Ver referência em Krieger

"It is not blindness or ignorance that ruins men and states. .. ; but rather there is in them an
impulse, favored by their nature and reinforced by custom, which they cannot resist and which
drives them ever forward as long as they have a bit of force left. Divine is he who controls
himself. Most men see their ruin before their eyes but they hasten to it s.nyws.y."*’ (p. 119)

GUARDAR PARA OUTRA PARTE: But under this apparent continuum of general orgaruzmg

concepts there were more fundamental divisive factors which made

Ranke classify this book as another pluralistic and fragmentary

work and which left h im still uncon:ifortably aware of the guif

between his ideal of universal history and his practice of particular

history. For its working title, he repeatedly used the distributive

"Commentaries on Modern History," and when he was finished

he confessed to its "deficiency" and "inadequacy" i n terms that

betokened a generic dissatisfaction weU beyond the awareness of

particular gaps. " I t contains much that is entirely new, that has

not previously been known i n print, and yet that is worth

knowing," he wrote resignedly; and what troubled h im most were

not the "great gaps i n particular matters" and the "incomplete

observations" that were on the same plane as the achievement, but

rather the fact that ' 'what remains obscure is precisely that which

one wants most of all to illuminate"—a crucial failing which he

identified with the lack of " a complete insight. ' - Even when the

call for a second edition induced h im to think and speak more

positively about the work, he characterized it as "such an unsystematic

and unscholastic book."'*

CAPÍTULO RESIMINDO A BIBLIOGRAFIA PRIMÁRIA:

There were three features i n Ranke's treatment of The Ottoman

Turks and the Spanish Monarchy which explain his persistent

uneasiness about its disjointedness despite the superficial integrity

of its conception and organization:

First, i n Ranke's execution of his concept the Turkish Empire

and Spain were considered not only independently of other states

and nations but ako separately from each other. The nominal

coverage of the cleft by the prefatory assertions of their joint

manifestation of political decline and their complementary reprebut merely verbal i n its
historiographical effect. It led to a

confusion, i n the treatment, between the themes of decline and

centrahzation; but more important, i t d i d not prevent Ranke from

writing his histories of the two nations additively, i n two insiuated

sections, at the very same time as he was refusing a request to write

a history of France on the grounds that ' 'none of the European

states can be presented separately from the o t h e r s . " " His awareness

of the undesirable isolation into which he had cast the

histories of the two countries was ultimately revealed in his

appendage of a section on the international relations to the work in

1877. That the extension was a representative corrective and not

simply an ad hoc enlargement was confirmed by his addition, two

years later, of an analogous section on Turkey and Europe to his

new edition of The Serbian Revolution, his other production o f the

late 1820s.

The second feature of Ка1же'8 Ottoman Turks and Spanish

Monarchy which undermined the overt integrity of its conception

was the discrepancy between his approach and its content—that is,

between the rational categories o f his historiography and the escape

of the actual history from those categories.

His analysis of the

Ottoman Turks, focused as i t was on the shritжage of the sultan's

power, the detachment of the guard {Janissartes) and the church

{Ulemas) from loyalty to h i m , and the rise of " b o t h corporations"

to de facto sovereignty, was by far the tighter and more unified of

the two national section

RELIGIÃO: , but Ranke made the Turks—and

therewith his rational analysis of them—historicaUy irrelevant by

concluding that "through their religion the Islamic rulers, who

constitute the state [and, except for one 'digression,' were the

subjects ofRanke's analysis], are excluded from all real participation

i n the historical life of the human race."

Ranke's

habit here was to derive general questions from general categories

and to seek out single nodal events wherewith to answer them. The

result was, often enough, to leave a perceptible gap between the one rare occasion Ranke
himsetf admitted the gap openly. After

describing to his own satisfaction the hows and whens of corruption

in the Turkish palace guard (most notably, the Janissaries), Ranke

concluded w i t h a confession ofhis inability to cross the gutf between

such particular internal explanations and the question of general

decay from which he started.'

