
working mainly in the government sector and NGOs come to The
Netherlands for diploma graduate or postgraduate courses in educational
institutions and universities in The Hague, Delft, Wageningen, Enschede
and Amsterdam. Most of the scholars and students go back to the Philippines
after they finish their studies. Normally their residence status as students
is coterminus with their courses but some are able to stay either because of
marriage or work opportunities.
Au pair schemes in Europe and in The Netherlands are increasingly
being used as a way of ensuring that families have access to low cost
domestic labour. Constructed as cultural exchange and as family rather
than contractual labour this can often leave young women extremely
vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. Agencies operating for profit are often
unregulated even though au pairs are extremely dependent on them for
protection. There is an urgent need for research and evaluation of these
schemes in order to decide how best to work with them.
(Undocumented) domestic workers
The presence of Filipina domestic workers in The Netherlands is getting
more and more visible. One reason for the growing demand for domestic
work in many Dutch households is due to the increased participation of
Dutch women in the labour market. Hiring migrant labour, especially that
of undocumented workers, is much cheaper than hiring local labour.
Because of their undocumented status, most of the Filipina domestic workers
work in the informal sector (meaning unregistered work or what is
commonly referred to as “black” work). Many of the Filipina domestic
workers (documented and undocumented) who are informally employed
work on a regular basis in more than two households at the same time.
They also work either as “live-in” or “live-out.” It is rather common to hear
that they have five to 11 employers at any one time.6 Most of them are
concentrated in Amsterdam, The Hague and in other big cities. Because
they are hard working, have good education and speak good English,
Filipina domestic workers are also favourites of the diplomatic corps.
In the past years, we also see an increasing number of male Filipino
domestic workers. Most of them are those who came to work in the oils rigs

but ended up doing domestic work. It is interesting to note however that in
The Netherlands, work in the private household is not a recognised proper
work and is not an accepted immigration status. Those who become
undocumented are mostly those whose visas have already expired but have
chosen to stay to earn the much needed income.
Seafarers and oil-rig workers7

There are a significant number of Filipino sea-based workers falling
within the ambit of Dutch laws and policy. The Netherlands, aside from
being one of the major commercial shipping flag states, hosts the Rotterdam
port - the biggest port complex in the world today as well as a number of
significant ports like Amsterdam, Vlissingen, Den Helder, and Eemshaven.
Moreover, it is heavily involved in the exploitation and development of
the North Sea oil and gas deposits.
The Philippine Seaman’s Assistance Program (PSAP), a non-
governmental institution based in Rotterdam, estimates that around 300
Filipino seafarers pass by Rotterdam each day. Hundreds work on board
Dutch ships, while a number of Filipino residents in The Netherlands have
been hired by Norwegian, German and other European ships. No less than
300 Filipino men and women are working in production platforms run by
American, Norwegian, British, and Dutch companies in the North Sea.
Around the mid-1980s, the first batch of Filipino offshore workers,
including some women, obtained jobs in the North Sea mining industry.
Since then, their numbers increased to an estimated number of more than
300, including those who have already quit the work for various reasons.
Many of them applied for the jobs through the tips and invitations of families
and friends who were already settled in The Netherlands. A few of them
were recruited directly by some Filipino residents in the Philippines, with
placement fees amounting approximately to thirty thousand pesos. Some
of them, who already reside here, have applied for the jobs because they
desperately needed work. Many of them have a college or university degree,
while a number have graduated from high school. Majority of them,
especially those who are married and left their families at home, say that
the job in the oil-rig still pays better than in the Philippines. A few admit
they just want to experience life abroad and are open to adventure. Most of
them expect to acquire a residence permit after seven years, and hope to be
able to apply for better jobs on shore.

Filipino organisations
The Filipino community is one of the highly organised migrant
communities in The Netherlands. However, there are no exact numbers
available on how many Filipino organisations exist. It can be estimated
that there are around 50, or even more, on the national, regional and local
levels. These organisations are either for Filipinos only, or a combination of
Filipino-Dutch. They depend fully on volunteer time of their members and
support from their Dutch members and sympathisers. Most of the
organisations are self-reliant but some of their activities get financial support
from provincial and regional governments or from funding agencies and
church organisations.
The forms of Filipino organisations in The Netherlands changed through
the years. As the Filipino population grew and the needs and problems of
the community became more varied and evident, groups and organisations
also increased. Some emphasise social and cultural expressions, others have
a more political character, and most devote activities to rights and the
welfare of the migrant community. All of the groups maintain their links to
their homeland, seen particularly in fundraising campaigns for relief, charity
and in supporting small-scale development projects in the Philippines. A
federation and a coalition of Filipino organisations have been formed to
undertake common activities and action. The community picnic during the
Philippine Independence Day celebration annually in June is one activity
where hundreds of Filipinos with their families and friends converge.
Most recently, self-organisations of undocumented domestic workers
were put up. Some organisations have also started initiatives on
microfinance and remittances investments.
On the national level, there are at least four centres established which
cater to the needs of the Filipino community: a women’s centre, an assistance
programme for seafarers, and two information and service centres for
general migrants’ needs. These offices are run either by paid part-time staff
with volunteers’ support, or wholly run by volunteers only. There are also
radio programs on the regional/local areas (Amsterdam and Rotterdam).
There is an initiative by several Filipino organisations to form a lobby/
advocacy group for the recognition of the Filipino community as an official
minority group in The Netherlands. A few years ago, a group was formed
which lobbied successfully for the ‘export’ of social benefits for Filipinos
remigrating back to the Philippines.

Philippine-related organisations and NGOs, such as solidarity,
information and documentation centres and charity organisations, set up
by Dutch people are also present in The Netherlands. Occasionally, there
are joint activities and projects between these organisations and some
Filipino organisations.
THE ROLE OF THE FILIPINA IN THE COMMUNITY

In relation to specific activities on women, the Filipino organisations
address these issues in different ways. There have been direct actions against
sex-trafficking, legal and financial help, housing, and often, intervention
on behalf of the Filipina in trouble. Information sessions on migration laws
and policies have been held at different periods. Women’s gatherings,
workshops and study groups are not new. There has been participation of
Filipinas in the work of other institutions like Third World projects, children,
etc. Filipinas have spoken in International Women’s Day activities,
international fora on women’s issues, and in local neighbourhood and
religious gatherings. Researches on specific problems of women in Europe
have been done by the Filipinas themselves. Cultural activities have also
contributed to building confidence and to developing the ability to express
oneself.
There are several Filipina organisations which operate on the national
and local levels and a small network of Filipina organisations and
individuals called Diwang Pilipina.
Filipinas have been instrumental in getting the Filipino community
organised. Majority of the members of Filipino organisations are women
who, in general, are more active than their male counterparts. Most women
who have assumed leadership roles have had previous experiences in
organising work back in the Philippines. Others who did not have these
earlier experiences became trained to handle responsibilities through the
actual running of their organisations. However, there would still be many
women who have taken on more passive roles within their organisations
mainly due to shyness, fear of gossip or lack of self-confidence.
In general, a considerable number of Filipinas in The Netherlands (88%)
have college degrees in education, commerce, nutrition, health, social work,
and the like; a few (10%) have high school diplomas, and two percent
finished elementary education. Many of them had working experiences in
their own field of discipline prior to coming to The Netherlands.
Given that the majority in the Filipino community are women, their
needs and concerns are much greater than that of their male counterparts.

Also the current immigration laws and regulations in The Netherlands,
make the situation of the Filipina more difficult. The fact that she is a woman
and a migrant makes her more vulnerable to all forms of violations of her
human rights.
BAYANIHAN FOUNDATION –
PHILIPPINE WOMEN’S CENTRE
Bayanihan Foundation finds itself at the core of the Filipino community
in The Netherlands. Bayanihan is a Filipino word meaning “neighbourly
cooperation” or helping each other. Bayanihan Foundation is a self-help
women organisation, established in 1991,8 providing various forms of
assistance and support to all Filipinas who are living and/or working in
The Netherlands. It is a service and training centre for Filipinas needing
assistance for self-development to make their lives as Filipina migrants more
meaningful and fulfilling.
Bayanihan’s mission as a self-help women’s organisation is to work for
the empowerment of Filipinas in The Netherlands so they can be well-
integrated and active members of Dutch society. This mission is an integral
part of our vision of a society where everyone—regardless of gender,
religion, race and sexual preference—enjoys the same fundamental rights
and liberties, and valuable opportunities for self-development and for
becoming active participants in pursuing the ideals of an egalitarian society.
This is a society where all women have control over the direction of their
own lives, the capability to pursue and enjoy meaningful lives, and are
duly recognised for their equally invaluable role in creating a more humane
and just society.
Bayanihan makes concrete this mission and vision not only through
specific activities such as awareness-raising, information campaigns,
seminars and workshops on the rights of women and migrants, but also by
actively advocating and lobbying for issues that affect migrant women. In
this manner, Bayanihan makes an important contribution to the
advancement of the rights of Filipinas in particular, and of women in general.
Through our years of service, we have embedded our work at the centre
of the community. To be able to attend to the growing needs of our target
group and because their needs and problems are getting more and more
complex, Bayanihan after 10 years embarked on a professionalisation
process. This process is meant to make our services and programmes more
effective and relevant to the community of Filipinas we serve.

Social services assistance and counselling
This is Bayanihan’s core business. Every year we give assistance to an
average of 120 women who come to the centre for support on various forms
of problems. These problems can range from getting practical tips and
information on how to make their stay in The Netherlands pleasant to more
complex psychological and legal problems. Some need intensive guidance
and counselling which can take a few months to a year or even more.
Other activities under this programme are:
a. Crisis intervention - for immediate and direct help, for instance in
partner-related cases involving physical, mental and emotional violence
b. Telephone helpline - devoted entirely to receiving calls from Filipinas
who need information, immediate help or simply a listening ear
c. Follow-up support activities - continuous assistance and guidance for
the Filipinas who are slowly but surely trying to build their lives again
after a crisis
Bayanihan has also special support services for Filipina au pairs which
include giving information about au pair rights and obligations, and
providing practical assistance like helping them overcome difficulties in
making social and cultural adjustments in The Netherlands, and acting as
mediator between the au pair and other entities.
To be able to extend its social services assistance to as many Filipinas
as possible, Bayanihan has a network of volunteers composed of Filipinas
in different regional areas of The Netherlands. They are professionally
trained to give counselling and to respond to crisis situations.
Empowerment programme
As part of our capacity building and awareness-raising activities,
Bayanihan conducts trainings and seminars on various issues and topics
that affect Filipinas in their stay in The Netherlands. The main objective is
to enhance their capacity towards self-empowerment for a meaningful and
productive life. It is meant as a preventive measure equipping our target
groups with sufficient knowledge and skills on how to protect their rights
and welfare.
Integration and participation of Filipinas in the Dutch society are two
importants aspects of this programme. Some of the topics taken are on
migrants rights and responsibilities, gender-based violence, skills and
leaderhip trainings, crosscultural communication, basic women orientation,
marriage and parenting in a bi-cultural society.

Network, lobby and advocacy
In general, we lobby with Dutch government institutions, policymaking
bodies, trade union federations, welfare and health institutions, the
Philippine Embassy in The Netherlands and the Philippine government.
Our lobby and advocacy work are primarily on migration laws, independent
residence permits for women, working conditions, welfare and health
services, equal job opportunities and rights and welfare of au pairs. We are
an active member of the lobby group Komite Zelfstanding
Verblijsvergunning, and we work with other lobby groups and expertise
centres such as E-quality and Forum (Instituut voor Multiculturele
Ontwikkeling).
At the European level, Bayanihan is an active member of Babaylan, the
Philippine women’s network in Europe, and of the European Feminist
Forum (EFF). Internationally, Bayanihan is a member of the Association
for Women’s Rights and Development (AWID).
Since 2006, Babaylan has been a member of the steering committee of
the European Feminist Forum (EFF). EFF is a space for discussions on how
to repolitisise the feminist movement in Europe and to explore feminist
agendas needed in today’s Europe. EFF aims to engage all interested in a
broad forum on key issues for feminists across Europe, however they wish
to define Europe. Babaylan’s agenda at EFF is to contribute to the discussion
on how feminists see migration in our lives, as migrants and as women
supporting migrants.
Information, research and documentation

This programme includes dissemination of information on the situation
of the Filipinas in The Netherlands and on the causes of their migration
from the Philippines. Bayanihan initiates researches and surveys on issues
which concern its target groups (i.e., the Filipinas, the Filipino and Dutch
communities). Some examples of its recent major collaborative and
independent work are the following:
a. The position of au pairs in The Netherlands from outside the EU (with
the University of Tilburg) in 2000;
b. “Networks, migrants and natives: Networks of experience, networks
of welcome”9 Migrants and Networks in Europe 2005 (a reseach project
led by the University of Rome Tre and funded by the European
Commission);
c. The social and economic position of Filipinas in The Netherlands (on-
going); and

d. Compilation and publication of primers and pamphlets on existing laws
and policies which are relevant to our work (e.g., immigration and
integration policies, marriage to Dutch partner, divorce, social security,
au pair system regulation, au pair rights).
PROBLEMS THAT FILIPINAS FACE

IN THE NETHERLANDS
With its 15 years of experience and through written materials and
information gathered through formal and informal exchanges among
Filipino organisations, Bayanihan is able to identify the main concerns and
problems Filipinas are confronted with in The Netherlands. To name a few:
1. Loneliness and isolation
Research and experience prove that most Filipinas who come to The
Netherlands are not properly prepared and do not have much idea of what
situation they will meet. During the first period they suffer loneliness and
homesickness. Filipinos cherish strong family ties. The warmth and
company of immediate families and friends is especially missed during
occasions such as birthdays, baptisms, and Christmas season.
Taking care of the elderly and raising of children are social
responsibilities shared with the extended family. Since the migrant also
does not know her way around yet, she does not have the opportunity to
meet kababayans. The Filipina lacks the family and friends’ network of
support when she settles down with her Dutch partner. Homesickness and
loneliness may cause strain and tension in the relationship and may
eventually lead to depression and isolation of the Filipina.
On the other hand, those who have some members of their families
here are recreating and living according to the hierarchical structure and
dependency on elders, just like in the Philippines. This in turn hinders the
integration to Dutch society, and becomes an additional difficulty in
bicultural relationships.
2. Cultural differences in a bicultural relationship
As already mentioned, majority of Filipinas in The Netherlands are
married to Dutch nationals. Some of these marriages have been the result
of correspondence and tourism in the Philippines. Studies show that not
only language but also cultural differences present barriers which make
the communication between the partners difficult. Communication and
management of family resources are the two particular areas of adjustment
crucial towards maintaining a stable marriage. The manner and the style of

communication, especially during the early part of the marriage is critical.
The “gentleness” and smooth interpersonal relations which are the
prevailing characteristics of social interaction in the Philippines, contrast
sharply with the general “roughness” and directness of the Dutch
interaction.10
Due to their husbands’ ignorance about Filipino culture, most Filipina
wives are made to stay at home, and in worst cases, prevented from having
contact with other Filipinos, and from joining activities in the organisations.
As they do not earn any income, their dependence on their husbands is
total.
Many Filipinas have also opted to stay at home to keep the household
and to take care of their children and husband’s needs. Apart from the
influence of such values as the woman’s place is in the home, their decision
can also be influenced by the difficulty of entering the labour market to
practice their professions in the Philippines. The Dutch tax system has also
not encouraged married women to get out of their homes and work,
particularly for those who want to work part-time. Childcare services are
very limited and costly. Women simply decide to stay at home which means
again a total economic dependence on the husbands.
Filipino residents in The Netherlands work hard to earn money, not
only for their families here but also for the entire family back in the
Philippines. Sometimes, such a financial responsibility becomes a burden,
especially when their Dutch partners do not understand this and are not
willing to cooperate, making this one source of friction within the marriage.
3. Dependent residence permit and domestic violence
While stories abound of successful relationships between Filipinas and
Dutch, there are also those hidden and kept secret. Due to complete
dependence on their partners, Filipinas are prone to become victims in
abusive relationships. From time to time, these experiences of violence in
the hands of abusive fiancés, partners and husbands are reported to
Bayanihan by the Filipinas themselves who seek help and assistance. Wife
battering and other forms of physical, emotional and psychological abuse
are experienced by some Filipinas. A number have threatened to commit
suicide to escape intolerable relationships. A few have lost their sanity and
have been committed to mental institutions and psychiatric hospitals.
One contributing factor to the victimisation of a Filipina is that current
immigration laws do not give independent residence permits to migrant
women. Their legal status is “tied” to their relationship with their Dutch

male partner. Recently amended laws provide permanent residence permits
only after staying three years in the relationship, either living together or in
matrimony.
Regardless of any reason, if the Filipina decides to separate from her
husband or partner within this period, she faces deportation proceedings.
Thus, many who are trapped in violent relationships have been forced to
endure their situation, until they become entitled to more permanent
residency. Although there have been new laws which give some protection
to women victims of violence, most women are ignorant of their existence.
The violence they suffer goes unreported to the police authorities.
4. Raising of children in a bicultural relationship
Many Filipinas are bringing up second generation of Dutch-Filipino
children in a highly industrialised, urban, multiracial and multicultural
society. Divergent economic, political and sociocultural backgrounds greatly
impact on the marriage between a Filipina and a Dutch national. These
divergent attitudes shape the way they view the institution of family and
their respective roles within it: childrearing practices, religious expression,
food preferences and other values and cultural traditions. These issues, if
not resolved by the husband and wife, result in conflicts in rearing a child
in a bicultural relationship. The Dutch partner’s inability to understand the
cultural context of his Filipina wife aggravates the conflict. The Filipina is
confronted by sociocultural issues which she cannot properly transfer to
her child. The Filipino values and traditions which she highly regards are
put in question, and she is left on her own to deal with them. In the
meantime, due also to her lack of understanding the full context of her
Dutch partner’s culture, she lacks a good environment conducive to good
childrearing. Such unresolved issues bring confusion to the child as to which
norms and values are important to her/him and result in conflicting cultures
instead of their good and harmonious combination. Because the dominant
culture is Dutch and the Filipino culture is seen as inferior, in the end, the
child is ashamed of her/his Filipino background.
5. Integration and participation in the Dutch society
Integration and participation by migrants are the two important agendas
of the past and present Dutch governments. For years now, the Dutch
government has introduced several policies and programmes to facilitate
the integration of migrants in The Netherlands. Somehow they do not seem
to work. The criteria are getting more and more difficult with the obvious
objective of actually discouraging migrants from coming.

Being integrated in a receiving country, one has to go through two
important stages—learn the culture and speak the language. Only then can
one participate fully in the society either by finding a job and/or being
active in the community.
The first requirement for integration is learning the Dutch language.
The level of language fluency of Filipinas varies from poor, reasonable and
good. Filipinas who came here before the 1990s had less opportunity to
learn the Dutch language intensively. That situation was demotivating for
many. According to them, the language courses before were not designed
to fit the different levels of education of the participants. There was no
differentiation, all the courses were organised only in big cities and
municipalities, affecting those who settled in relatively small towns and
villages. Many of those who attended language courses, left school after a
few months because of dissatisfaction over how the courses were conducted.
In most cases, the pattern followed by Filipinas who came here was to earn
money in any kind of work as soon as possible, rather than choose a career
which required learning the Dutch language well and further training.
Furthermore, the Filipino community is not reached by Dutch labour service
institutions; they have no access to relevant social and educational
information.
With regard to participation in the labour market, Filipinas in general,
do not make the necessary efforts to have their diplomas accredited for the
right discipline, either due to ignorance of the system, lack of interest or
inability to pursue more years of studies to earn the necessary credits. As a
result, most of the women here have either worked in the last 15 to 20 years
as unqualified medical attendants, caring for the aged in rehabilitation
houses, as chamber maids in hotels or domestic workers which contributes
to the deskilling of an otherwise highly capable work force. Majority of
those who found professional jobs mostly work well with their skills and
work experience already acquired in the Philippines.
Because majority of Filipinas have more urgent concerns—earn a living,
take care of the family, etc.—participation in the general Dutch community
is not a big priority. They would have a small circle of friends for social
contact but are not particularly active in Dutch community life.
Language proficiency and limited work opportunities are two main
obstacles that Filipinas face in their integration in the Dutch society, one
having an effect on the other.

6. Human rights violations and racism
It is generally known that the Dutch people are known to be tolerant of
migrants. During the past 15 years, and more so after 9/11 however, the
trend towards more blatant violation of the human rights of migrants has
been on the rise. The institutionalisation of racism in relation to immigration
and the treatment of migrants has cleverly sanitised racism, giving it an
acceptable face, for the sake of “safety and security” of the general public.
The declaration of the war on terror has exposed migrants of colour
more than ever to more violations of their human rights. Their safety in
public places or even in their own environment is no longer guaranteed.
The Filipina residents identify with other migrant ethnic groups in
combating racial prejudice and discrimination in their working and living
conditions. In the workplace, discrimination takes on very subtle forms. As
professionals, Filipinas seldom get promoted to positions which require
skill, experience and a solid training and educational background. Despite
being over-qualified for the job, having accumulated several years of
experience and training in the Philippines, their qualifications are deemed
inferior, and therefore, not recognised.
The Dutch media, in the meantime, tend to portray Filipinas as domestic
workers, mail-order brides, prostitutes, and entertainers. They are portrayed
as victims instead of determined and strong women trying to build a better
life which they deserve in a foreign country.
MOST RECENT RESTRICTIVE

IMMIGRATION REQUIREMENTS
As already mentioned earlier, we have seen in the past years the
increasing restrictive direction the immigration laws in The Netherlands is
taking. This current trend can be felt all over Europe. Most recently the
Dutch government increased the restrictions of its immigration requirements
on family formation and family reunification. Waiting out the three-year
requirement to secure an independent residence permit is not the only
impediment for the emancipation of migrant women in The Netherlands
but a clear violation of their human rights:
a. In 2004, more requirements were imposed for admission and
renewal of residence permit. It means that the application for an
independent residence permit will take longer, and longer
dependence on the Dutch partner means vulnerability to domestic
violence.

b. Another requirement is proof of stable means of income — through
a work contract with a minimum of one year and at least 120 percent
net income based on the minimum wage. For a migrant woman
with children who does not have her own income but would like
to divorce her Dutch husband, this is almost an impossibility.
Moreover, the fees for a residence permit have sky-rocketed in the
last years, in some cases up to 1000 percent increase. For women
without income or very low income, who can afford this?
c. The processing of the applications by the Dutch immigration and
naturalisation service (IND) takes very long and is inefficient.
Another law called the Civic Integration Act (Wet Inburgering) entered
into force on 15 March 2006 and sets an additional condition for obtaining
a regular temporary residence permit (known as “MVV”), namely that
people must first have a basic knowledge of the Dutch language and Dutch
society before they come to The Netherlands. This basic knowledge will be
tested by taking the Basic Civic Integration Examination with the use of a
computer at a Dutch embassy or consulate-general in the country of
residence, costing approximately about •350. Passing the examination
means getting a visa, while failing means refusal or rejection of the visa
application.
Those who have passed the exam and are admitted to The Netherlands
are obliged as newcomers, under the terms of the Civic Integration for
Newcomers Act11 (Wet inburgering nieuwkomers), to participate in a civic
integration programme upon arrival in The Netherlands. It primarily
concerns people who want to form a family (by marriage, for example)
with someone in The Netherlands or who want to join family members
already living in The Netherlands.
For women coming to The Netherlands for family reunification
purposes, according to the Dutch government, this Act is also intended for
the emancipation and integration of these women and also to protect them
against violence. However, in practice it hardly works; in fact, it presents
more obstacles to the very women it wants to protect. Some of the reasons
behind this are:
a. The mandatory “integration examination” in the country of origin
is extremely difficult for these women — the test is poorly
developed and its content is highly criticised; there is no preparation
for the test; tests are only available through the computers in Dutch
embassies and consulates; and the fee is very high which most
women cannot afford.

b. When the exam is passed and the visa is granted, upon arrival in
The Netherlands, she has to follow the mandatory integration
course which is also very expensive. Moreover, the quality of the
course is questionable and there are insufficient childcare facilities
to make it more accessible to women. Nonparticipation in this
course means sanctions such as administrative fines12 or the threat
of not getting an independent residence permit later.
c. The integration and emancipation of women are severely
undermined by this Act. It does not give sufficient protection to
women who have the misfortune of being trapped in a violent
relationship.
Thanks to the vigorous lobby and campaign work of civil society
organisations led by black, migrant and refugee women, there have been
improvements in the protection of battered women with dependent
residence permits. There is now a possibility to apply for an independent
permit based on humanitarian grounds as long as these women report the
incidents of violence to the police, either with or without the help of their
family physician. But because of their ignorance of the law, most women
victims are not aware of this possibility and remain trapped in their violent
relationships. It is reported that only 12 percent of women filed official
complaints to the police. Escalation of violence is one risk that women avoid
just as losing their permit totally. The improvement in the law is not a
preventive measure but rather a reactive one. In addition, there are hardly
any accessible women shelters for these women. Some shelters do not accept
women with ‘uncertain’ residence status and most are overcrowded.
Sometimes, there is also lack of sufficient knowledge by professionals
working in women shelters on the legal possibilities for these women and
their situations.
Given the above, it is therefore not unusual that there is an increasing
number of undocumented migrant women and by being so, their precarious
situation makes them more prone to become victims of violence.
NOTES
1 The word kababayan is a Filipino word which means compatriots.
Filipinos use this word with endearment especially when abroad. It
refers here to female compatriots.
2 The author is the current coordinator of Bayanihan. Some parts of this
paper were presented during AWID International Forum in Bangkok,

2005, which was cowritten by Cecilia Nalagon, Bayanihan board
member and researcher.
3 There is an ongoing study entitled “Filipino Entrepreneurship in The
Netherlands: Male and Female Business Activity Compared,” by
Marisha Maas of the University of Nijmegen.
4 The UNHDI ranks nations according to their citizens’ quality of life
rather than strictly by a nation’s traditional economic figures. The
criteria for calculating rankings include life expectancy, educational
attainment, and adjusted real income.
5 Some of the information was cited from the report of the Filipina
delegation from The Netherlands to the founding congress of Babaylan
in September 1992 in Barcelona, Spain.
6 “Au Pairs and Sans Papier in The Netherlands,” C.Nalagon, Bayanihan
Foundation, 2005. This paper is part of the research project by the
University of Rome Tre “Welcome? Migrants and Natives Network,”
F. Brezzi and I. Peretti. Aracane. 2006.
7 Cited from “Philippine International Migration: Issues and Concerns
of Filipino Migrants in The Netherlands” in Filomenita M. Hoegsholm’s
(ed.) Public Forum Report 1997. FFON. The Netherlands.
8 Bayanihan Foundation evolved from the social services committee of
Damayang Pilipino, a Filipino organisation in The Netherlands
established in 1986. The women members of the committee decided to
establish a separate foundation to be able to give more concrete services
and counselling to Filipinas who came for help.
9 This research project was conducted from 2003-2005. M.L. Hardillo,
then chair of Babaylan participated in the first phase together with C.
Basa of FWC-It. Later they were joined by D. Carlos (Diwata-Gr), D.
Oosterbeek and C. Nalagon (Bayanihan-NL). The project was funded
by the European Community. Documentation of the research is
published in book form entitled “Welcome? Migrants and Natives
Network.” F. Brezzi and I. Perreti. Aracane. 2006.
10 V. del Rosario, Lifting the Smoke Screen: Dynamics of Mail-Order Bride
Migration from the Philippines. ISS. The Hague. 1994.
11 This Act prescribes an integration programme of 600 hours of language
training and general knowledge of Dutch society for newcomers, aliens
and Dutch nationals born outside The Netherlands who are aged 18
years and older and who have come to The Netherlands for the first
time in order to reside there for an indefinite period.
12 This fine is in principle, 20 percent of the relevant social assistance
benefit (Bijstandsuitkering), which is a sum that may vary depending

on the family situation from approximately •114 to •240; the fine is
doubled if within 12 months from the imposition of a first fine, an
individual still has not complied with the duty to register and take part
in an integration programme.
REFERENCES
Bayanihan Foundation Annual Reports
Butalid, Maya O. and Malu D. Padilla
2003 De economische positie van Filippijnse vrouwen in Nederland (The
economic position of Filipinas in The Netherlands). Bayanihan
Foundation. 2003.
Hoegsholm, Filomenita M. (ed.)
1997 “Philippine International Migration: Issues and Concerns of Filipino
Migrant in The Netherlands.” A Public Forum Report. The Hague,
The Netherlands. 24 November.
Padilla, Malu D.
2002 Migration of Filipinas in The Netherlands: Causes and Concerns.
Bayanihan Foundation.
Proceedings: Conference of Philippine Women in Europe (Babaylan). 1992.

Information Needs of Filipinos in Belgium:
A Survey Research1
JOYCE C. DEL ROSARIO
For a country that continues to see its citizens migrate overseas, information
and communication technologies play a role in overseas Filipinos’s efforts
to relate with loved ones in the Philippines. These technologies (defined as
the electronic means of handling information in ways such as capturing,
processing, storing and communicating information [Heeks and Duncombe
2001, Heeks 2000b]) somewhat mitigate the social costs of international
migration to Filipino families (Scalabrini Migration Center 2004).
This paper sought to address two related issues, namely: Do Filipino
organisations in Belgium, acting as information providers, meet the actual
needs of Filipinos in Belgium being the recipients of such information? How
do Filipinos in Belgium use information formally and informally?
This paper sought to determine the information needs and ICT use of
Filipinos in the Kingdom of Belgium, said to be the heart of the European
Union. This was culled from a survey of 48 respondents who primarily
came to Belgium for employment purposes (58 percent of total respondents
were women, majority of respondents were middle-aged, and at least 73
percent of respondents were married). The author acknowledges the study’s
methodological limitations owing to the small sample obtained.
DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS

From the sample of 48 respondents, 71 percent are documented workers,
19 percent are undocumented workers, and the remaining 10 percent are
naturalised Belgians. It should be noted that undocumented workers are
underrepresented in this survey.
225
Economic or employment reasons are the number one reason for
international migration by 68 percent of respondents. Other respondents
said they went to Belgium to join other family members already there, and
to join a Belgian spouse there. Given such motivations for migrating to
Belgium, almost all respondents (94 percent) remit money to the Philippines.
The reasons for migrating to Belgium play a role in respondents’ use of
information and communication technologies.
An overwhelming majority (83%) of respondents are service workers,
while 15 percent are professional and technical workers and some two
percent of respondents are production workers.
Some 71 percent of respondents have college degrees, and respondents’
educational attainment likely had an influence on their information and
communication behaviours, and on their dealing with information and
communication technologies.
Some 88 percent of respondents originated from areas in Luzon. In
terms of Philippine dialects spoken, Ilocano-speaking respondents comprise
half of the total number of respondents. But while in Belgium, some 27
percent of respondents prefer to speak and write in English.
Members of civic, religious and regional Filipino organisations make
up 77 percent of total respondents. They joined such groups so that they
are able to seek support and camaraderie, as well as achieve a sense of
belongingness with fellow Filipinos. Groups also played a role in
respondents’ use of communication technologies.
THE ROLE OF INFORMATION

While the focus of this section will largely concentrate on ‘information,’
it is nonetheless important to distinguish the difference between data,
information and knowledge—three concepts that are erroneously believed to
mean the same but are nonetheless related. Heeks and Duncombe (2001)
said that information has no formal value or benefit for individuals and
organisations if it does not result in decisions and actions. Heeks’ model of
how information is actually used in the real world (Heeks 2000a; 2000b)
shows that data is initially captured from the real world, then is processed
or shaped to become useful to the recipient. This processed data then
becomes information. Once the recipient has assimilated the information,
the information is stored into the human mind and transformed into
knowledge; thus a process of learning and discovery occurs. The end result
of this process is where the recipient makes a choice (decision-making) and
implements (action) (Heeks 2000a, 2000b).

Widely dispersed, isolated, de-skilled and marginalised are
characteristic of the plight of OFWs. It is precisely for these reasons that
overseas Filipino workers in Belgium lack or suffer from non-access and
non-availability of information (Duncombe and Heeks 2001c, de Guzman
1996). Though not entirely their sole responsibility or fault, ignorance of
the law, rights and responsibilities combined with the lack or absence of
adequate information particularly on the realities of working abroad, have
partly contributed to the situation they find themselves in today as
experienced by organisations that have been working with OFWs for a long
time. These in turn result in bad decisions, making and/or repeating the
same mistakes that could have been avoided. Consequently, learning does
not take place thus leading to further isolation and marginalisation of
individual OFWs.
One of the painful consequences of migration is the “de-skilling” of
OFWs. OFWs themselves recognise that as a result of prolonged
employment in the service/domestic sector and related work, they have
become de-skilled, thus suffer from bobofication2 which literally means
dumbification. When learning does not take place, the de-skilling of OFWs
is further accelerated.
Considering their precarious situation, OFWs therefore suffer from
“information-poverty” (Heeks and Duncombe 2001) – particularly affecting
those in the service/domestic and production sectors. Access to information
means having the right information at the right time, knowing one’s choices,
rights and obligations that ensures informed decision-making and taking
better control of one’s life. It also means becoming better informed citizens,
actively taking part in public processes so that the quality of life is improved
(Fuchs 1998). Information, therefore, is critical to the survival of OFWs not
only in terms of learning and decision-making but also (re)connecting to
the world they left behind and community-building in their adopted
country.
OFWS’ INFORMATION NEEDS, CHANNELS AND LANGUAGE

Information providers
Prior to departure, Filipino workers and permanent residents to
Belgium undergo information-related activities to let them know about the
country they are headed. Contract workers, for example, are made to
undergo pre-departure orientation seminars that groups such as recruitment
agencies and non-government and civil society organizations provide to
departing migrants. These information providers prior to overseas migration
Information Needs of Filipinos in Belgium: A Survey Research 227

think it is essential for departing Filipinos to know their rights as migrants;
the laws of host countries governing foreign workers; contacts to Filipino
families and organisations in the host country; remittance centers; and job
opportunities. These same providers thus think it is important for departing
Filipino migrants to know contact details of the nearest embassy or
consulate, and to also be made aware of the experiences of other Filipinos
abroad. These same information providers also think that should these
Filipinos heading for Belgium return to the country for good, they should
know the Philippine national situation, existing livelihood and skills training
programs, as well as counselling services for families of overseas workers.
Ironically, despite numerous information packets, seminars and
orientation sessions offered by organisations, OFWs are still unaware of
the rights of migrant workers and laws governing foreign workers in the
host country. Culture, living and working conditions of the host country,
stories and experiences of other OFWs particularly, negative incidents and
gender issues and laws against discrimination, are virtually unknown to
OFWs prior to departure.
Information channels
With regard to information channels, information providers in the home
country think the following channels are the most effective for Filipinos
abroad:
• Organic technologies: face-to-face meetings, seminars, consultations
and word-of-mouth where OFWs themselves pass on the
information to their fellow OFWs, friends and families;
• Intermediate technologies: video showing and radio programs;
• Literate technologies: leaflets and brochures to include services
offered by the organisations; and
• Digital technologies: email and the Internet.
Language used
While evidence seem to point to English as a workable medium for
both information providers and recipients, actual practice with OFWs
suggests Taglish as a more effective language for both official and personal
matters whether Philippine or Belgian in origin. As an example, the survey
of OFWs for this study was written solely in English but had to be explained
to respondents in Taglish; other activities with OFWs in Belgium continue
to be conducted in Taglish. Hence there seems to be a slight contradiction
between what OFWs say as their preferred language against actual practice.

When analysing overall information needs of OFWs—content, sources,
channel and language—findings strongly suggest a mismatch between what
is being provided by organisations based in the Philippines against what
actually happens on the ground and what OFWs say their preferences are.
What OFWs say they prefer or need versus how they actually behave are
two entirely different matters and should therefore be factored in any
analysis of their information needs.
OFWs’ information systems

From the survey of OFWs in Belgium, typically, the information they
require emanates from two principal sources, namely, the country of origin
and the adopted country, in this case the Philippines and Belgium,
respectively. Hence, the content, source and channel will necessarily vary,
but the information recipients are the same—OFWs of which the majority is
in the service/domestic sector.
Information content
• Philippines
Five types of information needs originating from the Philippines were
identified and ranked by importance followed by how often OFWs received
the information, channel and language used. A summary of the ranking
shown in Table 1 below is based on the average score3 of each the item, 5
being the highest and 1 as the least significant.
Table 1 Summary of Philippine based Information Items
Ave.
Rank Score Information Item Frequency Channel Language
1 4.4 News from family, 46% weekly 65% telephone 30% Tagalog
friends and loved ones 23% daily 17% telephone 28% Ilocano
and email
2 3.6 News/current events 56% daily 33% television 41% English
(political, social, 25% weekly 21% Internet 19% Taglish
economic affairs) 15% newspapers
3 2.6 Receipt of remittances 48% monthly 74% telephone 27% Tagalog

27% as needed 23% Ilocano
4 2.3 General news on OFWs 38% weekly 31% print media 40% English
23% monthly 28% groups 21% Taglish
and friends
5 2.0 Government initiatives/ 31% weekly 31% print media 42% English
programmes for OFWs 27% monthly 25% groups and
friends

As far as content is concerned, there is no comparison between what
organisations consider to be the information requirements of OFWs—laws,
migrants’ rights—and what OFWs regard as most important items of
information—news from family and current events. Both are equally
important pieces of information for OFWs. These types of information enable
OFWs to make informed decisions, which thus lead to actions that can
improve the quality of their life. News about family and current events in
the Philippines are more accessible to OFWs than information on the rights
of migrant workers and laws governing foreign workers, which information
providers are able to supply. Government initiatives for OFWs and news
about fellow migrant workers are least significant for OFWs, and a good
number of the respondents felt the government has not done much for their
welfare in spite of the fact OFWs are the single largest foreign currency
earner of the country.
Findings suggest that OFWs adapt the language they use to the type of
information they need. For example, news and information about the family
and friends are usually in the language or dialect they are accustomed to.
Information that relates to the current events or more official in nature such
rights of migrants and laws governing foreign workers are in English. While
providers are consistent in their use of the English language, in 3 of the 5
information items mentioned above, OFWs cited Taglish (an innovation as
it is a mixture of the national language Tagalog and English, which is fairly
commonly used as it is in fact the lingua franca of the Philippines, ed.) as the
language used.
Other than the Internet and solely for current events, there is a very
low usage of ICTs (information and communication techonolgy) among OFWs.
Information providers however, claim that intermediate technology such
as video and radio programme are the most effective media of information
dissemination and communication with OFWs. However, the more
‘traditional’ means such as the telephone, television and print media are
predominantly used by OFWs, thus there is a mismatch between what the
information providers claim and what the OFWs actually practice in terms
of information use.
Findings clearly show OFWs’ reliance on informal channels such as
the telephone and groups, family and friends rather than formal channels
such as institutions and organisations. This is clearly the case for both
personal and ‘official’ types of information where government agencies,
NGOs and the like were not cited as channels of information in any of the
five items above.

• Belgium
As with information items originating from the Philippines, five types
of information needs originating from Belgium were also identified and
ranked according to the average score of each item, followed by how often
OFWs received the information, channel and language they used.
With regard to content, the three Philippine-based organisations
provide information on laws governing foreign workers. However, it is
highly unlikely that information includes ways to legalise OFWs’ stay in
the host country. Both OFWs and organisations considered jobs as an
important piece of information; however, what organisations provide are
general trends and not specific job openings or vacancies, which OFWs
actually seek. Hence, information provided by Philippine-based
organisations is still inadequate.
Table 2 Summary of Belgian-based Information Items
Ave.
Rank Score Information Item Frequency Channel Language
1 4.2 Ways to legally 44% monthly 46% groups 42% English
stay in Belgium 21% weekly 27% television 19% Tagalog
27% print media
2 4.2 Jobs 33% weekly 47% groups 38% English

28% daily 32% referrals 21% Tagalog
23% monthly from friends
3 2.8 Activities/events 48% weekly 78% groups 35% Taglish

organised by 31% monthly 12% Philippine 25% Tagalog
groups/associations Chaplaincy 20% English
4 1.9 Currency exchange 42% monthly 45% bureau de 51% English

rate 25% daily change 21% Tagalog
23% groups
5 1.6 Philippine Embassy 42% very rare 56% groups 42% Taglish
procedures and fees 27% monthly or friends 25% English
23% Philippine
Embassy
As with news and information relating to the Philippines, OFWs adapt

the language they use to the type of information they require. For example,
information about activities of groups is in Taglish or a dialect, while those
pertaining to ways to legally reside in Belgium are in English. Taglish figured
in three of the five information items.

The use of ICTs among OFWs in obtaining these types of information
was virtually non-existent. Yet again, OFWs used the more ‘traditional’
channels. For example, four of the five information items were coursed
through or obtained from friends and groups. Only the item on ‘ways to
legalise stay in Belgium’ was found out through the television and print
media.
Findings indicate a strong dependence on informal channels (e.g., peer
groups, family and friends) rather than formal channels, i.e., institutions
and organisations. This is clearly the case for all of the five information
items stated above. Hence, it is not surprising that information on activities
or events organised by groups were ranked more important by OFWs than
those coming from the Philippine government.
Filipinos in Belgium source their information from the following:
a) fellow OFW/migrant worker, friends and relatives; b) institutions (Church,
Philippine Chaplaincy, local and international NGOs); c) media (television,
ratio, newspapers, magazines, etc.); d) Philippine embassy; e) Internet; and
f) groups (civic, religious and regional). When asked to rank these sources
of information, fellow OFWs/migrant workers, friends and relatives, and
civic, religious and regional groups topped the list as the OFWs’ most
important sources of information.
Table 3 Overall OFWs’ Ranking of Sources of Information
Rank Ave. Sources

Score
1 4.1 Fellow OFW/migrant workers, friends and relatives
Groups (civic, religious and regional)
2 3.9 Institutions (Church, Philippine Chaplaincy, local
and international NGOs
3 3.8 Media (television, radio, newspapers, magazines, etc.)
4 2.6 Philippine Embassy,Internet
Male OFWs see fellow migrants, friends and relatives as the most
important source of information, while the women gave that accord to
groups in Belgium. Internet sources as the source of information for OFWs
ranked poorly (Table 4).
For respondents below 40 years old, their most important sources of

information were fellow OFW/migrant worker, friends and relatives. In
contrast, those over 40 years old ranked groups as the most important source
of information (Table 5).

Table 4 Men and Women OFWs’ Ranking of Sources of Information
WOMEN MEN
Rank Average Source Rank Average Source
Score Score
1 4.3 Groups 1 4 Fellow OFW/
migrant worker,
friends and relatives
2 4.1 Fellow 2 3.9 Groups
OFW/migrant
worker, friends
and relatives
3 4.0 Institutions 3 3.7 Institutions
Media
4 3.8 Media 4 3.1 Internet
5 2.6 Philippine 5 2.7 Philippine Embassy
Embassy
6 2.3 Internet
Table 5 OFWs’ Age Groups’ Ranking of Sources of Information
BELOW 40 YEARS OLD OVER 40 YEARS OLD

Rank Average Source Rank Average Source
Score score
1 4.1 Fellow OFW/ 1 4.5 Groups
migrant worker,
friends and
relatives
2 3.8 Groups 2 4.1 Fellow OFW/

Institutions migrant worker,
friends and
relatives
3 3.6 Media 3 3.9 Institutions

Media
4 3.1 Internet 4 2.6 Philippine
Embassy
5 2.7 Philippine Embassy 5 2.3 Internet
Overall, there is no significant difference between women and men

and between the age groups (below and over 40 years old) with respect to
their sources of information. OFWs/migrant workers and groups
consistently ranked the top 2 most important sources of information. Media

and institutions likewise ranked third and fourth most important source of
information. The Philippine Embassy and the Internet were the least
important sources of information. However, those below 40 years old
considered the Internet a more important source than the Philippine
Embassy and men also gave the Internet a higher ranking as compared to
women. Therefore, findings at least fit with more general findings that the
Internet is more widely used by men than women, and by younger rather
than older users.
Overall though, it is not surprising that the Internet was ranked as the
least important source of information, because the majority of respondents
do not know how to use it. From the results, it is evident that informal
networks such as groups and fellow OFWs, friends and relatives, are key
sources of information for them.
Information channels
Organic and intermediate channels are the top two most useful means
of information and communication among the respondents and with only
slight differences in the average scores (see Table 6). There was also no
difference between women and men in their ranking of organic and
intermediate channels as their top 2 preferred means of information and
communication other than in average score. Men, however, ranked both
literate and digital as third preference while women ranked them third
and fourth, respectively (see Table 7). And While both age groups ranked
organic channels as their preferred means of information and
communication, those below 40 years also gave intermediate channel equal
ranking. On the other hand, those over 40 years old ranked intermediate
and literate as second most useful channel (see Table 8). What the findings
also suggest was that organic channels (word of mouth, face-to-face) were
OFWs’ their preferred means of information and communication.
Table 6 Overall OFWs’ Ranking of Channels of Information
Overall Average Channel

Rank Score
1 2.9 Organic (word of mouth, face to face,
meetings, seminars, etc.)
2 2.7 Intermediate (television, radio, telephone, fax)
3 2.5 Literate (print media)
4 1.9 Digital (Internet, email)

Table 7 Men and Women OFWs’ Ranking of Channels of Information
WOMEN MEN
Rank Average Channel Rank Average Channel
Score Score
1 2.9 Organic 1 3.1 Organic
2 2.8 Intermediate 2 2.6 Intermediate
3 2.7 Literate 3 2.3 Literate, Digital
4 1.7 Digital
Table 8 OFWs’ Ranking of Channels of Information

according to Age Group
BELOW 40 YEARS OLD OVER 40 YEARS OLD

Rank Average Channel Rank Average Channel
Score Score
1 2.8 Organic 1 3.1 Organic
Intermediate
2 2.4 Literate 2 2.6 Intermediate
Literate
3 2.3 Digital 3 1.7 Digital
ANALYSES AND CONCLUSIONS

Provisions versus actual needs. There was evidently a mismatch
between what and how organisations are providing information, and the
actual needs and behaviour of OFWs towards the information they need. It
is not surprising that Philippine-based organisations concentrate on
informing OFWs principally of their rights and laws governing foreign
workers in the receiving countries, especially prior to departure for Belgium.
However, evidence shows that job opportunities abroad and ways to legally
stay in the host country are the primary concern of OFWs in Belgium.
Information providers confirm this to be the case also for returning migrants
who immediately seek ways of finding new employment abroad. Perhaps
these are the only pieces of information that would in reality matter to
OFWs.
Behaviour of OFWs. The majority of OFWs only begin to care or learn
about basic information such as rights and laws by force of circumstances.
“It is only when they get into trouble that they learn about migrants’ rights
and laws in the host country” as observed by one organisation that has
been working with migrants all over the world the past 45 years. It is a

commonly held view not only by migrant organisations but also among
OFWs in Belgium and elsewhere.
While there is a strong preference for English, it should be noted that
this is partly due to the respondents’ comprehension of French, one of the
official languages in Belgium in which 80 percent of respondents are only
at basic or beginner level. While English seems to be the preferred medium,
in practice, all seminars, announcements, meetings etc., are conducted in
Taglish. At the same time, important pieces of information in English are
always discussed with OFWs in Taglish. Therefore, the predominant use
of the English language by information providers does not match OFWs’
actual practice of using Taglish.
Low usage of ICTs. The low usage of ICTs among OFWs is not
surprising. Some 96 percent of respondents expressed a need for hands on
training in ICTs. OFWs, regardless of gender, prefer the organic channel as
their preferred means of communication. Those who gave the most
favourable ratings to ICTs as both source and channel are young men, i.e.,
below 40 years old, thus suggesting that men below 40 years old will
constitute the group to view ICTs in a positive light.
Formal versus informal information networks. Findings strongly
suggest that OFWs’ information practices are more informal in nature, as
evidenced by preferences for information sources and channels (groups,
friends, telephone), as well as type or content of information (news about
family, jobs, ways to legalise stay in Belgium). For example, critical
information such as jobs and ways to legally stay in Belgium is exchanged
through informal networks such as individual OFWs, employers and
groups. Additionally, news and information from family and loved ones
in the Philippines deemed a priority among OFWs are exchanged mainly
through the telephone.
Informal networks therefore play a crucial role for OFWs to survive in
their adopted environment. However, it is difficult to determine the quality
of “informally-provided information” (Duncombe and Heeks 1999) given
that the OFWs network is “small, closed and knowledge-poor” (Barton 1997
in Duncombe and Heeks 1999). Just the same, these channels were rated
highly by OFWs because informal networks are easier to approach and can
impart information in a language that OFWs understand, hence making it
easier to assimilate. Additionally, these informal networks take less time
and have no ‘hidden agendas’ as compared to organisations or institutions.
The methods used by organisations in disseminating information might be

informal (e.g., seminars, one-on-one counselling, etc.) but the mere fact that
information originates from formal institutions somehow puts OFWs off.
Thus, OFWs consider fellow OFWs as a credible, trustworthy source of
information because they are in “the same boat.” Given their precarious
situation, OFWs must trust the source and channel of information.
Not surprisingly, information and news on current affairs in the
Philippines, government initiatives for OFWs and general news on OFWs
elsewhere were obtained mainly through more traditional, formal channels
such as print media and television and radio. This “formally-provided
information” (Duncombe and Heeks 1999) is relatively easy to gauge in
terms of quality since it is channelled through formal means.
This paper proved the strength of informal networks and organic
information systems that have worked and continue to work for OFWs,
which are unfortunately undervalued by OFWs themselves.
NOTES
1 Source: del Rosario, Ma. Josefina C. (2001) “Information, ICTs and
Migrant Workers: The Experience of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs)
in Belgium” unpublished dissertation, IDPM, University of
Manchester. The author is among the founding members of the
Samahan ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino sa Belgium.
2 ‘Bobofication’ a combination of Tagalog and English words popularly
known as Taglish among Filipinos where the word ‘bobo’ literally
means dumb. It is a term coined by Filipina/os describing OFWs who
have been de-skilled as a direct result of working in the service/
domestic sector, where one’s academic qualification is not used; it
describes the state when the intellect is out of practice.
3 Each subsection namely, Information Content, Source of Information
and Channel of Information has items which were ranked by
respondents according to its importance or usefulness, 1 being the most
important and 6 as the least important. Each rank was then assigned
points with rank 1 receiving the highest score of 6 while rank 6 received
the lowest score of 1. The total score of that rank was then multiplied
by the number of respondents for that rank.

