LANGUAGE IN SOCIAL LIFE SERIES Satie Ht: Prfesoe Chetopher N Cana Chair Profesor of Applied Linguistics Deparommemt of Bughisd Cones for nl Langage action & Comicon Research iy Unie of Home Kong, Hg Kong For 2 complete lit of bks in tis seies see pages» and Identity and Language Learning: Gender, Ethnicity and Educational Change Bonny Norton dmse ei Pearson Education Aout eed andor weYon Rows, Masih. San Finca Tot bor Mili, Ota Spaey Spa" snawpa ong Kang eel -Toye: Com one Wasi” Wesco thy Amen“ eh ryPearson Edvcation Limited dinbourgh Gate tazlow seex CMO 2E ‘gland rnd Associated Companies toughout the world sit uso the World Wide Wed a: ewnspearsoned co.uk ist published 2000 2 Pearson Education ested 2000 the sight of Bonny Norton tebe identied a: author of this work has been asserted wy her in accordance with the Copyzight, Designs anc Patents Act TES, Al rights reserved; o part ofthis publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval stem, or ranemited sy any foc or by any means, eletronic, mechanical photocopying, econding, cr otherwvce without ether the prior witten permission of the Punlshers or a icence permitting exited copying in the United Kingdom issues by the Copyright Licensing Agency Lid, SD Tottenham Covrt Road, Landon WIT ATP SBN 0-582-38925-4 CSD SBN 0-582-38224-6 PPR british Library Catologuing-in-Publication Data 4 catalogue cecord for this hook is available from the Writsh Library Library of Congress Cetalogingin Publication Dats Norton, Bonny, 1956- Merit and language leaning’ Gender, Ethnicity ang Educational Change / Bonny Nort [pee — (Langonge in soil ifeseies) Includes bibliographical erences ard index. ISBN 0-882-8225-4 (cul) — BBN 0-582-28226-6 (pp) 2 Second langugage acquisition. 2. Elknvcty, 3. Language and languages Study anc teaching, 1, Tile Ik Sees Pu8.2.Ne7 2000 s18".9071—~de2 99-086879 msa765s 7 9805 4 st in 10/12pt Janson. by 38, Printed in Malaysia, PPB LANGUAGE IN SOCIAL LIFE SERIES Series Fditor: Professor Christapher N Candin air Profesor of Ay Linger Depart of Engl ‘Gore for English Lengmage Bann & Commis Ressch iy Uses of Hong Kang, Hang Kong Langue ond Pover ‘Norman Firclongh 25 Dinar end te ender ‘Wl Hitim and Lan Mason Plorning Lonznage, Plenming Inegualicy James W Tallefson agaage ond Teg hte’ Fsion Joho Stephens Hingis ond Apia ‘Rath Lear and Lele Milroy Lengel the Lae Jahn Gibbons (a) ‘Be Citra Pals of Eagan brmatioal Language ‘Alswa Peonpcoe ieray Pras: bce Litera in Sal Cnists ‘Mike Baysham| © Chia Dire Ana the Cri Say of Language Norma Fardough Fics ot Wark Langue and Sail Pre in Pion Mary M Tab Kaomledge Macho: Language an irate in Tebralegel Siy Denise F Maray ebieving Understanding: Disours i Enteeutival Econ: “Kasharine Bremer, Calia Roberts, Marie-Therése Vasseur, Margaret Simonot and Peter Browder The Construction of Prifesional Ditore Brite Lonise Gunmarsson, Per Linell and Bengt Nocdberg feds) Mediated Dicene a» Seca train Rea SellLanguage 1 the place where actual and possible forns of social orgaivzation and their tkely social one! politica! consequences ore detined ond contested Hert is ak the place uibere our sense of ourselves, our subjectivity, = constructed vareoon, 197 p21 Just os, of the level of relotions between groups, @ language worth what those who speak it ore worth, so too, atthe evel of Interactions between individuals, speech ofwvays owes @ major part of ts value to the value of the person who utters Bounoey, 1977, p. 652 Contents Adknarsedgements General Bator’s Prefce Fact and fiction in language fearing Saliha and the SLA canon Identity and language learning Power and identity ‘Motivation and invesament Fehnicity, gender and class Rethinking tanguage and communicative competence Structure of hook Researching identity and language learning Methodological framework: Central questions The researcher and che researched The project Data organization Comment The world of aduk immigrant language learners “The international context The Canadian world of immigrant women Biography, identity and language learning Comment 20 20 2 B 4 33 36 38 38 a7 a7ONTENTS: 4. Eva and Mai: Old heads on young shoulders Fra Mai ‘Comment 5. Mothers, migration and language learning Katarina ‘Comment 6. Second language accuisition theary revisited Nanival language learning AMberto and the acculturation model of SLA The affective filter Reconceptualizing idensity Language learning as 2 sacial practice Comment 7. Gaiming the rghi to speck in classrooms and communities Formal language learning and adult smmigranes Beyond communicative language teaching Rethinking multiculvuralism ‘The diary study as a pedagogy of possibility ‘Transforming Monday morning Concluding comment References Indes: 60 ot 14 85 a7 80 Il 107 i} 0 4 19 124 129 iL 183 1M 18 142 145 151 153 185 167 Acknowledgements ‘This book has had a long history, though in the context of a new mill+ ennium, it can be seen as evolving in a brief moment of time, Learners, teachers, authors, colleagues, and publishers have contributed in countless ‘ways to the production of this work, and T wonld like to gratefelly acknow- ledge the diverse support I have received “The women who participated in my research study generously worked with me as a researcher, a teacher, and a friend, Despite their many eormnit- ments in their homes and workplaces, they made the time to write, to me and co tals, Their insights and their voices have made this work possible, I extendto them my warmest thanks ‘This book has developed from my doctoral thesis, supervised by Roger Simon of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISP) of the Uni- versity of Yoronto, Wich rigorous and compassionate guidance, Roger taught ime not to fear theory, but to harness it to inform. and critique my research and teaching. Other vollcaymes and fellow students at OISE. contributed to numerous debates on language learning and teaching. Such debares have survived The Duke and are alive and well on the internet. For their in lectual support. Tam grateful ty Monica Helles, Jim Cummins, Merril Swain, David Corson, Barbara Burnaby, Alastair Pennycook, ‘lara Goldstein, Brian Morgan, Arlene Schenke, Helen Harper, Elizabeth Yeoman, and John Clegg. New colleagues, research assistants, and secretaries in the Department of Language and Literacy Education of the University of Rricish Columbia have, in diverse ways, helped me to bring this work to completion. Patsy Duff, Margaret Karly, Diane Fouladi and Bernie Mohan have been generous and supportive colleagues; Taminy Slater and Jim Hu carefully proofread the manuscript and tracked clown references; and Anne White's secretarial skills have been invaluable, Other colleagues on the west coast, including Kelly “Tooley and Diane Dagenais of Simon Fraser University and Sandy Silberste of the University of Washington, have heen a constant source of encourage- ‘mene, Tam indebred to all of them.‘i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS, L would like to acknowledge the signiticane contribudon of Chris Candlin, the General Editor of this series. Ilis careful and rigorous critique oF an catlicr draft of chis book was invaluable, Flis contribution to my work ~ ard to the field of language learning and teaching more generally — has been profound. T add my voice of thanks to those of numerous authors whose ‘work has been enriched by his guidance. As well, editors, proofreaders, and Gesigers at Pearson Fdueation, of which Longman is an imprint, have worked diligently to expedice the publication of this book. | appreciate the efficiency ‘of all these professionals. Tam also very grateful to the Soeial Sciences and ‘Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Spencer Foundation of the [National Academy of Education, USA, who have given me financial support at different stages of this project. Without the unconditional love of my family, T could not have completed this work, Anthony Peirce, Julia Norton Peirce, and Michael Norton Peirce have been unfsiling in theit support, [um deeply gratefol to them for cheer- fully accepting that family does not slways eome first General Editor's Preface 1 suppose that if one had to identify one of the most telling factors in the relatively short-lived, if intense, history of studies in second language acqui- sition, it would have to be the consiscent anonymising, if nor the aetual ceclipsing, of the learner. There are 2 number of reasons why this is so: the overwhelming and legitimate desire of researchers to raise the study of second language acquisition to the experimental heights reached by other studies in cognitive psychology, and to follow its traditions of research reporting; the advent of rich new data from such studies for theoretical linguists to test out theories not of language learning but of language as a system sai generis; the desire to resist contamination of data about such cognitive and linguistic processes and systems by neutralising the messiness and variability of eve day communication and concentrating on the analysis of abstract processes, a consequent privileging of the positivist and the quantifiable in the pre= sentation and elucidation of dasa; and, one would have to say, the lack, in practice, of some consistent and ongoing engagement by sany researchers with the actualites of language learning in contexts other than their pti leged, and often fleeting, encounters with selected learners in educational insticutions. How different, one might say, to the history of that other applied linguistic practice, bteracy, where the opposite might be held to be true: a continuing and principled involvement of researchers in the literacy lives of individuals in their communities of practice, the grounding of theit research in the social conditions of those with whom they work in partner- ship, a ecsnmitment to connection and re-connection with the functionality of literacy, not only with its formal representations, and, stemming for this, a reliance on the qualitative explanation of narratives of experience as 2 source of question and as a resource for explanation. In juxtaposing chese epistemological differences, I am ot taking sides; indeed, this would be quite foolish, despite the propensity of some writers © ddo so sharply, mischievously, and on occasion self-servingly, since one goal of any worthwhile intellectual endeavour should be. T sappose, to findxiv GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE accommodation, t0 show how in both cases, the experimenters goal of generalisabilicy docs not have © be bought at the cost of ignoring the particular, or entail the disappearitee of the subject, or, hows, the richness of the data emanating from ethnographic studies does not necessarily imply any lack of researcher commitment to establishing more genera) candiguns governing and explaining acquisition and development. Tris against just such a backdrop that Bonny Norton's important contr bution to the Language in Social Life Series necds to be read. {¢ has, it must be said, a ease thar it wants to make, a case quite related to the intellectual landscape whose map I sketch above, one which der take issue with subject anonymity; with researcher stance, and, msore generally, with some of the dominant intelleesual traditions in the study of second kanguage learning. Te comes, therefore, with » caveat to the reader, but this does not imply that we are faced with some polemic, worsening the climate. What the book offers is @ powerfal statement of position, whose goal is not just ro describe che performances of learners and by inference 1 presume their rcheatsal and their gradual approximation and suggest some genera) applicability. Rather i sets out to explore the practices of learning themselves, and che social and personal conditions under which this fearing is done by learners, however variably and partially. In this way, the book extends the intellectual canon, pointing us to new research directions, establishing new constructs of value and significance, and suggests new methodologies for their exploration. Central to this innovation is the interplay of lived and localised experi- ence and the construction of theory. By interplay { mean less some conven- tional correlation of experience with existing theory, as it were resting out tie tenets of second fangnage acquisition agsinst the communicative prac- tices of learners, though the auchor does this tellingly, for example, in her perceptive critique of acculturation models, more thar she encourages theory to develop through close observation of these experiences, voiced through the natratives of her learners. In doing this, of course, she is in good com= pany, though it has to be said more in that of sociologists and ethnographers than until very recently that of second Language acquisition researchers. ‘Nonetheless, the current sociocultural turn in some SLA research is helpful two her project, though here a critical observer would waat to note that this newly rediscovered Vygotsiyan call for a social perspective on learning has Taegely been echoed and taken up by researchers working in the warm and convenient location of the classroom rather than in the less structured, extra-institusional world of sdult knguage learning. That there have been few pioneers before her in the siting of such research in that world, notably that cof Beemer e¢ al, whose seminal (1996) work she richly acknowledges here, serves only to underscore the reireshing imnovativeness of Boany Norton's ‘own research, and to provide futther support and backing to chose as yet relatively underpublished accounts of adult non-instructed language learn- ing. One is tempted here to rephrase Suzanne Romaine's celebrated opening: comment in her hook Bilingualiom when she averred that it was mono- Jinggvalism rather than bilingualism that was unusual, and co say here that ic is consistent, organized and instructed language learning that is unusual in the still largely ad hoe world of second language learning, especially ia the context of increasing human migration and socral change. Given the shove, what is then at play in this incerplay? Let me identily ‘two interconnected research worlds, cach with its own internal connections and relationships, which I discern fom Bonny Norcon's book, chugh she does not draw these as explicitly as I do here. "The first relates to research resources, the other to research targets. In his very useful book (1993) on research strategies in social research, Derek Layer sets out what he refers to as a resource map for research, (p. 72 Hf) in which he explicitly seeks to incorporate macro and micro-sociological fearures in a research program which is sited both historically and contex- ‘ually, and one in which individual actors are identified both as selves end as social persons. Tris also resoures map which as he says, has “belped 2 the ‘planning and the ongoing forvtadation of field research which bas theary generation 44s primary aint. From this, the link to my analysis above of Bonny Norzon’s project and its goals should, [ hope, be clear co the reader. ‘The dimensions and perspactives of such a map, and indeed the cartographic metaphor in general, noc only has value for social research as a whole, but, in modified and disciplinary specific form, has particular applicability to the research agendas of applied linguistics, among which is the development of socially ‘grounded studies of second language acquisition, In his cartography, Layder sets ont what he terms four research elentents, each of which is interconnected to the others and each of which has a particular, and equally interconnected, research focus. None of these elements and foci it prime, and research in his view may begin with any, providing all are severally and differentially addressed. It is significant also that the four research elements are all set within a historical frame, though we should note that in Layder’s conception, all elements, as social processes, have their com timeframes, Interactions among persons, for example, operate within a different timie-perspective than do changes in social institutions, though both may influcnce the conduct and practices of the other, and these differences are significant. ‘Whar are these research elements Layer identifies, and how are they relevant to a reading of Bonny Norton's book? He first (though not necessarily as prime) identifies context ay that cle- ment which impliestes the macto social organization, the values, traditions, forms of social and economic organization and power relations within the social formation, and illustrates these as ‘hegally sanctioned forms of exnersbip, control and distribution: interlocking directorships, state intervention’. In the ‘contest of this book we can identify the locating of che immigrant learner voices within jst such a macro context, as here in Canada, of immigration, ofwi GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE settlement, of organized and instivutionalized learning, of the constraints of the economy, of language policy. The poinc of this book is that such features of the clement of comtert are not peripheral wo language learning, as it were some neutral backdrop to the frontstage of interaction, but central to its effectiveness, to its variable success, to its design. Each of the voices of the authorial partners in this book, Eva, Mai, Katarina, Martina and Felicia, not only allude to such fentares in their stories, but directly implicate their significance, Such voices and such allusions ate, moreover, not localised to some national site. In a world ineressingly characterised by mobility and change, the relevance is universal. ‘Layder’ second element, that of setiag, focuses on the