Behind this gulf lay Ratжe's incapacity, at this early stage of his

career, to discover any large-scale historical process that could link

particular events i n a general development. A recent editor has

characterized the original version of The Ottoman Turks and the

SpanishMonarchy as "situational" and " s t a t i c , " admitting "dramatic

tensions" but bereft o f " t h e dynamic element" that would

loom so large i n the later Ranke." Imphed i n this judgment is the

recognition ofRanke's penchant for composing situations out of

interpersonal characterization and definitive events rather than out

of a continuous temporal process, and i t should be accepted in

conjunction w i t h Ranke' s tendency to select particularly transitional

figures, actions, and periods—such as his basic choice of 1540-l620

for the span ofhis book—because i t seemed to encapsulate a whole

process within a single event.

This format traded on the ambiguity i n Ranke's notion of

universal history between the general element that iiuieres i n any

individualconnectionand the general element that connects all the

members of a series. I t thus enabled Rarжe to use the local

connections he found within or between particular periods and

persons as explanations o f the general relations which they were

assumed to incorporate. But the effect of locahzing connections in

pivotal particular events was to factualize the connectior« and thus

to reproduce the generic division between particular and universal

history, which had differentiated between all facts on the one

side and all connections on the other, in the relocated but

persistent form of a division between particular facts and their

connections on the one side and a general coherence on the other.

Ranke's pecuhar but crucial notion of "great facts" {grosse Begebenheiten), to which he was
addicted through his career, finds

its explanation here: the great fact is the fact which contaim a

general connection within itself as the cement of its internal

identity. The schematism of The Ottoman Turks and the Spanish

Monarchy may be seen as the exaggerated scaffolding from which

Ranke built general associations into particular connections.

Ranke himself seems to have been aware that he had merely

displaced the gap he acknowledged between his ideal and his

performance; this awareness may weU have entered into the

persistent dissatisfaction that outlasted the publication of The

Ottoman TurL· and the Spanish Monarchy. In the introductory

lecture note, "The Scope ofUniversal History," which appears to

have been penned around this time, its characteristic stress on the
feasibihty of "the research of the particular" and its equaUy

characteristic acknowledgment o f ' 'the dilemma'' produced by the

impractical desirability o f " k n o w i n g the life of man i n its universality"

were topped by a provisional recommendation that d id not

claim to resolve the problem but displaced i t i n such a way as to

make possible the prosecution of historical operations hke The

Ottoman Turks and the Spanish Monarchy. For i n the note Ranke

recogruzed the intemality of a single development to be a part of

universal history alongside the external relations o f succession and

simultaneity, and he distinguished f r om the universal " i n its fuU

scope," which cannot be reliably known, " t h e general tendency"

which is i n " t h e great combination." This general tendency is

continuous with " t h e part and piece of the general'' t h a t ' 'lives in

every detaUed particular \im Kleinsten] and that can be known

in i t . ' ' This latter guise of the universal—in the particular detaU and

in the particular combination—was what RaiUte urged historiarK to

pursue, " f o r the time b e i n g . " '' (p. 121-125)

CAPITULO SOBRE AS OBRAS: With the rising strength of nationalism in the nineteenth century
this uniting tie of Ranke's work was frequently overlooked and Ranke was viewed less as a
historian of the ideas and values which kept Europe a unit, than as a political historian, writer
of national histories. (Gilbert, p. 365)

[ADICIONAR ÀS FONTES] Müller1 apresenta uma apresentação de Ranke datada de 1862

Ein Moment der Zeit. October 1862.

Noch wüthet der alte Kampf zwischen Occident und Orient

in Europa. Montenegro wurde so eben eingenommen, wie einst

Skodra von Mahumed II. Die Schlachten des Kral je witsch Marko

werden noch immer geschlagen. So steht die alte tschudisch

1
Müller, K.A.V., 1935. Ein unbekannter Vortrag Rankes aus dem Jahr 1862 . Historische Zeitschrift,
151(2), pp.311–331.
slavische Barbarei der germanischen Cultur noch immer gegen