REFERENCES
Asian Migrants Centre (AMC) and Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA)
2000 “Primer on Migrant Workers’ Rights,” Asian Migrants Yearbook
2000. AMC and MFA, Hong Kong.
Centre for International Development Information Technologies Group
2000 “Readiness for the Networked World, A Guide for Developing
Countries.” [Online] Available: http://www.readinessguide. org/
glossary.html [3 October 2001]. Centre for International
Development at Harvard University, Cambridge.
Duncombe, R. and R.B. Heeks
1999 “Information, ICTs and Small Enterprise: Findings from Botswana.”
[Online] Available: http://www.man.ac.uk/idpm/
idpm_dphtm#devinf_wp [13 June 2001]. IDPM, University of
Manchester, Manchester.
2001 “Information and Communication Technologies and Small
Enterprise in Africa: Lessons from Botswana.” Summary Final
Report, January 2001. [Online] Available: http://www.man.ac.uk/
idpm/ ictsme.htm [19 June 2001]. IDPM, University of Manchester,
Manchester.
Episcopal Commission for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant
People, Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines
1995 “International Convention on the Protection of Rights of All Migrant
Workers and Members of their Families.” ECMI, Manila.
n.d. “Migration: Situation and Impact, Biblical Inspiration and Pastoral
Challenges.” ECMI, Manila.
Fuchs, R.
1998 “Little Engines that Did.” [Online] Available: http://www.idrc.ca/
pan/enchanted.html [30 October 2000]. IDRC, Ottawa.
Go, Stella
1998 “The Philippines: A Look into the Migration Scenario in the
Nineties.” in Migration and Regional Economic Integration in Asia.
OECD Proceedings. Geneva. pp.145-154.
de Guzman, A.F. et al.
1996 “Middle East: Export of Filipino Domestic Helpers to Saudi Arabia
in the 1990s.” Pinoy Overseas Migration Folio, vol. 1, no.1, pp.6-25.

Heeks, R. B.
1999 “Information and Communication Technologies, Poverty and
Development.” Development Informatics Working Paper Series No.
5. [Online] Available: http://www.man.ac.uk/idpm/
_dp.htm#devinf_wp [8 June 2001]. IDPM, University of
Manchester, Manchester.
2000a “Government Data: Understanding the Barriers to Citizen Access
and Use.” [Online] Available: http://www.idpm.man.ac.uk/idpm
/ispswpf10.htm [13 June 2001]. IDPM, University of Manchester,
Manchester.
2000b “Information in Organisations – Handout 1.” Management,
Information and Management Information Systems course unit
handout. IDPM, University of Manchester. Manchester. September
26.
Heeks, R. B. and R. Duncombe
2001 “Information Technology and Small Enterprise: A Handbook for
Enterprise Support Agencies in Developing Countries” Version 1.
2001. [Online] Available: http://www.man.ac.uk/idpm /ictsme/
htm [8 June 2001]. IDPM, University of Manchester, Manchester.
Ministère des Affaires Economiques, Institut National de Statistiques (INS)
2000 “Habitants totale d’origine Philippins en Belgique 1996 – 2000.”INS
Brussels.
National Statistics Office of the Philippines (NSO)
2001 “Highlights of the Survey on Overseas Filipinos (SOF) 1999.”
[Online], Available: http://www.census.gov.ph/data /sectordata
/of99tx.html [14 August 2001]. NSO, Manila.
Philippine Migrants Rights Watch (PMRW)
1997 “Rights of Migrant Workers: A Primer on the UN Convention of
the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.”
PMRW, Manila.
Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA)
1998 “Deployed New Hires by Skills Category and Sex, 1992-1998.”
POEA, Manila.
Samahan ng mga Manggagawang Pilipino sa Belgium (Samahan)
1994 “Country Report: Belgium” prepared by the Philippine Women
Delegation from Belgium for the Second Conference of Philippine
Women in Europe on Organising Women Against Violence and
Discrimination. Zurich. September 7-11.

St. Jaret
n.d. “Population, Religion and Language.” [Online] Available: http://
www.angelfire.com/il/saintjareth/population.html [28 August
2001].
Tornea, V.F.
1998 “Re-integration of Overseas Workers: Possible Approaches: The
Role of the Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration (OWWA).”
In H. Kurth and N.H. Liem (eds.) Migrant Overseas Workers: New
Area of Concern for Labour Unions.” Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and
Economic Research Centre. University of Santo Tomas, Manila,
pp.104-108.

Philippine Migration to Luxembourg
DENNIS NONATO C. YAUN
Migration to Luxembourg from the Philippines was unlike that in Belgium

and other European countries where migration was triggered by direct
recruitment of qualified/skilled labor to these countries.
In the late 1980s up to the 1990s, Filipina entertainers came to
Luxembourg to work in the bars. Many of them got married to
Luxembourgish and other European nationals living in Luxembourg. This
was the first real wave of Filipino migration.
According to the immigration record, the first Filipina to come to
Luxembourg was in 1965. She was a domestic helper brought in by her
employers from the Philippines.
The continued Filipino presence in Luxembourg is due mainly to
marriages. A Filipina marries a Luxembourgish national and later petitions
her siblings or relatives to work here. Then in turn, these siblings and
relatives petition other relatives, and so goes the cycle.
There are about 300 Filipinos (those who still hold Philippine passports)
living in Luxembourg. Of these, about 80 percent are married to
Luxembourgish or other European nationals residing in Luxembourg. As
in other countries, there are also Filipinos who are undocumented (expired
visa) in Luxembourg but they are a very small minority.
There exists an accredited NGO named Philippine-Luxembourg Society.
By accredited, it means that this NGO has the right to ask cofinancing for
its projects by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and also has the fiscal
deductibility for all donations to the NGO beginning at 125 euros. It has
more than a hundred members including Filipinos, naturalised Filipinos
and Luxembourgish nationals. The project of this NGO in the Philippines
is mainly giving scholarships to indigent but deserving students at the
elementary, high school and college levels.
241
In late 2002, a group of Filipinos started a discussion on an appropriate
structure for solidarity among migrants as well as with the Philippines.
This discussion resulted in the setting-up of an informal credit union, which
started with 22 members. In early 2003, many other Filipinos wanted to
join the union, but they were advised to create their own group so as not to
create one big group that would demand more time and effort to manage,
considering that its officers were all volunteers. Thus, it gave way to the
creation of other groups. The original 2002 group was dissolved in early
2005 that gave way to another group with limited members and different
methodology.
In 2004, five members of the original 2002 credit union invested in a
microfinance rural bank in Bukidnon province (in the island of Mindanao).
The investment is in time deposit locked in for five years. This model was
adapted by a group of migrants in The Netherlands.
In early 2006, a Luxembourg-Philippine association called
Lëtzebuergesch-Philippinesch Aktioun fir den Development was registered
in the country. This new association intends to support the microfinance,
cooperative and micro-enterprise development sector in the Philippines
by also mobilising investments from Luxembourg. It has 10 founding
members.
So far, it has organised a fund-raising activity for the victims of the
mudslide in Leyte this year. There are of course other informal Filipino
groups in the country which are religious, economic and social in nature.

Permission to Work:
Filipino Migrant Workers in the UK
GENE ALCANTARA
INTRODUCTION
Filipinos have been coming to the UK under the work permit system since
the late 1960s. As I have always been interested in them, I chose the topic to
write about and to learn more about their situation. There are now an
estimated 200,000 Filipinos dotted all over the British isles, and their
numbers continue to grow. This paper attempts to look at what attracted
them to Britain, the hardships they have faced and continue to face, their
successes, the state of UK employment law, the role of trade unions, and
the future that they face. My research consisted of looking at primary data
from interviews with members of the community, secondary data listed in
the bibliography, as well as relying on my knowledge of the Filipino
community and my own personal experience. Wherever possible, I have
given the names of individuals and organisations in my case studies where
they have agreed or the information is in the public domain; obviously I
have not, where this might break confidentiality, or in order to protect the
identity of individuals.
BACK IN HISTORY
Whilst we are examining the more recent phenomenon of Filipino
migration to the UK, it is important to remind oneself that there is an older
precedence of Filipino migration to England. In the mid-1800s, we now
know from the Filipino-American researches by online historian, Nestor P.
Enriquez, that many Philippine-born seafarers formed a distinct Filipino
community around Frederick Street in Liverpool, prominent among them
the de la Cruz family which managed lodging houses for sailors. The area
was apparently referred to as ‘Little Manila of Liverpool.’1 This community
243
and what happened to it requires further separate research, and promises
exciting prospects of discovery.
We also know that when Dr. Jose P. Rizal, our foremost national hero,
came to London from New York (via Liverpool) in 1888, he became a leader
of a group of Filipinos residing in the poor area of Dalston, East London.
Rizal also had his circle of friends in wealthier parts of London (he himself
was ensconced at Primrose Hill, near Regents Park), as well as in the
European capitals. Again, a questing mind would want to know what
happened exactly to these London Filipinos.
Were Filipinos encouraged to travel here following England’s brief
occupation of Manila during the Seven Years War in the mid-1700s? Were
they already in demand as seafarers then, jumping ship at port, and
establishing themselves locally in business to serve the community? What
about the language barrier? How did they cope with life overseas? These
questions may be difficult to answer, but it is certain that Filipinos have
long been active participants in the global economy way before the term
globalisation became a buzzword.
There were also some movements from the Philippines to England in
the early 1960s. David Medalla, the internationally renowned Filipino artist,
came to London then, but to this date retains his Philippine passport. The
couple William and Celia Pomeroy, having been pardoned by the President
of the Philippines for their role in the Hukbalahap insurrection (communist
insurgency, ed.) came to London in 1963 and have not left the UK since.2
Another example is the Legarda family — Carmen Legarda and her four
daughters came to live in Oxford in 1964 as she pursued her studies at the
University of Oxford. Atty. Katrina Legarda wrote: “I remember when I
was living in England in the sixties, there were very few Filipinos living,
studying or working there.”3 However I have looked only at the period
from the 1970s which really signaled the beginning of sustained Filipino
migration to the UK. Also that was the time my own mother left for the UK
and that singular event affected my life so much that it finally led me to
come to these shores as well.
BACKGROUND
One of the hardest things to obtain these days for Filipino and other
would-be migrants to the UK is the much-valued permission to work in
the country, usually in the form of a work permit. In fact just getting into
the country now, even on a tourist visa, is very difficult. It is not uncommon
to hear complaints that somebody’s relative was turned down for a visa in

Manila, where Filipino consular workers at the British Embassy are reported
to be fiercer and stricter with their compatriots than the British diplomats
themselves. However there is evidence that British Entry Clearance Officers
appear to act with impunity, frightening would-be applicants, and
seemingly intent on refusing practically every applicant. The Immigration
Advisory Service (IAS) commented that “At the Posts with the highest
refusal rates and at the Immigration and Nationality Directorate there exists
a clear culture of disbelief.” IAS continued, there is “a lack of service
mentality (indeed, often the very opposite, a bunker mentality) is also a
problem…”4 Worst of all corruption at the British Embassy in Manila was
exposed in June 2006 when a married British diplomat who worked as Entry
Clearance Manager for four years was put on trial for an immigration scam
involving the use of false documents in some 30 visa applications which
enabled the people involved to get into Britain.5
If they do obtain an entry clearance visa, one can only commiserate
with those whose relatives managed to get to Heathrow or Gatwick Airport,
only to be turned away because they did not have a return ticket or did not
manage to convince the immigration officer that they were bonafide visitors.
Because of poverty, however, or perhaps the desire to better themselves,
Filipinos nevertheless persevere until they manage entry, for once they get
in, they would have stepped on the first ladder of their UK adventure.
It had, until recently, become easier and better for those who come
under the professional schemes e.g. nursing and caring profession, the
aeronautical engineers, the IT experts, medical or dental doctors, or maybe
mathematics teachers. But for those who are outside these employment
areas, trying to come in, and work in the UK is almost an impossibility.
Over the past year it should be noted that because of the influx of East and
Central European workers into the UK, following the widening of the
European Union (EU) and the shambolic ‘open door’ policy of the Labour
government, the Home Office has tightened the screws even more, so that
effectively, non-European migrant workers are barred from these shores.
It is a ridiculous, self-contradictory open door policy, for the open door
seemingly applies only to mainly white Europeans, while for the non-
Europeans (i.e., blacks, Asians, Southeast Asians) it is a very tightly locked
door they face. The expected further massive influx of Romanians and
Bulgarians in 2007 when their countries become part of the EU will worsen
the situation for black, brown and yellow migrants. If there is something
the Labour government has achieved recently, it is practically to turn the
migrant worker landscape in Britain whiter.
Permission to Work: Filipino Migrant Workers in the UK 245

THE BENEFITS OF A WORK PERMIT
It was not so hard to get a permit to work 25 or 30 years ago, when
Britain opened its floodgates and invited migrant workers in from Spain,
Portugal, South America, the Philippines and so on, to undertake jobs which
the natives did not have the inclination to do. These were jobs in private
homes as domestics, and in the service industries doing low paid and mostly
manual work. In hotels and restaurants, waiters, waitresses and
chambermaids were allowed to arrive in droves. In hospitals, auxiliary
nurses and cleaners were welcomed. At that time in the Philippines, one
could simply go to an agency in Manila, and get things organised for
oneself—passport, work permit, National Bureau of Investigation clearance,
plane ticket, employer—without paying anything. Illegal recruiters
appeared later, particularly when the Middle East boom started. In no time
at all, one could be on one’s way to one of London’s major airports.
Certainly the benefits of being able to work legally in the UK are
enormous. After four years (recently this was changed to five years) on a
work permit earning a great deal more than would be possible back in the
Philippines, one becomes entitled to permanent residency.6 This means one
can do as he or she pleases in the UK, like changing jobs, or perhaps setting
up a business without having to ask for permission from the Home Office,
and one need no longer register with the police. After another year of
permanent residence or being on Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR), applying
for British citizenship takes a few months, although there was a rumour
that this might be extended by the authorities to 10 years residence before
one could apply for citizenship. The new residence requirement has
frustrated and caused resentment among nurses who came since 2001 and
expected to be permanent residents by 2005, because the rules did not
exempt anybody.
Since November 2005 applying for naturalisation as a British citizen
requires an applicant to be fluent enough in the English language
(i.e., English for Speakers of Other Languages [ESOL] skills for life Entry
Level 3), and to pass a test on knowledge of ‘Life in the UK’ (24 questions to
be answered in 45 minutes). From April 2007 anyone applying for ILR will
first have to pass the test before they can send their application.
Some work permit holders find that sometimes they have to change
employers for whatever reason. This move is fraught with danger for
Filipinos as they can only change employers within the same job type. A
carer for example cannot simply become a domestic worker, or a nurse
cannot simply convert to a singer. This situation is all the more difficult

with those Filipinos who came to the UK on a particular work permit, having
paid hundreds of thousands of pesos to questionable recruiters, only to
find that on arrival they are put to work elsewhere to do other things.
Filipinos need to talk to competent immigration advisers in order to consider
their options before they take the plunge and change employers.
Being a work permit holder entails quite a bit of sacrifice from migrant
workers. They are required by Britain to pay their taxes and national
insurance and whatever else they are required to pay at work. They are
however barred from having ‘recourse to public funds.” So despite working
hard and contributing to the nation’s coffers, they cannot avail of any of the
following which fall under the category of ‘public funds’:
Housing and Homelessness Assistance Attendance Allowance
Severe Disablement Allowance Carer’s Allowance
Disability Living Allowance Income Support
Working Tax Credit Social Fund payment
Council Tax Benefit Child Benefit
Income-based Jobseeker’s Allowance Housing Benefit
State Pension Credit Child Tax Credit
There is anecdotal evidence that Filipinos who perhaps claimed any of
the above, e.g. Child Benefit (about US$31 per week for British/settled
children up to 16 years old), possibly out of ignorance, got into trouble
with the immigration authorities and were threatened with deportation.
Not being able to claim Housing and Homelessness assistance, which is
what Council housing is all about, while on work permit is a blow to Filipino
migrant workers, particularly nurses, since most of them are considered
‘key workers’ who are supposed to avail of cheap housing. Their level of
salaries means they are stuck with paying high rents to private landlords
for five years, until they get ILR.7
The advantage of holding a British passport which is also an EC passport
brings with it instant access to the other countries in the European Union. It
would be like owning a key to the various doors of this big, wide world,
which the green Philippine passport could never hope to match. Applying
for Italian or French tourist visas while on work permit is an arduous task
of queueing at the respective embassies, booking appointments for
interviews and paying fees, that only the most determined go through the
process.
The immigration rules no longer allow UK-born children of work permit
holders to obtain automatic British citizenship. One of the parents has to be

settled or a permanent resident in order to avail of this. So many Filipino
babies born in the UK to recently arrived work permit holders will remain
Filipinos and can only acquire citizenship by eventually applying for
naturalisation. This anomaly in mainland Britain is simply ignored by many
Filipinos and other migrants in Northern Ireland. A child born, say in Belfast,
to work permit holding parents, will obviously simply be a Filipino citizen
under the UK immigration rules. However all they have to do is to cross
the border to Dublin in the Republic of Ireland and there obtain an EU
passport for the child. Apparently the Irish Government considers all born
on Irish soil as Irish, and therefore EU citizens.
FIRST WAVE IMMIGRANTS

This was how the majority of the first wave of Filipinos, 80 percent of
whom were thought to be female, came to the UK in the 1970s on work
permits. Records show that the Department of Employment issued 20,226
work permits between 1968 and 1980.8 After four years, and remaining
usually with one employer, they became ‘permanent residents,’ meaning
they could change jobs or move around or start a business in the country,
without needing to seek permission from the authorities. They could also
leave the country without having to get a re-entry visa for up to two years.
At this time, many Filipinos joined mainstream British society. They began
to apply for all sorts of jobs and leave their employment in private homes,
hospitals, or hotels. Some went on to further education, others started their
own businesses, many of which have continued to thrive. They began
renting their own rooms, obtaining council flats, even affording their own
mortgages, buying their own cars and generally expanding their horizons.
They also started getting married or petitioned for their husbands and
dependents to come and join them.
My own mother, Nelia Bartolome, came to the UK as a work permit
holder back in 1972, leaving us five siblings in the care of my father, Romeo
Alcantara, in San Pablo City, Philippines. Although she had a degree from
Philippine Normal College and was a public school teacher back home, she
started out as a domestic worker for a wealthy English family, and then
transferred to catering when she obtained her residence permit until she
retired. She then moved on to become a Carer for an elderly Jewish woman
until she died in 1997. My mother was among the first wave of Filipino
migrants to the UK. She sent us money every month, as well as packages
on important occasions, and came home as balikbayan every two years. She
eventually had her own housing association flat in West London, and had
an English boyfriend. Hers was by no means a unique story; in fact it was a

typical story repeated over the last three decades, millions of times around
the world, as mothers from impoverished nations left their families in search
of economic betterment in foreign lands.
BRINGING OVER THE DEPENDENTS

The process of petitioning for dependents was not so straightforward.
In fact, this opened a Pandora’s Box of immigration terror for the Filipino
community. By the early 1980s, the British Home Office was closing the
immigration floodgates and, in so doing, discovered that many Filipino
women had actually arrived in the country with marital status ‘single’
although they were married with children at the time. Some of them had
since married their husbands and brought them to this country. The Home
Office started deporting those they charged of fraudulence in obtaining a
work permit, although apparently the women wrote down what the
recruitment agencies advised them to put on the applications. This led to
the Resident Domestics Campaign which, with voluntary organisations and
trade unions, fought against the deportation of around 400 Filipinos in the
early 1980s. The case reached the European Court of Human Rights and
eventually only around 100 Filipinos were deported. When the women won
their cases, their children below 18 and their husbands were then able to
join them as dependents and were able to work the minute they arrived in
Britain.
This whole episode probably discouraged my mother from trying to
petition us from the Philippines to join her because I believe her status on
her own application showed her also as single. One of her closest friends
was affected by, and survived, the case; her son was already over 18 years
of age. I know my mother filed a petition for my two youngest siblings, but
this was withdrawn around the time; now I know why.
OTHER WAYS INTO THE UK

There are other routes to gaining the coveted legal position of being
able to work in the UK. Some are of temporary duration, and most involve
sacrifice. Some Filipinas get to the UK via the ‘mail-order bride’ route,
perhaps through UK-based introduction agencies which are banned in the
Philippines but somehow able to operate freely on the Internet.9 The women
join agencies in Manila, meet prospective British husbands through these
agencies and eventually join them as spouses, and free to do as they please.
There are Filipinos who came to the country on business, or as students
or tourists, who then met other Filipinos and got married. This loophole

has now been addressed—anyone with temporary visa wishing to marry
has to go back home and apply to come back as fiancé or spouse.
I know of a few former seafarers who jumped ship, married local
Filipinas and managed to stay on in the UK. One London-based seafarer
who jumped ship at a UK port 10 years ago apparently went to a firm of
solicitors and for £1,500 was given the name of a female contact whom he
met at a rail station and who provided him with fake documents (utility
bills and official ‘Home Office’ documents, etc.) which enabled him to stay.
He is now desperate to sort out the mess he is in and regularise his stay.
A British person or even an EU citizen could bring their partners to this
country to live and work, but in the 1980s, women residents who were
non-nationals and non-EU citizens were not allowed to petition for their
fiances or husbands to come and stay with them in Britain. One of the reasons
given by the authorities was that men were supposed to be the breadwinners
and their wives should go to live and work where they were, but not the
other way around. This sexually discriminative situation also became the
focus of another fight against immigration rules - the Immigration Widows
Campaign - which eventually led to husbands being able to come and live
with their wives in UK.
For those who wanted to get married to British residents or citizens,
throughout the 1980s and most of the 1990s, they needed to pass the dreaded
‘primary purpose rule.’ This required that a person “seeking admission to
the United Kingdom for marriage to a person who is present and settled in
the United Kingdom…” should satisfy the entry clearance officer “that it is
not the primary purpose of the intended marriage to obtain admission to
the United Kingdom…”10 The rule was notoriously difficult to comply with,
was ‘fraught with subjectivity,’ and the applicants were treated with
suspicion. If a Filipina was already settled in Britain and wanted to get
married to a Filipino back home, would she really be prepared to go back
to an uncertain future? Of course not — she would want her husband to
join her here and build their lives in the UK. If the Filipino wanted to join
his wife here in a real marriage, how could he possibly persuade the
Embassy that his motives were genuine? Where an entry clearance visa got
refused, this led to divided families and misery for those separated from
their spouses. Eventually this rule was abolished in 1997.
These days the immigration rules are much more flexible when it comes
to unmarried partners or same sex partners. The new Civil Partnership Act
came into being in December 2005 and gave gay and unmarried people the

same immigration rights as married people. In fact the UK government,
perhaps keen to gain approval from the Pink Vote, has made it much easier
for civil partners to gain British citizenship compared to going through a
heterosexual marriage. After two years in the UK on the basis of a civil
partnership, people are already eligible for indefinite leave to remain. One
of the first successful cases of same sex partners involved Rowena Reyes, a
nurse who worked in Saudi Arabia. When she transferred to London, her
partner Cecilia Navarro could not join her and went back to the Philippines
to run her own dental clinic. With support from Bison Management UK, a
recruitment and immigration agency serving Filipinos in the UK, the two
are now reunited in London.11
Spouses and dependents of diplomats who are assigned to the
Philippine Embassy are able to work, as are those of company executives
on secondment. Students’ wives have always been able to work in this
country, but in the past the husbands of female students could not. The
reasoning behind this somewhat sexist British immigration rule, as already
mentioned, was that men were regarded as being the breadwinners and
should be supporting the women. These days male or female spouses of
students who are in the UK for 12 months or more can work full-time or
part-time.
More surprisingly there are known cases of Filipinos coming to the UK
and claiming asylum on arrival. One of these was a former military man
who looked after the Marcoses during their reign of power and applied for
asylum when he was able to flee to the UK following the People Power
Revolution, citing fear of persecution as reason. Another was a woman
who put forward her fear of being hounded by the New People’s Army as
her reason for wanting to stay in Britain. The two eventually got permanent
residence and are now British citizens.
EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AREA (EEA) NATIONALS

COMING TO THE UK12
It is so much easier for EEA nationals to bring their families, including
dependent non-EEA nationals into the UK, under their European Union
Treaty rights, than for UK citizens to do so. Increasingly I know of Filipinos
who had acquired other citizenship, for example Spanish citizenship, who
moved to the UK and then petitioned their over-aged (i.e., over 18) children
to come and live with them here. The same is true for those Filipinas married
to EEA nationals – they are able to bring over even grown up sisters as
their dependents here. This would no doubt become even more popular as

Filipinos find that they could be reunited with family members through
the European Union route. This could mean a British Filipino moving to
Madrid or Rome or Dublin for say six months to qualify, can then petition
their families over, and then move back to the UK.
DOMESTIC WORKERS
Many Filipina women were perhaps lucky to have landed positions as
domestic workers, nannies or carers for royalty, the rich, the influential
and the famous. One prime example is Lily Piccio from Bacolod, who looked
after the late Princess Diana’s children, Princes William and Harry, for 14
years, until the princess’ death. She then moved on to work for one year for
Bryan Adams, the Canadian pop singer, then back again to the palace to
work for Princess Margaret, until the latter’s death three years after. She
has, since the princess’ death, been working for a billionaire sheikh.
A few women I know have become part of the families, with their wards
now adults themselves and influential. It is undeniable that Filipinas have
reared the future rulers of this country, the future politicians, the future
magnates and so on. That is a contribution to Britain that cannot be measured
in terms of influence. Each of the women has contributed to the cultural
relations of Britain and the Philippines, looking after the children of the
ruling elite, so that they could conduct their businesses. They cooked adobo
and other Filipino dishes in British homes, and I understand many of the
children they looked after could probably speak a word or two of Tagalog.
There are exceptions where domestic workers or nannies have proved
to be the undoing of their employers, particularly those who had secrets
to hide. A notorious case was that of Leoncia Casalme, the nanny of
Kimberly Quinn, the American former lover of then Home Secretary David
Blunkett. As head of the Home Office, Mr. Blunkett apparently fast-tracked
Ms. Casalme’s indefinite leave to remain, and when this was revealed by
the media, it led to his resignation from office in 2004.
The list of employers is impressive: royalties, actors/actresses, sheikhs,
business people, the wealthy, politicians and other celebrities can boast of
their “Filipina,” a term which at one time was being used to denote a
domestic worker in the UK. Victoria Wood, a British comedian, came under
flak from Filipinos sometime ago when she used the term in a comedy skit.
Years ago even the venerable Oxford English Dictionary listed the definition
of the word ‘Filipina’ as nanny or maid. A Greek dictionary made the same
mistake by listing the term ‘Filipineza’ for a Filipino domestic worker. These
events caused understandable outrage among Filipinos who were probably

embarrassed or insulted that their race is being impugned. However, bearing
in mind that there are some eight million overseas Filipinos, many of whom
are domestic helpers, is it really unreasonable for employers to be specific
this way? Can we really avoid this stereotyping? In the UK, I hear people
say that they have a Polish plumber, an Indian doctor or indeed a Filipina
maid. Sheila Coronel, in her article “A Nation of Nannies,”13 talked of the
prevalence of domestic helpers in the Philippines and raised an interesting
point:
“Bruised egos aside, a certain double standard appears to be at work.
Filipinos raise a howl when a domestic helper is abused in Kuwait or
Singapore, but the protests are muted when the abuse takes place in
Makati or Alabang.”
While my mother was working as a domestic worker in England, we in
turn, back in the Philippines had the services throughout the years of a
succession of maids and laundrywomen. I do not remember any one being
struck by the irony of it all, or embarrassed about the whole situation; it
was just the way it was.
Many Filipinos worked legally with work permits as domestic workers,
but it was not unknown to hear of employers taking on unauthorised
workers to look after their families or to run their homes. Employers were
willing to take the risk of taking on unauthorised workers because nobody
was supposed to find out. Working in homes was a hidden occupation for
many Filipinos, and suited those without legal papers. Sadly, this situation
also gave rise to the exploitation of unauthorised workers by unscrupulous
employers who took advantage of their vulnerability. Unfortunately, when
the UK government announced the 1998 domestic worker concession, many
of the same employers were apparently just too scared to certify that they
employed unauthorised workers, which in turn made regularisation difficult
for some of the workers.
The Gulf War in 1990 brought Filipinas in large numbers to the UK
with their employers from the Middle East fleeing Saddam Hussein’s troops.
This pattern was repeated during the invasion of Iraq in 2003 when Arab
and British employers returned to the UK to avoid the war. Many of those
Filipinos ‘opted’ to stay on in the UK when their employers eventually
returned to their countries. They therefore added to the number of so called
‘TNTs’ (tago nang tago), which literally means ‘always hiding’ from the
authorities, but which essentially means ‘unauthorised worker.’ It is a state
of employment which is officially frowned upon by the British government
and supposed to be illegal. However, it is in fact tolerated because the

unauthorised workers are actually loyally serving a great number of British
homes and establishments. Recent newspaper articles have revealed that
about half a million unauthorised workers are working in the UK at any
one time.
RISKS OF DISCOVERY
There are of course risks and great disadvantages involved for those
who work in Britain without a permit. One is the constant fear of being
discovered by the authorities either through accident or the malevolent
report of an envious or jealous kababayan or compatriot. Many a deportation
resulted from combined raids by police and immigration authorities on
workplaces where unauthorised workers were suspected to operate. Small
hotels, restaurants, or buildings at night in London where non-white
cleaners abound are obvious targets. There have been many reports of
Filipinos being reported on by their kababayans through a poison letter
sent to the authorities. I should know. I suffered this experience many years
ago when police and immigration authorities visited my flat upon receiving
an ‘anonymous’ letter telling them that I was either illegal or harbouring
illegal aliens. It so happened that at the time there was a gathering of
Filipinos at my flat, some of whom were runaways, and they were scared
to death as I was interviewed at the entrance. The allegations were untrue,
of course, but the incident was a very unpleasant one and does not
recommend Filipinos well to the host public. A friend of mine who managed
a travel agency also experienced this although at least he was able to get a
copy of the offending letter and knew who the writer was.
The almost instant expulsion from the country without being given the
chance at all to prepare one’s self, to collect personal belongings, say
goodbye to anybody, or to warn those back home, is enough to freeze a
TNT’s blood at the mere mention of the word ‘immigration.’ Usually the
procedure seems to be that once you get arrested, you are put into prison
until the earliest available flight to one’s country of origin.
Being an unauthorised worker carries the extra burden of staying ‘well’
because it is quite difficult to obtain medical services without a National
Health Service card if one is not registered with a General Practitioner. It is
not easy to get treated in hospitals without a reference from a GP, unless, of
course, it is an emergency.
Saddest of all is the inability to leave the country temporarily, because
of their ‘illegal status,’ by those who may wish or need to visit relatives
back home. This situation refers particularly to those who ‘transferred’ from

the Arabian peninsula and were still here as unauthorised workers after
many years of loyal service to British employers. Sometimes, these
employers were either unable to do anything to regularise their position,
or they may actually have enjoyed exploiting the unfortunate status of TNTs.
Perhaps Filipinos have been luckier in some respects than other migrants
who enter the UK illegally. Since Filipinos speak English they are able to
blend in quite quickly and because of their reputation as good workers
they are welcomed easily into families. I was struck by a conversation I had
with Consul General Cookie Feria in Madrid in September 2006. She said
she was talking to some Filipino-Chinese and they said that Filipinos were
admired by the Chinese because they could go anywhere and simply start
work as they have their tools: their hands and their language. The Chinese,
known on the other hand for their entrepreneurship, apparently have to
band together because they cannot communicate except with their own
people.
Other nationals come to Britain in more dangerous ways and find they
can only work with their compatriots, sometimes ending in tragedy; for
example, 18 unauthorised Chinese cockle-pickers in Lancashire’s
Morecambe Bay drowned when the tide rose as they were stuck in the
mud and their gangmaster abandoned them. Others die on the way here,
as those illegal migrants who suffocate or die of dehydration in hidden
lorry compartments, or the boy who froze to death hugging the wheels of a
jumbo jet which flew in from Africa.
DOMESTIC WORKER CONCESSION

Italy, Spain and the United Arab Emirates may have granted amnesty
to illegal aliens in the early 1990s either to regularise their status as workers
or allow them to leave without penalty. In the UK however, this considerate
act of common sense on the part of the authorities remained an elusive
dream for the thousands who were in the same situation until the new
British Government in 1998 under Prime Minister Tony Blair, in honoring
a campaign pledge, allowed such workers to apply to become ‘legal’
following sustained campaigning by two organisations, Kalayaan (Freedom)
and Waling-Waling (a Filipino orchid) as well as unions such as TGWU
who took up the domestic workers’ cause.
Kalayaan and Waling-Waling epitomised the best campaigning spirit
not just of Filipinos but all those who were involved. They harnessed the
efforts of the Kalayaan/Waling-Waling committee and lobbied government,
Members of Parliament, and eventually the European Union and the United

Nations in order to highlight the plight of overseas domestic workers in
the UK. They learned to make use of media to publicise their cause, and
with Anti-Slavery International, launched a joint publication, Britain’s Secret
Slaves, written by Bridget Anderson in April 1993. An undercover film,
‘The Slave Trap,’ soon followed on Channel Four. The book launch itself
took place at the all important House of Lords where Lord Hylton started
his speech with a quote from the 18th century poet Cowper:
Slaves cannot breathe in England…
They touch our country and their shackles fall.
Kalayaan/Waling-Waling’s main demand was simple: to give domestic
workers the right to change employers. For this would release them from
what tied them to the employer in the first place, which enabled abuses to
take place. This scheme of legalising domestic workers was called the
Domestic Worker Concession of 23 July 1998, which allowed domestic
workers to change employer once in the United Kingdom, even if they were
working for an employer who came to the UK as a visitor, and to remain
lawfully in the UK. The women were given a deadline and provided they
registered by then, they were “given the right to remain and work in the
UK.”14 This was a massive victory both for the union and the women who
campaigned at great risk of deportation. Many of these women have since
become permanent residents or British citizens.
For those who did not know of the concession, or were unable to avail
of if through ignorance of it (the concession was not widely publicised), the
only other way to legalise their position is to wait for 14 years as a TNT,
after which they could apply for indefinite leave on the basis of long
residence. That is practically half a lifetime for an undocumented’s life
hiding in the shadows.
Sadly, the old TNT situation seems to be coming round full circle.
Particularly with the entry of some 600,000 East and Central Europeans in
the one year from the opening up of the European Union in May 2004, the
screws have tightened for non-European migrants. Under the proposed
Home Office points scheme from 2008, everyone applying to work in the
UK will be categorised as highly skilled, skilled, low skilled and so on.
Domestic workers do not feature at all, and will only be able to come in on
a restricted short-term 6-month visa with their employer. The rules are still
unclear but the impact is going to be acute. If Filipino, Indonesian, Indian,
Sri Lankan and other domestic workers are unable to work legally, does
the government expect them to simply go back home? I think not, and no
one can prevent them from going underground and working, again, illegally

in the black economy. So in no time at all, we will be back to the pre-1998
situation and the exploitation anew of domestic workers will become
prevalent yet again.
Adelina Duenas, president of the United Workers Association (which
replaced Waling-Waling), an organisation of domestic workers, in an
interview with ABS-CBN The Filipino Channel’s ‘Balitang Europe’ recently
warned that unauthorised workers and exploitation were on the rise and
with the new points system being introduced, all that campaigning may
have to happen yet again. A general amnesty such as that which Italy and
Spain have exercised over the past 20 years would be the ideal, but this
would not solve future illegal immigration.
Banning the entry of domestic workers into Britain will no doubt have
an economic impact on the country. This is best summarised by the 1990
quote below, which is still very much valid, from Dr. Bridget Anderson’s
paper on the regularisation of migrant domestic workers:
“Looking at our national interest, if wealthy investors, skilled workers
and others with the potential to benefit our economy were unable to be
accompanied by their domestic staff they might not come here at all
but take their money and skills to other countries only too keen to
welcome them.” (Lord Reay speaking in a House of Lords debate on
overseas domestic workers, 28 November 1990, Hansard col. 1052)
GETTING OLD IN BRITAIN

The UK has one of the best social security systems in the world.
Although under siege from constant cost-cutting and efficiency drives by
the Labour government, the National Health Service remains the envy of
many countries. There are various allowances to help those with low or no
income, housing benefits, and so on as mentioned above. There is a well
developed pensions system, which retiring British-Filipinos could get
remitted to themselves on a monthly basis to the Philippines should they
wish to retire there. Filipinos who work for proper employers have their
pension contributions deducted from their pay packets and are therefore
assured of a retirement pension, as is required by employment legislation.
However, many of the earliest migrant domestic workers worked for cash.
This meant that they had a wad of cash at the end of each week which they
probably mostly remitted to their loved ones back home, month-in-month
out, without saving any here. The problem is, and this is an increasingly
common one, such domestic workers have now reached 60 or 65 years old
and technically should be retired already. Unfortunately, since they and

their employers have not contributed to the UK’s social security scheme,
they now end up with no pensions. An elderly woman with a limp whom
I met last year while I was campaigning for Parliament tearfully disclosed
that she was only getting something like 45 pence a week officially. She
was now sickly but she had to continue working for private employers in
order to survive and be able to continue to help relatives back home. It is
too late for people like her, but an education campaign needs to be
implemented urgently to ensure that all domestic workers know their
employment rights.
UK EMPLOYMENT LAW
In recent times the government has had to review its policy on migrant
labour. This was seen to be a knee-jerk reaction to events. Principally, this
was to take into account the fact that illegal workers, vulnerable to
exploitation, existed and would continue to exist. Secondly, Britain had
been suffering from labour shortages which, if not addressed, could
jeopardise the UK economy. As a result the country opened up its borders
and welcomed foreign workers from 2000, and changing the work permit
system in 2001 such that a worker applied for the permit, rather than the
employer.
In January 2002 following the massive deployment of nurses from the
Philippines, the Philippine and British governments signed a ground-
breaking agreement to ensure that nurses were subject to fair employment
practices in the National Hospital Services trusts. This was a recognition of
“the important and positive contribution of internationally-recruited
healthcare professionals to the NHS.” Among other things, the agreement
expressly contained the following conditions:
• Ensuring an equitable and ethical approach to the employment of
medical professionals following the publication of the UK National
Health Services’ Code of Practice on International Recruitment in
October 2001; and
• Setting out exact standards in terms of recruitment, selection and
employment, and covers the induction process, including pre-departure
orientation seminars, living and working in England, and detailed
supervising practice arrangements.
Basically the agreement was seen to benefit “both nurses and patients
by ensuring rigorous standards for the recruitment and employment of
internationally qualified nurses.” Of course it was also the British
government’s solution to the massive employment problems of nurses in

the UK, although there were concerns about its effect on braindrain in
targeted developing countries.
The Code of Practice on International Recruitment provides for the
protection of internationally-recruited nurses by British employment laws.
One of the guiding principles says: “International healthcare professionals
legally recruited from overseas to work in the UK are protected by relevant
UK employment law in the same way as all other employees.” The then
Philippine Ambassador to the Court of St. James, Cesar Bautista, said that
the UK’s employment laws “are as good as the best in the world (in terms
of) the protection of workers,” with the UK government guided by an “equal
opportunity” policy.15
THE EXPERIENCE OF NURSES

The face of the Filipino community in the UK was forever changed by
the arrival of an estimated 50,000 nurses from 1999 to 2004. The statistics
can be interpreted from overall figures from the Philippine Overseas
Employment Administration (POEA):
Year Deployed Filipinos to UK

1998 502
1999 1,918
2000 4,867
2001 10,720
2002 13,655
2003 13,598
2004 18,347
2005 first qtr 5,459
Total 69,066
The nurses took on the jobs that British nurses had been slowly
abandoning over the years, working hard and facing day-in day-out the
risks, for example, of MRSA. Many brought their families along with them;
many came on single status. Practically every Filipino nurse from the
Philippines to Singapore and the Middle East wanted to come to the UK,
and many of them did, with recruitment agencies having a busy profitable
time. Then news started filtering out of the worksites of the Filipino nurses
about problems they encountered with their employers. It turned out that
many suffered as “victims of exploitation and other oppressive cases in the
United Kingdom.” These have been reported in the British media, and the
Philippine Embassy confirmed that there were over a hundred Filipino
nurses victimised by abusive UK employers in 2002.

Allen Reilly of the Filipino Community of Croydon and Coulsdon,
and a UNISON officer, reported that with religious and lay Filipinos, he
has rescued Filipino nurses from “contracts made in hell,” and from abusive
employers that treat these nurses “more like slaves—all for the sake of
profit.” 16 Father Claro Conde, a Catholic priest serving the Filipino
community, reported that he and his colleagues had been involved in
rescuing more than 100 nurses across the country. He said that, “there is a
nationwide exploitation of our Filipino nurses but Chinese and Indian
nurses are also coming to us for information and help.”17
There are a few examples of such abuse of the nurses, which might just
be the tip of an employment law iceberg:
• One rescue mission by UNISON in Swindon in September 2001
resulted in the freeing of five nurses who were made to live in
caravans with no amenities and for which they had to pay 200
pounds monthly in rent. . “If we want to go to the toilet, we have to
go to the pub. But in the morning, we can’t do that because the bar
is still closed.”18 They worked for more than 40 hours during their
adaptation period, and their employer got angry when they dared
to complain. The nurses, employed by the White Lodge nursing
home near Swindon for over a year, claimed they were threatened
(according to their contract) with repatriation, which the nurses
would have had to pay for if they engaged in trade union activities;
• Twelve nurses represented by UNISON Scotland in 2004
complained of placement fees paid to their recruitment agency
although under the Code of Practice there should not be any fee to
pay;
• Four Filipino nurses and Portuguese workers attacked by racists
in Northern Ireland; and
• Eight Filipino nurses made to work not in the NHS but in private
sector homes – and not given nursing tasks, but washing and
cleaning, often working 60 hours or more a week for just £4.75 an
hour and with no employment rights. (Note: the minimum pay up
from October 2006 was £5.35 an hour).
The Philippine Embassy, with the assistance of Filipino community
volunteers, trade unions, and the media, listed the following generic
problems facing Filipino nurses in the UK: “contract substitution, ambiguous
terms relating to adaptation period, small private nursing homes, breach
of work contracts, poor working conditions, wrong visas given by the United
Kingdom embassy, the nurses’ poor adjustment to the UK, and placement
fees.”19

Edna Aquino, a worker at the Centre for Filipinos, said that “the
problems facing Filipino nurses are not just a Filipino problem.” Aquino
added, “The UK’s private health sector has a fractured regulatory system.
There is no national regulatory body -- policing the industry is devolved to
the (UK) local government and there is no code of conduct to guide their
operations.”
UNISON, the union representing nurses, had suggested that illegal
contracts of employment in Britain’s private nursing home sector are “a
loophole that should be closed” as they are not covered by rules of the UK
Central Council for Midwives and Nurses (UKCC) which regulates the
practices of private hospitals and nursing homes. With their campaigning
on the side of foreign workers, the role of UNISON and other interested
trade unions is clearly key in pushing for genuine equality of treatment to
be enshrined in employment law as well as in practice. The nurses
themselves responded by forming the Philippine Nurses Association (led
by Michael Duque, a nurse) and other organisations.
All the well-intentioned developments above however, got thrown
away in 2004 when Britain opened its door to all new EU citizens, which
was referred to as its “open door policy.” Basically Britain gave new EU
nationals the right to live and work in the UK freely without the need for
work permits. Labour ministers expected 13,000 EU nationals to move to
the UK on an annual basis. It turned out that at least 600,000 entered the
UK in the first year alone, more than half from Poland, with all its resultant
negative consequence on pay rates, housing, schooling and on social
services. This massive EU migration has stampeded the government into
responding reactively by tightening up the law regarding non-EU nationals.
Hence the various changes to residence, the stricter selection of nurses, the
points system and so on. After all, Britain suddenly had all the cheap labour
they needed available from the continent.
THE BENEFITS OF BRITISH LIFE

There are many problems that Filipino workers in Britain encounter
such as culture shock, racial discrimination, low wages, loneliness, and for
many, exploitation. But on the other hand the attractions of working in
Britain are multiple—chief of which is probably the English language—the
Philippines’ lingua franca still being English, although it is fast being replaced
by Filipino. It is easy to find a job once one is here and one regularly meets
Filipinos with two or three jobs who earn a lot of money to help loved ones
back home. It also has a very cosmopolitan population, at least in London

and the big cities, and it is quite easy to blend in without attracting attention.
In fact, the community was referred to as a ‘hidden community’ in a report
commissioned by Camden Council in the late 1980s although I believe this
is changing. This must have some bearing on the ‘tolerance’ that the
immigration authorities are showing towards unauthorised workers,
particularly Filipinos – because they simply try to make their living in
silence, without causing trouble.
Another motivating factor about coming to Britain to work is that one
is never alone in trying to cope. It is easy to make friends with compatriots
who are in the same situation. There are many social networks in the
community, with activities ranging from organizing beauty contests, parties
or meetings. There are a number of publications which provide information
and entertainment to Filipinos. There are organisations such as trade unions,
campaigning bodies and the Catholic Church which help migrants with
their problems and others which arrange social gatherings and so on to
help alleviate homesickness. And as time goes on, Filipinos, whilst retaining
many of the positive aspects of their culture, do eventually adapt to British
society and participate fully in its daily life.
For those who are already UK citizens, British-Filipinos are increasingly
playing an active role in British society. Many are active in various spheres
nowadays such as IT and telecoms, aeronautics, even teaching. People like
Junix Inocian (of the original Miss Saigon cast of 1989) have stayed on to
live in London. Mr. Inocian has just won Best Performance in a Musical
award by the Theater Management Association. Monique Wilson, another
original cast of Miss Saigon, lives and teaches in London. David Medalla
continues to wow art audiences around the world from his base in England.
Jun Terra writes about Philippine history and art from London besides doing
the features for London-based EuroFilipino Journal. Ramon Tenoso, a
playwright, has now produced seven plays in London. Ed Maranan wrote
many of his Palanca Award-winning literary creations in London, fitted in
with a hectic Information Officer role at the Philippine Embassy. Ed Garcia,
a senior advisor at International Alert’s HQ in London, gets involved where
conflict resolution is required.
One organisation, the Centre for Filipinos has won a Queen’s Award
for their charitable work. Philippine Centre carries on with its tradition of
organizing the largest annual Barrio Fiesta of its kind anywhere outside
the Philippines. We have already mentioned the achievements of Kalayaan/
Waling-Waling. Even scholars and students have their own Pinoy-UK
organisation to enable members to network with, and support each other.