intermediate social organization, featured as work-relared (state bureaucracies; labour markets; hospitals; social work agencies; domestic labour; penal and mental institu- tions) and m-oork related (leisure activities, sports and social clubs; reli gious and spiritual orgsnizations). Important to setting is what Layder calls fies ul’ready established character’, that is the social and institutional structure 3d peactices within which particular stwated activity (ee below) occurs. Tn ‘orton's world of immigrant second language learning in Canada, these settings are clearly drawn, and their importance to the language learning chances ~ let clone the life-sustaining chances — of her participants and those they represen, is made very plain in the narrative accounts and her authotial commentary. Chapice 7, with its focus on classroom resistance to language caring described by Katarina and Felicia, would be an excellent example ‘of the relevance of this clement for language learning. So too, in a different sway, and here implicating the significance for language Jearning of both of Layder’s work-related and non work-related settings, is Mia’ story in Chap ter 4 of her role a3 language broker in the setting of the immigrant family in a new land, and how changes in the language practices in the setting of her workplace impacted on her language learning and language using “opportunities. Uf sertings are in Layder’s terms established ~ though we should be cautious here not to equate establishment with stability a such stability will be highly relative across and within social formation’, and certainly relative in relation to seetors of the population ~ then Layder’s thied clement of situated ‘arity permits a focus on that face-to-face, or mediated, social activity in- volving what he calls ‘symbolic communication by skilled, intentional participants Jnplicted inthe contexts and setting? Here the focus is, interestingly enough, explicitly directed at the disciplinary world of applied linguistics: ar emergent reanings, understandings and definitions of the situation ar these ae and are Ufjected by contests and settings, and te subjective dspestions of individuals’ No reader of Bonny Norton's book ean fail t recognise the significance of these Situated activities for language leaning. As she amply acknowledges, such a recognition lcs atthe heart of Bremer er al: (1996) accounts, and those of many others one might name, Elsa Auerbach in che United States, Angel GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE Lin in Hong Kong, Suresh Canagarajah in Sri Lanka, the work of the rescarchers in the Adult Migrant Fnglish Program in Australia. in particular at NCFLTR in Sydney. The message is phin: the appraisal of language feaming potential, aptitude, success, utility eanaor sensibly be, and ought nor to be undertaken without the underpinning of a clearly defined prograin of sociolinguistic and discourse analytieal stacy of a range of differentiated encounters. Bue dezription is n /h, Description, neces 10 be agoomn- panied by interpretive, ethnomethodologicsl accounis of the meaning- making and imperfect meaning g, of individuals in interaction in particular uated activities, emphasising the menrhers' eesourevs thar can bv: brought r.0F are prevented from ling hrought to hear. on the comiianicative fies of the momens. However, even such a flicus on iuzerprention, characteristic of conversotional analysis, will not adequately include and bring to bear Layder’s elements of antec and setting. To include these as signif cant is not someshing to he insisted upon asa conseyuence of some parcisan adherence of che analyst 10 some particular sucial theoretical position, rather their sigoificance emerges in the talk and che allusions of the participants themaeives, and embedded in theie narrrative accounts, and n the impliea- sions for access bry language learners to situated activities likely to be con- ducive to language learning that analysts can draw fore poliey documenss, from studies of organizational change, from accounts of shiits in national demography, from analyses of service provision, Their inclusion moves the research agenda from description and interpretation to what one can call explanation. ‘This book is made up of just such significant social activities and their implications for suecess and filure in language Tearning. Chapter 3, with its ich comparative account af the five participants in, Bonny Norton’ stad has a simple, but for those who have been involved an the study of imami- grant language learning, a telling message: for language learning to develop you nced supportive interaction, vet to avcess that interaction you need at least an entry Jevel of communientive competence in the majority language So much is simple: the miseake is to presume that the responsibility for such access lics individually with the leamer, that he or she has ultimate control of that speculative chimera the atfective filter, or to presume that access to facilitative interaction is to be granted just by knocking on the door, or that, once inside, the conditions of communicative interaction will necessarily be conducive to the development of that competcnee. Bremer e? a, (1996) pointed out that fallacy from thetr detailed discourse analyses, and Norzon's narratives complement their eritique Finally in Layder’ resource map, what is the significance for the seader of his fourth element, the seff? Given Norton’ theorising of the socially consmructed mature of second language learning as focusing on the n identities of the learner, ane would have to respond thar cis final of the greatest significance. If we sec seff, with Layder, as invoking identityGENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE within the context of social experience, what he refers to as the “umague ‘pocbubiogyaphy of he individual” located within a life career, dhen the struggle Decween the indivdvality and collectivity ofthe sel as at once buy, psycho Jogical entity and social person is revealed. As Norton herself acknowledges in her intellectual sources, the topic of individual and cullective identity'is central to che debates oF modern and post-modern thinkers, and in any multicultural and multi-ethnic society {ike hers in Canada, public debates around issues of social concern, including language education, cannot but dye imbued by debates surrounding identity. Indeed, the arguments she aise throughont her book against traditional paradigms in second language acquisition research essentially revolve around how sees are co he detined, as entities independent of social context, possessed by attitudes, motivations, conducive or non-condueive attribuces rowards language learning, or as context-dependent persons whose socidl roles within their social neqworks crucially affect the opportunities of individuals for language learning, and their willingness to take up those that become available. Her analysis of the variable invesrmrnt of learners in the processes and challenges of language learning isa classic case in point. Identity, a8 such, needs reasing omt, and it is this process which Bonny Norton addresses in her commentaries on the narratives of her participants, For one telling example, ane sight read care~ fully che accounts of the communities of practice of Eva and Mai in Chapner 41or the contrasting experiences of Felicia and Katarina in Chapter 5. What such accounts reinforce is more than cle aserting uf the diversity to be found within identin: They make clear that Layder's other clements, cited above, of cial activity, serring and comtest, all impinge direcely upon the experiences of these selves and these idenciies, No-one after reading this Chapter 5 could possibly characterise as merely personal, idiosyncratic and stylistic, che rich and variable communicative experiences of these leasners and the sical circumstances in which their iearning has to be done and which cireum- stances in turn condition Tearners’ relative suecess and failure ‘At the outset ofthis Preface, I spoke of the relevance to Bunny Norton’ book of two research worlds, dhat of research resources and that of research cargets. What are the targets co which her study is directed? Most obviously, cof course, itis that already alluded to above and explicitly eaneassed and auddressed in her book, naznely second language acyuisition theory. I do not ‘wish co reiterate her points here, save perhaps to underscore thea. What is worth emphasising, Rowever, is the degree tw which the constructs most familiar to her, and on which she consistently draws, of idencity, of power, of economy and capital, have been so noticeable by their absence in the mainstream SLA literatire. One measure of this isthe extent to which that central construct in second language learning, morieaion, has until quite secentiy been largely innocent of any social engagement of the kind she emphasises. Tt is not that researchers into motivation have been unaware of these social conditions, ic is that cheie focus on the individual self and the GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE personal belief structures of the individual, while perfuctly understandable in terms of the paradigm in which they have been accustonied to work, leads co a disregard for the in uence of contest and setting, as well immiediate as historically and stracturally construed, as # central variable in their analyses, Teis notable, then, that very much as a consequence of Bunny Norton's work, and that of ozher researchers with similar orientations like McGroarty and Lin, that leading researchers into motivation like Dornyei ¢fortheoming) hhave come t0 recognise Norton's construct of motivational investment as {going beyond the social psychological studies into ethnolinguistic vitality of Gites and Byrne, or the situational character of social identification studied by Clement and Noels, and che acculturation theory of Schumann, Whae makes Norton’ study innovatory is her emphasis on the dynamism and che variability inherent in motivation, and its definition as # struggle berween the individual investment of capital and the constraining effects of Layder's 0 elements of context snd sting tis however in the contemporary context of social change and divers that Norton’ reconception of second language acquisition thearg, like soci cty’s cancepsion of identity, has to withstand és greatest critical test, Follow- ing Bourdieu, her reconception has to prove its explanatory power in terms of ilfominating the dynamics of a communicative and language learning market place where both the effectiveness of communication and the very access t0 the conditions for achieving communicative competence depend con the individual’ linguistic capital, itself understood as the power over the mechanisms of establishing linguistic value, Norton discussion ia Chapter 6 of Bourdiew’s concept oF the legitimate speaker addresses these inequities directly, as does her critique of acculturation theory in the same chapter. She achieves these targets, in ny view, by a subele interplay of voicing and ‘commentar, exposing doubtful assumptions of existing theory to 2 eritique bore of experience. It is in this sense that this book is much more than an ethnographic account, Jt is a deeply theoretical work in which the author skilfully weaves a convincing texture from personal experience and carefully chosen contributions from disciplines both from within applied linguistics and from ouiside its normal canon. The significant introduction of feminist theory in Chapter 6 a5 a means to explain the conception of identity as a site of struggle is just one such example. As one practical consequence, one comes away from the hook with an acute sense that a major revision of the content and process of courses in second langusge acquisition is bath neces- sary and able to be constructed from this convineing account. T spoke earlier of targets. ‘two remain to be identificd, The fist is addressed in some detail in the final chapter where the author engewes wich the implications for pedagogy and curriculum, and for teacher development, ofthe results of her study. lleve, once again, the narratives of the participants provide both she srigger for change and the means by which change cin be constrneted and realised in action, Much in the mannet of Auerbach and *ox GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE Wallerstein’ early work on classenom codes where the themes and topi for discussion arise from the lived experiences of the learners, or in Morgan's more recent parallel work in Canada to which Norton makes reference, thore is a need for classroom renewal in adult language learning, a renewal in which the investments of leamers are noc taken for granted but become the subject matter of teaching and learning, os do the social conditions outside the classroom. Here the analysis in Chapter 7 of formal ingnaye instruction is particularly relevant, suggesting as st does thar success for learners in thoye classroom conditions crucially depends on learners? extra~ classroons access to what are in her context anglophone social networks, IF this is as true as her analysis suggests, chen the picture is bieaker than we thought. For if classrooms cannot compensate for social isolation and cou runicative inequity, chen wharis to be done? At least a radical reappraisal of content and methodology: moxles of instraetion, learner participation, ond modes of delivery would seem nevessary. The response to Norton's analysis may lie in discovering ways in which we differentigte nmuch tore carefully suhat is best presented an insemnctional sertings, what is best delivered directly to learners, perhaps otibsing compnrer-mediated forms, or more ‘consentionally by enhancing the home and workplace delivery of relewame Jonguage programs, sensitive to the conditions of living ancl the variability of investment time and energy so suecinetly and poignantly put by her partici= pants. ‘That this is possible is amply esidenced in her final chapter, at is also available to readers in published and documented form elsewhere, in particular in my own Australian context where the work of the veachers and researchers in the Adult Migrant English Program, mediated by the ‘National Centre for English Language Teaching aid Researeb, has bad sueh curriculum renewal ay ity major agenda for decades. The second target for the books more obtique and not so well identified, though of considerable potential. Lefer to the potential significance of shis Jook and its research for those engaged in the formulation sind execution of national policies on imraigrant seztiement, mor just in qypical countries of major migration like the USS, Canada, Australia gn Israel, but smuch more generally where the cemporary migration of workers becomes more long term, as in parts of Europe. ‘The relationship between the sequisition of language competenice and the effectiveness af settlement is of maja concern to those states, like Norton's Canada sind my Australia, where government invests huge sums in language and settlement. ‘Three questions stand out awaiting answers: + How can the relationship berween these constructs he identtied? + Stow can it be quoted? + Hone can ithe appraised? “These are not abstract and academie questions but ones which govern policy decisions which have immediate effect on individuals’ livelihoods. They are GENERAL EDITOR'S PREFACE ‘questions which, quite appropriately, cax bureaucracies. The sid fier is that second language acquisition zesearch from its ivory rower position has very lacgely ignored the questions, or considered then irrelevant, However, from the perspeccive of sumeone whose work has involved couch interplay be- tween research in the academy and the formulation of public policy, one ‘would have to say thar if che problem-posing and probilem-addressing stance oof applied linguistics is 1 bre more than a paper tiger, then the time hay come to make a change and reorganise our house, Tivo ways forward suggest themselves in the eontext of Bonny Norton's book. One is to recognise the immediate importance of the questions, in all their sub-lifferentiation across ethnic, gendered, racial, linguistic, workplace, and community group ings, and to foster that mix of scoping, documentary and empirical research characteristic of Linda Burnett recent NCELTR stucy (1998) on issues surrounding the nature of immigrant settlement, and the zole of language learning as a determining factor in settlement success, aid secondly, ia par- allel, t encourage the micro studies based on narratives of experience as evidenced here in this remarkable book, or in the work of Bremer et i. If then, perhaps within that framework offered by Layder. to that ve con add ‘more discourse based studies of actual encounters, both within and outside classrooms, characteristic of the work of a new generation of researchers into the social construction of Janguage Tearning, then we shall have the means to turn the lessons learnable from Norton’ participants into an agenda for action and for change. As they say where I come from, ‘It’ time!” References Bremer, K, Roberts, C, Vasseur, MT, Sisonot, M, and Browder, B (1906) Aebie= ing ndersanding. dso im iseralura ensnters. Lange i Sail Tafe Serie London. Longman Bomex, L- (1998) Tower ae immigrant sent. Research Series #10, Sydney. NCELTR. Macquarie Universiny Domyei, Z. (forthcoming) Teaching and resarshing motcaton, Apled Lingus in Action Series. Loncion. Longs Tayder, D.0993) Nes nategies im sal revearch, Cambsdge. Polity Press Cluistopher N Candkin General Edivor Contre for English Language Education & Communication Research City Universicy of Hong KongFact and fiction in