?ber: wie hat man vor kurzem das Jubil?um des Reiches mit

nomaden?hnlichen Brandstiftungen bezeichnet! Noch gewaltiger

reagirt das dem Occident zugewandte Reich der Piasten, das

nach dem Kampfe eines Jahrtausends dem wei?en Czaren endlich

unterlegen

war: eine ganze Nation legte Trauerkleider an ?ber

ihre Vergangenheit und r?stet sich in verzweifelten Umst?nden

zum Aufruhr. So widersetzt sich der ungeb?ndigte Eigenwille

des Magyaren dem deutschen Element, dem er seine Cultur und

vielleicht seine Existenz verdankt, noch heute, wie einst im elften

Jahrhundert. Auch im Norden und im S?den wird das deutsche

Element wieder wie vor Alters zur?ckgewiesen. Dort erhebt sich

die Idee eines unabh?ngigen Skandinaviens: hat man doch in

Schweden sogar eine Niederlage festlich begangen, weil sie wenig stens ein Moment des
Ruhmes und der Gr??e bezeichnet. Hier

scheint es fast, als wollte man zugleich ein Kapitel MacchiavelTs,

der die Entzweiung

von Italien dem Papstthum zuschrieb, aus

f?hren und die Einheit der Halbinsel dadurch herstellen, da?

man den Papst verjagt. (312)

Gestalt gaben.

Nicht in jeder Angelegenheit aber waren Frankreich und

England verb?ndet. In den orientalischen Irrungen schlugen die

Franzosen sogar eine der englischen entgegengesetzte Politik ein ;

noch einmal regte sich in ihnen das Gef?hl ihrer Independenz,

das sie zur See so gut geltend machen wollten, wie es durch die

Verjagung der i. J. 1815 wiederhergestellten Dynastie gegen?ber

den ?brigen (continentalen)x) M?chten geschehen war; darin mag

die Politik von Thiers, die heute gew?hnlich verdammt wird,

ihre Rechtfertigung finden; aber nothwendig geschah es dadurch,

da? England sich den drei nordischen M?chten wieder n?herte;

durch eine gemeinschaftliche Action derselben wurde den Ab

sichten Frankreichs ein Ende gemacht. Bald darauf brach auch

zwischen dem dynastischen Interesse der Julidynastie und den

englischen Staatsm?nnern ein Widerstreit aus, der die Allianz

zwischen Frankreich und England unterbrach, Dadurch geschah

denn, da? ein gewisses Gleichgewicht zwischen den europ?ischen

M?chten entstand, das zugleich ein Gleichgewi wischen den

gro?en geistigen Gegens?tzen in sich schlo?. (315)

Ranke ?bersandte ihm aus Italien ?

?mit einer Ver

ehrung, die wenn sie gleich allen Deutschen gemein ist", er doch

an seinem Teil ?besonders lebhaft f?hle" ? seine Serbische Revo

lution, jene k?stliche Frucht eines Wiener Jahres1). Und Goethe,

nicht zuletzt von einem gemeinsamen Interesse ber?hrt, zollte

dem ?ansprechenden B?chlein" Anerkennung und dem Verfasser

Aufmerksamkeit. Ranke ist sp?ter selbst noch ?zu seiner unge?

meinen Freude" ein Zettel von Goethes Hand zum Geschenk ge

macht worden, auf dem sich dieser ?einige biographische und lite

rarische Notiz von Professor Ranke, aus Berlin, gegenw?rtig auf

Reisen" erbat2). Mag man es auch nicht f?r ausgeschlossen halten,

da? sich hinter einer solchen noch anderswo wiederholten Anfrage

eine konkretere Absicht, vielleicht die einer Berufung nach Jena

verbarg, so konnte im ganzen Ranke f?r Goethe doch nicht

mehr sein als im besten Falle ein aufstrebendes Talent, f?r das

sich ein f?rsprechendes Wort lohnte. (261)

Und schlie?lich noch: Goethes und Rankes gemeinschaft

liche und ihre entfernte pers?nliche Ber?hrung vermittelnde An

teilnahme am jungen serbischen Volk, dessen Lieder den Gegen

stand eines Goetheschen Aufsatzes aus dem Jahre 1824 bilden

und dessen politischen Freiheitskampf Ranke, aus den gleichen

Quellen sch?pfend, in seinem jugendfrischesten Werk erz?hlt1). (267)

Eine Gemeinschaftlichkeit des Interesses nicht nur an einem

peripheren Gegenstand, denn hinter ihr steht die weit allgemeinere

Verbundenheit in der Liebe f?r das ?Nationelle", das Volkhaft

Lebendige, den ?Naturstoff" der V?lker, der der junge Goethe

gehuldigt und der Ranke unmittelbar nur einmal, eben in seiner

Serbischen Revolution seinen Tribut zollt. (267)

[ parte das obras] Schulin -

In Ranke's historiography such criticism undoubtedly gained influence. In his next
book, "The Ottomans and the Spanish Monarchy" (1827), instead of pious forebodings
and colorful narratives, he offers a detailed description of the structures of two great
states and shows the pernicious but inevitable consequences of these structures. (606)

Bourne 2 ressalta a importância das relazionni venezianas para a composição de Otomanos e a

Monarquia Espanhola.