Some people are now active in local politics — I, myself was the first
British-Filipino to run for local office for Westminter City Council in 1998,
and then again for the Houses of Parliament in May 2005, following an
inspiring Overseas Global Convention in Cebu City led by the National
Federation of Filipino American Associations (NFFAA). I was unsuccessful
in both attempts but I believe it signaled that we Filipinos are no longer
satisfied with having no voice in British, or indeed European, politics. There
are as yet not enough Filipino voters in the UK and it is important that in
preparation for the next general election in 2009, we encourage those who
have acquired British citizenship to register to vote, and then to turn out
and vote when the time comes for any candidate of Filipino-origin that
comes along.
Lady Aurea Taguiang and her husband Alfonso were given the title
Freemen of the City for their service to Manson House, the Lord Mayor’s
residence. Others have entered government service or other public bodies.
Jess Singh, a former actor in the Philippines, is now with the police. Stars
with Filipino blood such as Mylene Klass (ex-Hearsay, classical pianist and
TV host), Mutya Buena (ex-member of Sugababes, now soloist), and teen
pop artist Natalie Grace-Chua (of Angeles) bring pride to the community
with their celebrity achievements. Many entrepreneurial Filipinos are
reaping the rewards of doing business in the community in areas such as
remittance, freight, travel, property, grocery shops, restaurants/karaokes
and even dealership of ABS-CBN’s The Filipino Channel. Freddie and
Mylene Gonzales now run FM club, a popular venue for Filipino clubbers
and karaoke singers at the weekend, with a live band, Nu Groove,
performing every Friday and Saturday. One former domestic worker who
is now a businesswoman, is rumoured already to be a millionairess. There
are many, many examples of achievement by a lot of Filipinos and Filipinas
in the UK that would probably now fill a book. The community here is a
vibrant microcosm of Filipino society and their contribution to Britain is
incalculable.
The majority, of course, simply continue to be good citizens both of the
UK and the Philippines, rearing their families, giving their children
opportunities they themselves never had back in the Philippines, and
supporting the development of the mother country through their valuable
remittances. As can be seen in the table below, such remittances are
substantial at US$25 million a month.

Remittances from the United Kingdom (in US$)
(Source: POEA)
Sea-based Land-based Total
1997 8,209 197,731 205,940
1998 9,300 121,661 130,961
1999 13,370 69,709 83,079
2000 15,588 75,499 91,087
2001 11,380 122,788 134,168
2002 16,421 205,538 221,959
2003 10,510 260,524 271,034
2004 13,468 267,337 280,805
2005 18,764 281,961 300,725
Total 117,010 1,602,748 1,719,758
7% 93% 100%
As already mentioned, Filipinos, either as a people or as a term, have

now entered into mainstream British consciousness, both as respected
workers in many fields and as a butt of jokes. Filipinos know how to integrate
into this multi-racial society, rather than be segregated into multicultural
silos. They intermarry with English, Welsh, Scottish, Irish and other
nationals, have no hang ups about their background or religion, and simply
fit in.
We are not a perfect community – we have our share of talangka (crab)
mentality, our jealousies and envies, the gossiping. And we have had our
share of tricksters, fraudsters, pilferers, gamblers, drug-addicts, binge-
drinkers, and murderers. We also have our share of victims of crime and
murders. But overall we are a silent productive community which simply
gets on with things, smiling or laughing our cares away with friends and
family if they are with us. Sure, there were initial tensions between the old-
timers and the newly-arrived but generally, we get along together and strive
to advance ourselves. What we need now is to improve our profile and be
seen as mainstream British-Filipinos and to be seen as major players in the
decision-making areas of British society.
HOW MANY FILIPINOS ARE THERE IN THE UK?

Filipinos, I believe, are here to stay and their numbers will continue to
grow across the United Kingdom. It used to be that around 60-70 percent
of Filipinos congregated around the Greater London area. Since the nurses

and carers came here in huge numbers, their geographical spread became
much more balanced, with probably 50 percent now in London, and another
50 percent around the UK. There were areas before where you would not
see a Filipino, but now it is possible to see them in the remotest towns and
villages where hospitals or nursing homes are located. The recent arrivals
certainly made Filipinos more visible as a community, as a people. They
also changed the age profile of the community downward, since most of
those who came were relatively young workers, many with very young
families.
The pressing question though is how big is the community in the UK?
This question continues to interest the Philippine Embassy, community
leaders and Filipino companies such as property developers who want to
market their goods and services to the UK Filipino community. There are
those who say 100,000, others use 150,000 and I hear the Embassy has now
revised their estimate to 180,000. I still think there are at least some 200,000
Filipinos throughout the British isles. Consider the available figures, official
and estimated:
• From 1968-1980, we know that the Department of Employment
issued over 20,000 work permits to Filipinos;
• In the mid-1980s, we in the community were already talking about
a population of 50-60,000 Filipinos in the UK;
• In the early 1980s, I remember a report which said that of some
14,000 tourist visas given annually to Filipinos, around 2,000 stay
on in the UK for whatever reason;
• The Gulf War in 1990 and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 greatly
expanded the number of Filipino domestic workers in the country
brought to the UK by their employers; and
• From 1998-2005, the POEA figures showed 69,000 Filipinos were
deployed to the UK (which include nurses and carers).
Ambassador Edgardo Espiritu, in his speech to the community during
the visit of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in September 2006, reported
that “Daily the Embassy records, for the benefit of the National Statistics
Office, about five Filipinos born in the UK.” This figure is probably a
conservative estimate, but it equates to 1,825 British-born Filipinos every
year. Therefore if one works through the figures above, the estimate of
200,000 Filipinos in the UK is very plausible.
No one has ever attempted a full survey of Filipinos in the United
Kingdom. I believe it is time to do that in order to get an idea of how far we

have penetrated into British society. And I hope that such a survey will
lead to a better understanding of the features and characteristics, needs
and requirements, aspirations and concerns of Filipinos as well as of course
to provide statistics for anyone interested in the community.
CONCLUSION
From the discussions above, it is clear that coming to the United
Kingdom to work is not the easiest thing to do for Filipinos, for various
reasons. When they get here, they have to contend with treatment and other
negative experiences which in some cases are abusive and victimise them.
However, it is also clear that coming to the UK improves the economic
possibilities for many Filipinos as well as widens their horizons, with many
countries of the European Union open to them upon acquiring British
citizenship. For these reasons, I expect that despite all the hardships,
Filipinos will continue to come to the United Kingdom to work and indeed
to settle here. The Philippine President herself said “We are proud of you”
to Filipinos at St. Mary’s Hospital in Paddington, London. With such
praising pronouncements and their elevated status as ‘heroes’ they will no
doubt continue to do what they do overseas, no matter the cost to themselves
or their families.
The nursing deluge from the Philippines was supposed to be a short-
term phenomenon. With the UK government’s yoyo-like policies on health
service staffing and even more immigration restrictions, the nurses here
now could very well simply move to other countries where they feel they
would be more genuinely welcome, what with their professional skills in
demand worldwide. In the recent past, I used to hear people, the more
established Filipinos, saying they would retire in the Philippines as soon as
they have earned enough money, perhaps out of sentiment or as a future
plan. I have witnessed many attempts to do that but, eventually, they return
because they find that Britain, a place they once thought was just for
employment, has actually become their home.

NOTES
1 http://filipinohome.com/02_10_15liverpool.html
2 Bill and Celia Pomeroy: Forgotten Revolutionaries or Patriots?, Balitang
Europe, ABS-CBN The Filipino Channel, Gene Alcantara, March 2006.
3 Legarda, Katrina. “Filipino Nurses in the UK.” http://
www.herword.com/workbook/legarda10.14.02.html
4 IAS Response to Home Affairs Committee Inquiry Into Immigration
Control. Immigration Law Digest Winter 2005, p. 12.
5 http://www.guardian.co.uk/immigration/story/0,1806854,00.html,
British diplomat accused of granting bogus UK visas, Jacqueline Maley,
Tuesday June 27, 2006, The Guardian.
6 Permanent Residence or PR, settled status or Indefinite Leave to Remain
(ILR), i.e., no restrictions on stay in the UK.
7 Bahay Kubo Housing Association, led by Emma Bibal and with a stock
of 50 houses, now provides cheap housing for Filipinos and their
families to rent.
8 Migrant Workers, a TUC guide, JWCI, Trades Union Congress, London,
January 2002. p. 7.
9 Searching for ‘Filipino Introduction Agencies’ on AOL on 22/10/2006
gave tens of thousands of results.
10 Pannick, David QC (1993). The Primary Purpose Rule: A Rule with no
Purpose, London, Justice.
11 Barker, Cynthia. “Civil Partnership Act Reunites Same Sex Partners.”
EuroFilipino Journal, September-October 2006.
12 The twenty-five member states of the European Union as of 1 May
2004 are Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia,
Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal,
Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and United Kingdom. From 1
January 2007 Bulgaria and Romania also became members of the EU.
13 Coronel, Sheila. A Nation of Nannies, The Investigative Reporting
Quarterly, iReport Issue no 2, The Yaya Sisterhood, Issue No 2, April-
June 2005.
14 Ibid, p10
15 http://www.cyberdyaryo.com/features/f2002_0327_03.htm. RP-UK
agreement on Nurses Inked. Jeremaiah M. Opiniano. Institute on
Church and Social Issues. 27 March 2002.
16 Ibid

17 http://society.guardian.co.uk/NHSstaff/story/0,7991,550061,00.html.
Filipinas ‘Rescued’ from Private Nursing Home. David Gow. 11
September 2001.
18 http://www.cyberdyaryo.com/features/f2002_0325_04.htm. Over 100
Pinoy Nurses Exploited in UK Private Nursing Homes. Jeremaiah M.
Opiniano. Institute on Church and Social Issues. 25 March 2005.
19 Ibid
REFERENCES
Alcantara, Gene
2006 “A Piece of England Forever Philippine.” EuroFilipino Journal,
July-August.
1995 “Permission to Work.” Kumusta Magazine.
Anderson, Bridget
1993 Britain’s Secret Slaves, London. Anti-Slavery International/
Kalayaan.
n.d. “Devil is in the Detail: Some Lessons to be Drawn from the UK
Government’s Recent Regularisation of Migrant Domestic
Workers.” University of Warwick.
Barker, Cynthia
2006 “Civil Partnership Act Re-unites Same Sex Partners.” EuroFiIipino
Journal, September-October.
Duque, Michael
2006 “Security of Tenure for Overseas Filipino Nurses: How Safe are
our Nursing Jobs?” EuroFilipino Journal, September-October.
Espiritu, Edgardo B.
2006 Highlights of the Remarks of H.E. Ambassador Espiritu on the
occasion of the meeting of H.E. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
with the Members of the Filipino Community in London. Sheraton
Park Lane Hotel, 13 September.
French, Gina with Andrew Crofts
2006 For a House Made of Stone, Gina’s Story. London, Vision.
Immigration Advisory Service (IAS)
2005 “IAS Response to Home Affairs Committee Inquiry into
Immigration Control.” Immigration Law Digest, Winter.

Immigration and Nationality Directorate
2007 Form SET(M) Version 04/2007, Application for indefinite leave to
remain in the UK. [Note: IND became Border and Immigration
Agency from April 2007].
Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants
2006 British Nationality Law, Nationality Law, New Developments and
Practical Guide. Training course notes. October.
2005 Introduction to Immigration Law, Working in the UK. Training
course notes.
2002 Migrant Workers, A TUC Guide. Trades Union Congress. London.
January.
Kelly, Charles
2006 Look Before you Leap – Changing Jobs can be Full of Pitfalls for
Work Permit Holders.” EuroFilipino Journal, September-October.
Kelly, Charles and Cynthia Barker
2005 How to Come to the UK to Live, Work, Study or Visit. Essex, Campion
Books.
Legarda-Alcantara, C., M. Gonzales, C. Gourlay, E. Maranan
and J. Oakes
2004 Hinabing Gunita, Woven Memories, Filipinos in the UK. London, Centre
for Filipinos. Legarda, Katrina Atty., “Filipino Nurses in the UK”
http://www.herword.com/workbook/legarda10.14.02.html
UK Department of Health
2004 Code of Practice for the International Recruitment of Health Professionals.
Crown. December 8.
Internet materials
http://www.poea.gov.ph
http://filipinohome.com
http://www.asianlabour.org/archives/002362.php
http://www.cyberdyaryo.com/features/f2002_0325_04.htm
http://www.cyberdyaryo.com/features/f2002_0327_03.htm
http://www.dh.gov.uk/PolicyAndGuidance/
HumanResourcesAndTraining/MoreStaff/
InternationalRecruitmentNHSEmployers/fs/en
http://www.ncadc.org.uk/archives/filed%20newszines/oldnewszines/
news8/genuinemarriage.html
www.unison.org.uk/news/news_view.asp?did=1746
http://www.unison-edinburgh.org.uk/conf04.html
http://www.unisonoxonhealth.org.uk/annualgeneralmeeting.htm

The Filipino Women Migrants in Germany
MARY LOU U. HARDILLO-WERNING
BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON MIGRATION

Between 1955 and 1990, there were about 20 million people who came
and settled in Germany (Suddeustche Zeitung, 4 May 2004). The country has
had to cope with a number of immigrants like Soviet Jews, ethnic Germans
from Eastern Europe (Aussiedler) and asylum seekers, who have been
arriving in the last fifty years. The influx of people intensified when East
and West Germany reunited. Most of these people were granted German
citizenships and were fundamentally differentiated from the Gastarbeiter
(guest worker) category.
The so-called Gastarbeiter started to arrive in 1955, with the signing of
the first bilateral agreement with the Italian government for the import of
workers for German industries. Until the ban on recruitment in 1973, there
were about 11 million gastarbeiters staying in Germany (Suddeustche Zeitung,
4 May 2004).
Of some 82 million people who live in Germany, 7.3 million are foreign
nationals. This is about 9 percent of the whole population. Foreign
population ratio of Germany is one of the highest in Europe (German
Embassy-London).
“Some 1,856,000 of the approximately 7.34 million foreigners in
Germany (key date: 31 December 1999) come from EU countries (25.3
percent), the majority of them are nationals from Turkey (28 percent);
the former Yugoslavia (16.2 percent [of which 737,204 come from the
former Yugoslavia, 167,690 come from Bosnia-Herzegovina, 213,954
from Croatia, 18,648 from Slovenia, and 49,420 from Macedonia]); Italy
(8.4 percent); Greece (5 percent); and Poland (4 percent)” [Federal
Ministry of the Interior, 03.06.2004].

Heavy concentrations of foreign population are found in federal states
like Baden-Württemberg, Berlin, Bremen, Hamburg, Hesse and North-
Rhine/Westphalia.
“Of the approximately 7.3 foreigners registered in the Central Aliens
Register as of 31 December 1999, some 52 percent had been living here
for at least 10 years, approximately 32 percent had been living here for
20 years or more…” (Federal Ministry of Interior).
The topic of migration or issues concerning foreigners remain one of
the classic controversial issues debated in all walks of German life from
Kneipe (bar) clients to the Bundestag parliamentarians. “Strong resistance
exists in postwar Germany, the biggest nation of global immigration after
the USA, to its multicultural reality, an attitude rooted in the country’s
complex historical and political circumstances. The ‘jus sanguinis,’ key
principle of the country’s citizenship law has inevitably excluded permanent
or long term non-ethnic German foreign migrants from being ‘German’
(A.C.Attardo, Legislation Online).”
HISTORICAL FLOW OF FILIPINO WOMEN MIGRATION

Early arrivals of Filipino migrants are composed of medical personnel
i.e., doctors, nurses and medical technologists, dating back to the late 1960s
in response to the need of German hospitals for health workers. Most of the
Filipino women migrants started arriving in Germany from 1965 until 1975.
With the oil crisis in 1973, recruitment of foreign workers was stopped.
The crisis, however, did not dampen the enterprising spirit of Filipinas
who were experiencing also crisis of unemployment during the years of
martial law in the Philippines. Recruitment agencies for job placements in
the Middle East and Europe ironically started to thrive during this time
when outbound travel was being banned. Overseas employment was
encouraged by the government as one measure to get the much needed
foreign currency for its debts.
The so-called marriage migration began to flourish in the early 1980s.
(Many German men were healthy but lonely!) A great number of Filipinas
started to come to Germany attracted by marriage offers either through
penpal or marriage bureaus, or through personal contacts. Based on the
1990 Report from the PIC (Philippine Information Centre), in the later years,
about 1,000 Filipinas yearly were applying for Certificate of Legal Capacity
to Contract Marriage at the Philippine Embassy in Bonn. In the year 1990
for example, there were 1,267 couples who applied for this legal certification
to marry.

• As of 31 December 2003, the total number of Filipinos in Germany
was 22,440 where 17,760 were women and the rest, 4,680 were men
(Statisches Bundesamt 2004). This figure does not include Filipinas
and Filipinos who have become German citizens. It is interesting
to note the different statistics as reported by the same Federal
Bureau of Statistics: as of 31 December 2003, there were a total of
23,171 Filipinos with 18,019 females and 5,152 males.
• About 3,000 Filipinas live in each of these federal states of Baden-
Württemberg, Bayern, Hessen while the biggest concentration of
3,657 migrant Filipinas is found in North-Rhein/Westphalia.
• The number of registered Filipinas/os with mandatory social
insurance employment is 8,933; 5,730 of whom are women
employees (Federal Bureau of Statistics December 2003).
Number of Filipinos Residing in the Six North German States
(as of 31 December 2003)
STATE MALE FEMALE TOTAL

Hamburg 1,381 987 2,368
Niedersachsen 444 1,743 2,187
Schleswig-Holstein 386 738 1,124
Bremen 179 294 473
Sachsen-Anhalt 4 41 45
Mecklenburg Vorpommern 9 32 41
Grand Total 2,403 3,835 6,238
Profile of Filipinos Residing in the Six North German States

(as of May 2004,Philippine Consulate General, Hamburg)
• Number of Filipinos : 6,238
Percentage of Male : 38.52%
Percentage of Female : 61.48%
• Age Group
Percentage below 18 years : 20%
Percentage 18-45 years : 54%
Percentage 46-65 years : 25%
Percentage above 65 years : 1%
• Occupation
- Skilled :
Professional : 209
Techno-Industrial : 296
Sea-based : 680

- Unskilled
Labourer : 1,238
Part-time and Menial : 1,218
- Housewives : 1,464
- Students : 1,133
Detailed data on employment, social benefits, family reunion are not

available. Statistical sources categorize Filipinas/os under East Asia,
together with China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Macao and
others. Detailed data could be researched but this requires special fees for
disaggregation according to the Federal Bureau of Statistics. Furthermore,
the Bureau reasoned out that if the figure is less than 5,000, then it is not
considered essential for publication.
Surprisingly, there are no data available on migration of Filipinas/os.
This was the answer per email from the Ministry of Interior to my request
for some data regarding migration and situation of Filipinos in Germany.
The Ministry of Interior is responsible for the formulation of legislation on
immigration and integration of foreigners.
Today, Filipinas are found in the different sectors of German society:
as medical personnel (i.e., nurses and medical technologists), housewives,
students, au pairs, caregivers for aged people, regular employees like
saleswomen and office clerks, security check personnel for airline
companies, nannies, domestic workers in private homes and companies as
well as in the different diplomatic corps communities, entertainers and
entrepreneurs.
The estimated number of Filipinas who are not documented is still a
matter of speculation in many research work and writings. About 40,000
Filipinos in Germany are estimated to be without valid papers for work
and stay.
PRESENT LEGISLATION
Depending on the nationality, there are sets of legislations which
regulate movements or situation of foreigners in Germany. The word
“foreigner” or “alien,” means anyone who does not have German citizenship
(Handbuch-Deustchland). Two offices are responsible for the practical
affairs of foreigners like healthcare and housing: the Ausländerbehörde
(Office for Foreigners), which is connected to the local authorities, and the
Bundesamt für die Anerkennung ausländischer Fluchthlinge (State
Department for the Recognition of Foreign Refugees).

The Office of the Federal Commissioner for Foreigners’ Affairs deals
with basic issues involved in governing aliens and takes on the responsibility
of integrating foreigners.
1. Aliens Act (Ausländergesetz) 1990 which took effect on 1 January 1991
provides for different types of residence status according to the purpose
of the stay.
Kinds of residence permits (Aufenthaltserlaubnis):
• A residence title for specific purposes (Aufenthaltsbewilligung)
makes a person’s stay conditional upon the reason for which it is
issued. Holder must always leave Germany when the reason for
his or her stay expires. For example: foreign students allowed to
study in Germany under development aid schemes can apply for a
residence title for their studies and if granted one, may not remain
in Germany for any other purpose.
• A limited residence permit establishes a basis for permanent
residence. The holder’s residence status becomes more secure the
longer he or she stays.
• An unlimited residence permit (unbefristete Aufenthalterlaubnis)
is the first step towards secure residence status. Holders of a limited
residence permit can apply for an unlimited one after five years
provided that they satisfy certain other criteria.
• A right of unlimited residence (Aufenthaltsberechtigung) is the best
and most secure residence status under the Aliens Act. Holders of
a residence permit can apply for a right of unlimited residence after
eight years provided they satisfy certain other criteria.
• A residence title for exceptional purposes is usually granted on
humanitarian grounds (Aufenthaltsbefügnis). It is also on a
temporary basis and mostly granted to civil war refugees.
• A temporary suspension of deportation (Duldung or exceptional
leave to remain) is not a residence permit but a temporary
suspension of the deportation process.
• Permission to reside is separate from the various types of residence
status in the Alien’s Act. It is the status accorded to an asylum
seeker whose application is being processed. Asylum seekers who
are granted asylum under the Basic Law receive an unlimited
residence permit; those granted asylum under the Geneva
Convention on Refugees receive a residence title for exceptional
purposes.
(Source: The Federal Government Commissioner for Foreigner’s Issues
19th Edition and A Manual for Germany: Residency Rights 2004)

2. Citizenship and Nationality Law, 1 January 2000
The new law from 2000 changes the principle of descent (jus sanguinis)
as the only basis for granting citizenship. It is now possible to acquire
German citizenship as the result of being born in Germany (jus soli) as
in the case in most other European countries.
• Children of foreign parents who are born in Germany will receive
German nationality if one parent was born here or entered Germany
before the age of 14 and possesses a residence permit.
• On condition that they can support themselves financially and have
no criminal record, the following persons will be granted a right to
nationality:
- Foreigner with eight years legal residence in Germany
- Foreign minors where at least one parent holds an unlimited
residence permit, and who have lived with this parent as
member of his or her family in Germany for five years.
- Foreign spouse of Germans after three years legal residence
in Germany, if the marriage has existed for at least two years
(Source: Federal Ministry of the Interior)
3. Immigration Law
The new Immigration Law which was to take effect on 1 January 2003
and formulated by the present Minister of Interior Otto Schilly is still a
bone of contention among the political parties in Germany. It was passed
by the Parliament but was declared void by the Federal Constitutional
Court on 18 December 2002 as a result of procedural error in voting.
Pending acceptable compromise and further debates, the new
Immigration Law includes the following changes:
• Reduction of sojourn visa types from seven to two categories
• Simplification of administrative process for all visa application
• Foundation of a new Federal Ministry for migration and asylum-
seeking
• Acceptance of qualified foreign labour (“brain-gain”). This involves
a more selective approach to recruitment and the introduction of a
North American-like “point system” to control the “quality” of
immigrants
• Developing a nationwide “integration program” to which
foreigners were to compulsory participate, as well as the setting
up of a centralised Alien Register Bureau
• Permission of job application and employment to foreign graduates
• Restriction of entry of ethnic migrants (up to 100,000 only per year)

• Children up to age 18 of highly qualified migrants are allowed to
join their family in Germany
• Age reduction of nonimmigrants’ dependents for family reunion
from 16 to 12 years old
• Freer movement within the EU of persons with the elimination of
stay permission of EU citizens
• Measures aiming at promotion of voluntary return
(Source: A.C. Attardo, Legislation Online and the Federal Ministry of
the Interior)
ASSOCIATIVE EXPERIENCES/RELATIONSHIP WITH

OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS AND LOCAL/NATIONAL
POPULATION AND INSTITUTIONS
Without claiming comprehensiveness, we provide a general picture of
the Filipinas in their social relationship and encounter with other people or
ethnic groups in Germany. These are personal observations and as such
are not supported by any statistical data nor studies on these particular
associative experiences.
Coming from a country rich in culture of fiesta celebrations, gatherings
and merrymaking, the Filipinas in Germany appear to have less difficulty
in adjusting to some German ways of life especially when these social
encounters take place in the exclusivity of their own families and hosts of
close friends and acquaintances.
Gatherings often take place in Catholic parishes. Catholic Mass is
celebrated mostly in English or in Pilipino in growing Filipino Catholic
communities and the so-called charismatic and bible-sharing groups in
many German cities.
There are at least more than a hundred Filipino social/civic
organisations or Filipino-German associations spread throughout the
country celebrating Philippine Independence Day every 12th of June,
Halloween, Christmas; carrying out Karaoke contests; or selling gala tickets
for visiting Filipino singers and actors for fundraising and charity projects
in the Philippines or for pure entrepreneurial purposes.
As widely observed in many communities in the home country,
religious ceremonies or church-related activities easily solicit voluntary
work and engagement from Filipino women migrants.
Aside from these social functions and gatherings where the majority of
the participants are Filipino women, the participation of Filipinas in German

politics is limited to a very few individuals who are members of local
government councils or city council for foreigners. However, there are active
Filipinas who are involved in work for the social and political concerns of
migrant women. It could be the intrinsic Filipino bayanihan (spirit of
volunteerism) and damayan (solidarity and help) which inspire these women
to get involved in this kind of socio-political work.
ASSOCIATIVE EXPERIENCES AND GOOD PRACTICES

Philippine Womens’ Forum e.V.*
It all started when Filipinas working in various German women
institutions and Filipino organisations in Germany met and shared their
experiences about work, problems, achievements and visions for the
Filipinas in Germany.
There are several organisations of migrant Filipinos, women
organisations and Filipino-German organisations who have played and
continue to play an important role in providing support for Filipinas in
Germany.
In November 1989, in order to coordinate these scattered efforts and
initiatives, a group of Filipinas initiated a Filipino-German Women Solidarity
Conference to establish contacts with other Filipino and German women’s
groups and individuals, and develop further relations with them. This
conference underlined the need for a Germany-wide network of Filipinas.
In September 1990, with more Filipinas joining the organising
committee, the launching congress of the Philippine Women’s Forum was
held with 50 Filipinas present coming from various parts of Germany.
What is Philippine Women’s Forum?

The Philippine Women’s Forum is a response to the need for a concerted
effort to address the problems and issues of Filipinas in Germany. It is a
network of Filipinas who are members of various Philippine organisations
and/or German women’s institutions in various cities of Germany.
Aim and role of PWF e.V.

Among the aims of the Philippine Women’s Forum are:
• to provide a forum for discussion of various women’s issues
affecting Filipinas in Germany
• to provide a venue to share our understanding of our identity in a
foreign land and culture; and in the process, to strengthen our
identity as Filipinas in Germany

• to coordinate and support each other’s efforts and activities in
various women’s issues and initiatives
• to sponsor or cosponsor seminars, fora and discussions on
important issues affecting Filipinas and other women migrants in
Germany
• to launch campaigns and other activities against traffickers and
recruiters found to be exploiting Filipinas and other women from
developing countries
• to make representation with the German and the Philippine
governments for the protection of the rights of Filipinas
(Source: Philippine Women’s Forum Background Information Leaflet)
Activities
The following are the activities of the Philippine Women’s Forum:
• Conference for Filipinas – “The Challenges of Filipinas in Germany”
1990 in Bonn:
Topic: Filipina Identity and Counteracting Stereotyping, Coping
Up with a Multicultural Society; Support for Women’s Group in
the Philippines
Result: Foundation of Philippine Women’s Forum and the
campaign committee on trafficking in women
• Participation of PWF to Women’s Studies Association of the
Philippines (WSAP) Women’s International Solidarity Affairs in
the Philippines in 1991 with the theme “Foreign Domination and
the Condition of Women in the Colonised Countries” organised
by GABRIELA.
• Participation in the Europe-wide conference of migrant Filipinos
in Kerkade, The Netherlands on 1-3 November 1991 organised by
the Commission for Filipino Migrants Workers, Amsterdam. PWF
facilitated the workshop on trafficking in women.
• Seminar on Feminism, Patriarchy and Reproduction in May, 1992
in Hamburg sponsored by FrauenAnstiftung.
• June 1992 – PWF demonstrated in the European Parliament in
Straßbourg together with some 800 participants from other parts
of the world to oppose the marginalisation of underprivileged
sectors and the effects of the Europe 1992. Part of the KAIROS
EUROPA “Act Now” activity.
• July 1992 – Philippine Women’s Forum committee on Violence and
Discrimination met with other women from Asia, Africa and Latin
America in Berlin.
Result: Initiation of the Campaign “Sudströmungen”

• November 1992 -- PWF launched a one year activity: Campaign
Against Violence and Discrimination of Migrant Women (until
November 1993).
• September, 1992 – PWF, being the only existing country-wide
Filipina organisation in Europe helped in the preparation of the
content and organisation of conference in Barcelona “Empowering
Filipinas in Europe.”
Result: Formation of Babaylan, The Philippines Women’s Network
in Europe.
• Philippine Women’s Forum cultural group celebrated with Agisra
its 10th Anniversary with its musical “The Changing Role of the
Filipina in our History” in Frankfurt in March 1993.
• PWF in cooperation with FrauenAnstiftung held dialogue with other
women’s groups in the Theoretical Seminar on Feminism in June
1993 in Fischerhude.
Topic: History of the New Women’s Movement in Germany and
the Development of Feminism in Europe and the Role of the 3rd
World Women’s Movement.
• PWF participation in the Facilitators’ Training in Rome on 2-10 May
1993 organised by Babaylan, the Philippine Women’s Network in
Europe.
Topic: Empowerment of Women by Means of an Education
Program called Basic Women’s Orientation Course.
• Germany-wide Congress and Conference of PWF in Stuttgart in
September 1993 with the Theme: Everyday Racism in Germany.
• Seminar: Feminisation of Migration in Bonn, 22-24 October 1993.
PWF traced the Herstory of Migration in cooperation with
Ökostiftung NRW
Topic: Migration — Alternatives and Implications
• PWF with Babaylan Europe held an evening information on the
situation of Filipinas in Germany and information about Babaylan
Campaign sponsored by Soldue, a multiethnic women’s
organisation in Copenhagen, Denmark on 8 March 1994.
• Launching of Campaign “Get Up! Women Against Racism and
Sexism” organised by PWF with other migrants groups in Köln:
Agisra, Iranian and Turkish Women Initiative, Soz.Wiss.Forschung
and Praxis für Frauen in Köln on 16 April 1994.
• 10-12 June 1994 – Seminar organised by PWF: Sexuality and Power
Relations in Hamburg

• “Feminisation of Migration in European Context and Social Impact
of Migration” Congress of PWF in September 1994 in Nürnberg
Result: concrete networking with other women migrants’ groups
• Participation in Babaylan Europe-wide Conference in Zurich,
Switzerland on 6-7 September 1994.
Theme: Organising Migrant Women against Violence and
Discrimination
• NGO Vienna Forum on 13-15 October 1994 -- participation of PWF
with Babaylan network in this first nongovernment organisation
forum for the European region. Babaylan’s ongoing Campaign:
“Violence No More.”
• Networking and formation of BuntesFrauennetzwerk (Colorful
Network of Women), PWF cofounded this network of women
migrants in Köln on 5 November 1994.
• Participation of PWF with Babaylan Europe to the NGO Forum on
Women at the UN 4th World Conference on Women in Beijing in
September, 1995. Babaylan held series of workshops on the situation
of Filipino women migrants in Europe and on Violence Against
Migrant Women.
• Annual Seminar of PWF “A Multicultural Society” – A Challenge
to Migrant Women on 29 September 1995 in Bremen.
Topic: Integration or Assimilation to German Society and Report
from Babaylan’s Participation to the 4th World Conference on
Women in Beijing.
• PWF hosted the 3rd Babaylan Annual Conference and Congress
with the theme: EU Policies on Migrant Women on 3-5 September
1996 in Köln.
• Athens, 27-30 November 1997. Europe-wide conference of Filipino
migrants in Europe.
Theme: Migrant’s Rights for Equality in Europe and Participative
Development in the Philippines. PWF and Babaylan Europe were
members of steering committee and coordinating organisations
together with Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers and
Kasapi.
• Philippine Women’s Forum became a nonprofit, nonstock
registered organisation in August, 1998.
• In celebration of the 50th Anniversary of UN Declaration of Human
Rights, PWF held its annual working conference and congress in
Gießen on 16-18 October 1998 with the theme: Basic Laws for
Migrants sponsored by the Federal Ministry for Family, Senior

Citizens, Youth and Women, Commission for Women for the City
of Gießen and Hessen Ministry for Environment and Energy.
• October 2001-- Rome PWF’s participation to Babaylan Conference
in Rome “Rising Above Poverty.”
• 10th Anniversary of Babaylan; Celebratory Conference in
November 2002 in Barcelona “Celebrating a Decade of Women’s
Empowerment.”
• 26 November 2003 – in commemoration of the International Day
against Violence Against Women, a gathering of Filipinas in Köln
organised by PWF to discuss domestic violence against migrant
women.
• 13 March 2004 – Forum on Social Work and Participation in
celebration of the International Women’s Day with the head of
Caritas International for Migration Köln.
Activities of PWF are mostly supported by the voluntary financial help
of its members. The organisation has no paid staff. Presently, the
organisation is striving to expand its membership as most of the old
members have either retreated from active membership or are involved in
the activities of their respective institutions and counselling offices.
Since 1998, the organisation has been supporting its activities and
projects through membership fees and donation. The present lack of
financial support from funding institutions poses a big problem in carrying
out activities like the regular fora and seminars with migrant women.
Despite this proverbial financial burden among self-help groups and
organisations, PWF hopes and strives to keep its vision that the organisation
stays not only as a forum for the discussion of issues concerning migrant
women but also as a true, effective network which aspires for the support
and empowerment of Filipinas in Europe.
NOTE
* eingetragene Verein or e.V. [registered organization]
REFERENCES
2004 A Manual for Germany: Residency Rights. Office of the Federal
Commisioner for Foreigner’s Affairs.
2004 The Federal Government Commissioner for Foreigner’s Issues 19th
Edition. Office of the Federal Commisioner for Foreigner’s Affairs.
2004 Suddeustche Zeitung. 4 May 2004

Internet materials
Federal Ministry of the Interior
http://www.eng.bmi.bund.de/dokumente. 3 June 2004
A.C. Attardo Migration Germany
http://www.legislationonline.org
Statistisches Bundesamt, Wiesbaden
http://www.destatis.de. 17 May 2004
Other material
Philippine Women’s Forum Background Information Leaflet

Filipinos in Spain
FR. ROEL CASTAÑEDA
Recently when Casa Asia asked me to talk about the life of the Filipino
migrants in Spain, I found out during my research that there are only a
handful of reading materials about the subject matter; hence, I will limit
myself to the available resources and to my personal experience of two
years and a half as a Rector of a Filipino personal parish in Barcelona.
INTRODUCTION
The migration of Filipinos to Spain is not a new phenomenon. More
than a century ago, in the year 1880, some 200 elite and intellectual Filipinos,
including our national hero, Dr. Jose P. Rizal, lived in Barcelona and Madrid
in order to pursue higher education. Many of them came back to the
Philippines after the declaration of independence from Spain in the year
1898. Ironically, a century later, a number of educated Filipinos went to
Spain to work and to earn a living as domestic helpers. Evidently, the
experiences of this new set of migrants are very different from those of
Filipino students more than a century ago. Some characteristics of these
present migrants are described below.
Genesis and number

Although there was already an insignificant number of Filipinos here
in the 1960s, the first cases of these “new migrant” came in the middle of
the 1970s when a number of Spanish businessmen in the Philippines decided
to reside and work again in Spain, bringing along with them their Filipino
domestic helpers. Statistics show that in the year 1975, there were 1,291
Filipinos registered here in Spain and in the year 1981, the Filipino
community was considered the most numerous Asiatic community in this
country. Nowadays, it ranks third after the Chinese and Pakistani
communities.
283
After the arrival of that “first batch,” the number of Filipino immigrants
grew rapidly. There were two causes: there was an increasing demand in
the market for domestic service and the so-called precursors invited their
relatives, townmates and friends to work here.
The Anuario Estadistico de Extranjeria 2003 states that there are 16,589
Filipinos here in Spain legally. The number excludes those who have already
obtained Spanish citizenship. Eighty-seven percent of this number or 14,375
are in the active 16-24 age bracket, 388 or 1.92 percent are in the retired age
group, while 11.01 percent or 1,826 individuals are in 0-15 age bracket.
More than half of these have permanent residence, and they have been
working here for five years or more.
It is good to note that there is an average of 1,000 Filipinos migrating
here every year. The Anuario says that there were 14,716 Filipinos here in
the year 2001 and 15,344 in the year 2002, giving us that conclusion.
Gender
In the early years, the Filipino immigration was composed mainly of
women. While Filipino men went to the Middle East for work, Filipino
women went to Europe, mainly to Spain and Italy. Some reasons of these
women for choosing Spain were: (1) better conditions of life for women in
Europe than in the Middle East; (2) the Catholic tradition; and (3) Spain is
considered part of Filipino history and culture (Beltran and Saiz 2002,
42). On the other hand, some reasons for leaving the Philippines, according
to one Filipina in an interview by Comamala (1994) with the first batch of
the “new migrants” in Barcelona (108), are: because of personal family
problems (20%), for economic reasons (70%), and for adventure (10%).
Nowadays, the ratio between men and women Filipino migrants in
Spain is more balanced. According to the Anuario Estadistico de Extranjeria
2003, 58.94 percent or 9,770 of Filipino immigrants are women, while 41.06
percent or 6,805 are men. Let us compare this with the statistics of 1999
quoted by Beltran and Saiz, when there were 63.1 percent Filipino women.
Aside from oferta de trabajo (direct hiring), the coming of Filipino men is
mainly because of the reagrupacion familiar (family reunification). Although
some of them also work in domestic service, the arrival of Filipino men
opened the market of hosteleria (hotel and restaurants) to the Filipinos.
WAYS OF LIFE
In the earlier years, most Filipinos lived in the homes of their Spanish
employers and spent their free time in some public places (plazas). There

is a popular joke among Filipinos in Barcelona that even the doves in Plaza
Cataluna, during that time, could speak Ilocano. Nowadays, more Filipinos
are renting or buying their own apartments and spending their free time
there with their family, relatives, and friends. Because of this, Filipinos who
arrived in the later years prefer to work as interina than as fija (live-in rather
than residing outside of the host family’s home).
All the articles I consulted observed two common traits among the
Spanish Filipinos: their religiosity and their love for gatherings.
Religiosity
Unlike the Spanish faithful, Filipinos continue to fill the churches during
Sunday services. In Barcelona, I celebrate two Sunday masses and in every
celebration, there are at least 600 persons. I also observed that a number of
Filipinos drop by the churches or adoration chapels for some moments of
silence, recollection and prayer. Some still make the sign of the cross as
they pass by the church building. Most of them still do the custom of getting
my hand for a blessing (mano po).
Aside from attending Sunday services, the Filipino faithful come to my
office to ask for a date for the blessing of their apartments, cars, rosaries
and other religious articles. Many of them also invite me to attend their
fiestas at home or in a restaurant (many times, in a Chinese restaurant). This
will lead us to trait number two: the Filipinos’ love for gatherings.
Penchant for partying

Most Filipinos spend their free time at home playing card games, bingo
games, cooking pancit (noodles) or karaoke singing. It is seldom that you
can find a Filipino apartment without a Magic Sing equipment (a brand of
videoke entertainment). Hence, the usual complaint of their neighbours
against Filipinos is their noise-making.
Other traits observed by Comamala (1994; 87) among Filipinos in
Barcelona are the following:
• The Filipino community is heterogenous. It is composed of
more than one ethnic group (the most numerous are Tagalogs, Ilocanos
and Bicolanos);
• They help one another;
• They easily use the word amiga (friend);
• Home is very important;
• They speak Spanish more than Catalan; and
• The religious practice is an important force.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, OTHER CHRISTIAN
COMMUNITIES, GOVERNMENT AND
NONGOVERNMENT ASSOCIATIONS
Aside from the Philippine Embassy and Honorary Consulates, there
are several institutions and associations which assist the Filipino immigrants
in Spain.
In Madrid, says Berges (1993), there are basically two associations. One
is governmental, Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration (OWWA) and
the other is ecclesiastical, TAHANAN.
In Ibiza, where I was invited to visit last year, there is a Filipino group
of 250 members whose organisation is named Asociacion Union Filipina de
Ibiza y Formentera.
In Barcelona, where I have direct experiences, the Catholic ecclesiastical
institution plays a great role in the lives of migrant Filipinos. In the middle
of the 1980s, a chaplaincy and now a personal parish and its social arm,
Centro Filipino, were established to help Filipinos as believers and
immigrants. The parish provides for the spiritual needs and pastoral care
of the faithful. It participates in the vicarial and diocesan activities. We have
a Filipino chapel in the Church of Saint Agustine where you can find
religious images popular in the Philippines like Sto. Nino de Cebu, Our
Lady of Manaoag, Our Lady of Antipolo, Our Lady of Penafrancia, San
Lorenzo Ruiz, etc.
Within the parish structure are 20 religious groups. Centro Filipino
takes charge of their situation as immigrants. Some of its programs are:
(1) Iskwelang Pinoy, a complementary Saturday school for second-
generation Filipinos which teaches them Tagalog, English, Philippine history
and culture and catechism; (2) language courses of Castellano and Catalan;
(3) giving legal advices; (4) direct services to the land-based and sea-based
migrants; (5) promotion of Filipino culture; and (6) economic initiatives
specifically microcredit and hometown investment cooperatives. For its
integration to the Catalan society, Centro Filipino participates in different
Catalan institutions and associations. It has a permanent seat in the Consell
Assessor DâImmigracio of the Generalitat de Catalunya, Consell DâImmigracio
of the Ajuntamento de Barcelona, a member of the Coordinadora de las
Entidades de los Immigrantes of Commission de Obreras, member of Fundacio
Tot Raval, etc.
Other Christian communities which also deliver services to the Filipino
migrants are the Charismatic Episcopal Church, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Iglesia

ni Cristo, Great Commission Ministry, Word International Ministry, United
Pentecostal Church, Jesus is Lord Church and Salvation Army. Spain is not
only hiring Filipinos, it is also importing their religious affiliation. The other
civic organisations are Samahan ng mga Migranteng Pinoy (SMPB), Amistad
de las Mujeres Filipinas, Migrant Filipino Youth Association (MFYA),
Emprendedores Pinoy, and Basketball All-Filipino Sports Commission.
Fourteen of these groups form part of what we call KALIPI-Barcelona
(Kapulungan ng mga Lider na Pinoy sa Barcelona). We meet once a month
to talk about issues common to us as Filipino migrants, e.g., overseas
absentee voting, dual citizenship law, Crisanto Albay case, etc. The group
is also in-charge of the annual common celebration of Philippine
Independence Day. This year, we celebrated it with the Federacion de las
Casas Regionales y Culturales de Cataluna with a theme: Free to Integrate.
CONCLUSIONS
The lifestyle of many Filipinos here in Spain is very much similar to the
lifestyle of common Filipinos in the Philippines as if Spain is an extension
of their home. Though there are efforts for social integration by the
Philippine Embassy and some leaders of Filipino associations, and there
are initiatives from the host country, still little has been accomplished in
the past years for us to be more integrated into the Spanish society. Of
course, there are reasons for these: language barrier, Filipinos’ low self-
esteem, time constraints, to name a few.
And if the Philippine government will continue sending Filipinos to
other countries as a solution to our poverty, I recommend the following:
• better preparation in the Philippines with basic language courses,
basic orientation to the culture of the receiving country;
• better job opportunities in the receiving country since a number of
Filipinos have college degrees or university level education; and
• a full-time Philippine government employee in key cities as in a
full career consulate in Barcelona to aid the resident Filipinos.

PERSONAL THOUGHTS
And now, shoulder to shoulder with the other Filipinos though there are
external forces stronger than us, let us look at Filipino migration squarely.
Why, in a recent poll survey, is it said that one out of three Filipinos prefer
to go out of our country if given an opportunity? (December Philippine
Star).
Migration is not a solution to our poverty. Let us recognise it by its true
name and not glamorise it; rather that migration is but another
problem. Let us stop sending our people abroad as a matter of government
policy. And if we cannot stop it now, let us at least let it be a temporary
situation. Let us put a timetable to end it and learn from our Spanish friends
who had the same problem decades ago.
When will be the time, like in Korea, that the government will say to its
people abroad: Come back home?
When will be the time, like in Switzerland, that they will erect a statue to
pay homage to the last Swiss housemaid?
And may that time be in our lifetime.
Filipinos deserve better. We are a hardworking, honest, peace-loving,
God-fearing and law-abiding people.
Let us do our homework at home!
The problem and the solutions are there!
Let us maximise what we have. Why do Catalans promote their cava de
Cataluna? Why do Asturians patronize their sidra de Asturias? But/and
our countrymen Filipinos flock to McDonalds and Starbucks Coffee?
Let us create more job opportunities, make our politics more stable and
more credible, and eradicate corruption in our system. Let us regain our
dignity as a people.
If we will help ourselves, we will no longer ask any help from Spain or
any country. I assure you, they will be the ones who would come and
volunteer themselves to help us.

REFERENCES
Beltran, Joaquin and Amelia Saiz
2002 Las comunidades asiaticas en Espana. Documentos CIDOB-Asia,
no. 4.
Berges, Lobera Ma. T
1993 La inmigracion filipina en la Comunidad de Madrid. En Jimenez
C., coord. Inmigrantes extranjeros en Madrid Vol. II. Madrid, Imprenta
de la Comunidad de Madrid, 561-619.
Comamala, Concepcio
1994 Les dones entren a la inmigracio per a porta de servei; aproximacio
etnografica al collectiu de dones filipines a Barcelona. Perspectiva
Social, no 35, 85-165.