language learning ‘As Sail totes the envelope, she says, Merci beaucoup, Medeme ives Stepping out the door she switches the plastic bag containing her work clothes fom her right hand 10 her left hand and extends fer right hand to Modome Rivest and says, Bonjour Madame Rivest and sires These are the frst real words she has utered since she woke up thet moming. fh the elevator going dow, Satta is clone. She checks the contents of the envelope and smiles with sevistaction Before the elevator reaches the ground fee, Salva has time to reflect en her oy. She has eomed enough for the week's food end garetts. Last weet, she poi the las instalment for her tution at lato College She is teed but eis under contol. Her only reget is that she hhosnt onswmered Madame Rivet ia longer sentences. But she choses away her regrets with «fight shrug and admits the reat. We came here to speak Hke then, she thinks; but t will be 2 Jong time belore they fet us practise (CTennan, 1990, pp. 327-2) Although Saliha is a fictional character, her story is real to: many language Jearners, whesher in Canada, Colombia or Korca. Saliha is eager to learn the language of her new community in Quebec and she understands the seed tw practice the French chat she is learning in the formal context of Plato College. However, although ‘immense’ in the francophone cumaunity, Saliha hus litle opportunity to practice French because of the nature of the work she docs and the way relations of power are structured in her workpiace. In the course of a long day at work, the only words she has uttered are “Meret eaucoup, Madame Rivest’ and "Bonjour, Madame Rivest’. Iris weith regret that she notes she has not answered Madame Rivest in longer sentences,IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING ‘The realty that Saltha has to confront is that Madame Rivest has the power to influence when she can speak, how much she can speak and what she can speak about. Saliha acknowledges thar it will be a long time before Madame Rivest will Tet’ her practice speaking the target language, In this chapter, I draw on Saltha’s fictional story in Quebec, Canada ta begin an exploration of the relationship between identity and language learn ing, benween the individual language learner and the larger social world Tuse her story to illustrate notions of power, identity and investment, and conceptions of ethnicity, gender and class. In che following chapters of the book. Iimove from Saliha’ fictional world in Quebec to the lived experiences of five itnmigranc women learning English in che neighboring province of ‘Ontario, Canada. demonstrate that the opportunitics these women had to practice English were strectured by unequal relations of power in the homie and workplace. 1 illustrate how the women responded to and acted upon these relations of power to ereate opportunities to practice speaking English, and the extent to which they sucveeded in their efforts. I argue, hawever, that their efforts must be understood with reference to their investment in English and their changing identities across historical time and social space. ‘Thus the ideas and themes introduced in this chapter will re-emerge in later chapters, demonstrating, [hcKeve, that truth is indeed seranger than fiction, life more intriguing than art. Saliha and the SLA canon Saliha would struggle to recognize herself in current theories of second Janguage acquisition (SLA). She could be overwhelmed by perspectives from psycholinguistics, sociolinguisties, neurolinguistics, elassroom research, bilin~ val education and social psychology.’ She would probably agree, however, 25 Spolsky (1989) notes, that the more she is exposed to and practiees French, the more proficient she will hecome, Extensive exposure to French, in relevant ‘kinds and amounts, and the opportunity to piactice the targe: language will reap many rewards for her. She will learn to discriminate between the sounds of the language, have the opportunity to analyze the language into its con stituent parts, leam how its constiment parts ean be recombined grammatic~ ally into larger units, and develop control over the grammatical and pragmatic structures of French. Saliha would be mystified, however, by Spolsky’s dis- tinction between the nacural or informal environment of the target language community and the formal envitonment of the classroom: ‘The distinction herween the exo is usually stated as a set of contrasting conditions. In natural second language learning, the language is being ‘sed for communication, but in the formal situation it is used only to FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING teach. In natural language learning, the learner is surrounded by Aucnt speakers of the target language, bur in the formal classroom, only the teacher (if anyone) is Auznt, in vatural leacning, the contest is the outside work’, npen and stimulating is formal Iearning, i is the closed four walls of the classroom. In natural langage learning, the language used is free and normal; in che formal classroom is earefully controlled ar simplified Binally, in the natural learning situation, attention ison the meaning of the communication; in the formal situation, i is on meaningless drills 2989, p. 17) ‘How much communicating did Edo today?" Saliba masy well ask, “How meaningful are my conversations with Madame Rivest?” Beeause many SLA theorists have not addressed the experiences of hmguage learners with refer- ‘ence to inequitable relations of power hetween language learners and target anguage speakers, they have struggled to theorize the relationship ’verween the individual language learner and the larger social world. In general, ati= ficial distinctions have been drawa between the learner and the language earning context. On che one hand, the individual is described with respect toa host of affective variables such as her or his motivation ta learn a second anguage. The personality of the individual is described as introverted oF extroverted, inhibited or uninhibited, It is assumed that the learner's atti= ides towards the target language community determine how motivated the second Ianguage learner is, and that levels of anxiety determine how much comprehensible impr becomes counitive intake.’ ‘The social, on the other hand, generally refers to group differences between the language learner group and the target language group. Where there is congrueace between the second language group and the target language group, che social dis- tance hetween them is considered to be minimal, which in turn facilitates the accukuration of the second language group into the target language group and enhances language learning (Schumann, 1976a}. Where there is great social distance between the groups, lite acculturation is considered to take place, and as a result members of the second language group are deemed rot to become proficient speakers of the target language. In theories of SLA which focus on individual differences, Saliha would be held primarily responsible for progress in learning the target language. ‘The ‘good language learner” is one who seeks out opportunities to Tearn the language, is highly motivated, has good attention to detail, can tolerate ambiguity and has low levels uf anxiety. If Saliha made little progress in learning the second language, she might be considered unmotivated and inflexible, In contrast, theories of SLA which focus on group differences in second language learning would consider Saliha to have littie human agency: social distance and degrees of accuituration would determine the extent 10 which she learnt the target language, and the role of instruction wonld beIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING considered tangential to this process. Thus, in many SLA theories, Saliha would be conceived of as an individual wich various attributes independent of her relationship to the social or as having a gronp identity that leaves litele room for individual action, The disagreements in the literature om the way affective variables interact with the larger socal context would be also be puzzling for Saliha. While Krashen (1981) regards motivation 4s a varisble independent of social context, Spolsky (1989) regards che two as inextricably Incerewined. While Krashen draws distinctions between self-confidence, motivation, and anxiety, Clement, Gardner and Smythe (quoted in Spolsky, 1989} consider motivation and anxiety as a subset of self-confidence. While Krashen considers selé-confidence as an intrinsic characteristic of the lan- guage learner, Gardner (1985) angues that self-confidence arises from pos ive experiences in che contest ofthe second language. Such disagreements in the SLA licerarure should not be dismissed, as Gardner (1989) dismisses them, as ‘more superficial than real (p. 137). This debate arises, T suggest, because artificial distinctions are drawa between the individual and the social, which lead to arbitrary mapping of particular factors on either the individual or the social, with Tittle rigorous justification, Tn sun, in the feld of SLA, theorists have aot adequately acklressed why it is chat Learners like Saliha may sometimes be motivated, extroverted andl confident, and sometimes unmotivated, introverted and anxious) why in ome place there may be social distance between learners and the target language cominonity, while in another place the social distance may be minimal; why learners can sometimes speak and at other times remain silent, Although muted, there is an uneasy recognition by some theorists that current theory of the relationship between the language leaner and the social world is problematic. Scovel (1978, for eximple, has found thar research on foreign language ansiery suffers from several ambiguities, and Gardner and MacIntyre (1993, p. 9) remain unconvinced of the relationship between ‘personality variables’ and language achievement. Identity and language learning ‘The central argument of this hook is that SLA theorists have scrugeled to conceprualize the relationship herween the language learner and the sacial world because they have not developed a comprehensive theory of identity that integrates the language leamer and the language learning context. Fur- thermore, they have not questioned how relations of power in the social ‘world impact on social interaction between second language learners and target language speakers. While maany SLA cheorists such as Fils (1983), Krashen (1981), Schumann (1978a) and Stern (1983) recognize that lan- guage learners do not live in idealized, homogeneous communities but in FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING complex, heterogencous ones, such heterogencity has generally been framed uuncritically. ‘Theories of the good language learner have been developed on the premise that language learners can choose under what conditions they will interact with members of the target language commanity and that the language Tearner’ access 10 the target language community is ¢ fonction of the learner's motivation. Thus Gardner and Maelntyre (1992), for example, argue that ‘the major characteristic of the informal concext is that it voluntary. Individuals can cither participate or nor in informal acquisition contexts’ (p. 213). Second language theorists have not adequately explored how inequitable relitions of power limit the opportunities sceond language learners have to practice the target language outside the elasscoom. In addi- tion, mapy have assumed that learners ean be defined unproblematically as motivated or unmotivated, introverted or extroverted, inhibited or uninhibited, without considering that such affective factors are frequently socially cons structed in inequitable relations of pow, changing over time and space, and ssibly cocxisting in contradictory ways in a single individual. Tn this book I take the position that notions of the individual and the language leatner’s personality in SLA theory nced to be reconceptualized in ‘ways that will problematize dichotomous distinctions hetween the language learner and the language learning contest. I use the term identity ro refer- ence how a person understands his or her relationship to the world, haw that Felationship is constructed across time and space, and how the person understands possibilities for the future, 1 argue that SLA theory needs to develop a conception of identity that is understood with reference to larger, and frequently inequitable, social struceures which are reproduced in day-to- day social interaction. In taking this position, T foreground the role of lan- guage a8 constitutive of and constituted by a language leaner’ identity. As Heller (1987) demonstrates, itis through language that a person negodiates a sense of self within and across different sites at different points in time, and it is through language that a person gains aceess to ~ or is denied access to — powerful social necworks thar give learners the opportunity to speak. ‘Thus Tanguaye is not conceived of as a neutral medium of communication, but is understood with reference to its social meaning. Interest in language arc identity has heen growing in momentum, @ trend reflected in the number of doctoral theses that have recently appeared on this topic, Kanno (1996), for example, examined the changing identities of Japanese students returning to their home countay after a period of time abroad, and Miller (1999) studied the relationship between speaking and social identity among migrant students in a mumber of Australian high schools. As the comprehensive reviews of MeNamara (1997) and Hansen ond Liu (1997) demonstrate, difterent researchers, drawing on different sources and ‘sing a variety of methodologies, have brought diverse perspectives to our understanding of language and ideatity. Social psychologists such as Henriques, Holhuay, Urwin, Venn and Walkerdine (1984) and Edwards andIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING Potter (1992) offer different conceptions of identity than that associated with the work of scholars such as Tajfel (1982) and Giles and Coupland (L091), while the recent research of SLA scholars in different parts of the world has provided important insights into the relationship hetween identity and language learning.’ In calling for a reorientation of SIA research, the ‘work of Hall (1997), Lantolf (1996), Rampton (1995) and van Lier (1994) is particularly noteworthy, As Rampton (1095) argues, The very undiferentiated portait of the second language learner that emerges in SLA no doubt partly results fron is enxlency to chematise the learner’ internal psychologieal condition, Rater thaa looking at interace tion as 2 socio -bistorcally sensitive arena in which Janguage learner iden- tity is socially negotiated, SLA generally examines learners’ behaviour for evidence of the determining influence of psycholinguistic states and proceses...At present, SLA could probably benefit fron an enhanced sense of the empirical work’ complex socio-cultural diversi (293-4) As if on cue, international language joutnals are giving greater attention to research an socioculeural diversity in general, and identicy in porticular. In 1996, for example, Marcin-Jones and Heller 1996) edited two special issues of Linguistics and Edacation on discourse, identities and power, and Sarangi and Bayntham (1996) edited a special double issue of Language ond Education fon the construction of educational identities. These were followed by a special issue of TESOZ. Quarterly om language and identity, which T edited in 1997 (Norton, 19972). Given the subject of this book, a few comments on the TESOL. Quarterly special issue are relevant. The five studies that constitute the bulk of the special issue represent perspectives from Canada (Morgan, 1997), Japan (Duff and Uchida, 1997), the United States (Schecter and Ravley, 1997), South Attica (Vheven, 1997), and England (Leung, Harris and Rampton, 1997), What | found parccularly interesting was the way in which each author framed and conceptualized identity, with the focus of Morgan’s research on social density, Duff and Uchida’ on sociocultural identity, Thesen’s on voice, Schecter aod Bayley’ on cultural identicy and Leung, Harris and Rampton’s fon ethnic identity. The apparent differences between the authors’ conceptu- alizations of identity, J argue, can he explained partly in terms of the dliscip- lines and research traditions that inform their respective studies, as well as the different emphases of their research projects. Notwithstanding such dif- ferences, however, L nate that distinctions ~such as those between social and caltural identity ~ become less marked as the researchers ground their theory in specific sites of practice.’ Furthermore, most of the researchers noted that identity constriction must he understood with reference to relations of power between language learners and target language spetkers. 1c i to chis relationship that T now curn FACT AND FICTION IN’ LANGUAGE LEARNING Power and identity An investigation of the ways in which relations of power impact on langaaze learning and ceaching has heen initisted by researchers wha adopt a critical approach to the fed of second language education.’ ‘Thes hers have argued that the very heterogeneity of society must be understood with refer- ence co an inequitialy structured workd in which che gender, race, class ad ethnicigy of second language learners may serve to marginalize chem. Much of this research has been motivated by educational theory within a evitical tradition, such as that of Freire (1970, 1985), Giroux (1988, 1992) and Simon (1987, 1992), and has highlighted che fact thar language tesching is nov a neural pretice hua highly political one In this book se the term power to relarence the socially constructed relations among individuals, insctusions and communities through which symbolic and material resources in a socieey are produced, distributed and validated. By symbolic resources I refer to such resources as language, education and friendship, while J use the term material resources to include capital goods, realestate and money. Following Foucault (1980) and Simon (1992) [take the position that power is neither monolithic nor invariant: it is not simply something that can be physically possessed, bust a relation which always insplies social exchange on a parricular set of terms. By extension, i€ 8 a relation that is constantly Being renezoti ated as symbolic and material resources in a sociery change their value. As well, like Foucault (1980), I take the position thar power docs not operate ‘only at che macro level of powerful instisurions such as the legal systema, the education syscem and the social welfare system, but alse at the micea level of everyday social encounters between people wich differential access to sym= bolic and material resources — encounters that are inevitably produced within language. To illustrate these notions, consider again the relationship hesween Ma- dame Rivest and Saliha. In their relationship, Madame Rivest hes control over valued symbolic resources (French) and vakued material resouecs Galiha’ wages). Saliba desires access tn both these resaurves, bur itis Madame Rivest who controls how and when these resources are to be distributed and what form they will take, When Saliba bids farewell co Madaine Rivest, she does not attempt tu prolong the conversation with Madame Rivest and ervate the opportunity to speak ~ she siraply smiles. If Saliha bad sighed, shrugged het shoulders or carried on talking without Madame Rivest active participation, her behavior might have been considered inappropriate and she could have jeopardized her access to the maccrial resources that Madame Rivest provided. ‘This vignette illustrates that control of symbolic and materia) resources are not distinct faeets of power, bur are intimacely connected to each other, 26 well as o the process of social interaction.” Insights from West (1992), Bourdiew (1977), Weedon (1997) and Cummins (1996) are passiculaely helpful in conceptualizing the relationship becweenIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING power, identity and language learning. Following West (1992), 1 take the position that identity ceferences desire — the desire fur recognition, the “desire for affiliation and the desire for secority and safety. Such desires, West Argues, cannot be separated from the distribution of mnerial resources in Society. People who have access to a wide range of resources in a socicty will have access to power and privilege, which will in torn inBuence how they understand their relationship to the world and their possibilities for the ature, Thus the quesion ‘Who am 1?" cannot be understood apart from the question ‘What am 1 allowed to do?” And the question ‘What am I allowed to do?” cannot be understood apart from matcrial conditions that strnctuce ‘opportunities for the realization of desires. According ta Wes, it isa person's access to material resources that will define the terms on which desires will be articulated. In this view, a person's identity will shift in accordance with changing social and economic relations Bourdicu’ (1977) work is complementary to that of West because it fiscuses on the relationship between identity and symbolic power. In arguing thar ‘speech always owes a major part ofits value to the value of the person who utters it (p. 652), Bourdieu suggests that the value ascribed to speech cannot be understood apart from the person who speaks, and the person ‘who speaks cannoc he understood apart from larger networks of social rela- tionships. His position is that the linguist (and, I would argue, many applied Jinguists) take for granted the conditions for the establishment of commun ication: thar shose who speak regard those who listen as worthy to listen, and that those who listen regard those who speak as worthy to speak. I have argued, however, in Norton Peirce (1995), that itis precisely such assump- Sons that must he called into question. Inthe following cs draw on, Bourdien to suggest that an expanded definition of comnvunicative compet- gence should inctude the ‘right to speech’ (what I have translated as the right iw speak) oF the ‘the power to impose reception’ (1977, p. 73). Unlike West and Bourdieu, Weedon (1997) has worked within a feminist poststructuralist tradition. While Wests work has focused on the relation- ship berween identity and material relations of power, and Bourdieu on the relationship between idencity and symbolic power, Weedon has sought 10 integrate language, individual experience and social power in 2 theory of subjectiviey: In this theory, the indivielual is acoorded greater human agency than in Bourdieu’ theory, while the importance of language in constructing the relationship berween the individual and the social is given greater prom- inence than in West's theory. ‘Three defining characteristics of subjectivity are comprehensively investigated in Chapter 6 of this book: the mate, nononitary nature of the subject; subjectivity as a site of struggle; and sub- jectivity as changing over time. Furthermore, and of central importance, subjectivity and language are theorized as mutually constitutive. As Weedon (2097) says, ‘Longuage is the place where actual and possible forms of social organization and their likely social and politieal consequences are defined FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING and contested. Yet it is also the place where our sense of ourselves, our subjectivity, is constructed” (p. 21). In drawing a distinetion herween coercive and collaborative relations of power, Cummins (1996) makes an important contribution to an understand- ing of the relationship between identity and power. He argues that coercive power relations refer to the exercise of power by 2 dominant individual, group or country that is detrimental ro others and serves to maintain an inequitable division of resources in 2 society. Collaborative relations of power, on the other hand, can serve to empower rather then marginalize. In his view, it is possible for power to be coercive or productive; it is possible for both dominant and subordinate groups in a society to exereise poswer, but the realm of influence of the dominance group will be far greater than that of the subordinae group. Indeed, the dominant group may try te exercise absolute power by encouraging all members of a society to accept the status guo as normal and beyond critique. ‘Thus power is not a fixed, pre- decermined quantity, but can be mucually genersted in interpersonal and intergroup relations. As Cummins (1996) notes, “The power relationship is additive rather than subtractive. Power is created with others rather than being imposed on or exercised over others’ (p. 21). By extension, relations of poster can serve to enable or constrain the range of identitics that language ‘can negotiate in their classrooms and communities. “To continue with my illustration, how might we understand Saliba’ iden~ tity and the way in which her identity constructs and is constructed by her interaction with Madame Rivest? Nocwithstanding the complex histary Saliha has had before coming to Quebec, Saliha identifies herself as an émmigeant Janguage learner who has little power to control the progress af her interac tion with Madame Rivest. She signals the unequal relations of power between language learners and target language speakers in Quebec hy using we/they referents (‘we come here to speak like chem’). The ‘we’ to whom Salihe refers are the immigrants who have come to (Quebec and seck to speak like francophone Quebecers (‘them’) who have access to desirable symbolic and material resources in Quebec society. Saliha’s identity in this context must be understood with reference to her eontradietory relationship co Madarne Rivest. On the one hand, Salika wants to have more interaction witls Ma- dame Rivest, greater control over the symbolic resources of her new society, and access to the power and privilege enjoyed by Madame Rivest and other francophone Quebecers. On the other hand, Saliha does not want to jeop= ardize her access to desperately needed material resources which help to sustain her from day to clay. Significantly, it is these conflicts ahout who she_is, what she needs, and how she desires that keep Saliha silent. But such conflict beoween her desire for symbolic resources and her desive for fwarerial resources are captured inher smules. Salina smiles obediently when she bids Madame Rivest farewell, resisting the impulse to respond in longer sentences. And she smiles again, in private, when she opens theIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE IFARNING emelope which contains the material resourees to sustain her fr the Follow ing week Motivation and investment Is intriguing to consider whether Saliha was motivated or unmotivated ts speak. In the Field of second language lenrning, the eoseept of motivation is drawn primasily from the field of social psychology, where acrempts have been made to quantity a learner's commiuaent co learning the target lan jnage The work of Gardner and Lambert (1972) has been patticulaily influential in inteoxlucing the notions of daseremental and iasegrariee matic tion into the field of SLA. In their work, inscrumencat motivation references the desire that language learners have to learn a second language for wiltar- jan purposes, such as employment, while integrative mativation references the desire to learn a language to integrate successfully with the target lan guage commaniry. While researchers such 25 Crookes anc Schmid (1991), Domyei (1994, 1997), and Oxtord and Shearin (1994) have sought to broaden the theoretical framework proposed hy Gardner and Lambert, such debates ‘ea motivation in the field of SLA do nor capture she complex relaionship between power, identity and language learning that I have observed in my research, The concept of investusent, which T introduced in Norvon Peirce (1995), sigmals the socially and historically constructed relationship of learners to the target language, and their offer ambivatenr desire co learn and pract it. Ie is best understood with reference to the economic metaphors that Bourdiea uses in his work ~ in particular the notion of cultucal capital Boutdien and Passeron (1977) use the term ‘culnural capital to reference the knowledge and modes of thought that characterize different classes and wrneps in relation to specitie seis of social forms, They argue that some forms of cultural capital have 2 higher exchange value than others in relation to a set of social forms which value some forms of knowledge and thought over others. I learners invest in a second language, they do so wich che under- standing thar they will acquire a wider range of symbolic and material 1 sourees, which will jn turn increase the value of their cultatal capital. Learners expect or hope t9 have a good return on that investnent — a return that will give them access to hitherto unattainable resouees. cis important to note that the notion of investment I am advocating is not equivalent to instrumental mosivation. ‘The conceprion of instrumental motivation presupposes a unitary, fd, and shistorical language learner who desires access t0 materia] resourees that are the privilege of target language speakers, The notion of investment, on the other hand, conceives of the language lcamer as having a complex social hisory and multiple desires, ‘The notion presupposes that when language learners speak, they are not FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING only exchanging: information with targer language speakers, but they are constantly organizing and reurganizing a sense of who they are and how they relate to the social world. Thus an investment in the target kangniage is also an investment in a fearner’ own identity, an identity which is constantly changing aczoss time and space. In this spirit, the questions ‘Is Salika motiv- ated (o learn the target language? What kind of personality does Salihs have?" may not be as helpful as che questions ‘What is SalihaS investment in the target language? How is Saliha’s relationship to the target language socially and historically constracced?” As I will demonstrate in this book, a learner's investiment in the target language may be complex, contradictory and in a state of flux. Jn a study of Chinese adolescent immigrant students in the United States, ‘McKay and Wong (1946) extend the notion of investment developed by ‘Norton Peirce (1995), Like Norton Peires, they demonstrate how the spe- cific needs, desires and negotiations of the learners were not disttactions from the tusk of language learning, bt ‘must be regarded as conscirating the very fabric of students’ lives and as determining theic investment in learning the target language’ (1996, p. 603). McKay and Wong (2996) note, however, that while Norton Peixce (1995) focused on opportunities vo speak, cheir research investigated students’ investment in the four skills of listening, spcak- ing, reading and writing. They argue that investment in each of these skills can be highly sclective and that different skills can have differem values in relation to learner ‘ddentities. This laiter theme is developed in greater detail by Angelil-Carter (1997), whose study addresses the development of aca- demic literacy by English language learners in a South African university She argues as follows For [Norton] Peirce’ (1995) concept of investment to take on meaning im the academic fanguage learning context, I believe, it ean usefully be broken dosen from its broad idea of investment in a target language such 43 English to invesrment in iteracies, forms of writing or speaking let us call them ditourses — that are dislodged and reconstructed over time and space, Such investments may play a powerfal fciitating or hindering role in the acquisition of new discourses, & 268) ‘There is evidence that the notion of investment is receiving some attention in the mainstream SLA literanure. Elis, in his 1997 book, Second Lanauage Acquistion, contrasts the work of Norton Peiree (1995) with that of Schumann, (19782), defining investmenc as the ‘learners’ commitment to learning an 1.2, which is viewed as related to the social identities they construct for themselves as learners’ Ellis, 1997, p, 140). In McKay and Wong's study, as jn Angelil-Carter’ and Norton Peirce, the relationship between ethnicity,YDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING identity and language learning is a central motif in the analysis. | ay next to a fuller investigation of ethnicity, gender and class in relation to identity and language learning Ethnicity, gender and class Holler (1987) argues thot people growing up in a homogeneous society would mot define themselves as ethnic, and that ethnicity is a product of opposition. It is this kind of opposition thar Sabihe experiences in her rela- tionship with Madame Rivest, and Satiha’ sense of otherness is socially con- scructed within relationships such as this one. Saliha is exeluded from Madame Rivest’: powerful ethnée social network — a network which Heller would argue is defined by common language: ‘Thus the first principle of echnie identity formation és participation in ethnic social networks, aed therefore in activities conerolled by ethnic #roup members, Language is important here as a means by which acows to networks is zeyulated: [F yon do not speak the right language, you de not have acvess to forming relationships with certain people, or to partiipat= ing. in certain activities, (181) Drawing on her research with immigrant women in Canada, Ng (1988, 1987), like Heller, argues that ethnicity must be understood as a set of social relations that organize people in relation to larger social processes in society. She notes in particular that conventional research draws on observable fea- tures such ay language and customs to determine criteria for ethnicity and pays little attention to the day-to-day experiences of immigrants, Yet, Ng stresses, it is only in the contest of such interactions with members of the larger society that ethnicity hecomes aa issue for immigrants, Furthermore, Ng (1981) notes that immigrant women occupy a particular and dfferent location in society to immigrant men, and that experiences of immigration must he understood as gendered ones. Tn theorizing the gendered nature of the immigrant language learner's experience, Iam concerned not oniy with the silencing that women experi- ence within the context of larger patriarchal structures in society," tut also with the gendered access to the public world chat immigrant women, in particular, experience. It is in the public world that language learners have the epporrunity to interact with members of the target language community, but it is the public world that is not easily accessible to immigrant vomen. As will be discussed in the following chapeers, even when such access is FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING granted, the nature of the work available to immigeant women provides few opportunities for social interaction. Like ethnic and yendered identities, a classed identity is one that is pro- duced in specife sets of social, historical and economic relations of power which are reinforced and reproduccd in everyday social encounters. In this regard, the concept of class articulated by Connell, Ashendon, Kessler and Dowsett (1982) is helpfal. While in conventional vociological terms, « class is underscood as secs of individuals who shaze the same attributes oF posses- sions, such as level of income, sype of occupation, level of cducation aul ownership of capital, Connell et ah argue that ‘itis not what people are, or ceven what they own, so much as what they do with their resources’ that is ental to an understanding of clas (p. 33). In theie view, itis problematic to consider the relationship beoween individuals and class as a ‘location’, in which people are passive markers of a ‘geometrical spor’. ‘Their research indicates that the relationship benween individuals and class cannot be re- duced co a system of categories; it is, rather, a system of relationships be- tween people. In sum, like Rockhill (1987b), I take the position that ethnicity, gender and class are not experienced as a series of diserste background variables, but are all, in complex and interconnected ways, implicated in the construction of identity and the possibilities of speech Rethinking language and communicative competence In arguing that language is constitutive of and constituted by a speaker’ identity, I take the position that language is more than words and sencences. Saliha’s words and sentences, her extended hand, her ambivalent smile and light shrug, cannot be understood apart from her unique relationship with ‘Madame Rivest and the particular time/space configuration of this social relationship, The theory that helps me to understand the language of this relationship is associated wich the work of critical discourse researchers who have framed their work with reference t poststructuralist theories of lan- geage.’ Poststructuralist theories of language achieved much promincnee in the late twentieth century, and are associated, among others, with the work of Bakhtin (1981), Bourdieu (£977), Fairclough (1992), Gee (1990) and Kress (1989), These theories build on, but are distinct from, structuralist theories of language, associated predominantly with the work af Saussnre. Saussure’ (1966) distinction between speech (parole) and language (lengue) was an attempt to provide a way of recognizing: that, despite geographical, inter- personal and social variations, languages have shared patterns and structure. For structucalsts, the building blocks of language structure are signs dat comprise the signifier (or sound-image) and the signified (the concept or ‘meaning), Saussure asserts thet neither the signifier nor the signified preexistsIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING. the other and that che link hewseen them is arbitrary, [Te notes hae it's the linguistic system that guarantees the meaning of signs and that each Fnguistic community has its own set of signifying practices that give value to the signs in s language One of the criticisms poststructuralists have levelled at this notion of Tanguage is that strocturalism cannot account for straggles over the social meanings that can be attribured to signs in @ given language. The signs ‘Heminist/, /research/ and /SLA/, for example, can have different meanings for uitferent people within the same linguistic community. Wimness, for example, debates over the meaning of SIA theory in the field of Applied Linguistics.” While structuralists conceive of sigs is having idealized mean- ‘ngs and linguistic communities as being relatively homogeneous and con- sensual, poststructuralists take the position that the signifying practices of societies are sites of struggle, and tst inguistic communities are heterogen- cous arenas characterized by conflicting claims to truth and power. Thus the theory of discourse that is central to this book represents @ departure from notions of discourse (units of language larger than the sen~ tence) associated with much of the traditional sociolinguistic research. In tritieal discourse research (Nozvon, 1997b), discourses are the complexes of Signs and practices that organize social existence and social reproduction. The discourses of the family, the school, the church, the corporation are and by language and other sign systems. Discourses delimie the range of possible practices under their authority and onganiae how these practices are realized in cime snd space. as such, a discourse is a particular way of organizing meaning-making practices. Kress (1989, p. 7) offers a particularly eogent illustration of this concept: Discourses tend towards exhaustiveness and inclusiveness; what is they at- ‘tempt to account not only for an area of immediate concera to an institve ton, but attempt to accunmt for increasingly wider areas of concern, Take as an example one discourse which determines the matter in which the biotogical category of sex is taken into social Life as gender, the discourse of sexism. Te specifies what men and women may be, hows they are t9 thik of theraselves, how they ace to think of and to interrelate with che ather gender. But beyond that the discourse of sexism specifies what families ‘may be, and relations within the family: What i s to be a ‘preper father’ tora ‘mother’ and “the eldest son’, Your little gir’ Te reactes into all major ateas of social life, specifying what work is suitable, possible even, for men and for women; hovr pleasure isto be seen by either gender; what aréstic pessibilicics if any chere are for either gender. A snetaphor which Tuse 10 explain the effects of discourse to myself is that of « military power whose response to border skirmishes is to oveupy she adjacent territory. As prob- lems continue, more territory is occupied, then settled and colonised. A discourse colunises the social world imperialistically, from che point of view of one inseitution FACT AND FICTION IN) LANGUAGE LEARNING “Ta extend Kress’ military metaphor, i is imporeane to note thar while dis- courses ate powerful, they are noc completely determined. Tris posible for people in border cowns to resist the dominance of colonising power, and to set up what Terdiman (1985) calls ‘counter-discourses’ to the dominant power, In this regard, as Foucault notes, power and resistance lrequently cocnist tis wwe, ic scoms to me, that power is ‘always already there that one is never ‘outside’, that chere are uo ‘margins’ in which those in rupture wich the system may gambol, But this does noc mean that ie i necessary co admit an unavoidable form of domination or an absoluwe privilege of the lav, That one can never be ‘outside of power" does nt mean that ome fs ip every way trapped ... There are no relations of power without resistances. (Quoted in Morris and Patton, 1979, p. $5) Given a theory of language as discourse, this book, particularly in Chape ter 7, will reiterate and develop concerns 1 have raised in Norton Peirce (1989) abour the normative views on commuaicative competence that have dominated the field of second language education in the 1980s aad 190s. In what has become a classic framework for conceptualizing communicative competence in the field of SLA, Canale and Swain (1980) and Canale (1983) identified four characteristics of a Iearer’ cormmunicative competence: grax- matical competence (knowledge of the code its}; sociolinguistic competence (the ability to produce and understand utterances appropriately); discourse competence (the ability to combine grammatical forms into larger stretches of spoken or written discourse}, and strategic competence (the mastery of ‘communication strategies). I have argued (Norton Peizee, 198%, p. 46) thst, “while tis important for language learners to enderstand what Hymes (1979) calls the ‘rules of use’ of the target language, itis equally important for them to explore whose interests these rules serve. What is consideved appropriate usage is not self-evident (Bourne, 1988), but must he understood with refer- ence to inequitable relations of power between interlocutors. ‘Turning once again to Saliha and Madame Rivest, it is instructive to consider whether Saliha demonstrates communicative bompexence in their interaction, Clearly, Saliha has grammatical competence as her utterances ate well formed. She is sociolinguistically competent in that she shows appropriate regard for the status of her interlocutor and recogaizes her employcr’s desire not to engage in further interaction; she is stravegically competent in that she is sensitive enough to step out of the door before bidding Madame Rivest farewell, thus reassuring Madame Rivest that she will not draw her into further interaction. While itis impossible to deter= mine whether Saltha has discourse competence (because Madame Rivest does not allow her to respond in longer sentences), itis passible to conclude that Saliba has learnt the linguistic rules of use in this particular social interaction. towever, as a language educator concemed with social justice, TIDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING am not satisfied that Saliha has leamt to produce grammatically acceptable and sociolinguistically appropriate utterances in the target language. It is isturbing that Salia resigns herself 10 what she unproblematically calls reality’, rather than investigating how that reality is socially constrected. | spugest in this book that theories of commnanicative competence should Extend beyond an understanding of che appropriate rules of use in a partiex- Jar soviety to include an understanding of the way rules of use are socially and historically conscructed 10 support the interests of a dominant group within a giver: society In sum, this book draws an 2 different set of theoretical perspectives to those commonly associated with traditional STA research and begins with a ditferent set of assumptions. The questions I bring to this reader inclusle the following: What opportunities are available to second language learners to interact with target language speakers? What happens when target language speakers avoid interaction with second language speakers? Is Krashen’s (982, 1982) notion of the affecxive filter adequately theorized? Are there altern- ative ways of theorizing motivation? Under what conditions is a language learner introverted, sensitive (0 rejection, inhibited? When will « language Jearner take risks, and why? Structure of book In Chapter 1, 1 have argued that, since practice in the carget language is centrally important in the learning of a second language, bots SLA theorists dl soca fanguage Ceachors need to understand how oppormmitics t0 prac tice speaking are socially strucsared in both formal and jnformal sites of language learning, Furthermore, itis important for theorists and tcachers to tnderstand how language learners respond to and cteate opportunities te speak the THRU ngage, and how ther acions Tames with thir wate ‘ment in the target language and their changing identities. Research waich addresses these issues will be of benefit to language teachers who wish to meet the needs of learners like Salina, TFleamers de not make progress earning, teachers cannot assume that Tearhers do not ‘wish tw learn the second langwage or that they are unmotivated or inflexible; perhaps the Iesrness are struggling because they cafinot speak under conditions of marginalization. a Tn Chapter 2, [ address the complex relationship between the methodo- logy and the theory of my saudy. [argue that any approach to methodology presupposes a set of assumptions that guides the questions that are asked jn a research project and how these questions are addressed. Furthermore, T suggest that dow data is collected will inevitably influence har data is collected and what conclusions are drawn on the basis af daca analysis. 1 FACE AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LEARNING describe the theory that informed my approach rw methodology; and then describe the methodology thac | used im the light of this theory, focusing on the diary study as particularly ioaportant in the data collection process. In Chapter 3, [locate my ssudy in the context of other studies of smmi- grant language learners in hoch Canada and he international community. then introduce the five participants in the study: Fva from Poland, Mai from Vietnam, Katarina from Poland, Martina from the former Czechoslovakia and Felicia from Peru. I comment on their exposure co English and their xctice of English, and describe the conditions under which they feel most comfortable speaking English. I draw attention to the contradictory position in which these women find themselves in relation to anglophone Canadians: “They need access to anglophone social neoworks in order co practice English in the wider community, hut knowledge of Fnglish is an « priori condition of entry into these social networks. In Chapter 4, 1 describe the language learning experiences of the ewo ‘younger women in the study, Eva and Mai. Targue that cach woman's invest- ment in English must be understood wich reference to her reasons for com- ing to Canada, her plans for the fugure and her changing identity. I deseribe Eva as a mulkicuttural citizen in chat, over time, she gained access to the anglophone social networks at work and described herself as having the same possibilities as Canadians, With respect to Mai, I demonstrate that she ‘took on the position of langatage broker in the hotne to enable her to resist the patriarchal structures in her extended family. [also examine how and why Mais workplace offered opportunities for Mai to practice Engtish, and how changes in the language practices in the workplace represented a threat so her invesement in English, her opportunities to practice English and her identity as a language broker in the home. In Chapter 5, 1 describe the language learning experiences of the three older women in the study, Katarina, Martina and Felicia, indicating how their investment in English intersects with their identitics as mothers Katarina’ ambivalent relationship co English is described in depth: On the fone hand, she feared that Fnglish would undermine her relationship to her ‘only child; on the other hand, it would give her access to the fellow profes- sionals with whom she woul most like to interact. Martina, om the other hand, as the primary caregiver in the home, needed to speak English in order to relieve her children of the responsibility of defending the family’s interests in the larger social world. Despite her sense shat her immigrant status afforded her little social value, she was not slenced by marginalization, Felicias investment in her identity as 4 wealthy Peruvian is intriguing, and her resistance to being positioned as an immigrant in Canada is addressed, Th Chapeer & Taddcese the implications af ny Tidings for second Tan: ‘guage acquisition theory. With reference to daia from my study, I eritique ‘current SLA theory on natural language leaming, the acculruration model Of SLA, and the affective filter hypothesis respectively. T argue that SLAIDENTHY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING theorists need to address the inequitable relations of power which structure #pportunitics for language learners to practice the target outside the class= room, T demonstrate shat the acculturation model af SLA does not gi sufficient reeagnition to situations of additive and subtractive bilingual I suggest that a learner's affective filter needs tw be theorized as a social cpnsurvedion which intersects in significant ways with a language earner’ idencicy. I suggest that a poststructaralist conception of identity and Boursiew’s TST notion of degitimate discvese ore theoretically usefal in helping to explaia the findings from my study, and area valuable contribution to SLA theory. In che final section of the chapter, drawing on Lave and Wenger's (2991) conceptions of situated learning, I incorporate these ideas into an expanded notion of language learning as 2 social practice In Chapter 7, I consider the implications of my study for elassroom practice, I exaunine the expectations the participants had of formal language classes and analyze these expectations in view of findings from the study on natural language fearning and identity. suggest chat my study has & num cof implications for classroom practice, defending my arguments with refer- tence (0 two stories of classroom resistance described by Katarina and Felicia However, with reference to Mai’ story of @ particularly problematic class- room experience, [raise questions about how student experience should bs incorporated into Ee nga lage curriculum. | then take the position that the ary study itself was 4 pedagogical practice that had the potential to expand and transform Language learning possibilisies both inside and outside the classroom, Finally, nocng the limitations of the diary stady, T suggest eae classroom-based social rescarch might help to bridge the gap between for- ‘mal and nattiral sites of language learning for immigrant language learners, aiving them the more powerful identity oF ethnogeapher ix relation to the larger world of rarget language speakers Notes For a comprehensive overview of these topics, sce Tucker and Corson (1997) and Gurumins and Corson (1997), 2. See FLD. Brown (1994), Gardner and Lambert (1972), Krashen (1981) and Schuwana (1978) for more detailed analyses. 