Bourne> Ranke himself wrote the " History of France," not as a German, but as a European. An
or thodox Protestant, he was suspected of a leaning toward Catholicism, a conservative
monarchist, he held the scales with wonderful evenness in the case of Charles I. and Cromwell.
His devotion to historic truth, holding every thing subordinate to showing " exactly how it took
place," exposed him to the charge of indifference to philosophical and religious interests. (398)

[pensamento conservador] Schulin Moreover, it must not be forgotten that

Ranke had been appointed to the University to teach the history of the state, and
that in Berlin and especially in 1827/28, during his study visit to Vienna, Friedrich
von Gentz became acquainted with high-level politics. He was therefore by no
means a staunch supporter of this policy. Neither his book on "The Ottomans and
the Spanish Monarchy" nor his next on the "Serbian Revolution" speaks for it. In

2
Bourne, E.G., 1986. Leopold von Ranke. The Sewanee Review, 4(4), pp.385–401.
one of them the inner decay of great states is pointed out, and in the other a not so
long ago rebellion is described, which equates Gentz and Metternich with the
liberal movements in Italy and Spain. Only through the experience of the Paris July
Revolution of 1830, which made alarmingly clear that the deadly French
Revolution could return again and again, did Ranke become a supporter of
conservative politics - or, as he put it: historical-political thought - and expressed
its opinion in this Meaning journalistic for a while.(606)

WELTGESCHICHTE: After a brief survey of ancient Egypt and the Middle East, largely centered
on the epic con tained in the Old Testament, the first volume becomes an examination of
Greece to the death of Alexander the Great and ends with an ex cursion to Carthage, heir to
shattered Phoenicia but, more to the point, also the temporary rival to Rome. Thereafter,
Ranke takes his readers forward in time, past the fall of the Roman empire, through the
medieval world of feudalism and the universal Catholic Church, to the emergence of the
European nations, so that by the time of his death the account had come all the way to the
15th century. From one point of view, the 13 volumes of the Weltgeschichte may be seen as a
long introduction to the age which had held Ranke's attention for six decades. - Ford, F.L., 1975.
Ranke: Setting the Story Straight . Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Third Series, 87 ,
pp.57–75.

VER OBRA DE RANKE: „Geschichte des westlichen Europa mit Einschluss von Literatur und
Kirchengeschichte".

DESCRIÇÃO OBRAS: Schulin também vê nas obras Otomanos e as Monarquias Espanholas

(1827) e A Revolução Sérvia” (1829) o aprofundamento da tese do primeiro livro de Ranke,
História dos Povos Românicos e Germânicos. Além disso, ele percebe que nestas obras Ranke
se aproxima do que chamou de “terceira grande forma de vida” (literatura e arte),
característica de sua fase de viagem italiana, “descrevendo o significado do povo sérvio com
base em suas canções heroicas.” (605)

PARTE CONSERVADORISMO POLÍTICO

Herkless, J.L., 1970. Meinecke and the Ranke-Burckhardt Problem. History and Theory, 9(3 ),
pp.290–321.