A Simplified Map of French-Philippines:
A Bird’s Eye – Worm’s Eye-view
MARIA THELMA NOVAL-JEZEWSKI
An estimated 50,000 Filipinas and Filipinos work as migrant domestic

workers in France. Thirty thousand are in Paris, the rest in the southern
part of the Hexagon, including Monaco. Only 6,000 are officially registered
and documented.
If you take a good look at the Philippine community in Paris through
the years, you will see the shaping up of a duplicata (carbon copy) of the
country of origin. You find the same characteristics, the same problems
(indiscipline, corruption and all…) and the same reasons for hope (faith,
spirituality, caring attitude, the value of the family…).
It is understoond that when we say “migrant Filipinos and Filipinas in
France,” we are talking about migrant domestic workers, the majority
(around 80%) of whom are women.
The map of the Philippines is drawn and delineated by all sorts of
regional organisations (LUZVIMIN, VISAMIN, Ilocandia, Caviteño,
Batangas, Hiligaynon, Pampango, Mindanao), and by religious leanings
(majority Christians of all tendencies [Catholic organisations such as El
Shaddai, Couples for Christ, Mabuting Pastol, Marianne movements];
Protestant sects; Iglesia ni Kristo; Born Again Christians; Seventh Day
Adventists; Jehovah’s Witnesses], a minority of Muslims and Indigenous
Peoples).
The ‘haves’ (mayaman)

Take a look at the larger Philippine society in France and you recognise
a familiar economic hierarchy: an infinitely small number of “mayaman”
(either rich families from the Philippines with secondary residences in

France or Filipinas married to rich French or other non-Filipinos, usually
businessmen), a small middle-class (small entrepreneurs or Filipinas
married to middle-class non-Filipinos) and a large majority of mahirap
(domestic workers) which is still multiplying with new arrivals and second
generation migrants, including the recently counted 20 births per week
registered at the Philippine embassy.
The only difference is that unemployment is rarely a problem in this
French-Philippines, where misery is manifest only among those who are
dependent and handicapped due to physical ailment, drugs, alcoholism,
etc.
Let us concentrate on the large population of these highly educated
mahirap, the migrant domestic workers.
The mahirap (domestic workers)

Despite all the brouhaha about their being “modern day heroes and
heroines,” this population is obviously a source of embarrassment for the
sophisticated Filipinos and Filipinas here and at home. In consequence,
there is an uneasy coexistence between those who work as domestic workers
and those who do not or do not have to (married to financially comfortable
men).
The embarrassment of sophisticated society produces a “looking-glass”
effect which is quite disastrous for these women’s self-esteem. Despite the
efforts at professionalising domestic work in France, we still hear women
talk about themselves in derogatory terms like maid, tsimay, atsay (Filipino
slang for domestic).
The general tendency is isolation. Isolation because the general majority
is undocumented (sans papiers), with feelings of being “illegal” and being
without rights in a France of laws. The recent tightening up of policies
regarding migrants is manifest in the growing number (from 1 to 5) of
deportations per month.
They tend to live in fear of the police and what they consider “unsafe”
persons (which can include their own compatriots). They are scared of the
French in general, not speaking the language properly, not knowing the
culture which is so un-Filipino (and the fact that the French appear more
rude than tender). They tend to be wary of those who, in their opinion, are
not in the same category of undocumented workers.
Other factors contribute to their isolation: psychological reasons like
depression, with varying degrees of severity (some are on anti-depressants);
A Simplified Map of French-Philippines: 291

fear of “temptations”(women fearing men, especially non-Filipinos); feeling
of shame (battered women, lesbian relationships); problems linked with
occult practices (mostly kulam and gayuma).
Social divisions, whether real or imaginary, create uneasiness among
migrant workers. The first obvious resentment comes from the fact that
there are those who are documented (may papel) and those who are
undocumented (walang papel). “Porque may papel, nagyayabang na!” This is
followed by the division between those married to Puti (white), especially
Pranses (French), and those who are not.
There are other factors considered significant, as indications of
“progress” and therefore as source of social division in the community e.g.,
having one’s own studio or apartment instead of a service-room, owning a
car, owning a house in France.
Somehow, members of this migrant community are beholden to persons
with the allure of taga-embassy, which does not necessarily mean being part
of the Philippine Embassy staff. This includes UNESCO workers, academes
and expat-workers who sometimes intermingle with them in certain
activities like Independence Day celebrations and are usually conducted to
the front seats next to the Ambassador and the parish priest.
Cultural values
It is interesting to note the existence or absence of Philippine values in
the French-Philippines.
Colonial mentality is quite intact in this community, the way it is in the
Philippines. Marriage with a “White man” (Puti) is considered lucky
(buenas!) and becomes a hidden ambition of many Filipinas, though often
in contradiction with their deeper preference for Filipinos (I remember a
wedding in London where the bride who was marrying an Englishman
sighed out loud, “Ay, papaano… mas gusto ko sana, Pilipino. Pero wala, eh!,”
trans: Oh well, I would have preferred a Filipino but there are no prospects.
Ah!. This is parallel to the ambivalence in migration itself, the preference
for the easy warmth and security of the Philippines, while choosing the
Western adventure and the attraction of money with all its advantages for
family and self.
This is not to say that marriage with a White man is necessarily a
negative experience. There are probably as many Filipinas who are
genuinely happy in their marriage with White men as there are unhappy
ones. A lot of Filipinas complain of their male compatriots’ machismo but

the Frenchmen, true to their Latin culture, are also known machos, though
perhaps less spoiled and more helpful home companions than their
Philippine counterparts. “Kaya lang, hindi nila naiintindihan ang kultura natin,
lalo na ‘yong pagpapadala ng pera sa pamilya!”(But they do not understand
our culture, especially that of sending money to our families!).
We can see the danger of a new colonisation in migration (in the sense
that Filipinas can feel obliged to reject their own identity as an inferior one,
to take on an alien dominant culture). Domestic workers with lowered self-
esteem look up to their rich employers (with their varying degrees of
intelligence and culture). Many waver in their Philippine identity. “Bakit
naman pinapakita pa yong mga Igorot sa TV at nakakahiya? Hiyang hiya na ako
sa amo ko!” (Why do they have to show the mountain people on TV? I am so
embarrassed before my employer!) It takes a lot of convincing before they
can accept the possibility that they may be more educated and more
intelligent than their rich employers.
With the recent policy of “intégration,” there is an added danger of
new colonisation, since many Philippine workers interpret this as having
to give up their culture of origin to enter French society. During a community
meeting, a leader suggested that, “in the light of intégration,…perhaps we
should stop wearing our national costume at the Philippine Independence
Day celebration…”
Many women who marry Frenchmen, feeling that they owe their
husbands an infinite debt of gratitude (utang na loob) not only serve them
with customary care and devotion; they tend to orient their thinking in line
with the husband’s, mostly to maintain peace in the household, sometimes
because they have not developed their own opinions. A Filipina married to
an extreme rightist Frenchman is very unhappy but would never leave him
because of utang na loob. “Dahil sa kanya, ako ay nagkapapel” (Because of
him, I have been legalised). How many are held hostage by this kind of
reasoning? Then, with the years, you start hearing her say: “Tama din naman
yong sinasabi niya! Ang mga foreigners kasi…” (He is saying the right things!
These foreigners are [trouble]….)
Linked with isolation and low self-esteem is the limited social and
cultural life of migrant domestic workers. Many Filipinas are attracted to
non-Filipinos with even lower self-esteem. Some find satisfaction and their
own idea of happiness in caring for physically or psychologically
handicapped Frenchmen. “Nakakaawa kasi” (I pity them). Since wife-
batterers are usually men of low self-esteem, a few Filipinas become caring
but battered wives or girlfriends.

Just like home, there is a double standard of comportment among
migrant workers: one with the French, another with kababayan. At work,
Filipinas and Filipinos are exemplary in discipline and cleanliness. But in
Philippine gatherings (programmes, parties, sports tournaments), they can
be chaotic and messy, to the extent of getting banned from public gyms
and cultural centres, temporarily or permanently.
Utang na loob (feelings of indebtedness), which women feel very
strongly with their French husbands and employers, is a value that seems
to suffer in the community itself, in the light of the new materialism in
migration. Women are often heard complaining: “Ako na ang tumutulong,
ako pa ang nagiging masama! Walang utang na loob!”(I am the one helping, yet
I am the one who is considered bad! They are ingrates!) Utang na loob is
often sacrificed at the altar of pecuniary interest and the need for security.
At work, Filipinas are highly lauded and solicited because of their
intelligence, their mastery of English, their honesty, cleanliness and
competence. They are entrusted with the care of heirs and heiresses to elite
families. The rich in the 16th arrondissement who tend to be absentee parents
appreciate the presence and assistance of Filipinas. Some of these latter
practically rear these children to adolescence, like second mothers, a practice
which also provokes emotional trauma in the hearts of Filipinas who get
attached to their “wards” and inevitably lose them.
There is an illusion of power— in holding the keys to an illustrious
home—and belonging (to a family). “Sinisilbihan ko naman sila ng maigi. Hindi
ko na kinukwenta ang oras... Mabait kasi!” (I am serving them well. I do not
count the hours…. They are nice people!) There is also utang na loob,
coupled with hiya. “Kaya lang, parang umaabuso rin!” (And yet, they tend to
abuse!) But the craving for affection and feeling of security is still very strong.
What are the chances of these women getting out of isolation? A positive
effect of the new policy of “intégration” is the frenzy for French lessons.
Suddenly, everyone wants to speak and read in the host language, not so
much to facilitate communication with the French, but more to add to their
chances of obtaining papers or to assure the renewal of their permit to stay
and work in France. But, as a side-effect, they open their senses to everything
French. One student declared her joy at being “able to buy French
magazines” and to understand at last what used to be meaningless sounds.
Logically, this should motivate them to open up to the French culture and
actively participate in society.

The different groupings
Apart from the regional and religious entities in this French-Philippines,
there are minor “tribes,” as they sometimes call themselves, that cannot be
ignored. One of them is the gay minority, male and female. The latter group
is less open to scrutiny and avoid exposure to media. But Filipino
homosexuals are more open and imposing, proud to be part of the bigger
French “tribe” of which the Paris mayor himself is an open adherent.
There are the artists – painters and sculptors who are part of this migrant
domestic worker community, some graduates of Philippine art schools or
naturally talented persons inspired by the artistic ambience in Paris. They
are beginning to organise and exhibit their works in special venues, now
and then as invited guests of community associations, to provide aesthetics
to celebrations. Singers and musicians perform all over Paris. Some domestic
workers supplement their earnings by singing in restaurants.
In case you are itching to know if there are cases of prostitution among
our women in this French-Philippines, the answer is happily “No!” While
prostitution is a French institution which has been glorified in the arts,
Filipinas in France are not known to participate in the flesh market.
Some Filipinas arrive in France from the Middle East and refer to
themselves as takas, having escaped from their employers, mostly for reasons
of inhuman working conditions. They merit special attention, for a great
majority feel that they are stigmatised instead of being supported by the
Philippine Embassy. They often run away without their passports which
are automatically confiscated upon arrival in the Middle East and feel
unjustly penalised by the difficulty (and the high cost) of procuring a new
passport. Many are penniless when they run away, are usually in a state of
over fatigue from overwork, lack of sleep or trauma from abuse by their
Middle East employers. Filipinas in Paris have a kind of “antenna” to spot
these victims in hotels, sidewalks, parks and gardens and help them escape
(takas), take care of their immediate survival and find jobs for them. But,
due to the strain of migration, many of these first friendships deteriorate
and few develop lasting relationships.
As far as the economy is concerned, the French-Philippines reflects the
rich underground economy of the mother country. On the surface we see
Filipino and Filipina entrepreneurs engaged in running a Philippine store;
a forwarding agency (“door-to-door”); a travel agency; and a service firm
for renovating, repainting apartments, taking care of installations, etc. But
the underground is replete with a multitude of cooks, hair-stylists,

beauticians, dressmakers, masseuses, crafts vendors, money transferers,
manghuhula (clairvoyants), manggagamot (healers), mangkukulam (witchcraft).
Some community members engage in wider fields of action which cut
across regional barriers. They are more social-service oriented, acting alone
or in groups like trade unions (e.g. CFDT), associations like Babaylan which
specialise in disseminating pertinent information for Filipinas (as migrants,
workers and women), Asosasyong Sangguniang Pilipino which addresses
labour issues, as well as European networks like RESPECT.
Deviance, like criminality, is not very rampant but exists nevertheless
in French-Philippines, mostly in the male population involved in illegal
trafficking of persons, murder, drug dealing, drug use, wife-battering, rape
and child abuse, plus cases of lesser offense. But French prisons have also
housed some Filipinas. I met one who was in jail for illegal trafficking and
who claimed that, in the same prison, she met Filipinas who were caught at
the airport, in transit from Latin America, transporting drugs for the
Philippines.
The problems encountered

All sorts of problems linked with pecuniary interests plague the
community: over-indebtedness, swindling and all forms of victimisation
of kababayan. Undocumented workers have less access to banks and are
easy prey to thieves and robbers. French regulations do not stipulate a
permit to stay as condition for opening a bank account. But most banking
institutions remain closed to undocumented migrants and refuse or
discourage them.
Gay Paree is très sexy! But in French-Philippines, most Filipinas are
“sexless.” Married women (with husbands in the Philippines) have no
sexual partners while in France. This remains one of the unexpressed strains
on the very human nerves of our super-heroines. Due to isolation, fear of
men and unequivocal devotion to family, the practice of sexual abstinence
is very high in the Philippine community. To protect themselves, women
frequent religious rites and encounters, keep to themselves (among women)
or simply stay at home after work, intensifying isolation and solitude. Now
and then, one hears of a heterosexual woman shacking up with a tomboy.
Filipinas with their wavering sexuality do not seem to consider this a
deviance. “I am not lesbian,” somebody told me, “but the men here are not
good for me. My partner is caring and tender. I prefer her… .” A married
woman living with a lesbian says: “It is not like being with a man. I do not
feel unfaithful to my husband!”

Nevertheless, prolonged separation, usually coupled with the Filipino
husband’s infidelity at home has pushed some married Filipinas into the
arms of Parisians of different ethnic origins (French, Sri-Lankan, Pakistani,
etc.).
Body and heart are neglected values among migrant domestic workers.
They keep chasing jobs and money, tend to neglect their bodies. As to the
heart, it is not to be taken seriously, not yet. This is the phenomenon of
postponed health and happiness. “Saka na!” (Later!)
Normally, only registered workers have access to social security. But
many undocumented migrants benefit from what is called Aide médicale
d’Etat (state medical aid) which provides the same health services to low
income groups, even migrants, with or without papers. But there are
persistent rumours about its instability.
Those who do not benefit from this “aid” simply pay great sums of
money to private clinics, doctors, dentists. Most women suffer from chronic
fatigue, many are nervous and depressed, suffer from skin irritations due
to chemical products regularly handled in the job. More and more cases of
cancer, and more and more deaths are reported in the community.
The “saka na” (leave it till later/procrastination) attitude applies to
happiness. Try to ask a Filipina if she is happy in France and you will
encounter the eternal problem of researchers in the Philippines. For deep
in the heart of every Filipina is an intimate chamber that guards the secret
of her happiness and unhappiness. Not everyone has the right to a visit
and certainly not always. So, the answer to the question will always depend
on one’s relationship of trust with the person.
A mini-survey on happiness
I distributed questionnaires about happiness to Filipina remitters in a
bank and the replies which I reproduce below were mostly positive.
“Oo, dahil sa nakakapagtrabaho ako at nakakapagpadala ako ng sapat na pera
para sa aking pamilya.” (Yes, because I am employed and get to send
sufficient money for the needs of my family.)
“Yes. I have a good paying work and kind employer and they pay for
all my medical bills.”
“Oo, dahil sa dito ako nakakasurvive ng ikabubuhay para sa aking mga pamilya,
at kahit papano nakakaipon paunti-unti. Mahirap man ang trabaho ay no
choice. OK lang, masaya na rin ako.” (Yes, because here I have been able
to survive and sustain my family, and I also am able to save, even if in

small amounts only. The work might be tough but there’s no choice.It’s
OK, I am happy enough.)
“Oo, dahil sa pagpunta ko sa France nagkaroon ako ng pagkakataon na
makatulong sa pangangailangan financially ng aking pamilya. Nagkaroon
din ako ng chance na ma meet and mga ibat-ibang klase ng tao and learn some
things from them.” (Yes, because by my coming to France, I got the
opportunity to help my family with their financial needs. I also had the
chance to meet different kinds of people and learn some things from
them.)
Happiness for these women is the happiness of others, that of their
loved ones. Although those with whom I have a trusting relationship had
different answers.
“No, definitely no. Nganong anhi man ta mopuyo nga kalami man gyud sa
ato! Dinhi puro stress! Kapoy, pastilang kapoya!” (No, definitely no. Why
did I ever come to live here when it was much better at home. Here, it
is all stress. And fatigue, it is excessively tiring!)
“No, I am not happy here here because I am a long way from my loved
ones.”
Others in the survey answered both yes and no to the question on
happiness.
“No, dahil sa dito, malungkot. Ang buhay ko ay trabaho, bahay, trabaho, bahay.
Hindi katulad sa atin. May pamilya... at saka, ako’y nag-aalala. Ang anak na
gusto kong mailagay sa mabuti ay napapapunta sa masama! Ngunit, maligaya
din naman ako dito. Ewan ko lang kung bakit!” (No, because it is so lonely
being here. My life consists of work, then home, then work, then home.
It is different from what I am used to back home. There, I have a family.
Here I worry. My child who I want to turn up well is now in a bad
situation. But I am somewhat also happy here. I just do not know why!)
“Yes and No, is my answer.I am happy in France or Paris
particularlybecause it is where I have learned to be totally independent
in all aspects of my life and I become mature.”
“No, because I cannot practice true sense of freedom because I am
undocumented. So I have to be conscious of all my actions and have to
be thinking of going to safe places and dealing with safe people all the
time. Another difficulty I have encountered here is looking for a place
to live in. It makes me unhappy knowing that an apartment or studio
here is very expensive and is not easy to find. Having a comfortable
place to stay in is really hard.”

“No, I am not happy here because I am alone, away from my loved
ones.”
“No, I can’t say I’m happy here. No yata because there’s really no clear
policy about the country’s migrant workers; kahit may papel ka, parang
walang assurance na ma rerenew yon (although you have papers, there is
no assurance that you can renew them). Also, most Parisians are very
rude. They are trying na ma-adapt natin ang culture nila but how could
I? We are not brought up like that although I’m willing to learn their
language. And then there’s the usual problem about intriga and tsismis
among our kababayan (intrigues and gossip among compatriots).
Minsan parang lumiliit ang mundo kasi pinipilit mong umiwas sa masama,
sa ano mang gulo and in the process, nasa “shell” ka na pala. Sometimes
that’s what pains me more. (The world shrinks because you tend to
avoid those who spell trouble, and in the process, you find yourself
inside a shell unknowingly.).
Evolving perspectives
With time, perspectives in this French-Philippines are evolving. In the
beginning, OFWs are too focused on earning, to pay their debts, to send
money home, to prove themselves to their families, willing to accept poor
living and working conditions. They seem unable to think outside of this
work context.
Through the years, they began to think differently. They are less
uncomfortable with the French culture, begin to speak some French, begin
to open up to the new environment. While continuing to work very hard,
chasing the euro, they begin to include themselves as beneficiaries of their
earnings, no matter how small. Some begin to question the value of sending
all their money home, begin to resent the constant and increasing demands
of their beneficiaries, begin to think of themselves and their future.
But the “saka na” (leave it till later) attitude still persists.
Who are responsible for these 50,000 migrant workers? Who do they
run to in case of extreme need?
The role of the Philippine Embassy and other players

The Philippine Embassy in France, more accessible to Parisian Filipinas
than to those in the South, has its hands full not only with diplomacy or
migrant questions. We sometimes hear of visiting Philippine officials who
take up a good part of the time and energy that should be devoted to migrant
workers.

There is an uneasy coexistence between the community and this
representative of the Philippine government in France with its reduced
capacity to service their “modern day heroes and heroines.”
Until recently, the Embassy had resisted opening up to the Philippine
community, to deal exclusively with working out bilateral agreements. It is
true that this new responsibility sort of dents the elegance of diplomacy;
domestic workers complain of cold reception or outright hostility in
Philippine consulates. Migrant workers reproach Embassy officials for their
lack of compassion, and their tendency to penalise Filipinas in difficulty,
instead of lessening their suffering.
On their part, Embassy employees reproach Filipinas for their lack of
transparency, lack of clarity in giving information, their impatience and
tendency to allow rumours to influence decisions.
In fact, the Embassy in Paris is badly equipped to deal with community
problems. In the recent years, we have observed a generation of diplomats
who seem to empathise with OFWs. They seem more available for the
community, more willing to face the migration question. But, despite present
efforts at organising positive community activities, there is a real lack of
competent personnel to address the various dimensions of migrant worker
needs: the embassy has neither social worker, psychologist nor labour
attaché, to name a few. In short, the Philippine government is not giving
enough support to its sole representative in France, the very body it has
mandated to service “modern day heroes and heroines.”
French NGOs and trade unions are the usual recourse in cases of legal
problems, of unfair labour practise, immigration questions.
For the rest, Filipinas invent their own variety of tension-management,
with hopes of healing. Many keep themselves busy in church, to maintain
faith and links with the Divine (“si Lord”). They become active in associations
to forget themselves while they regularly, daily if possible, link up with the
Philippines, to monitor child and family. One or two consult the traditional
manghuhula, manggagamot, hilot (clairvoyant, healer). Most of all, they
adhere to the belief that “laughter is the best medicine” and “the more the
merrier” (“Sama-sama tayo para mas masaya!”) They get together quite often
and on occasions, dress up in typical Filipina elegance, where they find a
semblance of family joy and warmth. This has allowed them to survive
until that happy day when the saka na (later) will become their true ngayon
na! (right now!)…Kailan pa kaya? (“I wonder when?”)

Migrant Issues in Switzerland
ANNY MISA HEFTI
It has become a clichè to say that international migration, the movement of

people across international boundaries, has considerable economic, social
and cultural implications in both origin and destination countries. Countless
papers written on the subject and the ensuing discourse have occupied
literature from geography to best selling novels. Yet the issues are hardly
taken off the “report“ level. Research results regarding migration have long
been bound and have found their places on book shelves. The UN reports
that in 2005 international migrants numbered 191 million, 3 percent of the
total world population. Europe hosts 34 percent of all migrants. Nearly
half of all migrants worldwide are women. In the developed countries,
they are more numerous than male migrants (United Nations 2006). These
figures hold global significance. The issues cannot be forestalled any longer.
The impact of international migration is taking a toll in all aspects of society.
SWITZERLAND – A EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE

I was sitting by the Lake of Zürich, enjoying a warm Summer afternoon,
some years ago. A frail Asian girl approached my bench and was about to
walk by. I asked her if she was a Filipina and invited her to sit with me,
which she hesitatingly obliged. Through our conversation I found out she
spoke my Cebuano language. She told me she was very hungry. She came
to Switzerland two weeks before. Her Swiss husband told her to adapt to
all Swiss ways which included eating only Swiss food. She said she could
not feel satisfied with potatoes alone, and that in the evenings they ate
yogurt and cheese. I said I would walk with her to the store and we would
buy rice and a pack of chicken legs she could cook herself. I asked her to
communicate her needs to her husband. She said she could not and she did
not know how.
301
This story could be repeated a hundred fold all over the world. Migrant
women arrive in foreign countries ill-prepared for what awaits them. They
set foot on totally new environs, at the mercy of their recruiters, or relatives,
leaving their fate to higher powers.
In this paper I will focus mainly on Filipina migrants in Switzerland. I
feel I have an in-depth understanding of and personal experience in
reference to the living conditions and situation of these women. I worked
in a Counseling Center for Foreign Women and as a psychologist in a private
office. My clients were mostly migrant women.
I will deal with the issue of gender and ethnicity in a separate section.
Table 1. Some Facts and Figures: Switzerland and Philippines
SWITZERLAND PHILIPPINES
Population 7,523,934 89,468,677

(WR 95) (WR 13)
Population projection for 2050 5,800,000 127,000,000
Population growth rate 0.43% 1.8%
Birth rate 9.71/1,000 24.89/1,000
Death Rate 8.49/1,000 5.41/1,000
Migration rate 3.58/1,000 -1.49/1,000
Life Expectancy (total) 80.39 yrs 69.91 yrs.
Men 77.58 yrs 67.03 yrs
Women 83.36 yrs 72.92 yrs
Age distribution: 0-14 16% 35.4%
15-64 68% 60%
+65 15.4% 4%
Median Age 39.77 yrs 22.27 yrs
Literacy 99% 95.9%
Religion:Roman Catholic 44% 83%
Protestant 37% 9%
Muslim 4.5% 5%
Others 2.5% 3%
Human Development Index 0.936 0.753
(WR 11) (WR 83)
The data shown in Table 1 reveal some significant trends that will affect
the Philippines and Switzerland in the future. One is definitely the
downward trend of Switzerland’s population growth . It is projected that
in just 40 years, the Swiss population will decrease by about 20 percent.

Meanwhile, the Philippine population will continue to climb. The social
issues of unemployment and poverty will be more apparent. Migration
will remain a glaring reality for both countries.
In 1975, there were 188 Philippine citizens residing in Switzerland. In
2005, a total of 3,547 Filipinos with Philippine passports were registered in
Switzerland (BFM, Statistikdienst 2006). Filipinas married to Swiss citizens
acquired automatic Swiss citizenship before 1992.
RESIDENTIAL STATUS OF MIGRANTS IN SWITZERLAND

The following are the categories of residence status in Switzerland:
• Residence Permit (permit C)
- valid until revoked, no voting right, almost equal rights like Swiss
citizen
- migrants with five to 10 years residence (depending on their home
country) in Switzerland
- recognised refugees with more than five years of residence
- spouse of Swiss citizen with residence of more than five years
• Temporary resident permit (permit B)
- valid for one year depending on (working) market regulations/
contingents
- family reunification possible after one year
- recognised refugees in their first five years of stay
- humanitarian admission in the first ten years
• Seasonal approval (permit A)
- valid mostly about nine months, no extentions, and no family
reunification
- no right to change living or working place /canton of Switzerland
liable
- limited to contingents for seasonal workers
• Short term stay (permit L)
- only guaranteed with employment, limited contingents for students,
apprentices, etc.
- no contingent limitation for artists (up to nine months)
• Provisional admission (permit F)
- persons whose application for asylum was denied and their return
was not possible
- refugees of war who were admitted in groups
- tourists and guests with expired visa, but could not be deported

• Visa
- duration for three months, no work permit, financial coverage
necessary
- guests and tourists from countries with visa obligation
• Guests
- three months without work permit, not to exceed six months
in a year,
- guests and tourists from countries with visa obligation
• Asylum seekers
- work permit after three to six months possible change of working/
living place only with permission
• International official
- working/residential rights according to conventions/contracts
between Switzerland and foreign country
- international officials and their families
(Source: From Bundesamt für Migration)
TYPES OF EMPLOYMENT OF
WOMEN MIGRANTS IN EUROPE
To deal with the issues of migration, one has to be prepared to talk
about categories of migrants, their backgrounds, and type of work. The
situation of migrants differs considerably, depending upon their stay
permits.The situation of women migrants is different from that of the men
migrants. The situation of second generation migrants is different from the
first generation. Thus, we cannot talk of migrants as one whole package
because we lose the essential issues. In the case of women migrants, gender
issues are central to any discourse.
There are no clear-cut data cataloguing Philippine migration to
Switzerland. Some reports show that in the early 1970s, Filipina nurses
were admitted to work. This continued until early 1990. In the 1980s cabaret
dancers were given 10-month work permits as artists in the entertainment
industry. Also at about this time, Filipina wives of Swiss citizens entered
the country. Before 1992, women married to Swiss citizens automatically
received Swiss citizenship. In the 1990s many Filipinas came as tourists.
Many stayed past their permits to stay and settled into irregular status,
undocumented and ‘invisible.‘

THE SITUATION OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS
IN SWITZERLAND
Over the years I made some studies through questionnaires and
interviews with Filipinas, in my work and for case studies in conferences.
A summary of these interviews are presented below. The basic facts
mentioned below were personal experiences shared by the interviewees.
Nurses
The nurses in Switzerland have good paying jobs. Usually their salaries
are sufficient so they do not have to do “moonlighting” jobs like their
counterparts from other parts of the world. Although there are no existing
data to support the claim that Filipina nurses are highly appreciated, it is
accepted that they have good training, are efficient and caring towards the
patients.
Case study: Marissa, aged 24 when she came to Switzerland, was helped
by a family friend to get a working permit. She worked in a geriatric
hospital. At first, language was a problem. The hospital itself got a
private teacher to teach German to their two Filipina nurses. After seven
years, Marissa was named assistant head nurse. Marissa visits home
every year for five weeks. She has also built a house in her hometown.
Some basic facts of the nursing job, especially working in geriatric wards:
• work can be literally heavy – they lift and carry big patients;
• discrimination at work – some Filipinas tend to concede to
subordination, like asserting for days off; and
• loneliness – some work alone in remote clinics and have little
contact with other nationalities.
Women in binational marriages
Contrary to most assumptions that these marriages are problematic, a
majority of these marriages do work. One in four marriages in Switzerland
is binational. This amounts to more than 10,000 Swiss/foreign weddings
every year.The divorce rate of these marriages is not higher than those
between Swiss nationals. The divorce rate in Switzerland is 40 percent
(SFOIIE).
Case study of Sarah, from Panay Island, who knew her husband from
the penpal magazine many years ago. Sarah was quite isolated since
the family lived in a village in the hills. She would have to walk down
the hill for 30 minutes to get to the next bus stop. Her husband did not
encourage her to learn to drive. She also did not assert herself. Raising

three children kept her busy. She said it also gave her direction in life.
Sara suffers from depression which she alleviates by singing. She talks
fondly of her children who seem to be faring well in their studies and
are finishing their skills training.
Some basic facts:
• isolation and loneliness, limited contact outside the home;
• maltreatment at home, very subordinate role at home;
• psychological violence is common;
• unfulfilled lives;
• conflict in raising children; and
• financial dependence lowers their self-esteem.
I made a survey of the problems facing these Filipinas married to Swiss
men, using a problem checklist. There were 63 respondents who had an
average stay in Switzerland of eight years. Results showed that personal
problems related to loneliness and homesickness were checked highest;
followed by the need for self development, such as needing to develop
hobbies and feeling more confident; the third ranked were health problems;
and the fourth, the need to communicate with the husband.
The results were readily demonstrated in my counseling sessions. The
personal problems resulted largely from a string of problems.The concern
for the family back home made them homesick and depressed. This can
take a toll on physical health. The need to send financial assistance to the
family and their financial dependence on their husbands created a strong
conflict. There is a deep wish to be more assertive, to be more autonomous.
For some who have lived longer than 10 years in Switzerland, a strong
need for personality development surfaced. This included the ability to
communicate and express themselves. Most of the respondents admitted
they lacked self-confidence. Some of my clients related that their self-
confidence diminished more when the husband repeatedly put them down.
They became more unsure of themselves and assertion came in forms of
aggression. This has negative effects on the family atmosphere. The marriage
is seriously threatened.
A questionnaire asking for information and personal opinion regarding
living conditions, problems at work or at home, and suggestions or advise
for other Filipinas was given to Filipina nurses and wives of Swiss men.
Table 2 summarizes the responses of 12 nurses and eight Filipina wives
and mothers.

Table 2. Interview responses of Filipina nurses and
Swiss Filipina wives
Nurses
1. Description of working conditions in Switzerland
- stressful, punctuality is a must
- motivating because of good compensation
- working in nursing homes is less stressful than hospitals
- good working conditions
- Filipinas know a lot about nursing care, here we feel confident
2. Problems encountered at work
- language barrier
- cold Winter days, getting up to start early is difficult
- cultural differences with other nurses
- sometimes jealousy from other employees upon knowing we have
good education
- some old people show racist attitudes
- stressful work, have to work fast
3. Suggestions to improve working conditions
- nurses in the Phil. should be trained to work independently
- learn the language, even before departure
- keep informed and learn new trends in nursing
- be ready to take on responsibility
4. Message for others coming to work:
- first and foremost, learn to speak German
- must learn to work fast, even to work for two persons
- be aware to change lifestyle, encounter new culture
- prepare oneself for life away from family, may cause depression
- develop optimism, not to let negative experiences put one down
- it is hard working here
- keep your identity
Binational marriage
1. Description of living conditions in Switzerland
- beautiful and clean country
- good especially when one is integrated
- hard, always busy
- a bit boring, but one gets used to it
- there is a lot of adjustment to do
- “joy and pain,“ but take the challenge
- usually difficult at the start: many new ways, like language,
culture, and different mentality
2. Problems encountered living here
- learning the German language is not easy
- working in our field or line of work is difficult, so we take menial jobs
- different way of doing housework
- social life is limited here, loneliness is common

- in-laws intervene too much
- stereotype views of Asians elicit slurs that are hurting
- children have difficulties in school
- some racist remarks affect our well-being
- feelings of homesickness or nostalgia
3. Suggestions to improve the situation of Filipina wives
- be integrated, learn the language as soon as possible
- build your own group of friends, aside from husband
- find a support group, keep social contacts
- find a job to be financially independent
- keep a positive attitude
- join an organisation
- seek to improve yourself by attending courses
- be tough and stand by your rights as a wife
4) Message for other Filipinas coming to marry and live here
- attend an orientation seminar about the host country
- be prepared to leave your family; and feel homesickness
- learn the language and the culture before coming
- know the future husband as much as possible
- keep an open mind, be willing to learn new ways
- have addresses and information of Philippine organisations
- seek support , do not isolate yourself
- be informed of your rights
Almost all of the respondents mention the need to learn the language,
in their case, German. They consider this the first step to getting around.
Some have experienced isolation and advise newcomers to socialise. Almost
all rate homesickness as a big hurdle to traverse. It appears that many were
aware that cultural differences exist, that living in Switzerland is definitely
different as living in the Philippines. On the whole, the respondents shared
a positive attitude towards their lives in Switzerland.
Domestic workers documented and undocumented

There are no working permits issued for domestic work in private
households. The domestic workers in foreign embassies possess a
‘legitimation card‘ which allows them to stay for one year. The permit is
renewable as long as the embassy certifies their employment. The situation
of domestic workers in embassies has precoccupied NGOs for years. The
so-called “diplomatic immunity“ enjoyed by these foreign personnel has
been rampantly abused. Yet, getting facts and documentation as to the plight
of these workers behind embassy gates is an impossibility. A film “Breaking
the Silence“ (Hefti/Bucher 1997) portrays four Filipina domestic workers

in Switzerland. The film underscores the human rights violations
experienced by these women. The other group of domestic workers in
Switzerland is undocumented. They work illegally in private
households.They are more likely to be exploited, work long hours and live
in anonymity.
Case study: Maria, a 40 year-old mother from Bohol, was a primary
school teacher before immigrating. She came as a tourist and stayed,
she has been in Geneva for nine years, and has worked in many
households. Her first job as an undocumented worker was in a villa
along the Lake of Geneva. She said the work was manageable, although
she had to work from 6 a.m. to 12 midnight - doing everything, including
massaging the “Madame.“ What was hard was the verbal ill treatment,
the psychological violence of being called “dumb” and being constantly
humiliated. However, she is still staying because she has four children
going to college.
Basic facts:
• undocumented workers are practically nonexistent; no rights,
no benefits as workers
• maltreatment and exploitation is common
• loneliness and homesickness; cannot visit families at all
• a worst situation to be in is to be considered “illegal“ in a country,
with constant fear of deportation
Women from the entertainment industry
The number of women legally hired under this category have decreased
considerably through the years. In the early 1980s, these women were
usually recruited as cabaret dancers. In Switzerland, they received a
temporary working permit for 10 months. Many worked under the facade
of gogo dancers but were actually working as prostitutes. A big percentage
were victims of trafficking.
Case study: Aurora, a folk dancer from Mindanao, ended up as victim
of women trafficking. She was recruited for folk dancing and found
herself imprisoned in a brothel. It took Aurora seven years to escape
her nightmare.
Some basic facts as workers in the entertainment industry:
• many times these women are victims of illegal recruitment
• Filipinas are ill prepared for this job since alcohol consumption is a
must
• oftentimes these women are forced into prostitution
• they resort to flight mechanisms like drug addictions

MIGRANT ISSUES
The issue of integration

Switzerland in comparison with other European countries has the
highest proportion of foreign residents. Foreigners with diverse cultural
backgrounds living in Switzerland currently make up 20.1 percent of the
total population. This one-fifth of the total population live, are called, and
treated as, foreigners. Until recently, their integration to society was not an
issue. Most of the foreigners living in Switzerland have only received
integration help from their immediate contacts, like the Swiss spouse,
working colleagues, cultural activities and by trial and error. The new Law
on Foreign Nationals regulates the admission and residence of non-
European nationals. It also laid down the principles and objectives of
integration of foreign nationals, one of which is equal opportunity. This
presents a big challenge to Swiss society. Equal opportunity is not possible
when discrimination and inferior outlook rule the subconscious minds of
the Swiss. Equal opportunity in all levels means easy access to housing,
jobs, renumerations, educational and learning opportunities. At present,
this remains wishful thinking. In my opinion, I believe the social integration
of the foreigners has to take place first; that is, they are accepted in society
and can freely move around and not continually being labeled foreign or
foreigner. Until then, equal opportunity has to wait.
In my informal discourse with Filipinos and Swiss in reference to social
integration, I asked some Filipinos why they did not have Swiss social
friends (going to movies, do things together), other than work colleagues.
Many mentioned the issue of language. Although a few spoke the Swiss
dialect, they felt the cultural gap in communication. The Filipinos like to
inject jokes, or word play in their communication. They cannot do this
speaking German. They feel inhibited, therefore they are not themselves.
And because of time restraints (being free only on weekends) they prefer
to interact with fellow Filipinos and have a good time. Some also said, they
did not know what to talk about. They pointed out that most of the time,
they have to make the first move to get acquainted with a Swiss. They also
have to do most of the talking.
I asked the same question to a few Swiss acquaintances who did not
have close friendship with foreign nationals. A few really pondered on the
question. It seems one has to separate groups by age especially. The younger
generation are sociable and may very well mingle with other nationalities
easily. As they grow older, the typically introverted Swiss takes over. Due

to work stress, many Swiss prefer to retreat from crowds. Socialising is not
a priority. A friend or two fill up their social needs, and they choose it that
way. These friends may or may not have foreign backgrounds (but most
often do not).
In my opinion, migrants need role models. Unfortunately, those who
would qualify to be role models might be branded as elite, therefore, not
grassroots. Thus, instead of viewing the success stories of their countrymen
as motivation, migrants resort to denial and reject their own potential.
Nevertheless, these relatively successful migrants are also most likely to be
socially and politically well integrated. This image is good for the Filipino
psyche. It is predominantly observed that Filipinos are gregarious. They
like to mingle. Once they overcome their insecurity in some situations, they
have a vast potential to be a participant. We need to tap that promise. To be
integrated is to make their lives freer, likewise less strained and inhibited.
I raise this issue, because as I have said, integration is one of the biggest
challenges of the Swiss migration policymakers. In 2003, the federal budget
for integration projects was 12.5 million Swiss francs. With this amount,
one can say that they mean business.
The issue of undocumented migrants (Sans Papiers)

In the admission system of the new Law of Foreign Nationals, the only
people from non-European states who will be admitted to Switzerland to a
limited extent are qualified workers and their families. With this new law,
Switzerland holds the most restrictive alien admission criteria in Europe.
This can mean two things. One is the increase of undocumented foreigners,
and the other is the increase of brain drain from developing countries. Both
scenarios are not favorable to the Philippines and Philippine migrants.
With the doors of Switzerland practically closed to people from the
South, the possibility of migrants entering illegally and working illegally is
stronger. There is an estimated 150,000 sans papiers; about 10,000 are Filipinos
and Filipinas in Switzerland. A good bulk of this group reside in Canton
Geneva. As undocumented workers, they have no rights. Some Swiss NGOs
took this issue earnestly and formed a special organisation for sans papiers.
The group aims to sensitise the Swiss populace to the existence of these
“invisible“ migrants. They rally for human rights, amnesty, services and
awareness for the sans papiers. They take individual cases to migration
authorities. From 2001-2004, the Sans Papiers Committee obtained work
permits for 19 undocumented migrants. They also opened an Information
Centre for Sans Papiers. Yet, there are thousands of them out there. The

majority do not have the confidence to approach any of these NGOs for
assistance. The fear of deportation is too strong.
The situation of Filipino and Filipina sans papiers are just as precarious
as the others. The light-heartedness and the gregariousness of the Filipinas
come to their advantage. They take things in stride. They are also quite
good at networking. Information about available housework even for a
few hours is readily shared.
They also have formed their support systems. They have learned to
survive. An active organisation in Geneva, Kakammpi, a Philippine NGO,
has taken significant steps towards working for the sans papiers cause of
Filipinas and Filipinos. They work closely with Swiss NGOs for the
regularisation of these clandestine migrants.
The debate going around parliaments and governments is the issue of
“black workers“ — untaxed employment of undocumented migrants. Once
again, foreigners are given the bulk of the blame. In fact, in Switzerland, an
estimated 300,000 workers are illegally employed; 100,000 or one-third of
this number are foreigners. It means two-thirds of these black workers are
actually Swiss citizens who are not paying their own federal taxes, their
social and health insurance. And they are the ones who claim these social
benefits when in trouble. It was estimated in 2001 that the economic strain
of illegal employment had cost Switzerland CHF37 billion (Economiesuisse
2003).
The issue of gender and ethnicity

There is so much talk about feminisation of migration. The discourse
emphasises largely on statistics – that more and more women are
immigrating. How about their well-being? The mental health of women
migrants has to be considered closely. Many left their nuclear families in
home countries. The migrant woman has wagered all her resources for the
family. It is very important that she remains both physically and mentally
balanced.
Ethnic migrants, including women of color, have a lot of cultural
baggage brought from home. This undermines their capacity to integrate
in the host country. The lives of ethnic women need to be examined from a
racial minority and feminist perspective, one that recognises that both racism
and sexism exist and are extremely oppressive to women of color. The other
problem is that these women may have actually already internalised this
oppression. It will take a slow process to release them from this debilitating

feeling. But no one has the time to do this, the migrant woman included.
So, she goes on with her life, working hard. Her only goal is to be healthy
enough to continue remitting money to the family.
I bring this issue to core because social workers and psychotherapists
dealing with ethnic women in Europe should be aware that cultural
competence ought to be one of their qualifications. The common practice
emphasises mainstream services that ignore the perspective and context
experienced by migrant women. The presumption is that migrant women
ought to be “acculturated“ or less ethnic, and she would be alright. A shift
in goals from mainstreaming services to multicultural perspectives for a
culturally diverse population is necessary. I lobby for cultural sensitivity
of personnel who deal with foreigners. It is of utmost importance that mental
health workers especially psychotherapists be culturally competent.
To cite an example: A Filipina (Juana) mother and wife of a Swiss was
referred to me by a social worker. She and her husband had divorced and
the Filipina was denied custody of the children. She became depressed.
She missed her children very much. She told me she was subjected to
psychological assessment. Luckily, she had a copy of the report with her. I
was aghast to read that the diagnosis was schizophrenia(!). It is brutal,
because definitely she is not schizophrenic. I thought, how easily they throw
this label around. Juana told me that the psychological interview lasted for
about three hours. I asked her if she did anything else other than sitting
and answering the questions. She said she was feeling so low, and thought
she had to do something to elicit pity from the psychologist. So she bawled
out loud and cried that she fell to the floor. And to make it more dramatic,
she crept under the table. The poor girl felt so helpless, she used whatever
means was available to her to save herself. On the contrary, western views
of temperamental outburts are pathological. For people from the South,
this can be a daily thing and not unusual. Juana did not have any chance.
She said she was alone in court during the divorce proceedings. The husband
brought his “witnesses:“ his mother and neighbours who testified that that
she was crazy and that she shouted a lot.
Cultural competence does not only entail reading about a country. It
requires a system that values diversity as well as the capacity for cultural
self-assessment. To function effectively in crosscultural situations, an
awareness of the dynamics inherent in the interaction of cultures is
important. Cultural knowledge should be institutionalised and adaptations
to diversity should be developed (Cross et al. 1989). Perhaps such blatant
mistake with Juana could have been prevented.

The issue of brain drain and brain waste
Brain drain is a serious issue. The Philippines‘ most qualified workers
by the thousands would be the nurses. In 2002 alone, 12,000 Filipina nurses
left the country. Local Philippine hospitals are suffering from shortage of
qualified nursing personnel. On the other end of the spectrum is the issue
of brain waste. Thousands of migrant Filipinos work in menial jobs not
commensurate to their professional diplomas in the Philippines. It is
commonplace to hear of former primary school teachers who work as
domestics help abroad. That many Filipinas are university graduates is not
unknown to receiving countries. Stories have made the rounds that
government officials or prominent people in host countries advertise openly
their search for Filipina nannies.
The care drain has spread its wings from nursing care to caregivers,
nannies, au pairs and domestic workers. Graduate medical doctors in the
Philippines have shifted to the nursing profession to be able to go to the
USA. The Philippines is losing its professional elite. The government is
looking the other way. In 2004, remittances from Filipinos and Filipinas
working overseas that flowed to Philippine economy amounted to $8.5
billion.
What is really behind brain drain, brain gain and brain waste is the
international financial flow that transpires between origin and destination
countries. In 2002, remittance receipts of developing countries amounted
to $79 billion. This figure exceeded total official development aid of $51
billion (Yang and Martinez 2005).
Economists and migration researchers are now studying closely the
effect of remittance flows on poverty and inequality in migrants‘ home areas.
The direct financial gain of families of migrants in the home country
superimposes the squalid picture that brain drain portrays.
COMMENTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

As is often said, migration is a global phenomenon, and a global problem
as well. The problem does not lie with the migrants themselves. The problem
lies with the host countries. People migrate because there is a demand for
their services. The first wave of Filipino workers were brought to Hawaii
to work in the plantations. Today, dozens of western countries cannot
survive without their foreign workers. They simply do not have the worker
capacity from their own citizens. In Switzerland, without immigrants, care,
kitchen, cleaning and maintenance work would be unthinkable; one quarter

of the entire volume of work is carried out by gainfully employed foreign
nationals – this amounts to more than two thousand million hours a year
(IMES). Although these services are far from invisible, they are hardly
appreciated. There is a lot of talk about foreigners as criminals, foreigners
abusing the system, ghettoes, or overpopulation of aliens. Their
contributions to society are rarely recognized. The foreigners are poorly
integrated into Swiss society. A change of attitude and perception has to
take place in the minds of the Swiss. Only then can integration have a chance.
Although globalisation may have shifted the picture of migration the
past few years, the issues remain glaring if not scandalous. Trafficking of
human beings has taken colossal proportions. Every day we hear of
hundreds of Africans traversing the Gibraltar Strait; or of eastern European
girls kidnapped for prostitution. Meanwhile, governments continue to be
preoccupied in curtailing the entrance of immigrants. The migration policies
of many European countries are as restrictive as ever. Since migrants are
getting in, in every way possible anyway, the result is the presence of
undocumented aliens in many countries. This is a big challenge to every
country.
These people may not have working permits, but they are working,
earning their daily bread and sending remittances to home country. The
host governments are more concerned about their economic deficit in terms
of uncollected tax revenues. They forget that behind the untaxed toil, these
are people with faces and lives. Yet opening their doors is not an option.
Western Europe is a fortress.
Possible approaches to migrant problems should be taken at two levels:
one is the individual and personal level. Every migrant person is unique.
Their means of coping with the challenges of migration vary depending
upon their family backgrounds, educational level, and social exposures.
The would-be-migrant should have all the possible orientation in reference
to living abroad, information about their destination countries, especially
addresses that could become handy in cases of difficulty.
Their own families should be counseled about the realities of migration.
They should be made to understand their role as support systems. It would
be an added preparation if prior to departure, the would-be-migrant attend
self-assertiveness training seminars and other empowerment courses to help
them in their journey to autonomy. This I consider one of the prime services
the Philippine government should render to their “new heroes.“ A big
proportion of those leaving the country to work do not have the slightest

inkling of life outside the Philippines. It is therefore, the duty of Philippine
officials to prepare them for this new venture. At least we owe it to them.
They are making huge sacrifices. To rub home the point – it should be
reiterated that the remittances sent by Filipinos and Filipinas back to the
Philippine economy amounted to $8.5B in 2004. NGOs in the Philippines
and abroad have asked the Philippine government to use these funds to
create jobs and for infrastructures that can assist returning overseas workers
in reintegrating. The OFWs have also the right to know where this money
goes.
The second approach should take place in the political level.
Governments should ratify and implement the International Convention
on the Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers. There should be
consciousness-raising for officials about migration. The Philippines should
resolutely work on acquiring bilateral agreements in destination countries.
Philippine embassies abroad should be more active in following up the
situation of OFWs, especially the domestic workers who live in remote areas
in total isolation and at the mercy of their employers.
In Switzerland, the situation of Filipinas in a binational household needs
more systematic research. We require a research agenda that focuses on
the family process that develops as these women enter into a binational
and bicultural relationship. We need to follow their emotional, social and
personal development.
There is also a dearth of data as to the behaviour and development of
children in these intercultural marriages. Inasmuch as a good number of
women enter foreign countries as “marriage migrants,“ an earnest study
into their lives is called for.
My concerns are the plight and condition of these Filipinas and Filipinos
in foreign soil. A big majority are simply not prepared for this unknown.
Oftentimes, they remain exploited and abused because they do not know
or do not have the means to free themselves. The bondage is debilitating
and could affect their emotional states considerably. We owe it to these
people to prepare them and their families for this trip, a trip that could
make or break them.
For the migrant‘s part, it is important that the message given to them is
self-responsibility. As adult people who decided to leave familiar grounds,
they should take control of their lives once they reach their destination
countries. They should learn to make firm decisions and be able to judge
their situations.They should be able to take necessary steps if and when
their security is threatened.