3. ‘The work of Rubin (1975) and Naiman, Frohlich, Stern and ‘Todesco (1978) has been central in defining ‘the good language learner’ in SLA. theory. Drawing on social theory and their reseasch with adults and chik dren respectively Norton and Toohey (1999) have documented changing notions of the good language learner, 4. As illastrative of the range of this work, see the work of Lin (1996) in Hoong Kong, Rampton (1995) in England, Kramsch (1093) and Hall (1993, FACT AND FICTION IN LANGUAGE LERRNING the USA, Toohey (1998, 2000) in Canada and Thesen (1997) in South Arica 5. In my previous work (Norton Peirce, 199, 1995), I had been drown to ‘theories of social identity as distince from caltural identity. Ax T under stood i, social identity references the relationship between the individual and the lorger social world as mediated through instivotions such as farn= ilies, schools, workplaces, vovial services and law courts. I asked 0 what ‘extont this relasionship mast he understood with reference to 2 person’ race, gender, class or ethnicity. Culeara identity I understood to reference the relagonship between individuals and members of a group who share @ ‘common history, a common language and similar ways of understanding she world, Fcended not to draw on theories of cultura! identity because 1 ‘debated whether such theories could do justice to the heterogeneity within the groups I had encountered over many years of research, and the dy- namic and changing nature of identity U bad observed, Over time, how- evr, Lhave come to see the difference between social and cultural identity as rote fluid, and the commonalities more marked than their differences. 5 Fora comprehensive overview of such research, sce Homaberger ane Corson, (1997), focusing in particular on the chapters by Falts (1997), ‘Goldstein (1997), Marcin-Joncs (1997), May (1997) and Norton (1997), See Heller's (1992) reseatch on codeswitching and language choice in Gntario and Quebee which reveals the ways ib which the tegulation of acess to symbolic resources is tied to the regulation of access ro material © resources. Furthermore, her research depicts how French is now see up, ‘parallel co English, as a crucial linguistic resource in Quebec society t0 ‘which relatively powerless groups, such as natives and immigrants, must aspire. ‘See for example hooks (1990), Lewis and Simon (1986), Smith (19876), ‘Spender, (1980). See for eximple Corson (199%), Fairclough (1992), Gee (1990), Heller {0999), Kees (1989), Lemke (1995), Luke (1981), Norton Peize and Stein 1995), Pennycook (1994, 1998), Simon (1992) and Wedak (1996) See Beretta and Crookes (1993), Gregg (1993), Long (1993), van Lier (1994), Lantolf (1996) and Schuman (1993) UL All che names of people and places used in the study have een changed,Researching identity and language learning Ail methods are ways of asking questions thot presume on underlying set of assumptions, o structure of relevonce, and o form of rational (Saom ano Depa, 1988, p. 195) Since critical research has a relatively recent history in the fiekl of SLA, I have found the work of researchers in related disciplines invaluable in helping me develop a methodological framework for the study described in this book. In this chapter, I first discuss how three groups of educational researchers have influenced my work, and then outline my central research questions. | turn next to an examination of the complex relationship between researcher and researched, followed by a detailed description of che study itself Methodological framework In investigating the relationship between identity and language learning, the questions I have asked, che data T have considered relevant and the conchi- sions I have drawn have been informed by the work of educational researchers in culearal studies, feminist research and critical ethnography. The first group of educational researchers inchucée Connell etal. (1982), Simon (1987, 1992}, Walsh (1987, 1991) and Willis (1977); the second include Briskin and Coulter (1992), Luke and Gore (1992), Schenke (1991, 1996), Smith (19872, 1987b} and Weiler (1988, 1991); and the third include Anderson (1989), Beitzaman (1990), Brodkey (1987) and Simon and Dippo (1986). While these educa onal theorists do not always aske che sare questions or share the same assumptions, I have found that the ideas they share, six of which are outlined below; highly productive for research on identity and language learning, a @ Gio) a) ) ) RESEARCHING IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING. ‘The rescarchers aim w investigate the complex relationship berween social structure on the one hand, and human agency on the othe, Snihione resorung Wo deterministic OF Tedutuouer analyses Tor ample, Anderson (198%) notes that critical ethnography has grown out cof dissatisfaction with social research on structures like clas, patriarchy and racism in which real people never appear, and cultural inuerprets- tions of human action in which broad structural constraints Tike class patriarchy and racism never appear. Likewise, Weiler (1288) suggests that the specific mandate of feminist scholarship is to investigate the relationship between the individual and the social, with a porticular focus on the everyday world of women. ‘The researchers assume that in order to understand social soructures ‘we need to understand inequitable relations of power based on gender, race, elass, ethnicity and sexual orientation, Walsh (L991, p. 139), for example, argues that in an unequal world, in which power relations are constantly at work, ‘participation and dialogue never just happen's dents are differentially positioned in relation to one another, the sub- ject matter, and the teacher. Further, Weiler (1988) notes thar while men share a gendered history, women should not be treated 2s @ single group with no differences; questions of race and class are as important as questions of gender: "The researchers are interested in the way individuals make sense of their own experience. Connell ¢ al. (1982), drawing on their landmark Fees ir Aumtalia, note that hey wanted to get elose tothe sit ations people found thentselves in and to talk to them in depth about their personal experiences. Smith (1987b, p. 9) notes that what she calls an ‘institutional ethnography’ is a method of analysis that returns the researcher to the actualities of what people do on a day-to-day Yasis under particular conditions and in defined situations. ‘The researchers are interested in locating their research within a his torical context. In this regaed, Simon and Dippo (1986, p. 198) not that ‘history is not to be relegated so the collection of “background ata’, bur rather becomes an integral part of the explanation of the regularicies explored in any specifics’. Walsh (1991) noves chat che purpose of her study on the struggles of Puerto Riean students in the United States was to highlight how the past and present intersect in people’ voices and tinasform pedagogial conditions, Luke and Gore (7992), in-a similar spirit, note that the identities thac femninisc academics have forged for themselves have been influenced by fem- inists past and present and by the extensive feminist literature of the preceding two decades. ‘The researchers reject the view chat any research can claim ty be objective or unbiased. Weiler (1988) notes that feminist research22 IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING begins with the assumption that the researcher plays a constitutive role in determining the progress of a research project and that the researcher has to understand her own subjective experience and know- ledge as well as that of the women she studies. Likewise, Simon and Dippo (1986) make che point that che production of knowledge cannot be understood apart from the personal histories of the re- searchers and the larges institutional context in wich researchers work, “They suggest that critical echnographic work should define dara and analytic procedures in @ way consistent with its pedagogical and polit- ical project GB. The researchers helieve that the goal of educational research is social and educational change. Brodkey (1947) for cxample, makes the point that the goal of eritical echography is to help create the possibility of eransforming such institutions as schools. Briskin and Coulter (1992) note that feminist pedagogy is situated firmly within the discourse on progrossive education end critical pedagogy, while Simon's work, andl that of his colleagues, is centcally concerned with what schools ean do to adress inequities in educational and social institutions (Simon, Dippo and Schenke, 1992}. Central questions Tn my own study with immigrant lmguage learners in Canada, 1 sought to investigate the relationship of learners 10 the iarger socal world, without resorting to oversimplication, E frequently asked how questions of gender, race, class and ethnicity were central to the analysis. | sought to investigate hhow the learners nade sense of their experiences and to what extent their patticular historical memories intersected with their investment in langage earning. Through these enquiries I recognized increasingly that my own history and experiences structured the study in diverse and complex ways. ‘The questions addressed in this book can be collapsed into two broad sets ‘of questions, @) Since interaction wich target iangazage speakers is a desirable condition for adult SLA, what opportunities for interaction exist outside the classroom? Elow is this interaction socially structured? How da learners act™ ‘upon these Structures to create, use Or resist opportunities tw speak? To what ‘atent should their actions be understood with reerente Te hvestnent in the target language and their changing identities across time and space? Gi) How can an enkanced understanding of identity and natural language learning inform both SLA theory and classroom pracz RESEARCHING IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING. The researcher and the researched Having established a methodological framework for my research, I needed. to consider she kind of relationship I wished to establish with che particip- ants in my research, a topic of increasing interest and concern in the social Sciences. In this regard, the work of Cameron, Fracer, Harvey, Rampton and Richardson (1992) is particulerly helpful, Drawing on their research, pritn= arily conducted in England, Cameron et af. distinguish three positions that rescarchers may take up in relation to their subjects, defined respectively as ethical, advocacy and empewerment research, In ethival research, they ar- gue, there is an appropriate concern that subjects do not sulfer damage or inconvenience while participating in the research, and that the contributions of subjects are adequately acknowledged. They characterize such research as research on social subjects. Advocacy research, in contrast, is characterised by a commitment on the part of the researcher (0 do research far subjects as well as on subjects. In this regard, researchers might be asked to use theit skills to defend the interests of subjects and to advocate on thir behalf, While ethics and advocacy, Cameron er af. argue, are associated with positivist assumptions about reearch, cmpowerment presupposes a more radical research project. It is characterized by research that ison, for anil with subjects, as Cameron ¢¢ al (1992, p. 22} explain: One of the things we take that additional ‘with’ to imply is the use of interactive or dialogic research methods, as opposed to the distancing or objectitying strategies positivsts are constrained ta use. It is ehe cencraliy of interaction ‘wich’ she researched that enables research to be empower- ing in our sense; though we understand tis is as 2 nevessary rather chan snfficient condition, Jn making the case for empowering research, Cameron et al. (1992) argue that three tenets should be observed: () Persons are not abjeess and should not be treated as objects, The central point here is that che researcher’ Beals, assumptions and procedures should be made explicit, an that re Search methods should be open, interaetive and dialogic. They argue further that interaction can enhance research, and that elsims for non-intervention 4s & guarantee of objectivity and validity are ‘philosophically naive’ (p. 23) (i) Subjects have their own agendas and research should try vo address chem, Cameron et al, make che point that, ifs researcher is working ith subjects, it follows that asking questions and introducing topics should not be the sole Prerogative of the researcher, Indeed, helping subjects to address their own agendas may generate new insights and enhance the project as a whole. (i) Hlmowledge is worth having, it is worth sharing. As Cameron er al. suggest,this is @ particularly challenging tenet, since it hegs che questions, ‘what is knowledge?” and *how do we share?" ‘They conclude that each research project offers different opportunities for interaction with subjects on the findings of the research, acknowledging that divergent interpretations by researchers and subjects may arise, In research with adule immigrants, researchers need to be particularly cognizant of the unequal relationship berwcen researcher and researched since such subjects, new to a society, have few institutional protections and are frequently sulncrable and isolated. I did not want to cdo what Rist (1980) cals élitzkrieg ecbnograpby by taking a brief look at a few language Tearners, collecting 2 handful of anecdotes and writing up decontextuslized stories. Such an approach to ethnography is one that is being increasingly questioned hy scholars such as Wason Gegeo (1988). How I songht to develop both an ethical and empowering relationship with zy participants is discussed in the next section. The project As L embarked on may study, I immediately faced three challenges. First, [ wanted to work with participants over an extended period so that T could examine to what extent language learning experiences changed over time: second, [needed a methodology adequate to the task of exploring complex and intimate experiences in a language thet had not yet been mastered by the participants; third, T hoped to work with participants who had onky recently arzived in Canada and were in the initial stages of languaye learn ing. This stage places the greatest demands on the immigrant to learn the second language and cultural practices of the new society. Such cultural practices, as Willis (1977) notes, cannot b¢ specified in mechanical or strac~ tural terms, but in terms of distinctive kinds of relationships that aze often in flux. The way L approached my research project and addressed these chal- lenges are best decribed in the form ol a chronology thac spans a period of two years. Ie will be evident in this overview thar, in doing the study, which was qualitative in nature, I utilized what Woleote (1994) deseribes as the three classic modes that qualitative researchers use to gather daca: interview- ing, the analysis of documentation and participant observation. From Janu- ary to June 1990, I hefped to teach a full-time FST. course wo recent immigrants in Ontario, Canada, which gave me access to a highly diverse and interesting group of language learners, In the second six months of that year, | invited the learners in this course to be part of the research, de- veloped a detailed questionnaire for them ro complete, and began initial interviews with the five women. who agreed to particigate in the three parts ‘of the studly, From January to June 1991, I conducted a diary study with the ie RESEARCHING IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING. women, and thereafter (July t» December 1991) did follow-up interviews and a second questionnaire. The sections below describe the two-year process in greater detail, highlighting how I sought to capture the relationship hetween identity and fanguage learning. January to June 1990; The ESL course My first challenge was to find participanss who were walling and able to take part ina long-term project, In most immigrant language mainiag programmes Eh Ganada, a teacher has access to learners for oly a short petiod of time after the immigrant learner’ arrival in Canada. Lf an iramigrant is fortunate to be placed ina subsidized Employment and Immigration Cansda (EIC) language training progeam, the teacher has access to learwers for a maxionam of six months,! thereafter, access to learners becomes increasingly difficult Even in this six-month petiod, communication with learners may be particu- larly difficult if the teacher bas no common language with the learners and the learners have only: limited command of Fnglish, Nevertheless, a course of this narure was the best means of gaining access to recently arrived lan goage learners who were all living in relatively elose proximity to one an- other. In January 1990, I was given the opportunity to participate part-time an FIC language training program run by a community college, called Ontario College, i the town of Newtown in Ontario. My jab was to teach the course one full day a week, in conjoitction with the full-time instructor who taughe the course for the remaining four days a week. ‘The ESL course was highly structured, and the learners were given a thorough introduction to English grammar and pronunciation, The full- time teacher was energetic and meticulous. As 2 team teacher once a week, | was asked to complement and reinforce what the scudents had Tearnt during the remainder of the week, but I was also encouraged to be innovative and to Introduce my own materials into the classroom. AF the conclusion of the six- ‘month course, I told the learners that I was about to embark on a jong- expltaton Her lack of com fBdence and ansiery were not invasiare personalicy aits but socially con- stricted in inequitable relations of power. Tt was only after a number of taonths thar Eva gained access ta the social network in the workplace, and arith ic the right and opportunity to speak. Such access was gained because ‘Eva acted upon the workplace, refusing to he marginalized, and because the organization of activities for workers outside che workplace gave her the oppornmnity to distance herself