The profile of a Filipina migrant in Switzerland is multifaceted. She is
a wife and mother who juggles her identity between seriousness in her
Swiss household and the gaiety and spontaneity she expresses among her
Filipina circle. She can also be a nurse who makes her elderly patients feel
they are being taken care of by their own daughters, and more. She can also
be a domestic worker in one of the foreign embassies who is efficient at all
levels – cook, a buddy to the children, a confidant to the lady of the house,
and a loyal housekeeper to the ambassador. I doff my hat to the Filipina
migrants. They are one of a kind.
REFERENCES
Cahill, Desmond
1990 Intermarriages in International Context. Scalabrini Migration Center,
Quezon City, Philippines.
Cross, Bazron, Dennis and Isaac
1989 Towards a Culturally Competent System of Care. Washington DC:
CASSP
Hefti, Anny Misa and Min Bucher
1997 Documentary film “Breaking the Silence, invisible no more...” Bern,
Switz.
Ponterotto, Casas and Alexander Suzuki (eds.)
1995 Handbook of Multicultural Counseling. UK Sage Publications
Yang, Dean and Claudia Martinez
2005 “Remittances and Poverty in Migrant’s Home Areas: Evidence from
the Philippines.” In Özden/Schiff (eds). International Migration,
Remittances and the Brain Drain, Washington DC
Internet materials
Swiss statistics taken from Bundesamt für Migration (www.bmf.admin.ch)
Migration statistics taken from www.worldbank.org
Philippine statistics taken from www.census.gov.ph
Other materials
International Migration and Development - Fact Sheet. UN Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, Geneva, Switzerland.
Statistics taken from ZAR, Statistikdienst, Bern.
Various Migration Abstracts. European Journal of International Migration
and Ethnic Relations. Edition Parabolis. Berlin Institute for Social
Research. Berlin, Germany.

Maria Claras in Viking Country
FILOMENITA MONGAYA HØGSHOLM*
Starting in 2005, Filipinos in four Nordic countries—Finland, Denmark,

Sweden and Norway—have been celebrating anniversaries to mark the
60th year of diplomatic relations between these countries and the
Philippines. It is not known to what extent the countries themselves have
reciprocated towards marking this kind of milestone, but it is noted that
the Filipino communities in all four countries have arranged activities
towards this end. This little treatise is not meant to speculate how requited
is the Filipino’s penchant for this part of the world to which they have
migrated in ever increasing numbers during the last many decades. Suffice
it to say that the Philippine Community is growing steadily.
The latest report of the Philippine Embassy in Stockholm to Congress
up to midyear 2006 estimates that there are now a grand total of 25,964
landbased Filipinos residing in the four countries—permanent as well as
temporary—including six temporary migrants in the Baltic states: Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania (see Table 1).
The presence of Filipinos in their midst appears to make citizens of the
Nordic states develop more interest in the Philippines, like touring the
country. The latest statistics of 31,000 visitor arrivals of Nordic tourists
(except Iceland which is under the jurisdiction of the Court of St. James
(UK) ) in 2005 confirm the growing interest of Nordic travelers in the
Philippines. This represents a healthy 16.5 percent growth over the 2004
figure, with Sweden showing the highest increase among Nordic visitors
at 23.4 percent. We have no statistics over the number of Nordic (non-tourist)
residents in the Philippines.
At the same time, there are efforts on the part of the Philppine
government to make Filipinos in the Nordic countries aware of a Pinoy
community in their new home. Pulong ng Bayan is a regional conference

organised by the Philippine Embassy, which started in 2004 in Helsingborg
(Sweden) and followed in Oslo in 2005, designed to bring together Filipino
organisations in the Nordic and Baltic regions under a particular theme
decided upon by its Working Committee. The next Pulong conference will
be in autumn of 2007.
Table 1 Statistical overview from medio 2006 on Filipinos
in the Nordic states (January-June 2006)
Male Female Total

Sweden
Permanent 1,920 5,580 7,500
Temporary 432 1,694 2,126
Undocumented Low no Low no Low no
Norway
Permanent 1,925 5,955 7,880
Temporary 536 2,546 3,082
Denmark
Permanent 611 1,621 2,232
Temporary 574 1,915 2,489
Finland 178 471 649
Baltic States 6 0 6
Total 6,182 19,782 25,964
Not tabulated in Table 1 are the 18,000 seamen in Norwegian ships, 1,417 and 720
seafarers in Danish and Swedish vessels respectively (2005 figures).
The Philippine Embassy in Stockholm however, notes that none of the

Nordic countries has ratified the International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of Migrant Workers and members of their families. This article
hopes to adequately cover Denmark. The Scandinavian countries have very
similar policies and practices when it comes to dealing with foreigners,
although contrast is often made between Denmark and Sweden, the latter
believed to be more favourable. Finland, which is not quite Scandinavian
but Nordic, is being covered by Teresita Z. Ruutu in this volume.
If one were to have command of any of the sibling languages (Danish,
Norwegian, Swedish and the far-away cousin, Finnish, all of these esoteric
languages spoken by small nation groups of 5 to 8 million people) and then
able to keep abreast with the media coverage of immigrants and other
foreigners, chances are that one will conclude that the migrants coming
from the Philippines in the Nordic setting are only of one gender: female.
In fact many people do. But with modifications.

Today, Filipinos of the opposite sex/gender sail with cruise ships, work
on Scandinavian tankers and other cargo ships, not always registered under
a Nordic flag, but as seafarers. We see them ashore only when their vessels
are docking on any of the ports in the region: e.g., Copenhagen, Oslo,
Stockholm. As far as statistics are concerned, there are a total of 18,000
Filipino seamen working in Norwegian ships alone, according to the
Norwegian Shipowners’ Association in 2005. Additionally there are 1,417
and 720 seafarers in Danish and Swedish vessels, respectively. There are
also a few Filipino men married to Nordic women but the gender ratio is
almost 1 to 4 in favour of the female gender so Pinays (Filipinas) rule in the
land of the Vikings.
FILIPINOS IN DENMARK
Filipinas have occasionally hugged Danish headlines in such stories as
drug smuggling, white slavery, mail order brides (also considered slavery
by Danish feminist groups), helped along in the past by Imelda Marcos’
3,000 pairs of shoes, Cory Aquino and her coup-wracked presidency and
the whims of nature such as earthquakes, land and mudslides and
supertyphoons. Predictably these topics would be resurrected at least twice
in the year during summer when the whole country is in the doldrums and
must be woken up, and also sometime in December when Danes go
Christmas-crazy, to steer them away from baking their vanilla cookies and
gingerbread people and again be pushed and hyped to buy newspapers.
This is to the consternation of the Filipinas in this oldest kingdom of the
world, who always have some explaining to do to –or hide from – colleagues
at work the following day after, at the latest news item on TV or print media
about fellow Filipinas.
Sex sells, but violence and exploitation sell even better

Indeed around December when the impending Christmas rush gets
people in a trance, as well as in summer when the sunshine-starved
Scandinavians go to the beaches, the newspaper industry takes it upon
itself to wake up the hibernating population by sensationalising their pseudo
news. A foreign woman in tears –preferably in Moslem veil such as the
hijab– in the pages of one’s daily newspaper is bound to sell copies. Asian
women including Filipinas have comprised media fare from time to time.
In an Asian Women Dialogue that I organised at the Danish National
Museum in 2003 under the auspices of the Images of Asia festival, it was
revealed that second generation, or daughters of Asian women in Denmark

are scarred by the same sexual stereotyping to which their mothers’
generation was subjected. To the ordinary Dane, Swede or Norwegian, the
Philippines is about the three Cs—corruption, coups, and catastrophes—
and Filipino women whose personal catastrophe it is not to be seen as
individuals, but as stereotypes based on gender: the mail order bride,
trafficked for white slavery, exploited, the victim.
In the 1990s, violence was the buzz word and Danish women NGOs
would go to the barricades for the global Filipina (at home in the
Philippines), linking her with global sexual trafficking. But this left
immigrant groups in Europe to tackle alone the issue of domestic violence
in Denmark that could well be perpetrated by the Danish husbands of
immigrant women who risked being deported if they did not stay married
for an obligatory two, then three, now five years (a double jeopardy under
an Aliens Law that deports the victim instead of punishing the perpetrator).
In those days, the yearly arrivals of Filipinos would be around 100, and 95
of these would be women.
This was not always so.
Historical hindsight
The history of Philippine migration to Denmark started on single notes,
mainly individuals who met, fell in love and have since gone on a duet
through life. Indeed, the first known Filipino to wander into this corner of
Scandinavia was said to be a Philippine-born American soldier who fought
in Europe under the Allied Forces against the German powers. He met a
Danish nurse in gay Paree and love made him follow her to Copenhagen
where they settled, established a family and lived happily ever after with
their children and grandchildren.
But the liaison between Filipinos and Danes is a many splendoured
thing. The succeeding arrivals in those early days would be women, Viking
bounty in a manner of speaking, washed ashore on the arms of their Danish
husbands. Several lasting liaisons I happen to personally know of were
Loveboat-like romances in the 1950s,where the demure Filipinas traveling
in ships for their overseas journeys became besotted by Danish ship
personnel and walked down the aisle, their blond and blue-eyed romeos in
tow, when they hit land. Then in the 1960s came mercantile ships with
their load of Danish sailors who waded into Manila Bay where they met
adventurous Filipinas, who after some hectic exchange of love letters,
decided to tie the knot and followed their Vikings to Scandinavia.

Another form—or is it norm—in the 1960s and 1970s was that of
Filipinos studying abroad, such as the US and Europe, and meeting their
Danish spouses in the university setting or in work situations. This kind of
intermarriage between Filipinos and Danes occurred as commonly as with
the other nationalities that Danes came into contact with when they went
out into the world as maritime employees or as recruits and expat personnel
of multinationals. Among these was Danish Maersk which at that time
actually forbade its employees to get married while on tour or on assignment
abroad.
Labour migration
In the late 1960s, a form of Philippine labour migration started to seep
into Scandinavia. The Nordic economies were riding on a crest and needed
extra hands to man the machines. Recruitment of Filipinos at a small scale
started. In my video documentary (Invisible amongst Invisibles) on Filipinos
in Denmark, an informant revealed that there was recruitment going on in
Manila at that time. She preferred to go to London herself, where she already
had friends, but when this did not push through, and another friend of
hers was going to Denmark instead, she just traveled with her on a tourist
visa, and there was no problem finding a job upon arrival.
A rumour that has since been elevated into myth was about a group of
50 male and female teachers, accountants, and other college graduates who
ended up unintentionally in Copenhagen. During a stopover in Copenhagen
airport en route to Canada, they found out that they had been duped by
their travel agent back home. When the local Danish press got wind of the
story and wrote about it, many a hotel manager’s heart melted and the
Filipinos were offered jobs in hotels and restaurants. Thus began the saga
of Filipino labour migration to Denmark.
The work-hungry Pinoys fitted quickly into the blue collar industry
deserted by Danes who had moved on to white collar jobs. They started by
working in factories: margarine or chocolate. It did not matter to the often
college-educated Filipino, some of whom would be absorbed in aircraft
maintenance, and some would be engaged in light industry assemblage for
electronics and household appliances, etc. One thing distinguished the
newly arrived Filipinos from the immigrants that were already in Denmark
at that time and who were from Muslim countries such as Turkey, Pakistan,
Morocco and former Yugoslavia. Their women folk would have a reclusive
existence perhaps due to their lack of education and certain cultural norms.

The Filipinos who came for work were of two genders, and both equally
had rights to family reunification. They would later become “invisible” in
the sense that they had few social problems associated with them like
unemployment, according to Karen Andersen (a consultant at the Social
Ministry, now retired) who inputted into a radio program that I made on
the Filipinos in Denmark in the late 1980s. In fact, the Filipinos in Denmark
often had/have odd jobs besides their regular employment. They never
shy away from an opportunity to earn more.
Illegals or TNTs (tago ng tago is slang for Filipinos hiding from
immigration authorities) hardly exist, so says the statistics from Stockholm,
because the only way TNTs can subsist is to find informal, often domestic
work of the invisible kind, in the private sphere. In northern Europe,
however, there is almost a cultural resistance and ethical stigma attached
to using hired hands to cope with one’s own house chores and other
domestic routines.
But thanks to globalisation, things are changing. People are on the move,
fortress walls are crumbling down. Where before, European countries were
closing their borders to all who came from the less developed South, now
governments are actually recruiting migrant labour, albeit from the more
skilled groupings which will result in brain drain, e.g., the recruitment of
health professionals. The Philippines has long supplied Norway, Austria,
the UK and Ireland with nurses, and doctors for Canada and the US.
New generic Filipina: the au pair

There is a new silhouette in the streets in Denmark, and a renewed
interest kindled on Filipinos in Denmark. A young Filipino lawyer laments,
“it has been hard to pick up a newspaper or turn on the TV without there
being a mention of au pairs.” These “new kids on the block” in Scandinavian
suburbia are the youthful (aged between 17 and 29) Filipina au pairs, some
of whom so diminutive or “cute” that I mistake them for the grade school
kids who are actually their wards. I find myself standing in the same queue
with them in my local supermarket. For this is what au pairs are supposed
to be, literally “on equal footing” with their host families when it comes to
domestic chores. It has never been the intention that these young people
(mostly female although there are a growing number of males but still very
much a minority of less than five percent) should provide cheap labour to
young Danish families with two careers.
The Council of Europe’s rules that have been operating since 1969 stress
the fact that it is primarily a cultural project when au pairs come to live

with European families. They may work from 3 to 5 hours daily, must also
have a day off each week, and must be provided board and lodging. Often
they are provided TVs in their rooms, and a few even laptops! Although
not obligatory, they must preferably learn Danish during their stay in
Denmark.
The rising Danish statistics on Philippine au pairs (from 100 persons in
1994 to some 1,500 in 2005; 1200 individuals as of November 2006) in
Denmark has so alarmed the media that recently, a new gratis newspaper
called “Twenty-four Hours,” tried to anchor its “virgin” edition on the au
pair story. And when we in our network (Babaylan Denmark, Philippine
Women’s Network) refused to add to the melee, some other sectors in the
community, made for willing tools of the so-called yellow sensationalistic
press who normally increase circulation by writing, nay digging up some
old bones, and making an attempt to “cook new soup” out of old bones.
At that point in time, the au pair issue in Denmark had indeed turned
for the worse: the Danish Immigration put a stop to the entry of Filipino au
pairs effective immediately, after allegations in media that they were being
misused by some host families who treat them like domestics. There were
also incidents of Filipina recruiters milking the hapless au pairs by taking
almost all of the meager allowance of 2,500 D.kr.(ca. PhP25,000) for payment
of debt incurred by the au pair for her plane ticket, which should have
been shouldered by the host family in the first place. Unfortunately there
are always rotten fruits in the Philippine basket.
But what is perhaps not relevant to the Danes is the fact that there is
widespread extortion of the departing au pairs at Manila International
Airport, and presumably other exit airports, where departures can be
delayed if they do not pay “escort fee” to the tune of PhP40,000. The au
pair, under some pretext, is taken off the queue and told that her departure
will not happen if she does not pay up. This scandalous practice is a direct
result of the government ban on au pairs which makes them prey to these
goons at Manila international airport.
During a recent Pulong (periodic community meeting of all
organisations in the Nordic and Baltic countries) in Oslo, it was aired that
we can better ensure the au pairs situation if visas were uniformly issued
from the Philippines and by a single government agency, meaning tacitly,
a lifting of the current government ban. After all, au pairs are on an exchange
program and do not have working visa. But an authority that can somehow
regulate visa requirements and uphold certain rules and ethics, as well as

authenticate contracts and residence applications will ensure legality and
fair play. And thwart the vicious pests at the airports.
Our network, Babaylan, the Philippine Women’s Network was at the
forefront of taking the initiative for a Task Force on Au Pairs and Seafarers
during the first Pulong in Sweden in 2004, and has since followed this up
with a Public Forum in February this year, with inputs from KULU (Krinde
Ulands Udvalg), a women and development national NGO and FOA (Fag
og Arbejde), the labour union in Denmark that has most to do with
semiskilled workers in among others, the public health and social sector.
The synergies so far have resulted in the formation of an Au Pair Network,
with Babaylan and FOA as co-anchors. Their two-fold purpose is to come
up with ideas to improve and secure the au pairs situation under existing
rules and legalities, and also offering the au pairs who meet problems
regarding abuse a chance to be heard and eventually helped to take legal
recourse as the need arises. The new network’s composition will consist of
representatives from women’s groups, academics, Filipino organisations,
the aforementioned labour union FOA, and not to forget the parish priest
Fr. Patrick Sheils, a kind of spiritual anchor for the Filipinos of Copenhagen.
Integration
Today, with foreigners nearing nine percent of the Danish population
or almost half a million (463,000) out of a population of 5.5 million, Danish
society is single-minded about the issue of integration, often criticised at
heart as assimmilation, it being one-sided, seen from the immigrant’s point
of view. Be that as it may, language skills, having one’s secure place in the
labour market, acquiring educational opportunities open to one, and
participation in the body politic be it in the political process or the social
and cultural sphere, these are the requirements for foreigners to have a
smooth fit into the host society of Denmark.
The Danish language is one of the biggest stumbling blocks for all
foreigners in Denmark in their integration into Danish society. Supposedly
very simple grammatically speaking, Danish conjugation of verbs being
rather plain—nothing like the 16 forms that Tagalog (Pilipino) offers, nor
has it the feminine/masculine dichotomy of Spanish, French, Italian—
Danish is nevertheless difficult to handle phonetically. No matter which
language group one comes from, there is perceived to be a huge gap between
written and spoken Danish. This is what frustrates would-be speakers of
this esoteric language of 5 million people.

And it does not help that when one speaks to Danes in Danish, the
communication is blocked by what the Dane sees before them: a non-Dane
with black hair, slanted eyes, round face: ergo unintelligible. One has to be
prepared to repeat what one says because the Dane will always say,
Hvaffornoget? (What did you say?). It is no wonder then that among the
early arrivals of Filipinos to Denmark, their command of Danish is rather
poor. Recently, Lady N. was suddenly widowed, and although she has
lived in Denmark almost 40 years, she was rather helpless. She can of course
read and write Danish but was actually functionally illiterate when it came
to navigating in the Danish system because she was totally dependent on
her husband! An auxiliary explanation could also be that the first generation
Filipinos have their jobs in the “grey” service area, some of which do not
require much contact with Danish speakers. “One cannot converse with a
broomstick,” says one old timer to me.
Maybe the strong social bonding in the Filipino community, within the
comfortable context of the Catholic church unexpectedly has negative effects
in that it can result in the cocoon mentality, of feeling good being cosseted
and ending up not leaving the cocoon, never getting to be airborne
butterflies, never getting the skills that would equip them to fly.
Extreme work ethic is another syndrome when it comes to the lack of
integration of the Filipinos. For example, some of the early arrivals lied
about their age so as to be more attractive workers at that time, but this lie
has caught up with them as they could not enjoy the privileges of retirement
and must stay longer in the labour market. Another syndrome among
Danish Filipinos is to be shortsighted and say no to offered courses that
might improve their skills and placement in their jobs because they would
rather do moonlighting, typically cleaning jobs in the black, after their
7 am to 3 pm regular jobs. They would rather earn more money for sending
home to their families.
And so it follows that the Filipinos are again invisible in yet another
context: there are hardly any FiIipinos in politics and there is a very limited
manifestation of Filipinos in the cultural life in Denmark. Scattered attempts
to bring high profile cultural groups from home that would showcase the
best in Philippine culture do not always have the support of the majority
who might even boycott these world class choirs even when they are singing
in the most prestigious places in the Danish capital (Why do we have to
buy tickets to support them, they are from UP? [meaning “we should not
help them, they are rich,”] rather oblivious to the fact that UP is a state
university where tuition fees are very low and subsidised for those coming

from low income/indigent families if they are otherwise academically
worthy). These same crowds would however not mind paying 100 dollar
tickets when some vacuous pop star comes to town. The returns for stubborn
people who persist on initiatives to uplift the cultural quotient of the
Filipinos is when Danes show their appreciation for such groups. Then all
the toils and tears are forgotten in the wake of thunderous applause for
example, after a medley of stylised Filipino folksongs.
Regarding retirement, the question of language comes up once more,
and not only for the Filipinas but also for the other ethnic groups where the
women have not at all been part of the Danish labour market nor of the
society: They may have lived much of their lives in isolation so they face a
dilemma as to how they will manage living in nursing homes, where they
do not speak the majority language, nor are there any ethnic personnel
they can be serviced by. This problematique has for years been tackled in
other European countries but it is not likely that the Danes will copy the
Dutch model of putting up old people’s homes according to ethnicity. There
is nothing however to stop Filipinos from coming together, buying their
own building and setting up a collective where the hired health professionals
can for example be ethnic Filipinos. Au pairs today, tomorrow, care-givers
for the elderly.
Denmark’s Filipinos have the dilemma of where to grow old: at their
Danish or Philippine homes. Those whose children are here in Europe may
not have difficulty in deciding but for the others, they have considerations
such as hospitalisation and medicines which are free, or at very least with
reasonable prices in the welfare state.
New breed of Danish Filipinos

At the latest annual celebration (2006) of the founding of the so-called
mother organisation of Filipinos in Denmark, the Filipino Association of
Denmark, or F.A.D. for short, there was a turn out of 1,700 persons, perhaps
a small number in absolute terms specially when one is dealing with
Filipinos in general, but in the context of Denmark, where officially, there
are supposedly only 7,500 individuals, this was a revelation. It showed a
community that has metamorphosed from all-Filipino families of yore to
today’s pattern of wide intermarriage between Filipinos and Danes and
other nationalities.
In the cultural program that day, there was a lot of participation from
Filipinos with bicultural background—ranging from the very petite

kindergarten and primary school children who were indistinguishable in
their disco gyrations from the more full-blown versions at Manila’s
lunchtime TV shows, to the beauty queen contestants who were
overwhelmingly “tisay” (Eurasian mix favoured by Filipino society where
fair skin and light coloured irises are wished-for attributes) resplendent in
their heavily embroidered jusi ternos flown in from Manila’s crop of
coutouriers, although some may have been handpicked from the stalls of
Divisoria. Even the grunge heavy metal sounding band was heavily
infiltrated with “tisoys” providing the discoing diaspora its dose of music
to sweat to or be deaf from.
These good-looking kids were products of successful unions typically
between a Filipina mother and a Danish father, some of these liaisons forged
through the intervention and help of marriage bureaus as well as of family
members and neighbours who matchmake in their leisure time. Denmark
as well as other parts of Scandinavia and larger Europe have for years been
known to let their men go east to find marriage partners, many through
some notorious bureaus who even guaranteed a return of goods (the Filipina
wife) if found unsatisfactory by the customer. Today, the brides are coming
from nearer east, so one can say that Polish, Baltic, Russian women are
taking over from the Thais and the Filipinas.
Young, fresh, innocent

On the disco dance floor this October evening, a Saturday, were these
recent arrivals, the aforementioned Filipina au pairs, who make up at least
50 percent of the entire population of au pairs in Denmark. The Danish
media is very interested in the plight of these young caregivers, who have
become the ultimate status symbols in yuppie settings where having a live-
in Filipina is synonymous with money and well-being as they indeed ease
off the high pressure that two careers demand from these young families
who have everything including the obligatory two children, the widetracked
SUVs, a couple of retrievers, and yes, the unobtrusive, smiling Filipina au
pair to fetch the children from school so both husband and wife can have
that extra hour of caffe latte with girlfriends before coming home to an
already cooked dinner. Today, the Danes cannot seem to have enough
Filipino au pairs. Neither the young yuppie families who cannot live without
them, nor the press who tends to feast on them.
Demographics in Europe and the onset of globalisation point to a reality
that in spite of the Europeans’ ethnocentricism and xenophobia, the
continent cannot continue to exist without migrant labour from the
developing world.

In particular, there is a pronounced lack of medical personnel in Europe
and for decades the Philippines has been supplying not only North America
with doctors and nurses, but nurses were also recruited to work in Austria,
Norway, Great Britain and Ireland. Their popularity was earned as much
on professionalism and competence as it was on the ease and comfortable
way of being that is the trademark of Filipinas working in the service sector:
they are simply synonymous with hospitality and competent service.
In sum, all early Maria Claras who have braved cold weather and
language barriers to settle down with their Viking farmers and fisherfolk
husbands in the more remote areas of the Nordic peninsula, have gone
respectable with goodlooking and talented children in the favoured tisay/
tisoy (Eurasian) mold, winning recognition in international beauty contests,
talent shows, in music and dance. Or just taking their places in Danish
society as regular citizens, while maintaining ties to the homeland by
keeping or renewing their citizenship as allowed by a few of the Nordic
countries, and by voting in the national elections that allow overseas
Filipinos to send their ballots through the Philippine embassies abroad.
FILIPINOS IN NORWAY
Like in Denmark, the first Filipinos who came to Norway did so in
response to Norway’s need for labour to service its industry and service
sectors at a time when the economy was in full swing in the early 1970s.
There were Filipinos engaged in shipping who opted to stay on as foreign
workers, and later came the nurses when the country‘s health service opened
itself up to the Florence Nightingales from Asia. Since the arrival of the first
nurse hired in Norway at Rikshospitalet, Filipino nurses have become the
largest professional group in the country.
Nurses continue to be welcomed in Norway which has 380 licensed
nurses who were helped by relatives and who applied directly with the
hospitals concerned; 310 registered with the Philippine Nurses Association,
95 percent of which have become Norwegian citizens; and another 200 who
are non-PNA registered who came in the 1970s and are now also Norwegian
citizens.
The need for service workers of companies such as SAS (Scandinavian
Airline System) also led to the recruitment of Filipino overseas workers
who have settled and raised families here, further enriching the Filipino
diaspora in Norway. Since FCN (Filipino Community of Norway), more
Filipino organisations have sprung up in Norway.

According to Philippine Embassy annual reports (2005) there are also
domestic workers in Norway who work with diplomatic missions, or as
staff members in embassies, but there are no qualified numbers.
Mention is also made of the au pairs who come illegally to the region in
spite of the Philippine government ban on this type of arrangements, assisted
presumably by family members, friends, and lately by agencies operating
on the net. Some who have been domestics in Hong Kong and Singapore
have easily sought entry back to Norway. In general, Nordic countries are
all closed to recruiting unskilled workers such that a quota in Norway in
the Millennium for 5,000 workers has still not been met. No wonder au
pairs in Denmark whose stays have expired continue to Norway where
they can first stay for two years, as against the Danish situation which is
only for a year unless there is a petition for another six months, i.e., in all 18
months.
The total number of Filipino immigrants of permanent status numbered
7,880 while temporary migrants numbered 2,610. Of these, 6,915 would be
first generation, while 965 would be second generation. 5,416 among these
are no longer considered immigrants. Some 2,606 individuals reside in the
capital Oslo.
The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) recently announced the
opening of the resident Embassy of the Philippines in Oslo on April 30 this
year. This implies that Norway, a non-EU country is a priority concern of
the DFA for various reasons: the Philippines-Norway diplomatic relations
span nearly 60 years of meaningful interaction, and Norway is a recognised
leader in the area of conflict resolution and has played a substantive role as
third-country facilitator in the GRP-NDF peace talks since 2001.
Economically, the new diplomatic post will enhance export possibilities
for Philippine agricultural products, of which Norway is a net importer, as
well as information technology goods and services. There is also potential
Norwegian investments in the Philippines, e.g., oil and natural gas
exploration and equities. Norway seems also available for cooperation in
the maritime sector, particularly marine resources management, marine
environmental protection and maritime safety which will be advantageous
for our island archipelago.
On the consular side, there is an estimated 14,600 Filipinos working
and living in Norway (first- and second-generation immigrants and OWFs)
in addition to some 18,000 Filipino seafarers on board Norwegian vessels.

In the 1980s, Radio Pinoy, the first ever radio program for Filipinos in
Europe started airing at FM 104.8 every Monday, and broadcasted Filipino
songs and news. FCN also initiated sports activities that led to the formation
of basketball teams and bowling teams that played in both Filipino and
Norwegian sporting events. The Filipino community, also cognizant of its
responsibility to undertake humanitarian activities for the benefit of disaster-
affected areas in the Philippines, launched in 1991, the Mt. Pinatubo disaster
campaign to appeal for donations in cash and kind for distribution to
affected areas in Pampanga and Bulacan.
According to the Philippines’ Department of Tourism (DOT) statistics,
some 7,000 Norwegians visit the Philippines annually. There is good reason
to be optimistic that, with adequate information dissemination, the number
of Norwegian visitors, noted for their high purchasing power, would
increase even more.
FILIPINOS IN SWEDEN
From 2006 figures that the Embassy in Stockholm has gathered for
submission to the Philippine Congress, there was a total of almost 10,000
Filipinos in this so-called Venice of the North. Like data gathered from
almost all diplomatic posts, the data on Swedish Filipinos might not give
the complete picture. Nevertheless, the trend of approximately four times
more women coming to Sweden than men is re-echoed here. There are
very few undocumented Filipinos, the Embassy asserts, and one can well
believe it about the Nordic countries. Welfare states that keep a very high
profile in terms of human rights, democracy, gender and ethnic equality,
etc. are precise in their procedures of keeping track of people.
In the early days, it was easy to get a permit to stay, at least in the
service sector: the usual place to quickly find placement for the many well-
educated Filipinas who left jobs at home as teachers, accountants, secretaries,
to name a few.
Like the other Nordic countries, Sweden was not meant to be a final
destination but rather a stepping stone to North America especially. But
for those who stayed, many of them vintage 1970s, they have discovered
that the ”Swedish smorgasboard (literally ”bread and butter” table or
spread) is not just a land of bread and butter, nor a land of opportunity, but
above all of dignity” (Filipinos in Europe Magazine 1995).
It does not surprise one to know that there are a few political activists
who have found refuge in what can easily be dubbed the most libertarian

corner of Europe that has managed to keep the flag flying high when it
comes to integration of its ethnic minorities.
In the country exists so-called Filipino ”solidarity groups” who had
their raison d’etre in the anti-Marcos struggle, at a time when there were
other causes: anti-nuclear campaigns among others. It was the heyday of
the leftist movement and the red carpet was rolled out for the presumably
politically persecuted, but goodwill could only be kept up when the
newcomers have mastered Swedish. ”Language is power,”says Virgilio
’Sokoi’ Roxas, half of a duo of activists still living the dream in Scandinavia,
making the transition from solidarity to scholarship and anchoring
themselves in the bosom of their family. Everyone realises how important
it is for Filipinos to learn the language, indeed it is a prerequisite to any
kind of success. ”Sweden cannot be a home away from home unless you
speak Swedish.”
Sheila Ocampo Kalfors (former correspondent for the Far Eastern
Review and later married to the Swedish ambassador to the Philippines)
view is that ”except for those living in Great Britain, the linguistic barrier
aggravates cultural differences. Despite the global use of English, the
powerful Western nations rely only on their own language. “You speak
their mother tongue and half your anguish in isolation is solved.” She goes
on to aver that ”Philippine Nordic linkages have always been trade and
technology-oriented. But the greatest lessons in the process of
transformations undergone by European states lie in how governments
intervene to provide citizens with the social and economic security of
welfarism.” Behind this is a realisation that there is an urgent need for
organisations to sustain and expand social relationships between Europe
and the Philippines. ”We were citizens of the Philippines before we became
Swedes, Germans, British, French, Italians, etc. In forging this link between
the past and the present, we must proceed from a communityof shared
goals,” she concludes.
Sweden is today associated with an openness in dealing with
immigrants, and in receiving political refugees, certainly a positive record
which is in stark contrast to the very restrictive Danes across the Sound
who have harvested a string of complaints and criticisms from international
bodies (UN, Council of Europe, the EU) about the way it discriminates
against certain groups in society, and fails to uphold human rights which
in specific cases, have been litigated all the way up to the European Court
of Justice. Since the Danes introduced the 24 year rule (ban on marriages
between ethnic minority spouses under 24 years of age) there has been an

increase of Danes settling with their foreign-born spouses on the other side
of the Sound, in the Swedish city of Malmoe.
Bayanihan, one of the pioneer Filipino solidarity organisations in the
country, and based in Helsingborg under the leadership of Mr. Ed
Gumabon, actively supports development projects in the country, and
signals the kind of lifestyles Filipinos lead in Sweden, which gives them
ample time to advocate, lobby, inform and fundraise for projects that benefit
the presumably less fortunate Filipinos that we all left behind in our
hometowns. Sweden also has the most number of expatriate Filipino
organisations in the whole Nordic area.
Author’s notes
Filomenita Mongaya Høgsholm has also produced the documentary
film on Filipinos in Denmark entitled Invisible among Invisibles, now available
in DVD and VCD.

Filipinos in Finland
TERESITA ZURBANO RUUTU
Maintenance of own culture and identity

With perhaps a few exceptions, the first thing that immigrants do as soon
as they arrive in the country of destination is to find coexpatriates in the
area, even just one with whom they can share and compare their new and
different experiences without fear of embarrassment or offending the local
inhabitants. In experiences where coexpatriates are distances away, the
acquaintance of immigrants from other countries is likewise sought.
As migrants, we all face the common problem of adjusting and keeping
the balance between our own culture and that of the new, of one’s host
country. It is difficult, if not almost impossible for an adult to alter a pattern
of behaviour that has been practiced for years. Fortunately for us Filipinos,
we easily camouflage our old way of life and we even share them with our
Finnish acquaintances and relatives. I, for one, have stopped using the
umbrella to protect myself from the sun, while my Finnish husband, though
he cannot stand the smell of bagoong (fermented fish), will rather use the
spoon when eating rice.
In Finland, old Filipino traditions are being encouraged provided that
they can be assimilated into the country’s practices and habits, and that
they do not contradict with what is legally allowed in the country.
Assimilation and job opportunities

There were about half a dozen Filipinos in Finland when I first arrived
in 1974. More than 30 years on and there are now approximately 1,000 of
us, of whom about half have already become Finnish citizens. Majority are
women married to Finns, others are working as domestic employees of
families from different diplomatic services, some in embassies, and some

as au pairs with Finnish families. Many were able to bring in their closest
relatives, especially minor dependents.
Very few Filipinos have landed into the so-called “white-collar” jobs.
The lack of knowledge of the Finnish language limits the opportunity to
find jobs that suit one’s schooling and training. Some groups of musicians
and entertainers naturally have succeeded in their careers without having
first to learn the Finnish language. Recently opened nursing courses in the
English language have given a growing number of Filipino women the
opportunity to study, and later on find jobs in hospitals and health centres
in the major cities of Finland. Several have also availed themselves of the
short courses in caregiving.
Finns in general are more tolerant and accommodating towards people
of other races, and they do not see migrants as competitors and threats.
Majority of the Finnish and foreign employers prefer the services of Filipinos
than other groups of migrants because of their high skills, communication
abilities, and positive personal character.
There is no bilateral agreement yet existing at the moment between
Finland and the Philippines, therefore the very limited opportunity to
migrate to this country. Even getting a visitor’s visa requires the applicant’s
compliance to strict and rigorous regulations.
The Filipino community

Since the summer of 1983, a yearly Fiesta Filipiniana gathers Finnish
Filipinos. Started by a group of 20 or so Filipinos, most of whom were
women married to Finns, the community habitually gets together to
celebrate this festive event. Participants come from all parts of Finland, the
farthest being those coming from the northern city of Oulu.
In September 1988, a preparatory meeting was called to establish the
Suomalais-Filippiiniläinen Yhdistys r.y./ Finnish-Philippine Association and
two years later, the association’s statutes were approved and the Association
was legally registered. The three objectives of the association are:
1. to promote social contact between the members,
2. assist Filipinos to the Finnish way of life, and
3. to further knowledge of the Philippines in Finland.
The association, in order to serve its goals, annually organises varying
activities for the entire community, their families, and friends. These
activities include:

• Fiesta Filipiniana – complete with traditional Filipino trimmings
and practices such as santacruzan, sunduan, rigodon, folk dances and
songs.
• Filipino food bazaar – held once or twice a year and is open to the
public.
• Pinoy Pasko – annual Christmas party.
• Courses such as computer, language, sewing, knitting
• Cultural shows by a cultural performing group called pagdiriwang,
involving children, young adults, and adults alike. The group, in
varying numbers, participates in many activities arranged by other
Finnish and multicultural organisations in and outside Helsinki.
• Lectures/demonstrations on Philippine culture in Finnish
establishments and organisations and in Finnish schools.
• Social sessions - activities like picnics, bingo , and karaoke evenings
are arranged for leisure and pleasure.
• Fitness program – aerobics sessions, badminton, volleyball and
basketball games are arranged whenever there are players
available. Tournaments are held during the summer.
The Finnish Philippine Association tries to maintain its ties with other
Filipino and other multicultural organisations in Finland, most closely with
the Suomi Filippiinit Seura/Finnish-Philippine Society, a solidarity group
that was also established in 1988, which mainly takes on the task of
transmitting multifaceted news and information about the Philippines to
Finland. Among its members are Finnish researchers, scholars, and
journalists who, in one way or another have interest and connection to the
Philippines. The activities of the Society are particularly focused on matters
concerning problems in the Philippines on development, environment,
human rights, peace processes, and womens’concerns.
Other Filipino groups that were recently formed, each one focused on
different lines and purposes, but keeping close relationship with each other
are:
• Kabayan is an association of Filipinos in Tampere
• Couples for Christ, Finnish chapter
• Lasten Tulevaisuus r.y./Children’s Future Foundation – established
in 2006 for the purpose of raising funds for the benefit of needy
children in the Philippines
Conflict areas
Majority of Filipinos living in Finland are women married to Finns,
with half of them already divorced. Cultural differences, lack of common

language and the absence of mutual love and respect are often the main
cause of problems in mixed-married couples. The worst cases are when
domestic violence occurs and where the authorities from the social work
office and the local police have to intervene. We, Filipinos are usually
reluctant to seek the help of people outside our family and circle of friends.
We also have little incentive to cooperate with these “outsiders,” especially
the police, because of fear of unsympathetic response from them.
At this point, I would like to focus on the issue of the so-called “bride
trade,” or what we commonly know as the mail-order bride. Until
September 1995, the Filipino community and the Finnish public had little
knowledge and interest about the mail-order bride issue. A detailed report
in a leading daily newspaper in Finland where the operations of a Finnish
marriage mediator in the Philippines were described triggered a nationwide
media debate participated in by nearly every newspaper, magazine, radio,
and TV program over several months.
As a result, the agent became a household name. But soon after the
first publicity, many Filipino women complained of being harrassed at work
and in public places: some were asked how much they were bought; a child
was asked by a schoolmate the same question about her mother; and while
crossing the street, a Finnish woman called behind a Filipino woman’s back,
”Whore! Go back to your country! You are using up our tax money!”
I accidentally became involved when over a period of time, a dozen
Filipino women, then married and living with Finnish men, sought me for
advice and moral support. It took some time before I recognised a pattern
in their situations: indifferent husbands who were quick-tempered and
violent, especially when drunk. One man lay on his bed, not caring how his
equally drunk friends tried to rape and beat his wife. The wives were
discouraged from socialising with other Filipinos or with anyone outside
their circle of friends. The men were strict with money. One Filipina was
instructed to jump off the tram when she spots the ticket inspector coming.
Such benefits as the maternity, homecare, and child allowances were kept
by their husbands. They were misled into signing documents and were
often threatened to be sent back to the Philippines when they started to be
too inquisitive. The men kept their wives’ passports and deliberately
neglected them until their visas expired. When an arranged marriage ends
up in divorce, the mediator usually comes in again to arrange a new match
for the same fee. Rather than go home in shame and more broke than ever,
a woman can be a bride to several men until she finds the most satisfied
man who will keep her.

We all know that poverty and family obligations have made these
Filipino women submit themselves into such a way of life. Most women
are not aware of being involved in such activities and they look up to their
agents as well-meaning mentors. While some were fortunate to have found
truly caring partners, others were matched with much older men, many of
whom were formerly married, jobless, heavy drinkers, un-educated, and
some physically handicapped.
Many women suffered in silence, not being aware of alternatives, with
no knowledge of their rights as individuals. They feared that because of
communication difficulties and lack of evidence, facts could be turned
around against them.
Trafficking of women by matching marriages has been criminalized in
the Philippines in 1986, but there is no law in Finland to match it. There is
no clear law against the practice of mediating marriages, no law that can
stop men from marrying whoever, how many times, and by whatever
means. There is always an alarming link of the bride trade activity to violence
and abuse in Finland. It is a situation that is difficult to study as it has
become rampant not only among Filipino women but also among Asian
women, and women from the former eastern European countries. The
Finnish government is aware of the issue and has studied the conflicts that
accompany the activity. Government agencies like the health and social
welfare ministries, the police and the legal offices have all worked on
informative and preventive measures and are acting towards assisting those
who need help. The Finnish Embassy staff are aware of the situation and
are vigilant against misuse of legal migration channels.

PART II
THE POLITICAL, THE CULTURAL AND

THE LITERARY AND THE RELIGIOUS
339
Barrio Utrecht*
NATHAN F. QUIMPO
Utrecht. This small and charming Dutch city perhaps beats the world’s
great metropolises - New York, Tokyo, London and Paris - to the curious
distinction of being the foreign city most often mentioned in Manila’s lively
newspapers. Utrecht, of course, is the base of the National Democratic Front
(NDF) international office, and the home of the irrepressible Jose Ma. Sison,
the Communist Party of the Philippines’ (CPP) founding chairman, a
political asylum-seeker in The Netherlands.
From Manila, my friend Joel Rocamora writes: “Journalists covering
the Defense Department say that some generals believe that Utrecht is a
country. It has loomed so large in their fight against the CPP that I suppose,
for them, it might as well be one.”
Some of the Filipino political exiles actually living or working in Utrecht,
however, think in terms of what seems to be in the opposite extreme. To
them, Utrecht is more like a barrio.
Political exiles constitute only a very small segment of the Filipino
community in the Netherlands. Most of us reside in Utrecht. Some, like
Joma and myself, are asylum-seekers whose applications for political
refugee status have yet to be approved. Others, most of whom arrived in
this country during the Marcos era, have been formally recognised as
refugees. Still others have become Dutch citizens. Part of the exile
community are the sons and daughters of refugees, some already in their
teens or early twenties. Comprising an extension of this community are
Filipinas and Filipinos, mostly married to Dutch persons, scattered in
various parts of The Netherlands who are not political exiles but are
members or supporters of the NDF.

The life of an exile is a most indeterminate existence. We live as though
we were in some sort of limbo. We are physically on Dutch soil and move
around in Dutch society, but we constantly think of home. In fact, most of
the work we do and the activities we engage in are still very much related
to the Philippines. As a song of teenaged children of Filipino political
refugees here aptly put it, “We are souls of two worlds/ Belonging neither
here nor there.”
Before the split in the CPP and the NDF, we often got together, seeing
each other almost every day—at the NDF office, at a meeting or consultation,
in someone’s flat or at a canalside café. For many of us, contacts with Dutch
persons and other nationalities were mostly with those in solidarity and
left-wing groups and other liberation movements. For asylum-seekers,
restrictions on travel to other countries further limit outside contact. Joel,
who lived in The Netherlands for several years, remarks that the Filipino
exile community, like all exile groups, tended “towards claustrophobia,
towards a form of political incestuousness.”
Asylum-seekers like myself feel very insecure since we do not have a
permit to stay and we do not know how long we have to wait for our asylum
request to be granted ... or finally rejected. Some of us have been waiting
for over three years. We have observed how a lot of asylum-seekers from
other countries have been denied asylum or lost their appeal, been told to
pack up their things immediately and sent back home to an uncertain or
terrible fate. Our sense of insecurity has been heightened by the spread of
racism and xenophobia in many Western countries and the development
of a public climate that is growing hostile towards migrants and refugees
especially those from the Third World.
In my observation, Filipino exiles in The Netherlands, as a whole, are
not as well integrated into Dutch society as the exiles belonging to other
nationalities. Perhaps the biggest factor is the language. Filipino exiles can
easily communicate with most Dutch without knowing their language, since
the latter can also speak English. Most of the refugees and asylum-seekers
from Arab, African, Eastern European, Latin American and some Asian
countries cannot speak English and thus have to learn Dutch to be able to
get by in Dutch society.
Integration seems to be much more of a problem for Filipino exiles
than for Filipino immigrants, especially those with Dutch spouses.
Immigrants usually learn to speak Dutch in quick time since all those around
them communicate in Dutch and they hear virtually nothing but Dutch all
Barrio Utrecht 341

day. While some Filipino exiles do make the effort to study Dutch, they
usually take their time in doing so – three, five, even eight years or more. I
have taken two years of Dutch and I still can not carry a normal conversation
in it.
A political refugee who recently acquired Dutch nationality but still
spoke very limited Dutch was somewhat embarrassed when he could not
reply to a few questions at the passport control desk at Amsterdam’s Schipol
airport. “I’m an English-speaking Dutchman,” he blurted out to the
surprised and bemused control officer. Soon after, he enrolled in a Dutch
language course.
A few of the elders do not even bother. One remarked, haughtily: “Why
should I study a language that is spoken by only 14 million people?” (Wrong.
Around 20 million, not 14 million. She forgot to include, among others, her
and her husband’s Flemish friends in Belgium.)
Some friends in the Dutch solidarity movement tell me that in the early
1980s, when Filipino exiles were still very few, integration had not been
too big a problem. The exiles then, almost all aligned with the NDF,
established relations with a broad range of contacts in Dutch and Western
European society, and the solidarity movement supporting the NDF grew
by leaps and bounds. Most of the exiles learned to speak Dutch. When
solidarity group members invited Filipino exiles for meetings, the discussion
was almost always in Dutch. (In the past few years, English has become the
more common medium.)
Now, because of the language barrier, more than half of the Filipino
exiles do not understand what they hear around them – in the train, in the
pub, on the street. Integration is further rendered difficult by certain cultural
differences. I have observed the Dutch’s love for privacy and reserve toward
strangers; their calm, Calvinist-influenced sobriety and practical efficiency;
their lack of both effusiveness and ostentation; their punctuality and
strictness with self-imposed schedules; and their bland food taste – mostly,
if not all, the opposite of Filipino traits.
In the last five years or so, the Filipino exile community, unable or
unwilling to integrate much into Dutch society, withdrew to a significant
extent into itself. We stuck more to ourselves. We developed our own
homogeneous ideas and would sometimes get carried away with our own
prejudices. A member of a Dutch solidarity group commented wryly, “You
are staying here, but you are not living here.”

With many of us having a limited sphere of friends and contacts, the
breadth of our experience and perception could not but be affected. We
acquired a small-town mentality, nay, even smaller - a small-village
mentality ... with a distinct Filipino flavor. Barrio Utrecht was a barrio in
the traditional mode. Everybody knew everybody, and everybody talked
about everybody. Kung nagkikita-kita, masaya, magulo, maraming pagkain.
Mayroong kaunting sosyalan, at siyempre naman, may chismis din.
Barrio Utrecht has emerged as a very hierarchical society. This is not
really in reference to a tendency perceived by some in the past that a few of
those who had lived—or stayed—in The Netherlands longer had behaved
as if they were superior. Kaming nauna rito! Such airs— whether real or
largely imagined—were a minor irritation, easily resolved.
Occupying the top of Barrio Utrecht’s hierarchical tower are the
“elders” (mga matatanda or mga tigulang, as they are often referred to) who
have entrenched themselves there over the last few years. They have tried
more and more to impose their positions and views, particularly on
ideological and political matters, on the entire exile community and the
solidarity movement. I believe the emergence of Barrio Utrecht coincides
with the elders’ coming together as an elite circle, literally a council of elders.
The elders would often meet and discuss important questions
confronting the CPP and the NDF. But then, as they saw more and more of
each other, they had less and less contact with the CPP and NDF rank-and-
file and with members of the various solidarity groups in Western
Europe.They adopted positions on major international questions without
the benefit of much discussion with the lower levels. Increasingly, ordinary
CPP and NDF members could not identify with nor support the positions
the elders took, much more propagate them.
Barrio Utrecht’s tower had become greater than that of Utrecht itself. It
was made of ivory.
Ever since the elders’ thesis on Eastern Europe—that the collapse of
the socialist regimes there was due to the handiwork of “revisionists” and
“capitalist-roaders”—was first propounded in 1989, there were few takers
among CPP and NDF members abroad and none among the solidarity
groups except a few Maoists. Many of us were aghast when we learned
through a news clipping that one of the elders had issued a press statement
the day after the October 1991 coup in the Soviet Union virtually supporting
the coup plotters.
Barrio Utrecht 343

The handling of the Middle East crisis of 1990-1991 was a much more
heated issue. Everyone was for condemning US and Western war
preparations and actual invasion of Iraq, but most of us were not prepared
to see the NDF aligning itself with the dictator Saddam Hussein through
its signing of a joint communique with Saddam’s Baath party in December
1990. The trip of the NDF delegation to Iraq had been planned and arranged
by the elders. In an assessment meeting, those who questioned their
handling of the issue were dismissed as being “muddleheaded.” It took a
full two months before the elders learned that the NDF committee in
Western Europe had unanimously adopted a resolution criticizing the pro-
Saddam position taken and that virtually everyone in the NDF-WE
organisation agreed with the committee.
A leading NDF-WE cadre came up with the analysis that the elders’
behavior is very much symptomatic of what is known in social psychology
as “groupthink.” I think he is right. In the book Victims of Groupthink, Irving
Janis describes how a small group of policymakers falls into “groupthink”:
The members of the small-group often share an illusion of invulnerability
which creates excessive optimism and encourages them to take extreme
risks. Their self-confidence is mutually reinforcing, such that they may
discount warnings or information that runs counter to their assumptions.
They have an unquestioned belief in the group’s inherent morality, inclining
the members to ignore the ethical or moral consequences of their decisions.
Often, they have a stereotyped and simplified view of enemy leaders as
too evil, too weak or too stupid to warrant genuine attempts to dialogue.
They try to impose a dominant view in the group upon all its members and
are quick to censure and drive out of circulation viewpoints that do not
conform, putting pressure on any member who expresses strong arguments
against any of the group’s stereotypes, illusions or commitments. Then they
take the silence of dissenting or doubtful members to mean that there exists
virtual unanimity in the thinking of the group. Finally, there are self-
appointed “mindguards” — members who protect the group from adverse
information that might shatter their shared complacency about the
effectiveness and morality of their decisions.
Aside from the various forms of narrow-minded behaviour that have
already been described—“exile-think,” “barrio-think,” and “groupthink”
—there is still one more that tops them all: “methink.” It does not take
much to find out just exactly who is afflicted with this syndrome in the
Filipino community here. Just read the title of his book. Or listen to him
talk... and talk ... and talk. Just try discussing with him; you’ll get a nice

professorial lecture. You are lucky if you manage to butt in with a sentence
or two. (Someone tells me “methink” is a weak word to use; he says the
more precise term is “megalomania.” I cannot write on that since I would
end up writing a book instead of a short essay like this one.)
Sadly, in Barrio Utrecht, methink fast becomes groupthink. The other
elders always accept the Great Leader’s illuminating thoughts as gospel
truth and fervently perform the thankless and often—impossible task of
translating his vintage—Chinese Cultural Revolution jargon into more
diplomatic or normal-sounding language. They compete for the coveted
role of No. 1 mindguard, or super-alalay to the ideological guru. There is,
fortunately, one exception. Early on, a veteran party cadre who could not
stand the Leader’s monopolisation of discussions and the other elders’
invariably uncritical acquiescence simply stopped attending their meetings.
The CPP and NDF members in The Netherlands were among the first
to read Armando Liwanag’s “Reaffirm Our Basic Principles and Rectify
the Errors” and to be thrown into the very intense and acrimonious debate
which followed. The elders of Barrio Utrecht, with boring predictability
and in unison with the party “elders” back home, defended the Guiding
Light to high heavens and mutually reinforced one another in the face of
loud and sharp objections from the mass membership.
Many of us became victims of Liwanag’s rectification movement-cum-
purge through dissolution, disauthorisation, nonrecognition, indefinite
preventive suspension, and in one case (mine), outright expulsion. The
elders, with an unquestioned belief in their own inherent morality, renewed
their vows to fundamental principles, and renounced Satan in all his forms—
revisionists, deviationists, factionalists, counter-revolutionaries, renegades,
enemy agents, and so forth—ignoring the possible consequence that they
had put the very lives of their long-time comrades in grave danger.
In the course of the intense ideological struggle that has engulfed the
CPP and the NDF, most of us in the exile community here in The
Netherlands—together with over 70 percent of CPP and NDF members in
Western Europe and the great majority in other global regions—have
become more aware of the dangers and pitfalls of small-world thinking.
With “Reaffirm,” we have learned a lot through negative example. We now
know that the so-called “basic principles” are nothing but anachronisms,
dogma, intellectual cretinism. We have liberated ourselves from the grip of
the Elders and their narrowmindedness. Thanks to “Reaffirm,” we are now
breaking out of the bars of Barrio Utrecht. Fortunately, Barrio Utrecht has
never really taken hold of us completely.
Barrio Utrecht 345

Yes, I used the words taken hold correctly. In case you still have not
guessed, Barrio Utrecht is not really a place. It is a state of mind.
NOTE
* First Published in Sunday Inquirer Magazine, 7 November 1993 and
reprinted in this volume with the permission of the author.

Becoming a Filipino Tilburger1
MARIA OPHELIA BUTALID-ECHAVES
Early morning of 13 August 1983, I stepped out of Schiphol airport in

Amsterdam, The Netherlands. It was still in the middle of summer, and
not just an ordinary summer day. There was supposed to be a heat wave.
But I felt the cold penetrating even up to the core of my bones. What a cold
country! I’ve never felt such coldness ever.
With just a half-full maleta, Carlo and I went towards the buses which
would take us to Utrecht. There, we would be fetched by comrades of the
European department of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).
This was the start of, what we thought temporary, our stay in Europe.
Coming from the youth section of the CPP, we were deployed to Europe
to help out CPP’s international work. Carlo did solidarity work for the
Philippines, while I was assigned to help build the diplomatic relations of
the CPP and the National Democratic Front (NDF). In the course of our
stay in The Netherlands, we also interacted with the overseas Filipino
communities and became active in their various organisations.
Now after 23 years, as I look back, much has changed in our lives. For
one, both Carlo and I stepped out of the movement2 in 1993. Without
elaborating further on the reasons, I would just say that we no longer agreed
with the policies and ways of conduct of the movement as pushed forward
by its leaders. This went of course not uneventfully. On the 20th anniversary
of the NDF in April 1993, the Executive Committee of the European
Department of both the CPP and NDF formally dissociated itself from the
CPP/NDF. While most of those who dissociated from the CPP/NDF
continued to do solidarity work for the Philippines, I decided to totally
stop my political involvement with regards the Philippines. And since I
had two growing daughters, I decided to work seriously towards my
integration in the Dutch society. To be able to raise my daughters effectively
347
I felt the need to also take root in the society where they are. Then I can
understand the context where they are growing up, which is very much
different from mine. And as my two daughters continued to grow up, so
did my integration into the Dutch society continue to broaden and deepen.
Being a migrant does not automatically mean being

at the bottom of the social ladder
This was my first realisation when I started “immersing” into the Dutch
society. During my first ten years in The Netherlands, my social circles
were limited to those active in the solidarity work for the Philippines, the
overseas Filipinos, and those relevant to the care of my children such as
our family doctor, their dentist, children’s day care personnel, their
babysitter and teachers. My first real encounter with the Dutch masa3 was
when I started to work in several disadvantaged communities of Tilburg.
In a way, this marked my real immersion into the Dutch society. All along
I have always assumed that migrants are the worst-off group in society—
that because of discrimination and racism and also due to language and
cultural barriers, they are only able to take on the very low-paying and odd
jobs. But in those disadvantaged communities where I worked, I saw that
even a native Dutch can also live in utmost poverty.4 I then realised that
class differences exist in all societies. The problems faced by many ethnic
communities (i.e., non-Dutch) here are mainly because they are poor, and
not because of their ethnicity per se. And that they share many problems
with poor locals. I started to develop an affinity for the less-privileged people
of the Dutch society, both migrants and native Dutch alike. I guess this was
the point in my life when my perspective gradually changed from that of
just a migrant to that of being a Tilburger.
Pitfalls of welfare states

When I came to The Netherlands, one of the things I was very much
impressed with is how the government “takes good care of its people.”
Everybody has, for example, a medical insurance with a standard coverage
for all basic and necessary health care. When one has no income from work,
the government provides income from social security. Primary and
secondary education is a right as well as an obligation. There is a system of
student financing which gives every young person the opportunity to obtain
a diploma. There is a system of housing subsidy, and many more. For me,
coming from a country where the government is “neglectful” in taking care
of its people, a welfare state as The Netherlands seems the “perfect place to
be.”

After immersing myself in Dutch society, I realised quickly enough
that a welfare state system can have some pitfalls. Because the government
takes care of almost everything, practically nobody needs anybody. Social
isolation is therefore a very real possibility, something which is
unimaginable in the Philippines. In our study sessions inside the movement
we used to talk about “alienation from society” as inherent to capitalist
states. To me then, this was totally a theoretical concept. Only after having
integrated into the Dutch society did I understand and see how “alienation
from society” could actually happen. This term is, to me, no longer a
theoretical concept, but something which is very real, happening to actual
people, people I come across in my work. In fact, the core objective of our
community work is to facilitate and promote people’s participation in society
so as to prevent them from social isolation and alienation from society. In a
country where a lot of things are not taken care of by the government, like
in the Philippines, people naturally take care of each other. This is one aspect
of our culture that I learned to appreciate and take pride in, more and more
as my integration into the Dutch society progressed.
Since the government in The Netherlands takes care of practically
everything, there are also rules for almost everything. Understanding the
rules and figuring out which rule is applicable to which situation seems
like a “national sport” in this country. Surviving is therefore a question of
being able to “play the sport,” that is being able to avail as much as possible
of the services provided for by the state. In a way, the many rules set by the
government have served as a framework by which people address their
problems.
In the Philippines, while surviving literally means finding food and
shelter, it has another dimension, one of being able to pursue one’s dreams
and ambitions. This is perhaps one of the “charms” of a country like the
Philippines where ad hoc and flexibility are more the rule. People are not
confined to a set of rules, and therefore have to rely a lot on their “creativity”
and “resourcefulness,” thus giving more room for dreams and ambitions.
Many, if not most, of the people living in poverty in The Netherlands have
already forgotten to dream. In their own words, “they are only surviving.”
In the Philippines, many, if not most, of the people living in poverty are
also trying to survive but have still kept their dreams and ambitions. If I
were to choose where I would live if I were poor, then I’d rather be in the
Philippines. But if I were poor and sick, then I’d rather be in The Netherlands.
In my present public function as a city councilor of Tilburg I am
currently actively involved in addressing the problem of poverty. We have

defined poverty not only as a lack of money but also a lack of social network
and lack of perspective for the future. To me, a bigger challenge in
addressing poverty is that of creating a “civil society” in which people take
care of each other and making people dream again about their future, two
things which are abundant in the Philippines.
Once political always political

The level of my political involvement in the Dutch society is not an
accident, but rather a logical course of my life. There is a saying in the
movement that goes, “ang matang namulat na ay mahirap nang muling ipikit.”
This means that a person who has become politically conscious will always
remain politically conscious. Though my political consciousness started in
the Philippine context, I have always carried with me and put to use the
political analytical skills I had learned during the years that I was in the
movement. Migrants in The Netherlands with five-years of residency in
this country have the right to vote in the local elections. As a Filipino migrant
I have always made use of my right to vote in local elections. What I admire
in the electoral system in this country is how campaigns are conducted on
the basis of issues. So people vote not on the basis of personalities, as in the
case of the Philippines, but really on the basis of what the political parties
stand for.
Coming from the Philippine political left my logical choice of party to
vote for was the Socialist Party (SP). As an opposition party, SP is known
for its sharp critique of the ruling coalition government.5 Giving critique,
which almost everybody can do, is one thing. But coming up with viable
alternatives is another thing and more difficult to do. And I missed this
from the SP. For this reason I shifted to voting for the Green Left. The Green
Left though, while having a good program, appeals more to the highly
educated and intellectuals of the Dutch society. While being highly educated
myself, I have always learned to identify with the masa. One of the principles
I learned from the movement is to be close to the masses, meaning to know
what their problems are and be with them in their struggle to resolve their
problems. A political party that claims to fight for the welfare and betterment
of the common masa should therefore be a party which the masses can
identify themselves with. And to me, this was not the Green Left. So, I
looked further and finally decided to shift to voting for the Dutch Labor
Party (PvdA). I saw that the PvdA was a party which the common masses
could identify with, but was also a party which many migrants could
identify with. I saw that the PvdA was already far ahead than the other left

parties in its efforts at integrating the migrants into their political party, far
beyond than being just symbols to garner votes from the migrant
communities as in the case by the other left parties. Later, I felt the need to
know more about the Dutch political system. And I thought the best way to
do this was to become a member of one of its political parties. And this is
how I became a member of the PvdA.
Perhaps the most valuable principle I learned from my years of
experience in the movement is to believe in the strength of the masses. That
every person, no matter how poor, has an inherent strength. In my work in
the disadvantaged communities in Tilburg I have always held this principle
as my framework in relating with the people. And I have always considered
my work not just a job to earn my keep, but more a way to pursue the
ideals I have always held. And somehow my dedication to work for the
welfare of the less-privileged groups of society caught the attention of a
prominent member of the Executive City Council of Tilburg, who happens
to also be a PvdA member. And this prompted him to ask me whether I
wanted to be more active in the PvdA by applying to be in its candidate list
for the coming local elections. This is how I became a member of the City
Council of Tilburg in June 2003.6
Integration is an ongoing conscious process

I have just narrated above my integration process in the Dutch society,
specifically the political aspect of my integration. My integration process
has been an ongoing process of gaining insights from the new culture I am
in (the Dutch culture in this case) — taking on a critical attitude and
integrating the positive aspects of the new culture. On the other hand, I
continue to be conscious of and take pride in my being a Filipino.
Before going further into the topic of integration I would like to make a
distinction between the terms integration and assimilation. Individuals and
groups entering another country, as in the case of (Filipino) migrants, are
confronted with a distinctly different dominant culture, that of the host
country. How these individuals and groups respond to this “meeting of
two cultures” (acculturation) can be conceptualised in two central issues.
The first issue is whether cultural identity and characteristics (in this case
the Filipino culture) are of value and should be maintained. The second
issue is whether relationships with other groups (in this case the Dutch
culture) are of value and should be sought. In assimilation, one’s original
cultural identity is relinquished and the individual opts to move into the
larger, dominant society. In integration, on the other hand, one opts to

maintain his/her cultural identity while moving to become an integral part
of the larger, dominant society.
In a study I made in connection with my Master’s degree in cross-
cultural psychology 7 integration appeared to be the most preferred
acculturation strategy of overseas Filipinos in Belgium, Germany and The
Netherlands. A more interesting outcome of the study is that overseas
Filipinos seem to find the first issue (whether the Filipino culture is of value
and should be maintained) more important than the second issue (whether
relationships with the culture of the host country are of value and should
be sought). Contrary to what many may think, that holding on to one’s
culture is a hindrance to one’s integration in the host country, the study
shows that an important condition for a successful integration in the host
country is precisely giving value to one’s own culture. This seems to lay a
stable basis for one to explore the other culture, integrating the positive
aspects of that culture and becoming an integral part of that larger, dominant
society. For one to be integrated in the host country, one doesn’t have to be
less Filipino. In fact the study shows that there is only a slight difference
between those who feel assimilated and those who feel marginalised (that
is, not belonging to any culture). This may indicate that those who decided
to relinquish one’s Filipino culture and adopt the host country’s culture
may have been unsuccessful in their process of assimilation and thus have
the feeling of becoming marginalised instead.
At this point I would like to share an example of another Filipina in
The Netherlands, Ruby Langeveld-Cumba, who, in my opinion, is very
successful in her integration in the Dutch society, but who remains very
Filipino in her identity. Ruby has always maintained her Philippine passport
even if she can easily acquire a Dutch passport. Her reason for this is that
she made a promise to her father that she will always remain a Filipino, no
matter what. And that her allegiance to the Philippine flag remains to be
very strong despite the many years that she has lived in The Netherlands.
In her free time she is very active in a Dutch organisation promoting
partnership between her city, Haarlemmermeer, and Cebu City in the
Philippines. Through this, she hopes to do her share in the pursuit of
improving the quality of life of her fellow Cebuanos, even if it is just a
fraction of what needs to be done. In her daily life, she works as an operating
nurse in one of the hospitals in The Netherlands, highly respected by her
colleagues. To achieve this she invested a lot of time and energy in gaining
the necessary knowledge and skills required in her profession. Being
professional in one’s field of work is a universal thing and has nothing to

do with one’s cultural identity. Being able to master the Dutch language to
be able to function at this level is of course very essential. But again, one
can master the Dutch language, or any other language, and still maintain
one’s Filipino cultural identity. The point is, when one is secure and
confident about his/her being Filipino, one will not hesitate to explore the
other culture and do what it takes to be able to function in that culture.
Integration is therefore a conscious decision to function in the new host
country and culture while maintaining one’s (Filipino) culture. To have a
high quality of life we need to function in the societies where we find
ourselves in. Integration is therefore a necessary process we have to undergo.
And being integrated does not happen overnight but it is rather an on-
going process. For one, it can take the form of getting the necessary
knowledge and skills to practice one’s profession or acquire a new one. For
the other, it can also take the form of acquiring the necessary knowledge
and skills to be able to function effectively as a parent of one’s children
growing up in the new culture. And for another, it can take the form of
acquiring the necessary knowledge, skills and network to pursue one’s
ideals.
I started in 1983 as a Philippine political activist who came to Europe
to help broaden the movement’s international support. In the process I
became aware of the problems faced by Filipino and other migrants, and
thus developed the consciousness of a Filipino migrant. Also, I saw that the
problems in the Philippines are similar to many countries and many peoples
of the world. Being in solidarity with the struggles of other countries and
peoples of the world was for me a natural thing to do, wherein I developed
the consciousness of a “world citizen.” And now that I am deeply rooted in
the Dutch society, specifically in Tilburg where I live, I guess this makes
me a Tilburger. But being a Tilburger does not make me less of a Filipino.
In fact, it was my confidence and pride in being a Filipino that prompted
me to participate actively in the Dutch society where I am in. Being a Filipino
will always be a part of me, even if I have become an integral part of the
Dutch society. I am therefore a Filipino Tilburger.
NOTES
1 Tilburg is the name of a city in The Netherlands, where the author
currently resides. Residents of this city are referred to as Tilburgers.
2 The term “movement” refers to the CPP/NDF.

3 The term “masa” is used here to mean that part of the Dutch population
belonging to the lower social class. The term “masa” is used in this
article interchangeably with the term “masses.”
4 Poverty is a relative term. Poverty in a so-called Third World country
like the Philippines is of a different sort which is not to be compared to
poverty in a developed country as The Netherlands.
5 Having a single ruling party hardly ever occurs in The Netherlands.
The ruling government is almost always a coalition of two or three
parties forming together a majority of the seats in Parliament.
6 In March 2006 I was again reelected for a term which will end in 2010.
7 Butalid-Echaves, M.O. (1999). The acculturation of overseas Filipinos
in Belgium, Germany and The Netherlands.

Booklover’s London
JUN TERRA
When I first came over to London from Paris, collecting books was
farthest from my mind. After all I had just dumped two big suitcases of
books and manuscripts in the attic of Nena Saguil’s Rue de Ciseaux
apartment for safekeeping before crossing La Manche. I wanted to travel
light, and books, as every book collector knows, are notoriously heavy.
I had accumulated a considerable amount of books in Paris. Who could
resist rummaging through the boxes of secondhand books on the parapets
along quay de Conti across the road from the Institute de France, or quay
Malaquais that looks over the river towards the Louvre, or indeed in the
numerous bookshops on Boul’ Mich?
In my first year in London, I stayed with David Medalla and his flatmate
at Newport Place in the heart of Chinatown. David was employed at the
Slade School of Fine Arts with the rather grand sounding title of Staff/
Student Adviser. He was also lecturing on Oriental art at St. Martin’s School
of Art, pre-Galliano and pre-Alexander McQueen, which was better known
at the time for sculpture instead of fashion.
David himself was an irrepressible collector of antiques and all things
and sundry. Two years earlier, before coming to London, I joined him and
his friends John Dugger, an American artist, and Andrew Forrest, a young
English photographer (who, I was told, was related to the Impressionist
painter Alfred Sisley) on his boat, the Mayflower II in Paris. This was during
one of the most severe winters in Europe. The boat was moored on the
Seine in front of the Place de La Concorde and the Palais Bourbon or
Chambre des Deputes. As the Seine was frozen the whole winter and did
not thaw until mid-Spring, the boat was immobile, fixed on the spot like
the swan in Mallarme’s poem. At night, with its white fairy lights twinkling
355
on the invisible branches of trees, the Tuileries gardens nearby resembled a
cloudless night sky rampant with stars.
From his travels to and from Asia by ship, train and plane, David
brought back to Europe crates of Hindu, Jain and Buddhist bronzes from
South Asia, some of them from the medieval Chola period, stone statues of
the Buddha and rolls and rolls of beautifully strange and mesmerising
Tibetan thankas. There were plenty of books too, among them, Tibetan prayer
books with thin wooden sheets for pages, hand painted texts and silk cloth
wrappings. Rarely was the boat ever without guests. It was like a mini
cultural centre with famous artists like Takis Vasilakis (now national artist
of Greece) and other personalities from the Ecole de Paris visiting David.
There would also be groups of young dancers from the Paris Opera, the
Palais Garnier (their long legs, like candy sticks, wrapped in brightly
coloured woollen warmers), art critics, writers, and assortments of young
artists who would later become known in the art world.
Amidst the conversations, there would be impromptu performances
or happenings. One time we did a performance based on Van Gogh’s “The
Potato Eaters.” Very apropos and not a difficult thing to do as we were on
a subsistence of potatoes and merguez. Guests who could not be
accommodated inside did not mind the cold standing or sitting in the open
part of the boat. It was like a scene from one of Jean Renoir’s film. On quiet
days, we used to leaf through an original Hokusai mangwa, or notebook of
sketches and studies of human figures. David would open the crates and
pull out some of the masterpieces of Indian sculpture and we would marvel
at the imagination of the artist/craftsmen who made the bronze Buddha
whose tongue sprouted other Buddhas or the seated Buddha spinning the
orb with his belt. One piece that touched me deeply was a stone statue of
the Buddha, seated on top of a gander or a swan, with the beast, craning its
long neck backward to hold the bottom of the Buddha’s robe above the
water with its beak.
David was a voracious reader. In London, the walls of his Newport
Place flat were covered with shelves and shelves of books on all sorts of
subjects from the scientific to the occult, history to geography and of course
literature and the arts. Being a polyglot, he had books in French, Spanish
and Italian and German.
Whenever he came back from his teaching sessions at the Slade or
St. Martins, he would have stacks of books, some of them in beautiful
bindings, others dog-eared and stained with chicken curry gravy as they

were newly rescued from the bins. One day he brought back a finely bound
edition of Kierkegaard’s Of Fear and Trembling, never mind that none of us
could read Danish. But as we had read the book in English translation, we
were familiar with what was between the covers. It was destined to decorate
the shelf. I particularly liked looking through the wonderful illustrated books
like the beautifully illuminated medieval Book of Hours of the Duc de Berry,
or Omar Khayyam’s poetry illustrated with Persian miniatures.
Newport Place was ideally situated. One end of this short street abutted
Shaftesbury Avenue which led you to Foyles and other big bookshops. The
other end carried on under the name Newport St., sandwiched between
the back of the Hippodrome and the side of a cinema into Leicester Square.
Where Lisle St. crosses Newport Place and changes into Little Newport
Street, there was a colony of flats with red lights behind gauze or nylon
curtains. They were turned on whatever time of day or night like beacons
to guide the traveller to his Epicurean destination. Charing Cross road
nearby was an amazing colony of secondhand and antiquarian book and
print shops. Further along, into Covent Garden, when it was still the site of
the old vegetable market, there were any number of secondhand book and
print shops.
As David had so many books and I could spend hours and hours
reading them, I did not need to acquire my own books, so I thought , but I
had already been bitten by the bug of book collecting.
Like David, I was an avid reader with a widely catholic taste. It is
something I developed from childhood. Not having playmates of my own
age, save when I was taken to my cousins in Sampaloc, the books of my
adult siblings and cousins at University and the life-sized statues of saints
in their own room were my constant companions. But as the saints were in
attentive vigil over the body of the Santo Entierro, or the dead Christ in a
glass coffin, I did not have the courage to disturb them. I was more than
happy to avoid their room and concentrate on the books.
As a child, my early lessons in reading were from the heavy books on
surgery of cousins who were studying medicine. I found them particularly
attractive because of their colourful illustrations of the internal organs of
the body. A thick book on opera with sepia tinted photographs of opera
singers, costumed and en scena which my father brought back from his
student days in Chicago opened up amazing , fantastic worlds so different
from my own. My sister’s copy of Platero y Yo by Juan Ramon Jimenez with
illustrations of the sainted donkey and its melancholy life made me cry.

Although I could not understand most of the words in the books, I
could read them syllabically. The adults were always bemused whenever I
asked them what such and such word meant, especially the medical or
scientific terms. To their credit, my cousins and siblings were all indulgent
and never patronising. They explained the words in a manner I would
understand. My fascination for books, call it love, born in childhood has
not diminished but has continued to blossom and enrich my life in many
ways I could never begin to describe.
One time I went with David to one of the bookshops on Newport Court
which was then a haven for knick-knacks, bookshops and second hand
records. This little alley had not yet been colonised by Chinese grocery
shops. Although I promised myself not to buy anything as I had no place of
my own and I meant to go back to Paris and therefore did not want any
extra weight, I could not part with the first edition of Shigeyoshi Obata’s
1922 translation of Li Po’s poems which I discovered on one of the shelves.
I was amused by the cheeky naivetè of the editors who identified the painter
of the illustration opposite the title page as Liang Chick. The illustration
was a print of the poet Li Po head tilted a bit, gazing into the distance
reciting his poem or addressing the heavens. It was painted by the great
Sung dynasty painter Liang Kai, a Buddhist painter from a generation after
Li Po. Well, I thought, why not give yourself a present? I promptly paid for
it. I still keep this book with me.
I also picked up a biography of Leocadia Gardi, a great Italian beauty
of 19th/early 20th century who died rather dramatically of strangling, when
her scarf got entangled on a wheel of her Bugatti.
I stumbled too upon a curious book authored by a Victorian lady, one
Ethel Colquohoun who travelled to the Far East and visited the Philippines
at the end of the 19th century. Like the well-bred ladies of her generation,
she knew how to paint in watercolours, and illustrated her book with some
washes of scenes in the countries she visited including the Philippines. She
was also deliciously bitchy towards her American companions on the ship,
and rhapsodised on the transparent cloth the women of the Philippines
wore: the piña (pineapple fiber silk). I also found a small book , a pseudo-
anthropological study on the different sizes of the skulls of Philippine tribes,
to support the thesis that these natives were inferior to the European.
These books were my first haul and I put them in a little box in a corner
so that they would not get lost in David’s vast collection. It is not difficult
to imagine that it did not take long before additional boxes of my books

began to take over David’s floor space, threatening to squeeze us out of the
flat like a scene from one of Eugene Ionesco’s plays.
I needed to find my own place, mainly for my books. I would now get
stuck in London, I thought, but I didn’t mind. I had discovered that if God
had created a heaven for those new hard-bound books with colourful glossy
pages, or those grand beautiful books illuminated by the great medieval
miniaturists, or the antique, printed books in fine leather bindings or vellum
covers, as well as the humble worm eaten, stained, frayed, browned with
age—ones that could afford only paper for covers but nonetheless kept
some of man’s most lofty thoughts and beautiful dreams in the air—then
London was it. And any heaven for books was heaven enough for me.
Booklover becomes collector

I never really started specialising on Philippine books until I saw the
collection of Ben Cabrera, the painter and a friend from way back at the
University of the Philippines when he was a student of Jose Joya. Ben moved
to London two years ahead of me when he married a pretty Londoner, the
writer, Caroline Kennedy. Ben collected those big famous books of
navigation by La Perouse, Laplace and Anson, with original engravings.
He was not into the written word, per se, but being a painter, he was more
interested in the engravings and the techniques he could learn from them.
He had a printing machine in his studio and started making prints for the
Philippine art market. He collected antique Philippine prints, and rare
antique miniature maps of the Philippines and Southeast Asia, dating back
to the late 16th century. He tinted the prints and sold them to collectors in
Manila. I believe his collection of miniature maps were bought by the
journalist/antiquarian Jose Quirino who, in turn, sold it to Mrs. Imelda
Marcos for her Malacañang collection.
At the time, one easily came across any number of antique prints and
books on the Philippines by foreign authors in many bookshops around
London. There were plenty of books on the early American period, and the
beginnings of colonisation written by tub-thumping imperialistic journalists
like Alden March. As I had always been interested in Philippine history,
those were the ones I acquired, first as my own reference books for my
writings on Philippine affairs. I started buying Philippine books, as they
appeared, but I did not specifically search for them. After having enjoyed
them, I gave them as gifts to friends and people I liked, for their own
pleasure. Up to now, I consider giving books as presents one of the most

precious and intimate gestures. It is like sharing a peephole into the lives,
the passions, the minds and hearts of others with the recipient.
The numerous bookshops on Charing Cross Road, St. Martin’s Lane,
Seven Dials, Coptic street and the other streets in front of the British Museum
up to Southampton Row and the little streets around Great Ormond Hospital
all had Philippine books at prices affordable to students on small grants.
I began venturing further into the more expensive areas around
Piccadilly. At Henry Sotherans on Sackville Street where I bought a
beautifully illustrated book by Henry Ellis entitled Hong Kong to Manila. I
also found in their basement print shop a big hand-coloured version of a
print of Jala-Jala’s waterfalls from the French Admiral Laplace’s book of
navigation in a drawer labelled Oceania. He visited Jala-Jala when it was
still owned by Jean Paul de la Gironiere, a member of the French aristocracy
who settled there in the 1820s. A collector from the Philippines was so
enamoured of this print that I reluctantly gave it to her as a Christmas
present. A small version of this print is on one of the pages of de la
Gironiere’s book entitled Twenty Years in the Philippines.
On to the top end of the market

From Henry Sotheran’s, the road to Maggs Brothers on Berkeley Square,
“where nightingales sing,” according to a popular song, is a very short one.
This is a classy, discreet bookshop that does not look like one, but resembles
a gentleman’s townhouse. One day, Mr. Charles Maggs who was a director
of the Hakluyt Historical Society of which I was a member, allowed me to
go down to the bookshop’s basement storage room, to have a look at the
shelves upon shelves of books that were as yet unclassified by his scholars.
In my great joy and excitement, I rummaged through but found nothing. It
was not my lucky day. But I have had some happy discoveries since then.
Bernard Quaritch at Lion Square, was always dimly lit and had an air
of mystery or of scholarship. Whenever I went there, I felt like entering a
place of rituals where only the initiated are welcome, the same feeling I
used to get whenever I went into the stackroom of the old, main library at
UP in Diliman. I once took a wealthy Manila collector to Bernard Quaritch
and watched her in amusement as she gasped at the prices of their rare
books.
I began to scour London for Philippine books, going to some of the
most obscure corners and streets of the city that I would never have
discovered had it not been for books, from Lisson Grove to Lewisham, from

Tottenham to Streatham. I frequented the lunchtime book sale at Farringdon
Road in Clerkenwell. An old man sold books in boxes from a cart pulled by
a giant Shire horse. I noticed that his horse was well-bred. Not once did I
see it crap while customers excitedly went through the boxes on the cart.
From midday to about three o clock in the afternoon, he would prop up
some of the books against a wall on one side of the pavement or spread
them on the street. It was pretty scary rummaging through the piles as cars
would wheeze by, inches close to your back. At this unusual lunchtime
book market, I bought a whole year’s issue of the London Illustrated News
for 1854, bound in a thick volume with engravings by CW Andrews of
scenes in and around Manila.
Most of the bookshops where I had my most thrilling discoveries of
Philippine books are now gone. Gone too are the greasy spoon caffs where
booklovers like me took a break from their search to eagerly leaf through
their loot, while having a cup of strong tea with milk and a bacon roll or
rock cake. It was inevitable. They could no longer afford the high rents that
came with the relentless gentrification of central London. Their places are
now occupied by chi-chi bistros, boutiques and mushrooming American
style coffee shops.
But even as the bookshops in the centre of town fold up, to the collective
disappointment of booklovers, others open in some of the most unusual
and unexpected places. Pretty soon a lively colony of bookshops gets
established and becomes another haven where booklovers could renew their
momentarily interrupted, abiding love affair with books.

Parols, Dioramas and Rural Suites
BENN ADRIATICO
Like most immigrants I arrived at my host country full of ignorant ambitions.

Topping my agenda was making my presence acknowledged by my host
country so my blending into society would be smoother. In this way, the
pursuit of some if not all of those dreams in my bag would be a little bit
easier. I saw then the irritations of being stereotyped and being categorised
in a box that I didn’t belong to. Truth to tell, I was another brown guy from
an exotic country. This posed me the question, “How can I undo this image?”
I knew very well that if I just ignored it, things could be fatal in the end.
I never intended to disappear in the society, like working diligently
and adhering to the rules of this land and be apathetic to what goes on in
the then growing Filipino community. I would rather be “inside” and have
some influence on what goes on, rather than keep myself at a distance,
believing I could feel safe should the community do something wrong.
Gaining cultural understanding that works both ways would be the best
tool for integration. I knew I could only do it with the help of my
predecessors. Sadly, I found my undertaking as two-fold: The Danes did
not know much about the Philippines. If at all, they come to know the
country and nation only when there are natural disasters and political
upheavals.
My kababayans (compatriots) before me needed refreshing of their own
culture, which had by then thinned out even before they left the Motherland.
It was a quixotic task to do in Danish society that is so homogenous, and a
Filipino community that is so complacent about its own original culture.
Most were working hard in order to support two families (one in Denmark
and one in the Philippines).
Fortunately, there was the Filipino Association of Denmark (FAD) that
served as the perfect arena for cultural projects. The Association’s annual

staples: Valentine-Independence-Pista-Christmas parties held mostly in
five-star hotels have provided the perfect laboratories to test cultural
activities, while exploiting the flair of Filipinos to entertain. Indeed, Filipinos
love to cook, dance, sing, and perform.
There was an immense supply of talents, as in a quarry waiting to be
extracted. It was funny to think that I was never a student of Filipino folk
dance and music, yet the need for a dance troupe pushed me to turn myself
overnight into a dance teacher and manager, and the oldest dancer in the
group. Suddenly, doors opened for me in Danish society.
More than a sway balance with a hop

To tap talents, mothers were recruited to enter their children in the
group. The mothers’ collaboration worked well both for financing small
expenses, and stimulate the childrens’ interest in Filipino folk dances. It
was rather difficult to initiate, as we had to compete with popular culture,
and otherwise, the parents themselves had rather little knowledge of
Philippine culture.
To most Filipino parents, tinikling is the national dance they barely
tried in primary school. With the help of real folkdancing teachers in the
community whose careers got fossilised in the Danish work force, they were
now using their skills in dealing with this so the children got proper
instructions; I used the dance as cultural medium to teach them Philippine
culture and geography. Sad to find out that these kids never traveled further
than Manila malls for reasons like “too far to travel,” “absence of urban
amenities” “tropical sickness,” etc. Working with the Filipino children in
Copenhagen proved to me that original culture runs deep in the blood.
They easily learned Philippine folkdancing the way their counterparts back
home would do. Soon the dance group grew. Whatever dance numbers
looked presentable and functioned well on stage during Pinoy events and
were liked by the audience became the repertoire that we presented outside
the Association’s peripheries, for example at exhibitions, in Tivoli, the world-
famous amusement park smack in the centre of the city and on television
shows and several local cultural festivals. Unfortunately, not all the Filipino
folkdances preferred by the Filipinos, like the Maria Clara suite and some
of the rural suites, fitted the tastes of the Danish public.
For one reason or another, the group landed in conservative religious
arrangements where the guys in Igorot bahag (g-string) were asked to wear
pants and the girls in hula costumes were highly requested to put shirts
underneath their tops. This happened after a tense discussion with the
Parols, Dioramas and Rural Suites 363

arrangers and named the situation as history revisited, when missionaries
banned the hula and discouraged bahags in formal occasions.
To the Danish public, the Maria Clara dance steps, costumes, including
the music looked to them like watered-down Europeanised versions of what
are supposed to be national folk dances. This prompted the group to have
a crash course on Philippine history so they could explain to the audience
the significance of what they were dancing after every performance. This
also inspired them to take interest in more exotic dances, on ethnic themes
from the Cordilleras and the hinterlands of Mindanao. The group’s sheer
popularity resulted in invitations from far and wide. To name the most
significant, we competed in Philippine dancing arranged by a Filipino
organisation in Belgium, where we won a trophy for best ethnic (Igorot)
dance; our group was featured as the opening act for a Filipino pop singer’s
concert in Norway, where two Norwegians told us that they preferred our
group’s performance to the popular artist’s concert. We were also asked to
teach Danish youth to dance the superpopular tinikling. The Danish youth
found the national dance more of a “piece de resistance” rather than an
entertaining number, more like an entertaining sportive art rather than a
dance entry on College Day.
Boredom erodes
As the group progressed and time wore on, we had our share of classical
problems like intrigues as well as personal problems. The worst pest of all
though was boredom in doing the same dances at every performance. To
keep their spirits intact, I had to tap again the dormant expertise from the
community to teach them group dynamics, role-playing and personality
development.
It helped especially when they had to imagine how difficult it is for
their favorite pop idols to be singing their ID songs in every performance.
They learned professionalism: not to be late, to be ready, putting on their
own make-up and doing their own hair. And when the music and lights
were on, they forgot their problems and performed with bravura. The
experts’ advice was to venture into new areas.
New ventures
The group sought fresh undertakings and challenges. What could be
easier than to learn new dances that have more exotic appeal to both
performers and the Danish audience. It was none other than the clichés –
the Polynesian dances? Mabuhawaii! To modify the truism, other

international dances like Mexican and Indian dances were incorporated to
form a new repertoire with thin justifications such as the Mexico-Philippine
trade relations. The first Filipino diaspora destination was Hawaii, and one
of the members in our dance troupe was of Filipino-Indian descent who
was perfecting her flair for Bollywood dancing. So finally a new repertoire
was formed consisting partly of Filipino dances (Part I) and the international
(Part II), sprinkled with renditions from songbirds of the community. It
worked but still not enough for youths with developing hormones.
Zarzuela and tableaux

There was a focus on the youths’ versatility. Some could do monologues,
many could sing and others could do pop dances like hiphop and jazz.
Like most Filipino associations, the FAD is closely related to its Catholic
parish, St. Anne, which is located in Amager. This is actually an island in
the capital, Copenhagen, which is made of a few islands, and where most
Filipinos live. Cooperation was tapped to start a tradition of interspersing
a short Passion play during Easter Sunday mass and a Christmas tableaux
on Advent Sunday, usually followed by the family Christmas tradition.
New confirmants and communicants pitched in their talents and presence,
making these two popular narratives even more dramatic. The members
realised they could act and they urged me to stage a play. For obvious
reasons, the members were dominated by the female gender.
Since the archives did not have much material on staging plays to suit
the group’s specific talents, the solution was to write one. Knowing them
well, their idiosyncrasies and characters inspired me to write a short play
about orphans waiting to be adopted under the care of nuns – “The Dust of
Life.” This also made their acting easier because they had to be themselves.
The old formula of Pinoy zarzuela was used: singing, dancing, few laughs,
and lots of tears. It was shown for a week to mark the 25th anniversary of
the FAD, and helped financed by The Catholic Youth Club of Denmark. It
worked. It was staged again a year later, using new talents of young
Filipinos, with me rewriting the play to fit in the less performance-inclined
groups – the boys. Of course, the success of the play was owed to the active
participation of the parents, composed of self-confessed stage mothers.
Using the English language was no problem because most of the
children attended international schools and, for whatever reasons, English
was spoken in their homes. The melodies of the songs used were adapted
from old Filipino ditties. These too contributed to the effectivity of the play,

making it very Filipino and yet well understood by the Danes as well, leaving
most of the Filipino parents drying their tears with Kleenex.
Life outside the Association

The FAD went into a cultural collaboration with Bryggens
Virkeligheden. The dance group was invited to do a dance show for a week
and where they showed their acting talents in a play production in Danish
entitled Aben og Skildpalden (The Monkey and the Turtle), based on a
popular Filipino folktale of the same title, Ang Unggoy at ang Pagong. Once
again the versatility and stamina of the children’s culture group impressed
the Danish culture club. The Danish Club chairman thought I was a good
trainer, not knowing that natural talent is found in the performers’ genes.
He also noticed their different upbringing: “They behaved like Danish brats
yet heeded obsequiously the people older than themselves.” It was a
compliment rather than just a comment.
Expanding the activities

As mentioned previously, the beginning visibility of the Filipinos, on
the island of Amager caught the interest of the local Danish culture club
named Bryggens Virkelighen. Their noticeable competence in entertaining—
i.e., cooking, dancing and singing and their readiness to participate resulted
in the Danish culture club inviting the FAD youth group to participate in a
local weeklong summer festival on a theme yet to be threshed out. The
group consulted me on what to present that is very Filipino.
Disappointingly, in the first round of brainstorming, the club only wanted
Filipino participation in the food department. That meant serving chicken
adobo, lumpia and pancit for a whole week. In the next rounds, my colleagues
and I elbowed other proposals, ending with a Filipino culture week
camouflaged with a title “From the Pacific to Bryggen,” to ward off
typecasting. In the final blueprint, the festival comprised several
performances of the dance group, Filipino food festival, a play based on
Filipino folklore in Danish, arnis exhibition, and diorama of Filipino popular
celebrations from New Year’s Eve to Christmas.
The many joint night meetings observing democratic procedures were
driving the Filipino group to complacency. We were a bit ignorant of
meetings like this, where everybody needs to be heard. We, Filipinos, were
used to an authoritarian system and were focused on the product and not
the process. Well, it had to be, since in the field of arts and culture, too
much compromise destroys the authenticity of the product, and too much

dialogue delays the project. We were misunderstood as being childish and
apathetic during the process, yet our burning interest in the project was
always apparent. We learned much about the democratic process. It was
an expensive and time-consuming procedure, yet everybody ended up
learning how the other part thinks and works. In the long run, the
collaboration known as teamwork was efficient and more productive. Those
nights of debates paid off. Time lost then was now time gained in the actual
implementation, as everybody’s involvement was according to schedule.
When something went chaotic, everybody handled it easily rather than
waiting for the decision of one because they all knew how the project should
be implemented.
There was one big commotion in the project. The dioramas could not
be put up as intended. The rent of one mannequin was costly. The budget
could not cover the rent of 20 mannequins. It was really frustrating to realise
that the only way out was to use figure cut-outs of plywood. It was a pain
sawing them out and dressing them as well. But the pain was well rewarded
when the viewers understood well the global message of the dioramas,
which was very new then: a fusion of East and West that created a familiar
but different culture. The cut-outs required imagination from the viewer
and appeared a bit comical than using real mannequins. In fact, we delivered
any cultural exhibitor’s aim: to let the viewers use their own power of
imagination and thinking. We all realised later that the mannequin provider
would have had a hard time producing Malay dolls, and it would have
been ridiculous viewing the dioramas with Caucasian dummies.
Philippine centennial
I do not believe that Filipinos can unite for the sake of unity unless
there is a calamity, death and one serious reason that can be as far out, as
ousting the President of the country. The Filipino community in Denmark
is no exception. Its most prominent organisation, the FAD, instigated
indirectly its splitting up into several new associations which adhered to a
different cause yet did the same old thing as their acknowledged “Mother
Organisation.” There were many attempts to unite, reconcile, and initiate
collaboration on projects for eventual reunification. All were in vain.
The celebration of 100 years of Independence of the Republic of the
Philippines in 1998 would change all that and vindicate Filipino unity. None
of the centennial drumming up efforts from Embassies mattered until
representatives of a couple of organisations, FAD (yours truly, Benn
Adriatico) and Babaylan (Philippine Women’s Network Europe, Danish
chapter with Founder/Chairperson Filomenita Mongaya Høgsholm), took

the lead, together with the Philippine Consulate headed by the late
Honorary Consul Henning Agerskov who motivated the drumbeating to
campaign for the celebration of the Centennial the way the Filipino
community wanted it.
The event included a basketball tournament: sungka; palaro; yoyo; photo
montages of the famous photographer from the Cordillera, Masferrè, as
well as a Danish photographer, Torben Huss; a Filipino film festival; lectures;
batik and malong as well as fashion shows of traditional costumes; concerts;
paskuhan; barrio fiesta; picnics; and of course, beauty pageants. One family
even initiated a lenten pabasa only for that year.
Skepticism was sheer when the adhoc committee was formed, but
somehow, the year-long program of activities was finalised. Each club and
association found its activity niche and implemented it right away, with
the actual support of the other clubs. The highlight of the year long
celebration was the five-day celebration at one of Denmark’s most
prestigious national cultural institutions, the National Museum. Presented
was a cornucopia of cultural fare for all ages was presented, with an ex-
Justice Minister among the invited speakers together with Ambassador
Erlinda Basilio who came from Stockholm. Noncultural lectures were also
included like one on faith healing in the Philippines and putting up the
first real Danish pastry bakeshop in Manila. Everything went so well and it
was unbelievable that a unified working relationship was actually
happening.
Paskuhan
When Filomenita and I were selling the whole Centennial idea to the
head curator of the National Museum, none of the items in the program/
project really caught the attention and interest of the official except when
the Parol (Christmas lantern) was mentioned. He frankly stated his opinion
and showed a keen interest in the Parol. Filomenita and I rushed to our
drawing board to draft the project Paskuhan (Christmas) as part of the
Centennial celebrations.
The humongous foyer of this most respected museum of ethnographical
artifacts was to be filled with Filipino Christmas items from homemade
Christmas trees to sophisticated six foot Pampanga parols, peppered with
Pinoy Christmas features like bibingka, carol singing and tableau. Outside,
the East façade of the building would display these parols.

We presented the first draft and budget. It was approved but the date
was moved to 1999 because1998 Christmas was already allotted to a Human
Rights exhibition. Besides, 1999 Christmas would be ringing in the new
Millennium, which was more apt for the fabulous Christmas lanterns. The
budget was later slashed so severely that there was very little left to buy
items, and zero for shipping. So after window shopping for Christmas
paraphernalia in the Philippines in February 1999, I rushed back to Denmark
to solicit pledges from private and corporate people I knew well to finance
the shipping. Again, there was good but not excellent response, a usual
occurrence when it comes to financing. The production went as scheduled.
The approved budget only allowed us to import 20 Pampanga parols,
five abaca Christmas trees, a huge Filipino version of the manger, three
smaller nativity scenes, wreaths, garlands and numerous Christmas
decorations made with Filipino ingenuity from local materials like abaca
fibers and bamboo.
The most fun, and yet hardest part, was to make 30 traditional colorful
parols, one meter in diameter and 10 big ones, two meters in diameter. All
were to be done in 10 days. They could not be done earlier as the workshop
of the museum was not available for us. It was too inconvenient to do them
elsewhere. But with the help of some women, we met the deadline. There
was only one day (i.e., Monday when the museum is closed to the public)
to hang up all the parols and an angel on top of the nativity scene; assemble
the nipa hut to house the life size Holy Family, put up six abaca Christmas
trees complete with decorations and a poor man’s Christmas made of
bamboo brambles donned with Christmas cards and improvised Christmas
decors, and display the ingredients and tools in making bibingka, the most
important culinary symbol of Christmas. Outside, a three meter cone topped
with a star was erected covered with lights and real palay (rice stalks) strands.
Danes never figured out that it was meant to be a Christmas tree; rather,
they thought it was a huge grain feeder for the birds during winter (one
museum employee caught a rat vandalising the tree). All these happened
with concerted efforts of Danes (the museum’s technicians, PR committee
and architect) and after the lighting ceremonies, the foyer was a sight to
see, especially to the Danes who value the beauty of lights in the dark winter
months, and to the Filipinos who had been dreaming of a parol-lighted
Christmas. That same night, the worst typhoon hit Denmark. It was such a
blessing that the meager budget did not allow us to put up Pampanga parols
on the balcony of the museum. We would have experienced a double
disaster.