from the identicy of an unskilled immigrant, ‘At one diary stmdy meeting, T asked va if she fele she was part of Cana- dian society. Ller response was that she felt comfortable in Canada because the people at work liked her and aceepted her. The central point here is that it is only in the work environment that Bya had access to Canadians. In many ways, the workplace was Canada for Eva. Because Eva had guined access ta the social network at work, she was able (© practice Fnglish on 4 regular basis and become a proficient speaker of English. Indeed, she Necime suicenly proficient tw change het job to that of 4 waitress ier restaurant in Newtown where she was required to speak English fuentes workplace, not ony did she carn inore money, buesbe het a different relationship w her customers and increased opportunities 10 speak English, Eva may not be ‘Canadian’ but, as Fs /s no longer marginalized, she is no longer powerless. As she herself saidi ‘I feet I have the same resi es 2 Canaan” ‘ably, Bea is a classic multicultural citizen. She says that she feels comfortable about being Polish in Canada, Polish is the langage of the Private sphere; English is the language of che public sphere. Further, if eople look at her strangely on occasion, she chinks that is their problem and not hers, When she first arrived in Canada, she would have assumed that, if people treated her with disrespect, it was because of her cwn finita- tons. said that she English course ad helped ber make a head start on adaptation provess. ‘Tr would have taken a lot longer’ if there had been RO course. Bat the most import Pgs teacher for her was "eal Ie thermore, work helped her, not only because ofthe incense exposure nglih and practice in English, but also because se was able wo absere How Canadians tlk to one another and behave towards one anvcher ~ how Sings “gee done’ in Canadian societ. Ar Munchies, Eva's ilentity was chat Sfsomeone who was ‘ferent hue equal! w her co-workers, Deeanve she was Jonge marginalized by hex co-workers, bec se a ther accepance spect, she could ralk to them, practice het Raglish, and become a speaker of English, As well Sgniicant thot Eva not only warmed ste74 IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING accepted, she wanted her ‘differenee’ to be respected: ‘When T started to work there, they couldn't understand that ic might be difficult for me w understand everything and know about everthing whae ie’ normal for them, she wrote. This sentiment was echoed another time when she said that the people working with her ‘weren’ able to understand why iv diffcule to ccoie to the other country and not know the language’. Eva wants her co- workers to try to understand her, to aecept that she doesn't know everything tha they take for granted, However, she doesn't want recognition of differ: cence at the price of marginalization. Te was disturbing, therefore, thae when I saw Eva after the diary study was, complete, [ learnt that she was still fighting the same battles for respect in the workplace, and that her competence in English still constituted 4 barrier to her acceptance by some Canadians. She (old me a story of a male cus- comer who had said to her ‘Are you putting on this accent so that you can get more tips?” Eva had been angry, but had said to him: ‘I wish Fdid not have this accent because then I would not have to listen to such comments’ Eva was no longer silenced hy ethnocentrie comments, she was angered by them, Her identity had changed and, with it, het inclination to speak in the public world, Mai “feel so sorry fox my parents ond my nephews because dey con ot talk nth each other... act always in the mide” ‘Mai, who had come w Canada for a better future, had great investment it English, not only for the access it gave her to the public world, as was the case with Eva, bur also for the power it gave her wathin the private sphere of the home, where, as a language broker she sought to resist her Brocker’s patriarchal authority. The opporconities that Mui had to practice English in the home and workplace were structured by highly complex sets of social relationships that underwent significant change over time. Where appropti- ate, T will contrast Mails experiences with those of Fva because there are imeresting similarities and differences in their experiences. Both Mai and Eva are approximately the same age, landed in Canada at the same time, arrived in Canada without a partner, did not speak any English on arrival Canada and were the only two of the five women who obiained full-time employment shorty after arrival in Canads ‘There are important differences between them, however. Mai is a visible minority in Canad, she lived with an extended family from the time of her arrival in Canada til the time she married, she heard English spoken in her home on a daily basis, and her skills as a scamstress were economically desirable in Canada, EVA AND MAI: OLO HEADS ON YOUNG SHOULDERS Mais home: The Tower of Babel ‘Ming, the brother with whom Mai lived, had been in Canada for over ten years before Mai arrived. Hl ig at lease ten gears oliler than Mai, is married to a Vietnamese woman called Tan and has thres sons, Fourreen-year-old “Trong xs born in Viemam, while the other two, Mark (aged twelve) and Kevin (aged eight, were born in Canada. ‘The family lives in an opulent neighborhuod in Newtown, with large new houses arranged on small, neat Jots. Mai brother works in a government department and has been financially successful in Canada, Her siscer-in-law, ‘lan, has her own sewing business that she runs from home. Mai and her elderly parcnts all initially stayed at hher brother's home. ‘The occupants of the house induded the two grandlpar- ents, the parents, the three children and Mai. At the time of Maié arrival, a younger brother also lived in the same howse, although he moved into another house soon after Mai arrived. ‘Thus, unlike Eva, Mai had a compiex set of domestic relationships in her place of residence: She was daughter to her two parents, sister (and sister-in-law) to her brother and Ais wife, and aunt to her brother’ three sons, Significantly, unlike the case for Eva, three lanyuayes were spoken in the home on a continual hasis: Viemamese, Cantonese and Finglish. Mais parents spoke Vietnamese and Cantonese, but no English, Her brother and sister-in-law spoke Vietnamese and Cantonese; her brother hail good com- mand of English, but her sister-in-law spoke only limited English. Her nephews spoke Fnglish only. This meant that Mai’ parents and nephews were unable to comnmuaicate with one another, and that there was limited communication between Mai’ nephews and their mother, As Mai wrote: Ik is fanny when T think ahour my family, its nor too big but always had spoken by three languages. My parents can’t speals English, I had to speak with them in Vietnamese or Chinese, I always spoke Chinese when ry family’s friends who are from Toronto eame to visie us. ‘Phey sre all ‘Chinese. With may brother and his wife, Tspoke Vietnamese because they used to speak with cach other by that language. And my nephews, they dide’t know any other language except English. So T spoke Fngtish with them although itis the language T spoke more than the other. For me fc doesn't matier when people speak with me in Viewnamese, Chinese for English. The only thing that I feel so sorry for my parents and my nephews because they cannot ‘alk with each other. Iris very worse in che family. I think T won ler it happen to my children if I have in may foture ‘The pattetns of language use in Mais home are linked incxtieably 10 Secial relations of power within the home and Canadian society at large. \se relations of power — which have patriarchal, racist and material histories ~ have contributed in complex ways to the breakdown of the extended family Structure in Mai home. ‘This breakdown, in tum, has had a marked impact76 IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEaRNING fon Mais identity, the status of English in the home and the opportunities for Mai to practice English, The firs: set of relationships [will examine is dat bepwoen Mais aephew+ and cheir parents. The following conversation describes the limited communication between Tan and her three soms: B. You hear a lot of English hore at home? M. Ya ldo. For my nephews, chey afl speaking Pg speak with them. B. Now do they speak any Chinese or Vietnamese? M. No they don’. B. Noching Noching a all? _ 0 Pin have ta M. Nu. B. Why not? Does your sister-in-law not speak to them in Chinese or Viernarnese? M. No, Because, um, for my sister-in-law she got this business, 30 she has so speak English, s0 she didn't wane if she speaks Chinese with hher kids, so she will lose her English, So she just cry ro speak Pnglish. My nephews speak better than her because they were bosn bere and they go 20 schoo ~ B. But does she not speak Vietnamese to them? M. No. No, Nor tall. asked Mai how Tan speaks to the boys if the boys do not speak Vietnamese and Tan's English is so limited. Mai said she hardty daes speak to the boys When she docs, it takes a long time to make herself understood ane the boys make fan of her efforts. Mai suggested that her brother and his wife aire obsessed with making money, so much so chat their children call the mother ‘Money’ instead of ‘Mummy’. Mai says that her nephews rreat their mother with disrespect because she doesn't know English, saying «© their mother ‘Shut up, Money.” Te appears that ‘Tan avoided speaking Viernamese to her children beenuse she thought her command of English woul improve if she spoke English the boys. Patt of her desire to learn English was driven by economic interest Her children, however, who attended anglaphone schools, very’ soon hecsene more competent in English than she was, and she began to Jose her anthor- iy over them, The boys, in fact, seemed to exert power yver their mother, snd used their English as a weapon against her. The disrespect with which they treated cir miocher seems parc explained by the fact that they observes! their own fither treating his mother and his sister with disrespect. When ‘Mais brother once chastised the boys for treating their another badly, Mark, the midalle son, said, ‘But then why do you treat Grandmom and Aunt 6 hud)y?* Thus the patriarchal relations of power in the home ave influenced! the language pattems in the home and exacerbated the intergenerasioosl breakdown. EVA AND MAI: OLD HEADS ON YOUNG SHOULDERS ‘There is another important point to note, however, On the way home froma one diary study erecting, Mai discussed how the breakdown of the family structure and the use af Eaglish in the home were related ro her igrother’s perception of Viemamese and Chinese people in Canada. She said that her brother thinks that Vietnamese and Chinese people are ‘low’ while Canadian people are ‘high’, Fven though he himself is Viemamese/Chinese and his wife is Vietnamese, he doesn't like the Viemamese and Chinese people and thinks they are “bad people’. Mai said that her nephews have been brought up as Canadians, and have never been encouraged to learn Viecnamese — only’ che eldest has any understanding of Viemamess, They fave no interest in finding our about Vietnam or Vietnamese people, and have suid on vecasion that they hate their appezrance. Mai says that her brother tries to think he is Canadian but that other peopl: don't see hiny that way. [fe ties to have Canadian rather than Vietnamese friencls, treating the two groups very differendy. Tr appears that racise practices in Canadian society - either covert or overt — have had a deleterious effect on the identit« ies of the members of Mai extended fimily. Such phenomena have been comprehensively scudied in other contexts ia North America by such scholars as Wong Fillmore (1991) and McKay and Wong (1996) and will receive farther attention in Chapter 6. When Mai and her parents arrived in Canada, it was in this set of rela- ‘tionships that she found herself. English was the language of power in the ‘home, males had authority and Canadians were considered to be superior to Chinese and Vietnamese people, Mai, however, rejected! her brother's patriarchal and racist views. When she arrived in Canada at 21 years of age, she was very comfortable with her Vietamese and Chinese heritage. She vas distressed that her brother wished to obliterate his Vieumamese past and that her nephews cared so litele for their heritage, She was struck by the fuet that her brother had changed so much and had litde respect for his own parents; ‘You can’t just throw away what has been passed down from geners~ Yon to generation.” At the same time, however, Mai said thac her parents have no voice in Canada. It was for this reason that Mai became subject to her brother’s authority. Although she could speak so Tan, ‘Fan seemed to support her husband patriarchal authority over Mai, As I will indicate, it vas with the nephews that Mai developed a special relationship that #85 #0 ‘create opportunities for her to speak English, resist her brother's pasriarchal authority, and redefine her gendered identity. Mai bad come to Canada for her ‘life in the future’ hut the fare that her brother ind sister-in-law had in mind for Mai did not coincide with Mai's desires. Recause Mai wanted to tye independent, learn English, drive a car and take an accounting course, she came into conflier with the patriarchal structures in her home. There were many ways in which her brother and sister-in-law attempted so curb her independent spirit, There was verbal Pressure: Her brother and sister-in-law said thar she was ‘license erazy’, and72 IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING ridiculed her desire for a ‘driver’ ficense, an English license an aecouncant’s license’, Further, shey limited her economic independence as she was required to give her brother her regular salary check, As well, they tried t© consrol her personal tine. When Mai got home from work every day, she was required to join Tan in the basement and help her with sewing contracts, Finally, they belitded her status 2s a single woman, saying she was 2 gir] who didn't need school, ‘Just find a vich young man’, they told hes. Indeed, from the moment of Mai’ arrival in Canacla, Ming and Tan attempted to find a husband for her. The firse person they introduced to her was a relation of “Fan, who in fact came to pick Mai up at the airpore when she first arvived in Canada, Mai described this meeting in the following interview Ac the night I came bere, the first time I came to Canada, he went to airport to pick me up. And after cha che second time he came and brought something for mg. Te want wo be my bovfitend. Ys. Bu, after I knew him, Telidn’e want to be that. don't want to be, I don’t that he’s stupid but, i is not good way for me. Ya, And I just eel hin, “Tf you want me to he your friend, your sister PL be glad 20 be that, buc forthe ~ you sean t0 be aay boyfriend ~ 16.’ No, I don’ think so. And for sow he says ‘OK, Pil be your brother” ‘Mais response to this pressure: was complex. Sometimes she cried to reason with her brother, saying that she needed to be indepenilent for her furure: other times she defended her actions hy saying ‘At lease I dida’t do any bad thing to anybody.’ Sometimes, Mai said it was easier to be quiet and say nothing. While Fa often found herself silenced in the workphice, Mat often struggled for respect in the home. It is significant thae Mai never challenged her brother directly. She never seemed to question his right te tty to control her life, even though she opposed what he way doings she never challenged the patriarchal structures, but tried to accormodase thet while finding altemative routes to independence, Fa, on the other hand, wwas frustrated hy what she understood to be discrimination and abuse of her rights in the workplace. Thus their relationship to che oppression they both experienced was very different. Like many of the women ia Rockhill’ study Mai did not assume that she had the right co independence, she assumed that it was a privilege granted under sufferance. Because of the breakdown of the extended family, and dhe emosional and material network that had hitherto supported Mai, Mai had tu redefine ber relationships within the family, Mai’s parents offered her litde support. Her ron-English speaking father was no longer the patriarch; Mai said he bad 20 power in Canada, Mais mother cleaned che house, did the cooking and pent the rest of her time in her bedroom, alone snl alicated from hex extended family. Fler sister-in-law had no authority in the home, little vela~ tionship with her sons and spent her days and evenings in the basement sab EVA AND Mal: QLD HEADS ON YOUNG SHOULDERS making garments and drapes for clients. In a sense, unless Mai redefined her status in the home, her options were extremely bleak. She could become sn ‘economic prisoner in the home, like ‘Tan, with little identity or authoriy as ‘a member of the family, she could accept a marginalized status as her mother had done or she could claim gn alternative stams that would provide her with an expanded set of possibilities. Mai chose che last option, despite hee brother's desire to relegate her to Tan’s status or marry her off as quickly as possible ‘Mai’s strategy was two-fold, Firs, she found employment outside the home. ‘This enabled her to contribute to the economic welfare of the family and gave her increased opportunities (@ practice English. Second, as her English improved, particularly after the six-month EST. course, she took on the role of language broker in the home, a status that gave her a measure of power and authority that no other person, apart from her brother, had succeeded in achieving. At a diary study meeting, she described herself as always in the middle, interpreting between her parents and her nephews and ‘occasionally between her nephews and their mothsz. This gave Mai respect ‘and authority in the eyes of her nephews, who were important allies in Mai’s struggle against her brother's pmriarchal authority, As noted above, i¢ was. her nephews who came out in defence of her by asking their father why he treated Mai so badly. They were also impressed hecause she could speak English better than their mother who had been in Canada for more than ten years, As Mai wrote: ‘One time ‘Irong told me “I hope you won't be like ‘Someone they just care about money then they forget about English. It's no. good in the future.” I understood what he means. What Mai understood ‘was that her nephews resented their mother’s preoccupation with the aequi- sition of material resources rather than symbolic resources. They were eon- cerned that Mai should not follow in their mother’s footsteps. It was Mai’s friendly relationship with her nephews andi her role as a guage broker in the home that gave her numerous opportunities te pructice English on a regular basis. ‘Thus, although Mais brother grew wary of the developing relationship between Mai and his sons, Mai remained an asset in the home. She was more than ‘a girl’: she brought money into the home, she was a language broker in the home, she was able to take care of her nephews and give the Parents the freedom ro travel. Despite her brother’ ambivalence towards ‘Mai, it was Mai and not the grandparents who took care of the boys when Mai’s brother went to Viemam for a month, By this time, there was 2 mutually beneficial relationship between the boys and Mai. As Mai nored, ‘they helped her practice nglish, and she took care oF them: My brother and his wite went to Vietnam 4 weeks go. Since they went I have to take care of my three nephews. I think thes must he sad when their ‘Parents all gone, chats why Ervied ro keep the activity in the house alwa20 IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING like they used to be with their parents, Il the time I have to make up my ‘mind to think about something that they like to eat, At night, before I went to sleep I went to check two of the younger to make sure that if they tay. And the happy thing T gor from ther is they all have heen very good and listen to me everything that L tell them. ‘They used to ask me shen they wanted to go out or do something, The one very helpful to me and my study is Kevin, He is eight and a half years old and he is the thitd of my nephews. Whenever T asked him to help me for dictation and some- thing else, he is very pleased to help me, He helps me more than the other one. He reads for me to write my dictation. ‘Ikong che older one is aking high school, he dida’t have much time to help me, Neither does the second one Mark. T knew they all busy. So T didn’: want to bother them. Bue when I kad some prablems chaz Kevin couldn't explain 10 me, Thad to ask Trong or Mark They all happy to hely me and explained to me very clearly: “Vhere was an interesting relationship between Mai’ position of language broker and hee investment in English. English represented both a weapon against her brother's pattiarchal authority and a symbol of her value in the private and public world. Mai was an extremely diligent Ionguage learner — she took every opportunity she could to speals and use the language. She took vourse after course, despite the extreme inconvenience of atcending courses at night, after a long day at work. She practiced at home with her nephews, she regularly attended the diary study meetings, she wrote teams in her diary. When Mai’ brother evicted his parents from his house 4 yeat after chey had arrived in Canada, Mais strategies were rewarded when she was given the option to remain in her brozker’ home. Mai captured these srmumavic events ia the following words Lam feeling so sul and very Jonely now: Tonight will be the ast night Fa luse 10 my mother. Then tomorrow she'll move to someone's Rouse and stay there all che time. She’ going to take care of one child whe is six ronths old. Since Twas hora until Feame here used to stay with my parents, T couldn't miss them even ten days. But now, T can’t help wher something happen. It hurts me a lot come to think of ft. Refore we were Living in Veena we always hoped that we could come here soon to see someone it family chat we haven'e seen for long time. Then we'll sy together and enjoy che time we have. But now so many bad things hap- pened to us. It mace ayy parents feel bad, beeause they never think shoot something like chat happened to chem, My pacents dida’s fee like sa in my brother’ house any nore... Even me, I don't know where to ge nov Tam confsed about what is going co happen with my parents and I in the farare. Around me nov all storm and big windy, U am aot sare if am strong eough to standup in this siniation EVA AND MAI: OLD HEADS ON YOUNG SHOULDERS Having examined che language practices in Mais home, and how her portunities to practice English were socially structured, T now examine the kinds of opportunities Mai bad to practice English in the workplace, how these opportunities were socially structured and their mutual relation- ship to Mai’s investment in English Mai's workplace: Insider to outsider When the ESL course was complete, Mai worked as a seamstress at a place called ‘The Fabric Factory in Newtown. She was the youngest worker there and the only onc from a Viernamese/Chinese background. Vhere were seven additional workers, all women (just only seven giv’) and no native-born Canadian workers. ‘No sny one Canadian people’, said Mai, When Mai arrived at the workplace, everyone spoke English communally, although the women were from klian (four), Pornuguese (two} and Indian (one) back- grounds, Only occasionally did one woman speak to another in her mother tongue. ‘Maybe they don't want us to know something. They cannot help it s0, speak really fast.’ As noted in Chapter 3, Goldstein (1996) describes in detail how the immigrant women and men in her study formed an intimate social network in the workplace, where workers referred to one another as ter, brother, daughter. Goldstein argues that in this context, work rela- tionships were represented as family and community relationships. For ex- ample, a problem concerning a worker who is unhappy with the supervisor vwas referred to asa family problem. These sets of relationships had a signific~ ant infhience on the kinguage pattems on the production floor: Porcguese fonctioned as a symiol of solidarity and group membership. The language ‘was associated with the rights, obligations and expectations chat members of the community had of one another, including the obligation mo help one another keep the line up and cover for slower workers Teas into a set of relationships ike this that Mai entered at The Pubrie Factory, although the language of solidarity was English. Unlike Eva, Mai did not have difficulty gaining access to the social network in the workplace and had many opportunities to practice English. Unlike Eva, Mat did! not have the worst job in the factory. On the contrary, Mai was a highly com Petent worker and soon gained the respect of both the management and Workforce. Unlike the case with Eva, the better jobs were not reserved for those proficient in English all the workurs had the same type of job, and nene of them needed to he good speakers of English to be competent workers, Furthermore, all Mai’s co-workers were immigrants to Canada. Unlike the ‘ase at Eva's work, Mai was part of the camaraderie among the women. As well, Mai was younger than the other workers in the factory and was affec= tionately called a young chicken, alittle gil by the other workers, In a sense, she was like a daughter to the older, more experienced workers there. Mai fact referred to the most experienced worker in the factory as “the mother of82 IDENTITY AND [ANSUAGE LEARNING us all’, As in Eva case, Mai’s workplace was symbolic of the outside world for Mai; however, it was more than a place where she could have increased ‘exposure to English and practice in Unglish, it was a place that offered het refuge from the wensions of her family life and provided her with the emo- tional and material support of a surrogate family ‘The first time T interviewed Mai in December 1996, she expresseil great satisfaction with her work situation. She spoke a lot of English there, had great support from her supervisor, aad was loved hy the wornea she worked with, Be So do you speak a lat when you work oF do you just sit and work, work, work. Ms No, Tspealsa lot, [laughter] Sume days they have to stop me! Because the jabs make me sleepy if we don't speak. We just listen to the sound ‘of the machine. Something is = Be Te makes you sleepy? Mz For aie noc but for someane else, So I just want to make thein wake ‘yp or something, TEL was not very ~Tovas very quiet, and then Tater tn — I get used co everything, those people, and | try to speak more and — Ya, Because T actually want co practice speaking English. And tven with my supervisor, Ttald her before ~ I'm not very good in Speaking Fnglish. T hope whan I be there so yous can teach me some more for reading and writing or speatcing, She said 'yes' so ~ By Is she Canadian? The supervisor? Mz She’ Ktaisn. Bur she come here since she was very youn. Be So she speaks good English? M: Ya, she speaks good English B M: B M Dioes she speak a Int to you? When you're working? She speaks with me a lot And is she friendly? Is she nice? She's friendly. And other day I got aceident she was so worried about me~ B. Ob really IM Ya T, Tm happy for my factory: Beeasse ~ they love me ‘This extracr is highly significanc. Te indicates that the workplace is a very important source of self-esteem for Mai. She is happy when people care about her and, when she is happy. she can talk a grvat deal. Unlike the older ‘women in the study, who find solace in theie families. and Eva, who bas 2 parmner, Mai finds btde solace in her extended family; itis in the workplace sehere she feels competent, has friends who love her and has the opportu to speakca lot of English, Her own mother no Jonge? has any voice, but Rite ‘the mother of us all, has 2 great deal of power in the factory. ‘When there was enough work for everybody, there was « positive atmo- sphere in the workplace and Mai had no dificuley praesicing her English. EVA AND MA OLD HEADS OM YOUNG SHOULDERS “Things started to go wrong for Mai, however, when the company started feeling the cfiects of recession and women were laid off work. Because Mai was particularly competent, she was not ane of those laid off, Bus the layoTs had a marked impact on the social interaction and language patterns on the factory floor and Mai’s opportunities to speak English, As Mai wrote: Something’ happened at works It made me feel sad and meomfortable “Today, afer we had lurch, Emclia asked two ladies to stay home tomorow because there isn't enough job for everybody. Now my boss decides that he can keep only people who know how to make everything from top to bottom. It doesn't matter hew long have they heen working here. Every- fone in that factory all have been working there at least 8 months. Tn dhe only one here nat so long, Then my supervisor tells me to stay: T knows someone else doesa’ like that way. Bur I can not say anything, it is not my fault, even though those ladies are very upset. They spoke in front of me with each other. One said ‘that’ not fir, how come T stay here longer, now she lays me off?" The other ane says, ‘someone elke can't do everything, Why don’ they lay them off too?" ‘Then they starred to speak their own language, Italian or Pormguese. By the way they look at someone who is suill working ic was very strange looking. They said aloe of things T eouldn's tunderseand. I don't know what do they wink ahour me. [just have to do according to iny supervisor. ‘The solidarity among the women was lost after the liyolf, and the Language patterns in the workplace altered dramatically, Except for Mai, the women remaining in the factory were all Italian: Emelia (the supervisor), Rita (the ‘most expericnced person) and Ika, The others no longer spoke English, they all spoke Ttalian. Because none of the workers bad to speak to clients er eustomers, there were no constraints on the use of Italian and the other workers tried to convince Mai to learn Italian. Mai tried to resist this, saying she must Jearn English, but her co-workers tried to convince her that it would be good for her to understand another language. Tt is important to note that in this context Mai felt marginalized, not because of her limited command of one of the official languages in Canada, but because of her lack of command of a minority language: Since last “Tnesday, Ive been working at my fictory én 2 very quiec eonti- tion. These were only three people at work. Rita, me and ilsa with the supervisor. We didn’ like to turn on the radio like we used to. Because they all Iain, that’s why they speak Htalian language all the time. Some- times I feel so lonely like 1 was working by myself. Then all of them ‘wanted me to learn Italian language. | liked that roo at the beginning. Rita taught me how to say shank-you, good morning, understand and how to ‘count fron one to ten. [twas harder than when [ learned English even theBe IDENTITY AND LANGUAGE LEARNING pronunciation, One time I told Rita ‘'m aot going to learn anymore, the thing I need now is English language.” Over there T'm the youngest, so everyone like to rease me and call me by all diferent names, Rita cold me “Come on young chicken, its good for you te understand some different language. She started to speak with me by Talis like when she asked ame to do of to get something, At chose moments T couldn't understand what she said. [ just stood there with « funny face, When Emelia saw me Tike irk here.” ‘Then Thsa was a Fatsy Lady that she asked me “What bappened with the jsele ‘explained t0 her and she burst out laughing. 1 think She can just be happy or get mad at someone ac anytime, Bur in these few days she has been wery nice to me, Sometimes she teach me how t@ make Something by her way. Le was easier and faster than the way T did before ‘After the layotis, English was no longer the language of power in the workplace, but Italian. ‘This put Mai in an invidious position, If Mai neglected her Frnglish, she might lose vbe litte bargaining power she had in the home through her identity as a language twroker; yet, if she insisted on speaking Faglish, she might lose the friendship of the people at work, Indeed, not only might she lose their friendship, but she might lose access to their experience and skills, the symbolic resources that would help her to be = more competent worker, As Mai said, Rita helped er to do things easier and faster than the way she had done things before. Such support might be comnpromised if Mai did not respect the language of power in the workplace. Tris significant that when tee of the women whi had been Laid off exe hack tw the workplace to get some paperwork done, they refused to erect Mai. Mai described how one of the women had reluctantly turned to Mat dnd said to her, in an-unfriendiy way, that she [Mai] had been allowed te star because she didn’t have a man. The laid-off workers refused to acknowledge that Mai had been kept on because of her compesence and diligence. Chest ‘words suggested that, because Mai did not have @ husband (0 provide seeut- ity for her, she had heen saved from dismissal ‘The social meaning of these words must be understood with reference 10 the construction of Mai’s gendered identity, In the home, she had scruygled to resist the patriarchal oppression of a brother whw insisted she was a who didn't eed schoo}, but a rich young many in the workplace, she wos positioned as a young chicken, a htele girl, but ultimately a person whose Eingle status wos uscd t explain the preferential treatment she had received from the management of The Fabric Factory. Like Eva, Mai did not want t have a better job than the others: she did not want preferential ceatment she simply wanted to be treated fairly. However, she became positioned 2 Someone who had received preferential treatment on the grounds of bet gendered identity, Within « year, Mai got married, Her husband ‘saved Ber Bom her brother's patriarchal authority and from the derision uf workmates who used her single status as grounds for marginalization, Heer husband fi EVA AND MAI: OLD HEADS OK YOUNG SHOULDERS given Mai a status in Canada as a wife. How this affects Mais exposure to and practice in English has yer ro he determined. Her husband does not ‘want her to work outside the home; at best, Mai says, he may “et” her study Comment While for both Fva and for Mai, the workplace represented Canada, their experiences and opportunities to learn in the workplace were radically differ- ‘ent, In Bva’s case, Her identity shifted frorn that of an uneducated immigrant woman to that of a valued co-worker, In Mai’s case, her identity shifted from tbat of a competent, energetic co-worker, to that of a marginalized, wnat tached female. The work af Lave and Wenger (1991) on situated learning provides some insight into the way F'va and Mai were initially positioned in their workplaces and why their identities and learning opportunities shifted over time. Lave and Wenger {1991}, working within an anthropological framework, are centrally concerned with the relationship between fearning and the social situation in which it occurs. Through a process of what they call egvimate peripheral patipation newcomers interact with olc-