It was a successful exhibition as the month-long schedule was extended
till mid-January, 2000. Many parents with children who attended the parol-
making workshops brought home a parol they themselves made. Each
workshop culminated with the pabitin to reward the children. In connection
with the exhibition, two Filipino kids were invited to appear on Danish
national television: in a children’s program (Bubba) and a morning show
(Go’ morgen Danmark) to show how to make a parol and talk a bit about a
Filipino Christmas. The museum’s shop ran out of Filipino Christmas
paraphernalia. Though the Paskuhan was the most daunting exhibition the
community had staged in Denmark so far, it was not difficult to put up.
The long tradition of Filipino Christmas celebrations lasting for a month
had contributed to its smooth preparation.
When the exhibition was taken down, the Museum kept most of the
items especially the Pampanga parols, the manger, one paper piece of the
traditional paper parol, the abaca Christmas tree and its decorations to
become museum pieces. The Museum had to keep the poor man’s Christmas
tree because it has an anthropological meaning.
Post National Museum life

Our active involvement in the National Museum prodded the museum
to get our participation in its year long exhibition: “Menneskes
mangfoldighed” (Human diversity) where 12 prospects would contribute
an item deemed valuable to humanity. The committee asked one of the
cleaning staff at the National Museum, Julia Olesen, what she would
contribute to the said exhibition. When she approached me right away and
we had some brainstorming, we decided to donate a gilingan, the granite
grinder to make bibingka and other rice cakes. This household item, once
indispensable in Filipino kitchens, has moved out to the gardens to become
a conversational accessory for water arrangements. Julia and I shared with
the audience our personal relationship with the grinder when we were kids,
like modern day kids have now with a microwave oven or blender. There
we donned our finest barong garb, narrating our individual anecdotes and
served puto, kutsinta and bibingka to illustrate our stories and the Filipino
penchant for making and eating food. Our participation in the exhibition
did not only boost our self-esteem, but most importantly, left footprints of
the Filipino community in the archives of the Museum. We know, as has
been done in the past, that these items would be exhibited again in the
Museum’s ethnographic section. As the cliché goes, “been there, done
that.......”

Post Paskuhan
A group of 12 Filipinas was so elated with the outcome of Paskuhan
and decided to combine it with the Danish Christmas tradition of julestue
(a whole day of making Christmas décor and merienda) with “hygge” (the
Danish tradition of enjoying the company of friends in an atmosphere of
comfort, warmth and relaxation). The first year was the parol-making. This
was interspersed with making arroz caldo and biko, exchanging gifts executed
as a game, teasing and kidding, and reminiscing. It is a wonder that two
differing Christmas customs, Paskuhan and Julestue, could be combined
and mixed harmoniously: one was done in fiesta virtuoso, and the other in
a comfy and homely Viking Jule. The 12-hour indoor activity not only
warmed and lit up the cold and dark December, but also made the
participants believe they can also be productive artistically.
The parol-making was followed by table Christmas trees, topiary, angels
and more angels, all using the group’s own creativity and resourcefulness.
It was like being back in art school and going home with a product they
couldn’t believe they could make themselves, and proudly showing these
to their kids and husbands.
In parallel, early in December that year, the women organisation
Babaylan also organised its first “East and West Christmas” which was a
whole day affair with a debate on women’s rights as human rights globally,
and which also featured a combined workshop to make Christmas
decorations in both the Danish and Pilipino way; in short, an integrated
approach to the Christian traditions common to both host and sending
countries, while at the same time discussing gender rights issues also
common to both.
Concluding remarks
Doing all these, using my own time, money and efforts could be
frustrating as it is a thankless task. Many would not remember one’s efforts,
except for the unbearable criticisms from others who aver to know better,
always pining for what should have been done! But for me, the process and
the results were immeasurable. For every success and error made, the
satisfaction was excessive and unwarranted, something I would never have
experienced had I chosen to be the righteous immigrant who allows him or
herself to disappear into Danish society. As I said, the encounter between
Danish and Philippine cultures opened doors for me.

Filipino Missionaries in Europe:
Witnesses for Re-evangelisation
SISTER VICTORIA JOSON, RGS
In a Papal visit to the Philippines in the early 1970s, Pope Paul VI exhorted
the Philippine Church to be the bearer of the Gospel message in Asia, being
the sole Christian country in this teeming continent. It would turn out that
in the ensuing decade, Filipino priests, religious sisters and even lay migrant
workers themselves, would start carrying out the role of re-evangelisers
beyond this frontier, to the European continent—the so-called bastion of
Christianity.
The Catholic Church as an institution passed through a period of
upheaval in the wake of the Second Vatican Council convoked by Pope
John XXIII in 1962, in an inspiration to make the Universal Church relevant
in the modern world. Along with the increasing tide of secularism settling
in Europe, established religious congregations of men and women which
sent missionaries to far flung regions of the world during the past centuries,
are now faced with dwindling numbers. The ageing members are confronted
with the burden of continuing their once flourishing apostolates in their
respective countries in Europe.
Arrival of Filipino missionaries in Europe

With the scarcity of vocations in the Old Continent, the religious turned
to Asia particularly to Kerala, India and the Philippines for recruitment. In
the early 1970s, or probably even a little earlier, hundreds of young and
simple Filipinas mostly from the countryside were brought to Italy for
formation to the religious life. There was no way of knowing whether these
young women had the special call for the religious life, nor of the exact
number of those who freely committed themselves to divine call. Cardinal
Sin wisely ended this recruitment practice by decreeing that foreign

congregations implant their foundation in the Philippines for mission work
and for the eventual formation of their candidates. Since then about 270
religious orders for men and women of European origin have implanted
their institutes in the Philippines, according to statistics from the 2004
Philippine Catholic Directory.
The 1970s also marked the Filipinisation of the International Religious
Orders, a few of which arrived in the country in the wake of Magellan’s
coming. The earliest were the Augustinians who came in 1565, followed by
the Franciscans in 1578, the Dominicans in 1585 and finally the Jesuits in
1581. Secular priests accompanied Magellan when he waded to shore
in 1521.
Later, the native Filipinos were inspired to enter the priesthood; the
“native” religious priests and sisters assumed leadership positions on the
national level. Promising Filipino members of international religious orders
were either elected or appointed to positions of authority in the general
leadership team, as Superior General or General Councillor of their
respective institutes. This necessitated their relocation to Rome, Italy, seat
of the general governments of international congregations. Filipino priests
and nuns who served as secretaries and administrative assistants joined
the staff in their European generalates.
During the same period, Filipino priests and nuns began arriving in
Europe for spiritual formation and theological studies. Obliged to learn a
second European language indispensable for studies, they proved
themselves equal to the challenge. Flemish in the University of Louvain,
Belgium; French in the Institute Catholique de Paris and Ecole de la Foi in
Fribourg, Switzerland; Spanish in the Universidad de Salamanca and
Navarre, and German in the Austrian and German Institutes of Theological
Studies. The Coleggio Filippino in Rome is home to Filipino diocesan priests
studying in the various universities in the Eternal City, for whom learning
Italian is a necessity. While engaged in theological studies, these priests
and religious found time to respond to the needs of migrants who abound
in great numbers in their surroundings.
Cloistered contemplative nuns in Europe were not far behind in seeking
help to rejuvenate their ageing ranks from their counterparts in the
Philippines. The President of the Association of Carmelite Monasteries in
the Philippines sent the following statistics regarding the number of Filipina
Carmelites missioned to Europe since 1991: two in Lons le Saunier, France;
three in Vivoorde, Belgium; three in Loughrea, Ireland; one in Darlington,
Filipino Missionaries in Europe: Witnesses for Re-evangelisation 373

England; and one in Wales, UK. The Philippine Federation of Poor Clare
Nuns had sent eight members from the Philippines to Avignon, Nice,
Poligny and Bastia (Corsica) in France. In 2000, three Contemplative Sisters
of the Good Shepherd were missioned to Innsbruck, Austria. In silence and
hiddenness, their monasteries constitute a veritable power house of prayer
for harmony in our world. As usual, the number is not exhaustive as there
were other committed women who arranged their entry to the European
cloistered communities on their own initiative. No statistics are available
for Filipino monks in Europe.
After the breakdown of the USSR in 1989, religious congregations began
filtering into the erstwhile totalitarian countries in Eastern Europe, where
traces of religious practices were banished for the past forty years. Among
the pioneer re-evangelists were two Filipinas, members of the founding
communities of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary in St. Petersburg,
Russia, and the Canossian Order in Ukraine.
In response to the Bishops’ appeal for pastoral care of migrants, some
local diocesan Congregations of Women embarked on enterprising ways
to implant their presence in Europe. The MCST (Missionary Catechists of
St. Therese) founded in Lucena, Quezon, offered their services to a
retirement home for priests in Milan. Assured of lodging and some form of
renumeration, one sister in the community is engaged in a full time ministry
to migrants. In the same manner, the local Augustinian Sisters (OSA) found
their way to Turin, Italy where they maintain a day care nursery for babies
of migrant women. In Fribourg, Switzerland, a community of WCW Sisters
(Workers for Christ the Worker) founded in Pangasinan in the 1980s, staff
the local Bishop’s residence, which also serve the seat of the Mission
Catholique Philippine. One member of the community serves as Chaplain
of Filipino Migrants in Switzerland. In the face of racial discrimination which
is the lot of foreigners, it is not without much sacrifice and endurance that
these valiant women carry on their zeal for their mission.
In 2005, two sisters of Our Lady of Remedios of San Fernando,
Pampanga, arrived in Bodo, Norway, a predominantly Protestant country.
Actually they took over the mission of a Philippine Dominican Order who
came at the invitation of the English Dominican Sisters in 1991. They are
involved in a multiracial parish composed of Polish and African Christians,
and about 35 Filipino families.
The Daughters of Charity ventured into Greece, where Catholics are
the minority in a country where the state religion is Greek Orthodox. Two

sisters maintain a migrant centre in Athens, while a Vincentian priest is
missioned to Thessalonica for pastoral ministry. Filipino migrants in the
Greek islands number about 45,000; the women work in households, while
men are employed to take care of private yachts docked in the ports where
Filipino sailors also make frequent stops.
The pastoral solicitude of the Philippine church for migrants

The beginnings of the Episcopal Commission for the Pastoral Care for
Migrants and Itinerant People (ECMI) may be traced back to the year 1955
when the Catholic Welfare Organisation reported the situation of the
Filipinos in USA, Hawaii and Guam. In the early 1960s, the Body of Bishops
established the Apostleship of the Sea to minister to seafarers nationwide.
In 1967, two Episcopal Commissions were created, that of Immigration and
Tourism, and the Apostolates of the Sea and Air. The two Commissions
were merged in 1972 into what is now known as ECMI, in order to answer
the growing spiritual, pastoral and social needs of people on the move.
The Philippine Church should “journey with” our migrants through
our priests, sisters, and lay pastoral workers. Journey with our Filipino
migrants, they are called to nourish and strengthen their faith, promote
their rights and protect them from abuses. Whenever they are able, they
should provide social assistance to our poor migrants. Let them also be
guides of our Filipino migrants in their integration to the country which
receives them. In that way they enrich with authentic Filipino values the
community that receives them and in turn be enriched by the culture into
which they are integrating. (Article 56 No. 3 of the Second Plenary Council
of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines)
In Rome alone, the 2002 ECMI directory lists 44 migrant centres run by
a number of intercongregational staff involving 89 priests and sisters and
37 diocesan priests who are either pursuing studies or serving their
respective institutes. The 2002 ECMI directory listed 232 Filipino Sisters
belonging to Italian congregations who are involved in some form of pastoral
work with migrants all over Italy. Again the number is not exhaustive, as
there are hundreds more who remain in the background, continuing their
apostolic mission in obscurity. Quite a few of these Filipina sisters assumed
positions of authority in their local communities which run maternal schools,
pension houses and retirement homes. In spite of lack of formal training,
they were chosen as leaders due to the innate aptitude and capacity of the
Filipino women for organisation and task accomplishment.

ECMI overseas network statistics listed 19 European countries served
by 337 Filipino priests, sisters and pastoral lay workers. Breakdown is as
follows: Austria - 2, Belgium - 3, Denmark - 7, France - 9, Finland - 2,
Germany - 17, Greece - 2, Hungary - 2, Iceland - 2, Ireland - 6, Italy - 232,
Luxemburg - 1, The Netherlands - 5, Norway - 11, Russia - 1, Spain - 9,
Sweden - 2, Switzerland 9, and United Kingdom - 13.
Pastoral experience in France

Having had no colonial ties nor cultural affinity to speak of, France
could be considered as an unlikely choice for Filipinos to venture in. How
in the world did Filipinos reach the country in such big numbers? During
the Iranian political crisis in 1978, wealthy Arabs fled to their secondary
homes in the French Riviera with their Filipino household staff. According
to an undocumented report, a Filipino in the entourage of the Shah of Iran
was tasked to carry a portfolio loaded with riches during the exodus. Other
Filipinos who were stranded in Iran decided to travel to France on their
own to try their luck. Entry to France was no problem since the reciprocal
tourist visa with the Philippines was in effect. The pioneers who arrived in
southern France saw that it was good to be there, and invited relatives and
friends to come over for better opportunities. One such pioneer was able to
bring almost her entire barrio in Pangasinan to Marseille. A decade later
during the war in Lebanon, there was another exodus of rich Lebanese
families to France accompanied by their Filipino house helpers. Even when
the visa reciprocity was rescinded, Filipinos were able to come and are still
coming to France through unimaginable ways.
Having a working knowledge of the French language, I volunteered to
go to Paris to work as a pastoral worker for migrants. The outgoing Filipino
Chaplain saw the urgent need of having a religious sister minister to the
needs of a predominantly female migrant population. Arriving in Paris in
the autumn of 1991, I joined a community of four French Good Shepherd
Sisters living in an apartment in the 19th arrondisement. It was a popular
neighbourhood inhabited by a multi-ethnic population.
To my pleasant surprise, the Superior showed much interest in my
mission, and the community warmly welcomed me as one of them in spite
of being the only “foreigner” in their midst. They invited themselves to my
first Filipino Christmas midnight mass and noche buena in the Chaplaincy.
Looking back at my integration process in the community, language was a
plus factor to start with. But being sure of my Filipino identity enabled me
to stand on equal terms in my relationships with each one of them. They

appreciated my gentle Asian manner of being and doing, and in turn I was
challenged by their seeming endless arguments for argument’s sake.
The mission led me into another world, that of the undocumented
migrant workers. Since a great majority of these simple folks from different
provinces in Luzon have no proper working papers, they virtually live in a
world of uncertainty from day to day, not knowing how they would end
up. Uprooted from familiar surroundings and torn apart from loved ones,
these migrants have only their faith to cling to, leading them to relate with
a personal God, an anchor which gives strength and endurance to continue
living in such a precarious situation.
A problem that was not perceptible to the migrants themselves was
their lack of identity. Centuries of living under colonial powers made us
want to identify ourselves with the superior race, even with regard to the
tint of our skin. We are not very knowledgeable about our history nor our
culture, not to mention our lack of appreciation for our native language.
While working on the Chaplaincy newsletter, I found myself in an odd
situation writing articles in English to Filipino migrants living in France.
Strange as it seemed, it was here in the French capital where I learned
to write in decent Pilipino - the medium that could touch deeply the hearts
and minds of our simple people. I became comfortable in praying aloud in
Tagalog, and giving talks in Filipino while animating prayer groups.
Surprisingly, delivering homilies in our native tongue at mass became part
of my repertoire. The migrants’ hunger for spiritual nourishment, and the
better way to quench this thirst is to reach them in a familiar language that
touches their core.
The lack of identity on the part of our migrants became a big pre-
occupation on my part. By inclination, this led me to concentrate my efforts
on the spiritual dimension of art and culture as a vehicle for helping our
migrants discover who they really are. Many a kababayan (compatriot) would
share with me their inability to answer questions posed by their French
employers asking about our national costume, different customs and
traditions, tourist spots and other cultural information. I thought that if
they were equipped with a little knowledge of our history as a nation, of
our culture which is a rich blend of the East and West, and of our beauty as
a people, they could help raise our status in the eyes of the French who
themselves are so steeped in their own rich cultural heritage.
To start the sensibility project about our cultural heritage, we organised
a mini-workshop on Filipino values for parish leaders. Sessions dealt on

the pros and cons of our values like utang na loob, pakikisama, hiya, paggalang
sa magulang and bayanihan, among others. Chosen speakers from the
workshop group took turns in sharing their insights and reflections on
different cultural values during the simbang gabi novena masses. One
surprising outcome of the talks within the parish community was a sudden
profusion of the reverential “po’s” on the lips of youngsters, and the kids
also set aside the French bise in favor of the mano po gesture (kissing the
hands in veneration, ed.) when encountering venerable elders.
It was quite saddening to note that the migrants have no appreciation
of our Filipino national dress. For the installation mass of our Filipino
Chaplain, it was difficult to persuade the youth and not so young parish
members to wear costumes representing the different regions of the
Philippines for the offertory procession. All sorts of resistance and reasons
were advanced, like the too cool for comfort spring weather and the
difficulty of traveling by metro in such an apparel. After the initial hesitation,
they were persuaded to don the costumes borrowed from a folk dance
troupe all the way from Cote d’Azur. The colorful ensemble elicited
admiring glances from the local French clergy in attendance. From then on
they would request Filipinos invited to participate in French liturgical
ceremonies to come in our native attire.
The cultural endeavors led me to connect with other existing
organisations with a special concern for women. Since there is a dearth of
information about the Philippines in France, and in the whole of Europe it
seems, we try to make use of special events to showcase our culture. One
such occasion was the celebration of the 30th year of existence of Freres des
Hommes in Tours. Since this particular NGO was aiding the Pinatubo
victims, the group decided to feature the Philippines during a two-day
cultural event.
For the first time, leaders of existing Filipino organisations in Paris
voluntarily accepted to collaborate in the joint effort. There was a mad search
for authentic Filipino costumes, and the most unlikely person agreed to
sport a G-string. A couple of veteran members of the legendary Bayanihan
Dancers who are Parisian residents, became part of the show. They not
only took time to coach the young batch of dancers, but also contributed
their world class talents to our Barrio Fiesta presentation.
The Tours audience was enchanted by the cultural show, and the
professional stage presence of the participants did not escape the eyes of
the NGO official who was profuse in his praises. A Filipino caterer served

native dishes to the assembly to complete the fiesta atmosphere. During
this occasion, we were farmed out to different families to spend the night.
At dinner table, our migrants switched into the role of guests, being served
by their French hostesses, one novel experience that boosted their self-
esteem. This event certainly placed our country in the map of the Tours
residents. On the way back to Paris, friends teasingly told me that I should
have chosen to be in show business. Well, I explained to them that for me,
all that is true, good and beautiful in art and culture is spiritual. Man does
not live by bread alone, and because of my gifts as a person, I was inspired
to accompany them spiritually in this manner.
The celebration of the Philippine Centennial was a banner occasion for
a heightened awareness of our historical and cultural heritage. With the
support of the Philippine Embassy, the Babaylan network of women in
Paris successfully presented a cultural show: homage to the women of the
Philippine Revolution. Stage performers were chosen from all ranks –
employées de maison, students, expat wives and consular officials. The task
fell on the shoulders of a consumate art director, a Filipino priest writing
his doctoral thesis in Paris, to optimise the Filipinos’ innate talent for the
performing arts.
With hardly any professional stage training, these simple migrant
women were able to deliver their lines like seasoned actresses. The rigorous
rehearsals and script studies not only widened their knowledge, but also
kept them deeply in touch with our history as a nation, and the strength of
the Filipino women as portrayed in the different play episodes. Interspersed
between the heavy drama in the presentation of the Heroines of the
Revolution and the Women of Malolos was a light comedy: Paano Kami
Noon, depicting a delightful portrayal of the courtship ritual of long ago,
which made use of the language of the fan and of the handkerchief. Capping
the show was a dramatic rendition of excerpts from our national hero’s
novel Noli Me Tangere, moving the audience to tears, and cheers after the
brilliant performance of the stage protagonists.
For many in the French audience made up of employers, sympathisers
including my French sisters, the show proved to be a truly enlightening
experience leading to a discovery of who we really are as a people. The
same thing could be said of the Filipino audience; it was a momentous
evening which made all of us feel proud to be Filipino.
It is my deep conviction that helping migrants discover their identity
should be an integral part of the program for the pastoral care of migrants.

Knowing who we are, and being proud of our identity goes a long way in
enabling us to integrate in our country of adoption from a position of
strength. We become aware of our cultural traditions and values that can
enrich others, and in the same manner receive from other cultures, values
that help us live in peace and harmony with other persons in a multicultural
society.
In Europe, as elsewhere, the problem of identity is crucial to the second
generation, and perhaps equally so for adolescents who are transplanted
into foreign environment under the family reunification program. A number
of children born in France grow up believing they are French as claimed by
their own parents. They speak only French, and so are at a loss while on
holiday in the Philippines. Upon reaching adolescence when the quest for
identity is at its peak, the child will have no anchor to fall back into when
his peers start rejecting him due to the color of his skin. “Brown is beautiful”
should have been the battle cry of his migrant parents.
It is worthwhile to mention the efforts of the Filipina Benedictine Sisters
in Barcelona to respond to this particular need. They established an
Iskwelang Pinoy which offers Saturday afternoon classes for Filipino
children born in Spain. A staff of volunteers give lessons in Filipino, native
songs and dances, local myths and folklore traditions.
Evangelical witnessing in Europe

Quo vadis Europe? After months of debate, nothing had been decided
over the absence of any reference to Europe’s Christian roots from the
constitution’s historic preamble. How can it fail to mention the continent’s
Christian heritage, the source of its most inspiring art, architecture, literature
and music. Belloc’s “the faith is Europe, Europe is the faith,” no longer
holds.
In the light of this, Pope John Paul II calls for a place for Christians in
Europe and urges Christians to have the courage “in bringing to all
European institutions the evangelical ferment” that can guarantee peace
and serve the common good. His successor, Pope Benedict XIV views the
failure to recognise Europe’s Christian identity as a reflection of “a hatred
of Europe against itself and against its great history.” One of his favorite
themes is the need to evangelise a Europe that has become increasingly
secular, led by France, “the first daughter of the Church.”
True to the ideals of “liberté, égalité and fraternité” France has welcomed
into its fold migrants who are adherents of different religious traditions,

the great majority of whom are Moslems. The biggest community of
Moslems in Europe is found in France, numbering about five million
including French converts. One analyst has predicted that in fifty years
time France will turn into a Moslem State. An Italian priest in Turin, former
missionary in the Philippines for 30 years, wistfully remarked how
important it is to accompany the Christian migrants in Europe, who now
fill up the empty pews in the churches. With a sober look into the future,
the seasoned priest imagines the cross on church steeples being replaced
by the scythe and star on mosque tops, a vision that may not be far from
reality.
In his homily during the mass for the Filipinos in St. Peter’s Basilica on
17 May 1987, Pope John Paul II told the migrants: “Indeed, in Europe you
are called to be the new and youthful witness of that very faith which your
country received from Europe so many generations ago.”
From a Receiving Church who welcomed the Gospel Message from
Spain some 500 years ago, the Church of the Philippines has reversed the
role into that of a Sending Church, its myriad members reaching the far
flung corners of the world.
Christianity was brought to our shores by the conquistadores brandishing
the cross and the sword, the latter symbolizing power and might. In stark
contrast, this Sending Church knowingly or unknowingly, acts as a leaven
from a position of weakness and powerlessness. The government refers to
them as our modern day heroes, cashing in billions of dollars to lift our
economy, but the church accompanies them whenever possible, to become
bearers of the Gospel message. Our present day Filipino evangelisers come
from the rank and file of the marginalised, discriminated sector of society
in their country of adoption, armed only with a fervent life and a simple
faith.
The late Cardinal Sin loved to repeat this story—about a Filipina nanny
who worked in the household of a rich Italian industrialist. She practically
raised the little boy in her care as her own, and did much more than
nourishing him only with bodily care. Taking him to church regularly to
Sunday mass, and faithfully praying with him the meal and bedtime prayers,
the boy learned to relate personally to a loving Father at a very tender age.
On his birthday, when asked by the father what gift would please him
most, the boy answered with glowing eyes— “Would you come with me to
mass?”

In my recent visit to Paris, a Filipina nanny shared her joy and pride
for having been chosen by her employers to be the godmother of her charge,
a ten year-old girl who asked to be baptised. It is not an uncommon practice
in France for parents to have children decide if they desire baptism upon
reaching a certain degree of maturity. This little girl who grew up
frequenting her chambre de bonne, could not help but be impressed by the
little altar which is the centre of her nanny’s existence. Not a single word of
catechism was preached, but the example of a life lived in faith and self-
giving reflected to the child the invisible face of a loving God.
In praise of our migrant workers, Bishop Cantillas of Leyte congratulates
them for “faithfully and courageously living their faith in the midst of
difficulties, indifference and even persecution in foreign lands. They not
only work for more bread to feed their families; by their witness they also
feed the whole world with the Bread of Eternal Life.

PART III
PERSPECTIVES ON PHILIPPINE MIGRATION:

FROM EUROPE AND BEYOND
383
British-Philippine Relations
JUN TERRA
British-Philippine relations are of a long-standing nature, dating back to

the early days of the Spanish conquest and settlement of the archipelago on
the Eastern Pacific that would later be known as The Philippines in the
third quarter of the 16th century. The following is a bird’s eye-view of this
relationship:
1577 - English seacaptain and freebooter Francis Drake sailed from
England to the western coast of South America, despoiling Spanish
shipping from Valparaiso to Panama. He sailed across the Pacific
and touches the coast of Mindanao, despoiling southern Phlippines.
1587 - English privateer Thomas Cavendish like Drake before him ravaged
the coast of South America and went after the rich booty provided
by the Spanish Manila-Acapulco, Vera Cruz-Spain Galleon Trade,
the first truly global maritime industry. He captured the galleons
“Santa Ana” and “Nuestra Senora de Cavadonga” off the coast of
Samar and attacked the shipyard of Iloilo. For their efforts, these
pirates were knighted and honoured by the crown.
After the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, English and Dutch
pirates controlled the oceans and their activities became more
frequent.
1762 - English Admiral Cornish and General Draper, with a force of 5,000
British and Indian soldiers conquered the walled city of Manila
and occupied it. Their rule never went beyond the city walls, and
governor Simon de Anda moved his government to Bacolor in
Pampanga to organise the resistance. Upon signing the Treaty of
Paris of 1763, England returned the Philippines to Spain after being
paid $4,000,000 indemnity.

During the 19th century, England became the Philippines’ biggest
trading partner outside Spain.
1808 - The first English trading house was established in Manila. Spain
who ruled the Philippines through Mexico finally administered
and traded directly with the country when Mexico proclaimed
independence in 1820.
1837 - The port of Manila was opened to foreign trade, followed by Sual
in Pangasinan, Iloilo and Zamboanga in 1855; then Cebu in 1863.
In 1814 permission was granted to foreigners to establish trading
houses in Manila. According to the English chronicler John
Foreman, by 1858 there were fifteen (15) such establishments, seven
(7) belonging to the English, (3) to the Americans and the rest to
other nationalities.
1841 - English adventurer James Brookes sailed to the coast of Borneo
and after several bloody engagements forced the Sultan of Borneo
to cede Sarawak with government vested upon himself. He became
known as the White Rajah of Sarawak. Brookes visited Zamboanga
on the English man-o-war “Meander” and concluded a treaty with
the Sultan of Sulu.
Brookes’ ambition was to acquire the Dutch possessions to the
south and the Spanish possesions in the north which included Sulu
and Mindanao. In 1887, North Borneo was ceded to the English
East India company and its northern province of Sabah, owned by
the family of the Sultan of Sulu was leased to the same company
by the Sultan.
1850 - According to British chronicler, Robert McMicking: The “import
trade of Manila is almost entirely in the hands of the British
merchants established there, so far as the great staple of articles of
manufactured goods are concerned.” Britain exports to the
Philippines included: shirtings, long-cloths, drills, cambric, printed
and white twills, lace, cotton velvet, sewing thread, chintz,
ginghams, iron, lead, canvas, spelter, steel, cutlery, ironmengery,
glassware and India beer.
Britain was the biggest importer of Philippines goods followed by
the continental Europe, then the US. Top of the import list was
sugar, followed by sapan wood, hemp, cigars, hide, tortoise
shell,indigo, coffee, mother of pearl, ebony and cordage.

1857 - Hong Kong-based correspondent of the London Illustrated News,
CW Andrews visited the Philippines and published accounts of
life in Manila during the period, illustrated by his own engravings,
in its March to October issues. He stayed and travelled in the
provinces of Luzon, publishing his engravings of scenes of daily
life in the Philippines’ first illustrated magazine, the Ilustracion
Filipina, from 1859-1860.
1869 - Fr. Faustino Villafranca, the first “Indio” Filipino to write about
his travels to Europe and the countries along the way in a book
entitled Desde Manila a Europa, visited London’s famous sights
including the then marvels of the industrial age: the Thames tunnel,
the London underground and the Crystal Palace which had been
moved to Sydenham in Kent.
1880 - The first submarine cable linking Manila with the rest of the world
via Hong Kong was laid by Eastern Extension Australasia and
China Telegraphic Company Ltd (the company would later become
famous as the English state firm of Cable and Wireless, and renamed
Mercury Telecommunications after privatisation).
1886 - Juan Luna, the Philippines‘ greatest and most internationally
famous painter visited Britain. Made sketches of Brighton beach/
pier, English facial types, views of Richmond and Kew, figures from
the Parthenon friezes in the Museum.
1887 - Jose P. Rizal did research at the British Museum Library. Stayed in
a house in Primrose Hill where a commemorative marker is now
in place.
1887 - Mssrs. Het, Mayler and Co, London were contracted by the Manila
Railway Company to build the railway. The rails, locomotives (36
tons and 12 tons each) tenders, coaches, wagons and ironwork for
bridges all came from England.
1898 - James Earle Stevens, a Manila representative of the American firm
Henry Peabody and Co of Boston and New York in 1894 wrote in
his book Yesterdays in the Philippines: “In one of my shopping
expeditions for photographic materials I was introduced to the
Botica Ingles or English chemist’s shop, which seems to be the
largest variety store in town. Here it is possible to buy anything
from a glass of soda to a full fledged lawn-mower, including all
the intermediates that reach from tooth brushes to photographic
cameras.”

Present - Britain is the Philippines’ 3rd largest trading partner after US and
Japan, and the biggest among the European countries. In 1998 its
direct investment in the Philippines reached US$12.55 million and
its portfolio investment, US$1.723 billion. UK imports amounted
to US$1.45 billion and exports to US$489.6 million in 1998. Overall,
the UK is the leading investor in the Philippines in real terms.
Several giant British corporations have established themselves in the
Philippines among them, familiar names such as: Shell, Unilever, Rio Tinto
Zinc, Glaxo Wellcome, Beecham, Sun Alliance, Standard Chartered Bank,
Barclays Bank, Lloyds Bank, Allied Thread, Boots, Cable and Wireless and
Marks and Spencers. British companies are in various areas of economic
activity including water, power, airport/aviation, transport, construction,
environment, manufacturing, communication, banking and retail. Together,
they employ approximately 10,914 people.
Large scale Filipino immigration to Britain started in the 1970s when
skilled and semi-skilled labour force was recruited from the Philippines to
work in the service industries including hospitals, hotels, restaurants and
private residences. There are now approximately 100,000 Filipinos
permanently residing in Britain. The majority are concentrated in
multicultural London.
Some enterprising Filipino immigrants have established themselves in
niche businesses such as forwarding, travel, remittance, foodstores, etc.
Some have gone into the professions. Others, especially the second
generation British Filipinos, have broken into the entertainment industry.
1964 - David Medalla and Paul Keeler set up Signals, which became one
of the biggest, liveliest venues for modern and contemporary art
in London. Medalla introduced Takis, Jesus Rafael Soto, Vasarely,
Lygia Clark, Camargo and other continental artists and
experimenters to London audiences. He edited Signals, the journal
of the gallery. Signals became a lively forum for artistic, political
and social ideas. Articles by Dore Ashton, Lewis Mumford, Pablo
Neruda, the crystallographer JD Bernal and the philosopher-
physicist Heisenberg were published in the journal.
1987 - The British impresario-producer Cameron Mackintosh imported
Filipino artists to appear in his production of the now legendary
“Ms. Saigon” and opened up the West End Theatres and
subsequently theatres all over Europe to Filipino talents.

There are 60 Filipino social/self-help organisations who hold public
activities for Filipinos and friends. Many of them engage in varied
philanthropic activities and support charity organisations in the Philippines
ranging from helping street children, donating books to provincial and
public libraries, digging wells in villages, building homes for destitute old
people, helping rehabilitate mangrove forests, reforestation and other
environmental projects, to donating clothes. Two of the big calamities that
stirred the community into action were: the Mt. Pinatubo disaster and the
Dona Paz ferry disaster in the 1990s.
The Filipino community in Britain is being enlarged by second
generation British-Filipinos who are growing up exclusively in Britain. Many
are children of mixed marriages.
The new millennium saw the arrival of thousands of Filipino nurses
who were recruited to help solve the staffing crisis in the National Health
Service. Their arrival is re-envigorating the Filipino community. There are
two Filipino community papers, one glossy magazine called HOY!, and
several organisational, and occasional publications.
Filipino scholars doing postgraduate studies in such fields as molecular
biology, IT, medicine and engineering in British universities come and go
and have little impact on the local Filipino community. However, if and
when they go back to the Philippines, (assuming they can resist the lure of
Mother America) they will be playing important roles in their professions.

Nature and Perspectives of
Philippine Migration to France
SALLY ROUSSET
The specific nature of Philippine migration in France cannot be detached

from its history. While France was already a destination in the past for
Filipinos who were doing higher studies at the Sorbonne or working in
institutions like UNESCO, OECD, the big wave of migrant workers first
came in the early 1970s, at the time of the Iran-Iraq war, when Filipino
workers in the Middle East managed to escape the war by coming to France.
Some of them accompanied their employers, who were mostly diplomats,
while others hopped into the first plane available that would take them out
of the country at war.
This already partly explains the nature of the activity of majority of
Filipino migrants in France, as house employees in comparison to their
predecessors. Their status of being legally attached to the country of their
diplomat employers (for those who did not come on their own) also partly
explains the resulting difficulties in terms of working rights, which continue
to be one of the main challenges they still face today. Along with confronting
a quite different culture and the necessity to speak French.
The turn to Europe became inevitable with the worsening problems in
the Middle East, but today still, the entry of migrants to France persists.
The number is now estimated at 50,000 but only 12 percent of these are
officially registered.
Strict migration laws have obliged the majority of these Filipinos who
opted to stay to become undocumented and clandestine workers due to
their limited tourist visas. This means that, unlike the documented ones,
they have no social protection and are excluded from enjoying social security
benefits. The harsh consequences of this situation are strongly felt especially
389
when one gets serious health problems. Money saved over long years of
work has been easily depleted by hospital bills. As one Filipina put it, “in
the long run, is it worth all the pain of leaving one’s home and family,
working more than 10 hours a day, six days a week, just to give up what
one has earned for so many years for a few days of hospitalisation? “
An important turning point

One important turning point that began to change this situation of
insecurity occurred in the early 1980s. With the election to the presidency
of the French Socialist Party candidate, François Mitterrand, the occasion
was seized by Filipino community organisers to benefit from a likely
opening in the immigration policy of the new government. They solicited
the support of the CFDT, the trade union confederation related to the
Socialist Party, which was also the only union then that had a section for
house employees. Filipinos who sought regularisation joined the trade union
and some 600 applications processed through the trade union (this happened
during two phases of regularisation) eventually got accepted. A big success!
This effort of relating with a French institution was not only vital for
this prompt and urgent need to obtain “papers,” but also to get the Filipinos
to integrate with other French workers and to give them the opportunity to
develop a certain political experience. However, while the former objective
was achieved, the latter unfortunately failed. This experience still needs to
be properly documented and studied, and lessons will undeniably benefit
both Filipino and French workers and the trade union structures as well.
Today, trade union involvement of Filipinos is minimal if not nil, and
this can also be said for their involvement in political struggles in general.
A sad break to an inspiring beginning, but which could still be built upon
in order to face the current anti-immigrant policies of France’s rightwing
government. These policies have become even harsher in almost all
European countries, with the right and extreme right gaining more electoral
weight.
In France, the implementation of new and stricter laws have gone as
far as arresting the children of the “sans papiers” (undocumented) while
the kids are attending school, then expelling them back to their countries of
origin, even if these children were born and have grown up in France. On
the other hand, it is heartening to know that French teachers and families
have become deeply involved in protecting these children in collaboration
with local organisations like the Education Network Without Borders
(RESF).

The experience with the trade union movement does not pertain to
France alone. It is now being lived by Filipinos in Belgium and looks quite
promising as shown by the rising big numbers of affiliated members, and
growing participation in trade union work and activities. Of course other
political experiences of overseas Filipino workers, notably in Greece and
Italy, are worth studying, also to see how these efforts can be multiplied.
Identities and roles

A key issue of constant debate in the country and which directly
concerns Filipinos here is the issue of identity. To my mind, the importance
of the question for Filipinos is not to castigate by saying that Filipinos have
lost their identity, but to appreciate how this identity has evolved, and how
this new and enriched identity can impact on both Filipino and French
societies. What greater chance can there be than to combine one’s Eastern
and Western experiences for people’s development “here and over there”?
There is surely not one formula or model on how this can be done, but this
calls for a lot of creativity, motivation and organisation.
Perhaps this issue is a challenge to be taken up by Filipino migrants
and their organisations, instead of migrants simply confining themselves
to living and working to earn enough money to send back home. Indeed,
how can Filipino communities abroad contribute to systemic changes in
their country of origin as well as in their host country? Would not this give
a more dynamic sense to one’s life as a migrant, transforming the usual
picture of the victim to that of a social player?
If this challenge is taken up by the individuals and the organisations
that have grown in number in France, then it would mean that we still have
a lot of work to do on various spheres. We should make use of our
organisations (some 30 in France) to facilitate this, reorienting certain
concerns in this light. Forget the yearly beauty pageants engaged in by
parents for their children which just causes stress and spending. It nurtures
jealousies and a negative spirit of competition. There is a lot of room for
greater creativity! For instance, the recent efforts at forming and developing
a migrant workers-artists’ group shows that other interesting initiatives
can be realised.
Information and solidarity

It is essential that we equip ourselves better with relevant information,
both on what is happening in the Philippines and in France (thus the need
to learn French well), and use this information to guide our actions. For
Nature and Perspectives of Philippine Migration to France 391

instance, organising exchange sessions with Filipinos passing by France
and representing organisations doing development work in the Philippines,
we can try to reflect together on how to do effective work with our
communities as well as with public authority in both countries. We can join
the weekend tours organised by entrepreneurial Filipinas to see beautiful
villages in France to widen our horizons and know better what French
culture can offer. Or we can do something similar in the Philippines like
visiting villages and communities which we never cared to know in the
past, now to see the realities, and to establish more meaningful solidarity
initiatives. We also need to move out of the ghetto of our families and friends,
and participate in activities offered by relevant organisations to nourish
ourselves and work with others fighting for similar causes.
Remittances and relations with public authority

“Remittances” is another central issue in Philippine migration. It has
not only helped particular families but has sustained as well the national
economy. From France alone, some 80 million euros come out of migrants’
pockets every year, and are sent directly to their families in the Philippines.
This has increased the buying capacity of the families, boosting the
economy, eventually creating new jobs.
But one can also ask why, despite all the money that enters the country,
there has not been much change in the lives of majority of Filipinos who
are poor? This situation back home also compels Filipinos outside to remain
abroad to work and forget their plans to move back to the Philippines. One
explanation given by engaged groups lies in the planning of the national
budget, where government has given priority to paying the public debt
($1.62 billion in 2004 or 10 percent of the total government budget, according
to an UNCTAD study), to the detriment of spending for education and
health.
On this basis, it would be very difficult for Filipinos to have trust in
their government whose policy is to use their hard-earned euros for debt-
servicing (in other words, allowing all this money to leave the country again).
Worse still is that Philippine government delegates have been sent to various
European countries to meet migrant associations and entice them “to think
in a more productive way” by investing in government development
projects instead of simply sending money to their families. This is adding
insult to injury, and it is about time that Filipino citizens living abroad
including France, put their noses into the budget and have their voices
heard.

In this relationship with public authority, it is also about time that real
efforts are taken by Philippine authorities to compensate the contribution
done by migrant workers to their country’s economy. Not only by giving
them awards for exemplary deeds, but by having the political will to help
them in the difficulties they encounter in their trajectory – from the extortion
done to them at home by recruiters and harassment at the airport, to the
scornful treatment they receive from their own embassies when they are
abroad. And why not also take up ways of providing them with the social
protection denied them by their host country because of their irregular
status? Let us not forget that one’s sense of citizenship entails first of all the
ability to answer one’s own essential needs and to exercise basic rights.
Kudos to our women!

The feminisation of Philippine international migration in the recent
period is a reality which should be acknowledged in a mitigated way. Kudos
to our women for taking the responsibility to save their families from
hardship and for sacrificing their own happiness and lives for their loved
ones. On the other hand, this large percentage of women leaving their homes
and country has also destabilised families and fragmented the country’s
social fabric. But again, how do we turn a negative experience to a positive
one? Migrant women in France have nurtured both the pains and more
importantly, the challenges. They have organised their community to
respond to various needs and continue to give sense to their stay in a foreign
land. Just as they found the solutions for their families at home in the
Philippines, so is there a great chance that they will be the same ones who
will carry on the perspectives of transformation. It is thus important for
them to realise that they have this capacity, and that they could make things
advance by studying further together how energies and efforts can better
be harnessed in the light of the various contexts and issues.
Nature and Perspectives of Philippine Migration to France 393

The Filipino Diaspora:
Changing the Terms of Reference
ERIC GUTIERREZ
Over the years, the Filipino diaspora has been seen through different lenses
that reflect what their countrymen make of them. Various terms have been
created and put into use. In the beginning, they were simply referred to as
mga nag-abroad (those who went overseas, ed.), typically in search of the
proverbial greener pasture. They can be regarded positively, as those taking
the big step and risks for a better life; or negatively, as those not patriotic
enough that they are jumping ship and draining the country’s brain.
Either because of sheer numbers or the realisation that the flow of
Filipino migrants could not be stemmed, the government during the Marcos
years created the balikbayan (literally “return to the motherland”) program
to encourage Filipino citizens and noncitizens who were residing overseas
to return or at least visit home, the Philippines. They were given easy visa
and travel facilitation, and provided with privileges like those big
balikbayan boxes, or one-stop centres to process small-scale investments
and property purchases.
From the Cory Aquino (the widow of assassinated opposition leader
Benigno Aquino who ousted Marcos in snap elections and was in office
from 1986–1992) years, a new iconography—bagong bayani (the new hero,
ed.)—was used. As a globalised economy started to take root, the Filipino
overseas contract workers became the modern-day heroes to both family
and country. They became the Philippines’ top dollar-earning export
overseas. New acronyms emerged for agencies created to facilitate the
processing of this export – POEA (Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration), OWWA (Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration), etc.
Diplomatic missions abroad were geared to promote Filipino workers to
overseas employers.

While these references are handy and popular, they are mostly
‘sunshine’ terms – they fail to capture or convey what lies beneath the
shadows. As the terms get repeated and reproduced, especially within
policymaking circles at home, the full extent of the experiences of the Filipino
diaspora becomes often hidden.
For example, the typical notion of the balikbayan is one who is awash
with dollars, euros or pounds, after having “made it” overseas. They are
often regarded as the “lucky ones” – those who have escaped the poverty
and misery of their homeland to lead more fulfilled lives beyond its shores.
What is not conveyed is that balikbayans may have suffered many years of
abuse being treated as unwanted freeriders in receiving countries, or as
second-class citizens who are denied the benefits of a legal minimum wage,
public health care, or access to decent housing. They keep the secrets (of
their not-so-rosy and often dehumanising lives overseas) to themselves.
The bagong bayani often receives a serenade from professional
musicians on their return, at finger corridors of the Ninoy Aquino Airport.
They are extolled “for keeping Filipino values alive and promoting a sense
of nationhood wherever they are.” Little is said about how the bagong
bayani, typically the female domestic worker, may not feel like a hero at all
when returning home. They had gone abroad not just to earn money, but
also to escape bitter relationships at home with husbands and family, or to
be liberated from their much more inferior status as home-bound women
at “home.” Also, less is reported on how these returning heroes are often
routinely asked at the airport for pasalubongs or greenbacks folded inside
their passports, not just by corrupt immigration and customs officials, but
also by janitors working the toilets or by parking lot attendants in the area.
It is not unusual for “mga nag-abroad” Filipinos to have to prove their
patriotic credentials to doubting countrymen. Folks at home check if they
still know their home language. Some are asked if they still keep, and use,
their Barong Tagalogs (national shirt for men). Even their tastes are probed
— can they still eat balut (ducks eggs in salt brine) crave for sinigang (soup
soured by tamarind or lemons), and feel revived by a shot of Ginebra (gin).
The irony is that identity politics, or the sense of being Filipino, often
becomes more pronounced among those who have lived in other societies
and cultures. They realise their “being Filipino” more intimately when they
have been able to compare themselves against other cultures.
The Filipino Diaspora: Changing the Terms of Reference 395

THE SEARCH FOR NEW TERMS
Within the last decade, however, scholarly work has come up with
some terms or concepts that can more accurately describe and convey the
subtexts of the nag-abroad, balikbayan or bagong bayani experience
overseas. It may be that there is a need to popularise usage of these terms.
They may not be as catchy and colourful, and may sound too academic,
but their value in conveying accurate messages are important and critical.
Partial citizens
For example, why does government not use the term “partial citizens”
when referring to most Filipinos overseas (or at least to those who still hold
Philippine passports)? Citizens are, in theory, entitled to the protection of
their governments. Since Filipino passport holders who reside or work semi-
permanently overseas enjoy little or no protection at all from the government
that issued their passports, why not classify them as partial? Use of this
term immediately conveys the tenuous political existence they live in.
Some politicians, because they are politicians, make it appear that they
can extend protection. For example, as the war in Lebanon escalated in
August 2006, trapping hundreds of Filipinos working as domestics or in
hotels in that country, a defiant-looking President Gloria Arroyo ordered,
“Bring them home!” They are the bagong bayanis, so, bring them home.
She further made clear that it is a “mandatory evacuation,” and that “no
stone will be left unturned to bring them home” (Sun Star Online 3 August
2006). Other officials will not be outdone. In October 2006, Senator Richard
Gordon asked the Philippine’s Department of Labor and Employment to
pull out overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) who were being threatened by
rioters in Kazakhstan (ABS-CBN Interactive 24 October 2006).
Philippine officials want to be seen publicly as protectors of their
migrant citizenry. But what remains unsaid is that their efforts are feeble,
mainly bluff and bluster. Because the reality is that whatever
pronouncements they make, the Philippine government just does not have
the power and resources to extend its protection to millions of its migrant
citizens. Full stop. Also, what remains further hidden from view is how
government policy condones the violation of rights of its migrant citizens.
For example, the Philippine government will be the last body to insist that
its migrant citizens enjoy such formal rights as the minimum wage in their
host countries.
Filipino domestics and other low-wage earners become “competitive”
overseas because they agree to work for much lower wages. A Filipino

diplomat once explained that if they lobbied their host government to
enforce those rights, “employers will simply shift instead to English-
speaking Sri Lankans or Nepalis.”
It thus becomes ironic that sometimes when the Philippine government
wants to pretend it can extend protection, they often go against the wishes
of the bagong bayanis themselves. This writer once met, during a long lay
over at Dubai international airport, a group of Filipino engineers,
electricians, and plumbers on their way to Iraq. Officially, the government
has banned the deployment of bagong bayanis to that country on account
of its security conditions. But there are billion-dollar contracts for the
rehabilitation of Iraq, and some Filipinos are willing to take the risk, given
commensurate pay and benefits. Two of them already had experience
working in such conditions—they were on opposite sides as mechanics
during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s.
This group of bagong bayanis were, officially, on their way to Jordan
to work there. On arrival in Jordan, however, they were to proceed to an
American consular office where they would be given their US visas to enter
Iraq (since they would be working for an American company with a contract
to rebuild roads and bridges in Southern Iraq). They had to “smuggle”
themselves into Jordan to get the protection of a US visa because they could
not get it in the Philippines and would be prevented from leaving if they
declared themselves as going to Iraq. Rather than impose a ban on working
in Iraq, it would do better if the government ensured that appropriate cover
is provided. This group of Filipino skilled workers are not idiots, they are
not little children who have to be told not to go to Iraq because it is
dangerous. They know the risks, and are taking it. They are exercising their
right to choose, while most peacekeeping soldiers from different countries
sent to Iraq often do not have that choice.
The term “partial citizen” is also appropriate when looking at the other
end. Receiving countries, even if they are considered “developed,” do not
always extend protection to migrant workers. The locals get full protection
as citizens; migrant workers remain as partial citizens because they are
from another country too poor to give them jobs and retain them. As noted
by one US-based academic who has done much work on partial citizenship,
“receiving countries curb the integration of migrants so as to guarantee a
secure source of low-wage labour for their economies.” For example,
receiving countries will grant visas outright to workers, but not their
families.

“By containing the costs of maintaining families in the sending countries,
(migrant) wages can be kept to a minimum.” Furthermore, if the host
economy slows down, it will be easier to send the individual migrant worker,
rather than a whole family, back to the home country (Parrenas 2001: 1133-
1134). Filipino nurses in the UK can only bring in their families after they
have stayed for six months, and after going through a lengthy petition
process. In the other direction, UK nationals can bring their families on the
first day of employment in the Philippines, should they be posted there by
their employers.
Partial citizens are “partial” because they enjoy the full protection of
neither their home governments nor host countries. They are subject to abuse
as unwanted intruders in host countries, and have to bear, with their
families, the pain of long-term separation. A step towards addressing their
problems can start with governments recognising them, as a matter of policy,
as partial citizens. Using the term casts them in the more appropriate,
although not too rosy, light.
Transmigrants
Another useful term to use is “transmigrants.” A dominant, long-held
view about immigrants is that they are people “uprooted” from their home
societies and culture, and “transplanted” into new, receiving countries. This
concept of “uprootedness” is fast becoming passé since most studies now
reveal that immigrants who change passports to live permanently in host
countries do not necessarily cut their ties with their country of origin. They
continue to own property or run businesses, support relatives back home
financially, and sometimes, play increasingly important roles in home
country politics. They do not eschew their national identity and the customs
and language of their birth. Even their subsequent generations still maintain
memories of past connections. As such, transmigrants, according to Glick
Schiller et al. (January 1995), are “immigrants whose daily lives depend on
multiple and constant interconnections across international borders, and
whose public identities are configured in relation to more than one nation-
state.”
Not all Filipino migrants are partial citizens. Some become incorporated
into the economy, political institutions and patterns of daily life of the
country in which they reside. These include those who get naturalised as
citizens of the receiving countries, or who can begin to enjoy citizenship (at
least in the formal sense) on account of marriage to a citizen of the host
country. They can own property, get social security, and get recourse from
the local legal system if their rights are violated.

What is interesting from the studies of Glick Schiller, et al. is the
observation that nation-building continues, even among transmigrants.
Contrary to common perception, most transmigrants do not lose or discard
their national identities. This means that “we are entering an era in which
states that can claim dispersed populations construct themselves as
deterritorialised nation-states (ibid. 50).” The Philippines can easily pass as
one such “deterritorialised nation-state” with millions of its citizens
scattered around the world as partial citizens or transmigrants.
It is important to note here that citizenship and nationality are two
separate and distinct concepts. The Harvard Law Review (January 1997),
argues that a lot of confusion exists because often, citizenship and nationality
are treated as a single concept. Citizenship should be regarded as a
functional concept—a citizen is one who enjoys the protection of the state,
exercises rights, and performs obligations such as paying local taxes.
Nationality, on the other hand, is more ‘non-functional’—it is the sense of
cultural identity and community that pervades members of all nations. It is
much more difficult to define, although no less important to the existence
of a nation-state. Many Filipino migrants who have chosen to change
passports do so to avail of the functional privileges of host country
citizenship. But it does not necessarily mean that they have lost their sense
of national identity as Filipinos. Hence, the term transmigrants.
The Harvard Law Review further notes that citizenship denotes a
“vertical” relationship, running between the citizen and the state,
“connecting the group of humans who can exact the highest protection from
the state, and who owe it the most onerous duties.” Nationality on the other
hand, is more of a “horizontal” relationship among people, developing a
community who share a national character.
An example that illustrates how citizenship in another country and
nationality as Filipinos go together is the Barrio Fiesta that takes place every
year around July in the United Kingdom. A huge fairground is booked
with food stalls, exhibits, and cultural shows. Thousands attend the fiesta,
some booking coaches that travel overnight from as far away as Scotland.
It is that time of the year when one finds a place to get the familiar whiff of
chicharon or bagoong cooking in the air, and when you hear lively chatter in
the different Philippine languages—from Ilocano to Kapampangan to
Tagalog to Bisaya. It is not unusual to find real estate companies from Manila
putting up displays at the fiesta, selling houses, apartments and
condominiums to migrant Filipinos.

The Barrio Fiesta displays not only things that are Filipino, but also the
dense network of linkages between hundreds of Filipino organisations in
the UK. These are mainly Filipinos who have become UK citizens, who
travel with a British passport, yet they remain and keep their sense of being
Filipinos. They even share the same jokes that will make only Filipinos
laugh. As far as their vertical functional rights are concerned, these Filipinos
are UK citizens. But as far as their horizontal ties are concerned, they remain
as much Filipino as those who have stayed home.
Glick Schiller notes as well that many Filipino transmigrants remain
politically active in home country politics. They develop new forms of
political action, and mediate relationships between their host and home
countries. Some groups lobby their host countries to provide or withhold
development assistance to the Philippine government. Many have become
partisans in the struggle against dictatorship (against Marcos), and
participate as fund-raisers or supporters of various parties and candidates
in Philippine elections.
The Philippines can construct itself as a deterritorialised nation-state.
Millions of Filipino transmigrants who have rooted themselves in their host
communities show that location is not anymore the principal consideration
in determining nationality. Neither is a change in formal or functional
citizenship an indicator that transmigrants have eschewed their Filipino
identities. Transmigrant is another term that can more accurately describe
Filipinos overseas.
CHANGING THE TERMS OF REFERENCE

The Filipino diaspora is popularly referred to as the mga nag-abroad,
balikbayan or bagong bayani. These terms, however, do not capture or
convey the full extent of the diaspora’s experience overseas. “Partial
citizens” and “transmigrants” are two terms that can be borrowed from
academia, and popularised, so that the Filipino diaspora is seen in the more
appropriate light.
The only problem, of course, is that aside from being English terms,
partial citizens and transmigrants can come across as snooty and boring.
Perhaps a contest should be started in finding adequate, catchy translations
into any Philippine language. This writer will submit the following, should
one such contest take place:
• For partial citizen – mamamayang tiis-muna
• For transmigrant – Pinoy palit-passport
So, ano ka ba, tiis-muna or palit-passport?

REFERENCES
Parreñas, Rhacel Salazar
2001 “Transgressing the Nation-State: The Partial Citizenship and
Imagined (Global) Community of Migrant Filipina Domestic
Workers,” in Signs, Vol. 26. No. 4, Globalisation and Gender,
pp. 1129-1154.
Glick Schiller, Nina; Linda Basch; and Cristina Szanton Blanc
1995 “From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational
Migration” in Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 68 No. 1, pp. 48-63.
January 1995.
Harvard Law Review Association
1997 “The Functionality of Citizenship” in Harvard Law Review, Vol. 110,
No. 8, pp. 1814-1831. January 1997.

Philippine Migration Statistics:
Insights from Europe and Beyond
JEREMAIAH M. OPINIANO
INTRODUCTION
One should not be surprised if there are marked differences in international
migration statistics of sending and receiving countries. Taking the case of
the Philippines, some host countries’ census figures on the number of
Filipinos in a host country may differ from what a Philippine diplomatic
mission might say.
Generally, migration (covering internal and international) is a difficult
population process to quantify 1 because the fluidity of migration
movements —either by air, land or sea-travel— makes the situation difficult
to track down. In the last few years, there has been a renewed interest to
find out how many migrants (to also include refugees and asylum seekers)
there are. This is especially because an estimated 190 million migrants
worldwide have provided over-US$200 billion of remittances to developing
countries, catching the attention of multilateral and development
organisations.
The Philippines has developed a sophisticated set of statistics about its
citizens abroad, at least before migrants leave and when migrants are in
host countries. For this volume on Filipino migration to European countries,
this paper hopes to explain: a) how international migration statistics are
gathered and harmonised; b) what are some of the gaps in the process of
capturing and harmonising international migration data; and c) provide a
snapshot of how many Filipinos there are in Europe. The paper ends with
an explanation of the relevance of these international migration statistics,
at least for the Philippines as a migrant-sending country.

Data sources
There are several group of Filipinos who migrate overseas. We have
temporary contract workers, whose primary motivation for overseas
migration is to earn a living for their families in the Philippines while
maintaining their Filipino citizenship. We also have permanent residents
or immigrants who have opted to stay for good overseas. We also have
undocumented migrants (also referred to as “irregular” or “illegal”
migrants) who have overstayed or have no valid documentation during
their overseas migration.
Given the many types of overseas Filipinos, many agencies are involved
in the collection, recording and the processing of the country’s statistics on
international migration.
Data sources in the Philippines

The major data gathering offices are the agencies involved in the
country’s management of overseas migration flows. The Department of
Labor and Employment (DOLE) is a major agency, alongside its attached
agency the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA).
Temporary contract workers (both newly-hired and re-hired) are the
jurisdiction of the two agencies. A related agency, OWWA or the Overseas
Workers Welfare Administration (the welfare-focused agency for temporary
contract workers), has some datasets of temporary contract workers who
paid their per-contract membership fee of US$25. Meanwhile, CFO or the
Commission on Filipinos Overseas (then under the Department of Foreign
Affairs, or DFA, and now under the Office of the President) handles
permanent residents and immigrants (Opiniano 2006).
Another agency, the Bureau of Immigration and Deportation (BID),
handles records of Filipinos and foreigners who pass through Philippine
air and sea ports. Some government officials involved in harmonising
international migration data have mentioned that BID cannot use
embarkation and disembarkation cards to record the number of exiting
and returning Filipinos (especially in airports). But raw data on departing
and returning foreigners and overseas Filipinos are available at the BID.
Migration scholars have long recommended that the BID systematize its
data on departing overseas Filipinos (Cariño 1989).
The National Statistics Office (NSO) is the main agency under the
National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) that gathers
relevant data on overseas Filipinos. NSO uses three sets of household and
income surveys related to Filipinos abroad: the quarterly Labor Force
Philippine Migration Statistics: Insights from Europe and Beyond 403

Surveys, the annual Survey on Overseas Filipinos or the SOF (which is a
rider to the October round of the LFS), and the triennial Family Income and
Expenditures Survey. The SOF is the most important survey instrument
for NSO in regard to getting data on overseas Filipinos, particularly their
demographic information and remittance behavior.
There are also other related agencies that are part of the data tracking
machinery for overseas Filipinos. One is the Philippine Retirement
Authority, which records the number of returning Filipinos who have
availed of what are called the special retirement retiree’s visa. Another
relevant agency is the Department of Tourism, which records foreigner
and overseas Filipino tourists arriving in the country. DOT has national
and regional-level data.
Available data from Philippine diplomatic missions abroad

Overseas migration statistics are also being tracked from host countries.
The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) is central in this task since it
coordinates the work of 80-plus embassies and consulates worldwide —all
of which are trying their best to provide estimates of the number of Filipinos
in the host country/countries that they cover. The sources of these datasets
include immigration or border statistics, population registers, and residence
permits (United Nations Statistics Division 2006).
Many of these diplomatic missions use the statistics offices of the host
countries, especially those situated in developed countries that have
sophisticated Census datasets as well as Census data ferreting software
(e.g., the United States, Canada, Australia, European countries). An example
in Europe is Denmark: the website of Statistics Denmark (www.dst.dk)
enables the user to access data according to identified variables. Among
the variables one can check in the website of Statistics Denmark is the
number of foreigners (e.g. foreign workers, foreign-born population, the
population born to families of mixed races, among others) that is carries.
Philippine diplomatic missions abroad also have information on the
number of Filipinos who have availed of their services (e.g. passports, birth
certificates, dual citizenship), and these missions include these numbers in
the estimates being reported annually to the Philippine government.
Data harmonisation
The Philippine government has an inter-agency committee that annually
provides stock estimates of Filipinos abroad from the various sources

mentioned above. The CFO heads this inter-agency committee, composed
of representatives of the government agencies earlier mentioned.
What is interesting in this endeavor by the inter-agency committee is
that it has estimates on the number of undocumented Filipinos. Some
diplomatic missions, for example, provide estimates that come from the
immigration office of the host country that are then reported to the
Philippine government. Meanwhile, even if Filipinos have become nationals
of the host country, they are still counted in the stock estimates (Castro
2006).
Given this data harmonisation work by the inter-agency committee on
overseas Filipinos’ statistics, the latest stock estimates show that there are
7,924,188 Filipinos abroad (see table 1). A 2006 World Bank report, 2006
Global Development Finance, said the Philippines is the world’s third largest
diaspora population, next to China and India (World Bank 2006).
Table 1: Stock estimates of overseas Filipinos
Region/Country Temporary Permanent Irregular Total

World Total 3,651,727 3,391,338 881,123 7,924,188
Seafarers 247,707 Not applicable Not applicable 247,707
Africa 61,525 318 17,160 79,003
Asia (East & South) 891,088 186,906 238,238 1,316,232
Asia (West) 1,565,726 2,330 112,750 1,680,806
Americas/
Trust Territories 304,547 2,758,067 357,923 3,420,537
Oceania 57,692 232,366 31,770 321,828
Europe 523,442 211,351 123,282 858,075
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas (2006)
Data analysed
One can never be satisfied with the existing statistics present on
Filipinos’ international migration, or even on the ways these have been
gathered. To be fair with the Philippine government, amid its limited
resources, international migration statistics are available and periodically
updated. Efforts are being exerted to compare and harmonize data from
various sources and agencies. A forthcoming publication by the Commission
on Population (2007) has outlined such issues in international migration
statistics2 , and called on stakeholders to begin steps in harmonising data
on Filipinos’ international migration.

Among the issues on international migration statistics is that these
overlap each other. One also has to take extra care about citing statistics
from merely one type of overseas Filipino—whether temporary contract
workers, immigrants and permanent residents, or undocumented migrants.
Variables such as remittances and job occupations cut across these types of
migrants, and thus should not be loosely mentioned that these are “OFW
remittances.” There are also instances in some countries where temporary
contract workers were first deployed as such, and then became permanent
residents (and perhaps naturalised citizens, later on). There are also datasets
lacking, such as return migration (as in many other countries).
There is also a mandated database system for international migration
called the Shared Government Information System on Migration (SGISM).
Republic Act 8042, or the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of
1995, provides that mandate to implement the SGISM. Unfortunately, the
SGISM never took off due to lack of resources.
Meanwhile, the National Statistical Coordination Board has convened
a task force on overseas Filipinos statistics (TFOFS) (Castro 2006). This task
force provides a framework and a set of indicators to determine those
belonging to the statistical measurement on overseas Filipinos.3 The
following types of overseas Filipinos are part of the government’s statistical
measurements:
• Migrant workers;
• Permanent residents or immigrants;
• Former Filipino citizens;
• Holders of non-immigrant visas like tourists/visitors, students,
medical patients, those on official mission, and others;
• Descendants of Filipino nationals overseas; and
• Undocumented Filipinos.
Host country policies and conditions may also provide limitations to
international migration statistics. A recently-released report by the OECD
or Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (2007) has a
special section about international migration, and the observation below
reflects OECD’s observation about international migration statistics:
International migration movements are almost always subject to
restrictions. All OECD countries regulate the movements of non-
nationals (non-citizens), to a greater or lesser extent. Only nationals
(citizens) generally enjoy the right of free movement, both with respect

to entry into or departure from their home country. In almost all
countries, certain non-nationals are accorded the right of free entry and
of stay for short periods, for example for tourism, as part of reciprocal
agreements between countries. Most other non-nationals require an
entry visa before they can enter the territory of a receiving state. The
visa generally only accords the right to stay in the country for a short
period of time, often three months. The right of free entry and stay may
be extended, both in time and in scope, to include the right of residence
and the exercise of an economic activity, either as part of regional
agreements (Australia/New Zealand) or broader supra-national
political or economic unions (the European Union) [OECD 2007].
One also has to consider the fact that many countries do not have
uniform meanings about the term “migrant.” A Filipina demographer
(Nimfa Ogena 2007) thinks Philippine data on international migration
should be consistent with existing international definitions and standards,
but some host countries have formed different national views surrounding
who is an “immigrant” (Jean-Christophe Dumont and Georges Lemaitre
2005). One definition can cover persons who are foreign-born, others the
acquisition of the nationality of local residents (e.g., naturalised Dutch as
part of the local Dutch population count). Such contrasts can lead to varied
results concerning statistics on foreigners—comparing or combining
foreigners who have become naturalised citizens in host countries, and those
who remain nationals of their origin countries (Dumont and Lemaitre 2005).
Harmonising migration statistics worldwide would even require “the
combination of different data sources that produced different types of data”
(United Nations Statistics Division 2006). It is of note that many countries
do not have developed international migration statistics.
There are ongoing efforts globally regarding international migration
statistics. The UN Statistics Division, since 1997, has been piloting an
“international migration and travel statistics questionnaire” (United Nations
Statistics Division 2006). Multilateral groups like the OECD (which has 29
member-countries) have a multiple-year database of international migration
statistics that span 227 origin countries and 29 OECD member-countries.
But since international migration conditions vary across countries (both
sending and receiving countries), efforts to determine standards and
definitions on international migration are underway. Philippine statistics
on international migration are at par globally, despite various definitions
on who is the migrant.
In the end, statistics can only compile so much. Not even the most
developed census offices in the world are near perfect in their compilation

of statistics. At the very least, data on Filipinos’ international migration can
help the public see trends on immigration flows and conditions, remittances,
and other demographic characteristics of these overseas Filipinos.
STOCK ESTIMATES: NUMBER OF FILIPINOS IN EUROPE

Out of the 2005 stock estimates on overseas Filipinos, Europe has a
total of 858,075 Filipinos—523,442 of them temporary contract workers
(61 percent), 211,351 permanent residents (24.63 percent), and 123,282
(14.37%) undocumented migrants (see Table 1, p. 24).
The United Kingdom is the top destination country for Filipinos in
Europe, followed by Italy, Germany, France, and Austria. The United
Kingdom is renowned for nurses; Italy for domestic workers; and Germany
for Filipinas who have married German husbands. Italy has the most
number of temporary contract workers, United Kingdom for permanent
residents, and France for undocumented migrants.
CONCLUSION: RELEVANCE OF MIGRATION STATISTICS

Statistics on Filipinos abroad, such as those in Europe, are relevant for
many reasons. These include the possible repatriation of Filipinos when
the situation in the host country warrants it (e.g., war), or implementation
of tighter immigration laws to clamp down on undocumented immigrants
(the recently-elected president of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for instance,
vowed to curb illegal immigration).
It is imperative for the Philippines to have a harmonised set of statistics
on international migration. This is because international migration has
become an important fixture of the Philippine economy, and the good and
bad consequences of international migration to Filipino families,
communities, and the country need to be precisely determined. If the
Philippines wants to lure remittances and other resources from overseas
Filipinos for socio-economic development, harmonised migration statistics
will be helpful. For example, statistics are coming into play now that
overseas Filipinos are target markets of Philippine- and overseas-based
companies.
But what the statistics on overseas Filipinos will reveal is that Filipinos
have made contributions to the socio-economic needs of host countries,
like those in Europe. There is an observation that demographic factors such
as declining birth rates, labor shortages and the aging populations of
Western countries will continue to attract migrants from less-developed
countries. Data on the top ten destination countries of Filipino temporary

contract workers and immigrants (see Table 3) suggest that the global
demographic dynamics are becoming pull factors for Filipinos to go to these
countries (Population Commission 2007-forthcoming). And thus, Filipinos
have helped maintain the levels of development that these Western
countries, such as those in Europe, now enjoy.
NOTES
1 Migration, fertility and mortality are the three processes involved in
demography. And among these three processes, to quote a publication
by the Commission on Population (undated: page 32), migration is the
most difficult to measure “because unlike births and deaths, migrations
are not normally recorded.”
2 The said publication (Fourth State of the Philippine Population Report)
had assembled the various international migration statistics coming
from various government agencies—particularly from the POEA, CFO
and NSO.
3 For further reading, search in Google the paper titled “Measuring
international migration in the Philippines” by Lina V. Castro. This was
presented at the United Nations Expert Group Meeting on “Measuring
International Migration: Concepts and Methods,” 4-7 December 2006,
United Nations. Castro is Director of the Social Statistics Office of the
National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB), the Philippines’ policy-
making body for socio-economic statistics and data.
REFERENCES
Cariño, Benjamin V.
1989 “The Philippine National Recording Systems on International
Migration.” International Migration Review xxi, 4.
Castro, Lina
2006 “Measuring international migration in the Philippines.” Paper
presented at the United Nations Expert Group Meeting on
“Measuring International Migration: Concepts and Methods,”
United Nations, New York City, USA. December 4-7.
Commission on Population
forth- International Migration, Population and Development in
coming the Philippines (The Fourth State of the Philippine Population
Report).

Commission on Population
n.d. Handbook on Basic Demographic Concepts. Manila: Commission
on Population.
Dumont, Jean-Christophe and Georges Lemaitre
2005 “Counting Immigrants and Expatriates in OECD Countries: A New
Perspective.” OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working
Paper Number 25 (DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2005)4. June 22 .
Opiniano, Jeremaiah
2006 “Data Crunchers Say RP has Proxy Migration Data.” OFW
Journalism Consortium newspacket vol. 5 no. 7. September 7.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
2007 OECD Factbook 2007. Paris, France: OECD.
Osias, Tomas
2007 “Panorama and Drama: International Migration, Population and
Development in the Philippines.” Paper presented at a
Stakeholders’ Forum on the Fourth State of the Philippine
Population Report. University of the Philippines, Quezon City.
March 1.
Ogena, Nimfa B.
2007 Reaction speech to the presentation of the draft Fourth State of the
Philippine Population Report. University of the Philippines,
Quezon City. March 1.
World Bank
2006 Global Economic Prospects 2006. Washington, DC, USA: The World
Bank.
Internet material
United Nations Statistics Division. Statistics on International Migration.
http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/sconcerns/migration/
migr2.htm (accessed 18 May 2007).

Philippine Migration Statistics: Insights from Europe and Beyond Table 2 Demographic Profiles of Top Ten Destination Countries of Filipino Temporary Contract Workers and Permanent Residents
Countries of Population* Birth Rates** % of *** No. of Int’l Labor force Data on overseas Filipinos
Destination (millions) per 1,000 Population migrants+ (in millions) ++ in selected countries
population of age 65+ (millions)
Temporary Emigrants and
1995 2000 2005 1995 2000 2005 2000 2005 1995 2005 1995 2000 2005 Contract Permanent
Workers Residents
(1998-2002) (1995-2005)
Temporary contract workers
Saudi Arabia 18.5 21.6 24.6 36 35 30 3 3 4.610 6.360 5.8 5.9 6.2 1,512,335 not available
(1999)
Hong Kong SAR 6 7 6.9 12 7 7 11 12 2.432 2.298 3.0 3.3 3.5 848,077 not avalable
Japan 125.2 126.9 127.7 10 9 9 17 9 1.260 2.048 66.6 67.6 66.5 480,437 58,800
Taiwan 21.2 22.3 22.7 16 13 9 8 9 n.a n.a 9.2 9.7 10.0 444,355 not available
United Arab Emirates 1.9 2.8 4.6 23 39 15 2 1 1.715 3.211 1.3 1.8 n.a 413,179 not available
Kuwait 1.5 2.2 2.6 25 24 19 1 2 0.996 1.668 n.a 1.2 2.1 207,462 not available
Singapore 3 4 4.3 17 13 10 7 8 0.991 1.843 1.7 2.1 2.3 196,900 not available
Italy 57.7 57.8 58.7 9 9 9 17 19 1.483 2.519 20.2 23.7 24.5 166,738 5,361
Qatar 0.5 0.6 0.8 19 20 21 1 1 0.405 0.636 0.28 n.a 0.32 116,773 not available
(1997) (2001)
Brunei 0.3 0.3 0.4 27 25 22 3 3 0.087 0.124 n.a n.a 0.15 96,748 not available
Permanent residents and emigrants
United States 263.2 275.6 296.5 15 15 14 13 12 28.522 38.354 132.3 140.8 149.3 34,103 377,651
Canada 29.6 30.8 32.2 14 11 10 12 13 5.003 6.105 14.9 15.8 17.3 24,647 101,920
Australia 18.0 19.2 20.4 15 13 13 12 13 4.067 4.097 9.0 9.7 10.4 1,878 26,641
Germany 81.7 82.1 82.5 10 9 9 16 17 9.092 10.143 40.0 39.7 41.1 852 5,661
United Kingdom 58.6 59.8 60.1 13 12 12 16 16 4.198 5.408 28.4 29.4 29.5 80,537 2,547
New Zealand 3.5 3.8 4.1 16 15 14 12 12 0.731 0.642 1.7 1.8 2.1 1,034 4,504
Spain 39.1 39.5 43.5 10 9 11 16 17 1.009 4.790 16.2 18.0 20.8 12,561 3,565
Norway 4.3 4.5 4.6 14 13 12 15 15 0.231 0.343 2.1 2.3 2.4 1,523 1,677
Packaged by the Institute for Migration and Development Issues (in Commission on Population, 2007-forthcoming)
Note: The first ten countries represent the top ten destination countries of temporary contract workers as per 1998-2002 POEA data. Meanwhile, the last eight countries
represent the eight of the ten top destination countries of permanent residents and emigrants. Japan and Italy are also part of the top ten destination countries for permanent
resident and emigrants.
Legends: * Population Reference Bureau; ** The World Factbook; Center for International Research; *** CIA World Factbook; + United Nations Population Division; ++
411
International Labor Organization Labor Statistics portal (http://laborsta.ilo.org);~Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (note: some of hse workers have
returned to the country and have worked for another country);~~Commission on Filipinos Overseas
CONTRIBUTORS
Benn Adriatico, armed with only an AB Mass Communication and three
years’ experience as information editor at the then Ministry of Education
and Culture under the Marcos regime, went for the green-pasture cliche in
Denmark in the late 1970s, ending up to work in a travel agency. As typical
immigrant, he has tried all sorts of service jobs: clerical, academic and menial
like waiting in restaurants and cleaning offices and self-employment. Editor
of community publications in Denmark, Benn is one of the opinion leaders
of the Filipino community in Copenhagen and a credible social critic. To
his “fans,” Benn is an experience.
Gene Alcantara is the editor of EuroFilipino Journal, a London-based
newsmag, and is a correspondent for ABS-CBN The Filipino Channel’s
Balitang Europe. He has been involved with various community publications
in the UK since he arrived in the early 1980s such as Tapayan, Bangka,
Kumusta, The Filipino and Philippine Express International. He speaks Russian
and enjoys reading and writing essays, poetry, short stories and translations.
Apart from his literary endeavours, he has the distinction of being the only
British-Filipino to run for local government office (Westminster, 1997) and
for a seat in the British Parliament (West Ham, 2005). He has a BA in Russian
Studies and PGDip in East-West Trade from the University of Westminster,
an MBA from Oxford Brookes University, and a Certificate in Employment
Law from the College of North East London. He worked for the British
Council for 21 years in various capacities, including stints in Prague and
Warsaw. He now works as an independent Immigration Adviser, registered
with the Office of the Immigration Services Commissioner (OISC). He lives
in central London with his spouse Carmila Legarda and daughter Melissa,
with another daughter in Edinburgh and a son in Manila.
Ildefonso F. Bagasao is a product of the Ateneo Law School. He hurdled
the Philippine bar in 1970, and has, to date, some 35 years of immigration
law experience. He spent 12 years with the Philippine Bureau of Immigration
as Chief of Investigation and Research. In l981, he joined the Quasha
Asperilla Ancheta and Nolasco Law Firm, eventually becoming partner
until his retirement in 1996. During this time, he co-founded and became
president of the Immigration Lawyers Association of the Philippines. He
co-chaired the Geneva Forum for Philippine Concerns, and was board
member of the Commission on Filipino Migrant Workers in Geneva,

Switzerland from 1996 to 2004 when he was a resident. In 1999, he co-
founded the Economic Resource Center for Overseas Filipinos (ERCOF),
which now has a presence in Switzerland, the Benelux countries, Japan,
Saudi Arabia, Singapore, US, and the Philippines where Mr. Bagasao sits
as current chair. Ercof Philippines operates projects such as ongoing savings
and investment programs in microfinance, etc., for Filipino migrants, and
is a regular resource organisation of the BSP Financial Literacy Campaign
for OFWs and their families. Mr. Bagasao has presented papers in various
national and international conferences on migration, remittances and
development convened by the AIM Policy Center, Commission on Filipinos
Overseas, the Ateneo Center for Social Policy. World Bank, the DFID, ADB,
MIT and APEC. He was also consultant to the ILO and served as Lead
Consultant for the 2004 ADB study on Enhancing the Efficiency of
Remittances for Overseas Filipino Workers. He chairs the Institute for
Migration and Development Issues, a think-tank organisation based in the
Philippines.
Charito Basa has a BA Economics from the Philippine Women’s University.
She came to Rome in 1986 to work as a domestic helper, and soon found
work with Isis International. There, she became interested in issues related
to Filipina migrant workers in Italy and founded the Filipino Women’s
Council. She become a major spokesperson on migrant issues in Italy. In
2002 she was awarded the honorary title of Cavaliere della Repubblica by
Italian President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi for her advocacy work. She has
worked with many Italian and international organisations and among her
latest affiliations as researcher-consultant are: UN-INSTRAW; Mama Cash
Foundation; FAO Livelihood Support Programme, at Università Roma Tre,
( “Networking among Migrant and Native Women in Europe”). As Project
and Research Coordinator for the Filipino Women’s Council’s and EU’s
EQUAL research project, entitled “Image of Migrants in Italy through
Media, Civil Society and the Labour Market,” she co-wrote the report
entitled “Me, Us and Them: Realities and Illusions of the Filipina Domestic
Workers,” which has been abridged for inclusion in the current volume.
Maria Ophelia Butalid-Echaves was born in Cebu City in 1957. She studied
at the University of the Philippines from 1974 to 1980 and has since earned
a Master’s degree in Child and Youth Psychology and Crosscultural
Psychology, from the University of Tilburg, The Netherlands. She has been
doing social work among disadvantaged families and with refugees from
Sierra Leone in the Tilburg community. She has worked as staffer for Tinig
ng Pilipino, a publication for the Filipino community in The Netherlands.
413
She was Chairperson of the Board of Bayanihan Foundation, Centre for
Philippine Women in The Netherlands from 2000 to 2005. At present, she
is Coordinator at the Centre for Women and Children, as well as case
manager of Bureau for Youth Care, both in Tilburg. Since 2003 she has
been City Councilor of Tilburg, The Netherlands.
Fr. Roel Castañeda was born in Carmona, Cavite. He was ordained into
the priesthood on 12 December 1991. He earned his AB in Philosophy and
Theology from the Divine Word School of Theology. He later earned another
degree, BS Theology at the Pontifical Urbanian University in Rome. His
Licenciate in Canon Law was earned from the University of Navarre in
Pamplona. Fr. Roel has been the Rector at the Filipino Personal Parish in
Barcelona, Spain.
Basco Fernandez started his field work as a sociology major at the University
of San Carlos in 1978 evaluating family planning methodologies in Bantayan
Island, Cebu. He became a proponent in community- and action research
within the NGO community in the Philippines. Coming over to The
Netherlands, he spearheaded the Federation of Filipinos’ five city
consultations in 1997 and wrote his masters thesis on “Transnational Agency
Formation: The Philippine Migration Experience of the 1990s.” After
finishing his MA in International Relations and Public Policy, he pioneered
the field research in Rotterdam to evaluate the working conditions of Filipino
seafarers on board Dutch ships upon the request of Philippine labour
advocates. He continues to be involved in maritime policy advocacy in the
Philippines, updating research with upcoming economic studies and via
regular field visits to maritime partners in the Philippines. He is now busy
taking his second Master’s degree in Technology Applications for Education
and Training at the University of Twente, The Netherlands.
Eric Gutierrez moved to Europe in 1998, living in Germany and then in
London. In 2003, he moved with his young family to Africa, first living in
Malawi, and now in South Africa. When asked where he lives now, he
points to his suitcase as his ‘permanent address.’ Eric Gutierrez works as
International Policy Coordinator for the aid agency Action Aid
(www.actionaid.org).
Nonoi Hacbang is currently Director of the Commission for Filipino Migrant
Workers (CFMW) based in The Netherlands and is spokesperson for
Council of the Platform of Filipino Migrant Organisations in Europe.
He has also worked with and is currently a Board Member of the Philippine
Seafarers Assistance Programme (PSAP). Formerly he was Vicar General

of the Diocese of Calbayog, Samar and was involved in Social
Action and Human Rights movement during the Marcos period. He was
placed under an arrest order by the Marcos dictatorship and came to The
Netherlands as a political refugee in 1984.
Marylou U. Hardillo-Werning freelances in between her itinerant schedule:
publications, teaching, cultural blogging, translation and advocacy work
for migrant women. She studied ethnology, sociology and English literature
at the University of Muenster. She co-founded the Philippine Women’s
Forum and worked as Chairperson of Babaylan, the Philippine Women’s
Network in Europe from 2001 to 2004. She co-authored the book, Philippinen,
Paradies in Aufruhr, Berlin and Verhalten aus den Philippinen and edited the
book Trans-Euro-Express, Filipinas in Europe. She teaches English, Pilipino
and Landeskunde in Inwent (International Capacity Building and
Development).
Anny Misa Hefti has lived in Switzerland for 30 years. After earning her
BA in Psychology from the U.P. Diliman, her two masteral degrees (MA
Guidance and Counseling from University of San Carlos, Cebu City; and
MA in Counseling Psychology from Chapman University, Orange,
California, USA), she continued with post graduate seminars in Switzerland
on systemic family therapy and brief counseling. She is a member of the
Federation of Swiss Psychologists; is active in women’s and migrant issues
in Switzerland; was an NGO delegate to the UN World Women’s Congress
in 1995 in Beijing/Huairou. She continues to facilitate workshops on women
empowerment; and is a member of various national commissions/
committees. She also has worked as counselor for foreign women, and
coordinator of a Migrant Integration Centre in Berne.
Sister Victoria Joson, RGS, served as Pastoral Worker for migrants in Paris,
France from 1991 to 1997; Genoa and Milan, Italy 2000-2003; Barcelona,
Spain, March-September, 2003. She earned her Bachelor of Arts at the
University of the Philippines. She majored in Interior Decoration at the
New York School of Interior Design and has residential education with the
University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in England.
Fe Jusay is currently Coordinator of the Women’s Programme of the
Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers (CFMW) based in The
Netherlands and also coordinates the RESPECT Europewide campaign
on Rights for Migrant Domestic Workers (MDWs). She has
worked for a number of years with the Stichting Tegen
Vrouwenhandel (STV), the Dutch-based Foundation against Trafficking in
415
Women. She is a teacher by profession and was also involved in the Justice
and Peace Movement in Lanao Norte, Mindanao. She had to seek
asylum in The Netherlands as a political refugee during the period of the
Marcos dictatorship.
Roos Krootjes is Dutch-born and her one-month study on onboard
conditions in two Dutch ships and four months fieldwork in the Philippines
were conducted in pursuit of her Cultural Anthropology Master of Science
degree from the University of Utrecht. As a daughter of a Dutch merchant
marine captain, she felt the industry deserved more attention from policy
makers and researchers.
Cristina M. Liamzon has been involved for over 25 years on issues of
agrarian reform and rural development, food security, gender and
development, local economic development, civil society organisations
(CSOs) and networking and since the mid-1990s, migrant concerns. She
currently works as a development consultant with international CSOs and
UN agencies, among others on project formulation, evaluation and strategic
planning. She is also the president of Associazione Pilipinas OFSPES
(Overseas Filipinos Society for the Promotion of Economic Security), an
NGO which focuses on the socio-economic and cultural empowerment of
overseas Filipinos in Italy. She is likewise co-director of the Family Ministry
of the Sentro Pilipino Catholic Chaplaincy in Rome. She has a PhD in Social
Science from the Pontificia Universita Gregoriana (PUG) in Rome, an MPA
from Harvard University in Cambridge, an MSc in Human Settlements
Planning from the Asian Institute Technology (AIT) in Bangkok and a BA
in Economics from the University of the Philippines. She has been living in
Rome, Italy since 1990.
Filomenita Mongaya-H∅gsholm earned her BA in Journalism at the
University of the Philippines (IMC, 1967) and her MSc in TV-Radio and
Film from Syracuse University (Newhouse School of Communications, New
York,USA,1970). She has lived in Europe for the last three decades straddling
jobs as journalist, editor, documentary film maker and lecturer focused on
human rights, gender and ethnic equality; while also engaging in advocacy
work and networking on anti-discrimination, integration and migration
issues. Awarded the Grassroots Foundation Award for the magazine Soldue,
she has edited Philippine conference proceedings on migration,
development, peace, among others, and spearheaded the participation of
Denmark’s migrant women at such milestones as the UN Social Summit
(Copenhagen), UN Women Conference (Beijing) the Nordic Women’s
Forums (Norway and Finland). A founding member of Babaylan Europe

(1992), she later cofounded Babaylan Denmark in 1997 and its quarterly
publication, Abakada (2001). Ms. H∅gsholm was elected President of the
Black Women and Europe Network in 1996, and anno 2007, has just been
elected to the Board of KULU, the only women and development NGO in
Denmark. In 2002, she acquired a Diplomate in Adult Education
Paedagogics from the Copenhagen Teachers’ Seminarium.
Maria Thelma Noval-Jezewski left the Philippines in 1971, after studies in
St. Theresa’s College (Cebu), Asian Social Institute (Manila) and a short
stint as City sociologist of Cebu City. She stayed in England up to 1975,
when she finally chose to settle in Paris, and became active in the Paris
Philippine community, mostly as part of her involvement in the association
Babaylan, Femmes Philippines en France (Philippine women in France).
Diana Oosterbeek-Latoza earned her BA major in English (magna cum
laude) and BS major in English, minor in History from the University of
Iloilo, and MA studies in Teaching English as a Second Language. She has
been a researcher for various projects on migrant women in Europe, (e.g.,
Migrants and Natives: Networks of Experience; Networks of Welcome
(Networking and Good Practices); Bayanihan’s Lobby Work on Filipina
Au Pairs in 2003-2004; and has inputted into an Expert Meeting on the
topic “Au pairs in The Netherlands in preparation for the United Nations
Report Meeting 2004.” She was a member of the Supervisory Committee
Research on Au Pairs, Scientific Research and Documentation Centre,
Ministry of Justice, The Netherlands in 2003. She is a co-founder of
Bayanihan Foundation, The Philippine Women Centre in The Netherlands;
Diwang Pilipina, a network of Philippine women organisations and
individuals in The Netherlands. She was a member of the Executive
Committee of Babaylan, Philippine Women’s Network in Europe from 1998
to 2004. Currently, she is a social cultural worker with Bayanihan
Foundation, Philippine Women’s Centre in The Netherlands while trying
to finish her studies at the Institute for Social Work in Utrecht.
Jeremaiah M. Opiniano is Executive Director of the Institute for Migration
and Development Issues (IMDI, www.filipinodiasporagiving.org), a three-
year-old nonprofit think-tank that does research, advocacy and
development journalism on international migration and development issues
in the Philippines. He was technical editor of a forthcoming report by the
Commission on Population, the Fourth State of the Philippine Population
Report.
Malu Padilla has been active in Europe-Philippine solidarity and
development work for almost three decades. In the early 1980s, she co-
417
founded Alay sa Bayan, a cultural group which pioneered in using dances,
songs and theatre in doing educational work among the Dutch public on
Philippine issues. From 1991 until 1997, she served as Executive Director
of the KSP-Philippine-European Solidarity Center, established to facilitate
people-to-people solidarity linkages between Philippine people’s
organisations and NGOs and their European counterparts. She became
involved in Philippine women migrant issues in the early 1990s and served
as Chairperson of Babaylan Philippine Women’s Network in Europe from
1994 to1998. She is co-founder of Diwang Pilipina, the Babaylan network in
The Netherlands. Since 2000, Malu Padilla has been the coordinator of
Bayanihan Philippine Women’s Centre in The Netherlands based in Utrecht.
She is currently a member of the Interim Executive Committee of Babaylan
and sits in the steering committee of the European Feminist Forum. Most
recently, she started working at the Global Society Foundation, an
organisation of and for refugees in The Netherlands. Malu Padilla finished
her BS in Industrial and Management Engineering at Adamson University.
Nathan F. Quimpo is currently Associate Professor in politics and
international relations for the Doctoral Program in International Political
Economy at the University of Tsukuba (Japan). He was an Assistant
Professor in political science and sociology at the University of the
Philippines, and then a lecturer in international relations at the University
of Amsterdam. He finished his PhD in Political Science and International
Relations at the Australian National University. Prior to his academic career,
Nathan was a long-time political activist in the Philippines, spending seven
years in the southern Philippines. He has contributed extensively to books
and journals on politics, human rights, democracy, security and peace issues
in several countries in the Asian region. He is preparing Contested Democracy
and the Left in the Philippines after Marcos (New Haven: Yale University
Southeast Asia Studies) for publication in 2007.
Rosalud de la Rosa was born and raised in Manila. Living in New York for
16 years, she has worked with the UN and received her Master’s Degree in
Public Health from Columbia University. She currently resides in Rome
where she works as a gender and rural development consultant for UN
Rome-based agencies. She has worked with a wide variety of international
organisations on diverse development issues (i.e., agenda of the global
summits of the UN). She has been in the forefront in advocating women’s
rights related to sustainable development, migration, reproductive health
and access to land and water, particularly in the African and Asian region.
Deeply involved in supporting participatory research, policy participation,

coalition-building, and engaging diverse stakeholders to work together on
the implementation of joint programs, she has designed and coordinated
several global and grassroots collaborative programs. She is the founding
chairperson of Women Organising for Change in Agriculture and Natural
Resource Management (WOCAN); a member of the International Board of
Directors of Environment Liaison Center International (ELCI/Kenya); the
International Steering Committee on Global Governance of the World Civil
Society Conference Follow-Up (Canada and Switzerland); and the Executive
Council and Research Trainer of the Filipino Women’s Council (Italy).
Joyce del Rosario obtained her BA in Art History from the Santa Clara
University, California U.S.A in 1983 and completed her MA in Management
and Information at the Institute of Development Policy and Management
(IDPM), University of Manchester, UK in 2001, focusing on information
needs and role of ICTs among marginalised groups. For the last 15 years,
she has continued to be an active member of the Samahan ng Mga
Manggagawang Pilipino sa Belgium, a 24 year-old migrant Filipino workers’
association in Belgium. Her work experience has been in the non-profit
sector, mostly international nongovernmental development agencies, Last
year, she joined a polling and research organisation in Brussels as Project
Manager.
Sally Rousset left the Philippines in 1980 and presently lives in France. She
is a member of Babaylan-femmes Philippines en France and currently works
at the Centre International Lebret-Irfed in Paris.
Jun Terra studied BA in English and Comparative Literature at the
University of the Philippines, and became features and literary editor of
the Philippine Collegian. Author of the book Juan Luna Drawings, Paris Period
(in the collection of Dr. Eleuterio Pascual), Jun Terra has also edited various
Filipino community papers and glossy magazines published in London
which include the following: The Filipino, Filipinos Abroad, Philippine Express
International. Currently he is the feature editor of the Euro-Filipino Journal.
As art historian, he is a member of ICOM (International Council of
Museums) based at UNESCO in Paris, France. He has lectured on art and
Philippine affairs at the Slade School of Fine Arts, University College,
London; School of Oriental and African Studies, London; School of
Epistemics, Edinburgh University; City Literary Institute, London. He has
also published articles on art and politics in: The Third Text, London; Les
Temps Modernes (edited by Jean Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir and Claude
Lanzmann), Paris; and also in Eastern Horizon, Hong Kong.
419
Dennis Nonato C. Yaun was born in Mandaue, Cebu and settled in the
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg as a naturalised Belgian citizen. He has a
B.S. in Mechanical Engineering degree from University of San Carlos, Cebu
and a B.A. Psychology from De La Salle University. After finishing his
Theology degree from Maryhill School of Theology in the Philippines, he
earned his Masters degree in Development Management at the Asian
Institute of Management. In the late 1980s, he served as missionary in Dakar,
Senegal. From 1992 to 1998, he was Assistant to the Secretary General,
Coopération Internationale pour le Développement et la Solidarité (CIDSE),
Brussels, Belgium. He has had short consultancies in the Philippines before
assuming his current post as Assistant Advisor at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and NGDOs of Luxembourg on development programs in the South.
In his spare time, he works with an NGO of Europeans and Migrant Filipinos
which supports microfinance, microenterprise and cooperative sectors by
mobilising investments and donations in Luxembourg. He has served as
President-auditor of Damayan Luxembourg, and has been Luxembourg
and Belgium’s focal person for the Economic Resource Center for Overseas
Filipinos (ERCOF) since May 2002. He has been speaker at various
conferences and was recently the principal speaker during “Philippines:
Quelle Voie de Développement à Suivre” given at the Université de Notre
Dame de la Paix, Namur, Belgium.
Teresita Zurbano-Ruutu was born on 29 November 1948 in Daet,
Camarines Norte. She currently lives in Vantaa, Finland with her Filipino-
Danish family. She currently works with the National Opera of Finland
Ballet Academy with which she has been connected since 1986. She was
Founding chairman and currently Cultural Coordinator of the Finnish-
Philippine Association. Also, she was musical director and choreographer
of Pagdiriwang Cultural group in Helsinki. She sat as board member of
UNIFEM (Vantaa chapter), of MONIKA (a multicultural’s women’s helpline
group), and of KASSANDRA (a multicultural women’s artists group). She
has been speaker at among others, ECOFIL (European Conference of Filipino
Organisations), Pulong ng Bayan in Oslo (Conference of Filipino
Organisations in the Nordic countries), and has represented Finnish
immigrants in the EU Migrants’ Forum. Of humanitarian deeds awards,
Tessie has been awarded the Vuoden Kellokas 1995 (Bell Bearer of the Year)
given by the Finnish Female Reporters’ Association. She also received The
Shelter Deed Award 1995 from the Shelter Homes Association of Greater
Helsinki.

Filipinos in Europe PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Filipinos in Europe PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

I N D E O L D E WO R L D E :

Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data

HB2109 304 840599 2007 PO73000015

Copy Editor: Lorna P. Makil

2 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

PART II. THE POLITICAL, THE CULTURAL AND

4 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

The migration of Filipinos to foreign lands has a long history in modern

6 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filomenita Mongaya Hoegsholm

8 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

10 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

GLOBALISATION AND EUROPE

INTRINSIC HISTORY: THE MIGRATING FILIPINO

12 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

COLONISATION AND MIGRATION

WHICH EUROPE? HOW MIGRATION?

ADVOCATES, LOBBYING, NETWORKS

14 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

FEMININE MIGRATION: GENDER MAINSTREAMING

16 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

18 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

COMMUNITY PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH

CULTURE, POLITICS, LITERATURE, RELIGION

20 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

22 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

24 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filomenita Mongaya Hoegsholm

WORKING AND LIVING IN THE OLDE WORLDE

28 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

MIGRATING FOR DEVELOPMENT

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 29

Europe as residence and work environment

30 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 31

Table 1 Stock Estimates of Overseas Filipinos (2005)

Region/ Permanent Temporary Irregular Total

32 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 33

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 35

Country No. of OFAs 1 Estimated Population 2

Migrants’ contributions to host countries

Filipino enterprises in Europe

36 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Country Amount (in PhP) Percent

everything from shampoo, Marseilles soap (said to do wonders on the face

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 37

38 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 39

40 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 41

ISSUES, CHALLENGES, ASPIRATIONS AND RESPONSES

42 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 43

44 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 45

46 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 47

CONCLUSIONS AND WISH LIST

48 In De Olde Worlde: Views of Filipino Migrants in Europe

Country Luxembourg Belgium Switzerland The Netherlands

Filipinos in Europe: An Economic Profile 49