The relation of state power to history and historical writing. In 1948 Meinecke stresses the
importance to Ranke of ordered and systematic development for historical understanding. He
cites Ranke's lectures to King Maximilian II of Bavaria in 1854,15 in which Ranke had declared
that it was "a happy thing," at least for the historian, "to live in these times," when the
dialectic between state power and the latent revolutionary movement in Europe - a process by
which one force could never overcome the other entirely -guaranteed a certain continuity in
"the development of historical forces.""' Without this continuity, which in the last analysis was
produced by the arresting power of the old establishment, it would be impossible to view
these historical forces objectively. Nor had Bismarck's "methods of violence and force" really
altered this dialectical pattern.17 So it was that Ranke had assuaged his doubts about the
engineer of German unity and declared in 1885: In the events we have experienced, we may
see principally a defeat of the revolu- tionary forces which make impossible regular continued
development of world history. If these forces stood their ground, there would have been no
question of the continued creation of historical forces, or even an unpartisan examination of
them.18 This is the familiar Hegelian notion that the spirit or the moving force of things can be
understood only when it has achieved some objective form in the real world. According to
Meinecke, Ranke thought such an objective form was in fact the state and could thus only be
effected by state power.' (293)

CONSERVADORISMO: Herkless3 lê em “Os Grandes Poderes” um otimismo rankeano que

refletiria sua confiança no “gênio da Europa” para prevenir a vitória de lideranças violentas

In "Die grossen Michte" Ranke is notably optimistic. While the danger is certainly present,
Ranke trusts in the "genius of Europe" to prevent the evolution of violent leadership.43 Even
later, after the tumult of the nationalist movements in the latter nineteenth century, Ranke
believes he has seen, in the victory of Prussia in Germany and in the change to a conservative
policy in 1878, the triumph of the old order over the revolution. (299)

Ranke believed that the impelling force of history in the nine- teenth century was the
antagonism between the forces of monarchy and democracy. Ranke placed the development
of material forces only in the second rank. With respect to these material forces, says
Meinecke, Ranke paid homage, "in terms of astounding vigor and unanticipated optimism," to
the onward storming "civilizing genius of the occident" which put the world to serving it.6"
But, however astounding this civilizing "genius" and however great its effects, it must be
subsumed and understood, as far as Ranke is concerned, under the more general dialectical
development which is mani- fested in history. In this way Europe's imperial expansion in the
nineteenth century is merely a counterpart to the tribal migrations of the fifth century - the
Crusades, the discovery of the new world, and so forth.67 They do not represent anything
which can be called progress. (303)

We should also remember that Meinecke never abandoned Ranke for Burckhardt. He never
blamed Ranke and his historical outlook for Germany's difficulties in the way Ludwig Dehio has
done. Meinecke concluded only that Ranke could not offer a complete picture of the European
past, because of what the war had revealed. (319)

ORIENTALISMO: Among the scholars emancipated from the Rankean limitations was Hans-
Ulrich Wehler, who published a series of books, most notably The German Empire, 1871-1918
and Bismarck und der Imperialismus (Bismarck and Imperialism), that further catalyzed debate
within the historiography of German colonialism. (15) (iilich)

For Wehler, Germany’s aggressive, expansionist, and imperialistic activities became Bismarck’s
tool for re-directing pressures for further domestic political emancipation abroad (giving riseto

3
Herkless, J.L., 1970. Meinecke and the Ranke-Burckhardt Problem. History and Theory, 9(3 ), pp.290–
321.
the idea of primat der Innenpolitik, or the primacy of domestic politics, which differed
dramatically from the foreign policy focus of the Rankean historians). (p. 16)

However, the work of these historians re-energized the debate about nineteenth- century
German history and the German imperial system. Moreover, the renunciation of the Rankean
limitations permitted latter historians to consider a wider array of evidence and topics. (18)

INTRODUÇÃO: Berger4 - By the late nineteenth century, German historians seemed to

exemplify the standards in history writing when it came to methodology, source criticism, and
the use of archival materials. The craftsmanship of history and the tools of the historian were,
it seemed, all made in Germany, which is also why we find a devoted Ranke cult in so many
European (and non-European) countries. (613)

BERGER – CONSERVADORISMO The conservative national resistance to Hitler, which

culminated in the plot on the dictator’s life in July 1944, was harnessed to great effect to
underline the existence of anti-Nazi patriots in Germany.17Looking at academic historical text
production in West Ger- many, one could have been forgiven for assuming that only a
conservativenational opposition to Hitler had existed. Communists and even Social Democrats
(unless they had been nationalists) hardly figured, despite the fact that they had been more
numerous and had paid the heaviest price (in terms of bloodletting). At best they were
remembered in alternative histories such as the ones produced by the Asso- ciation for the
Persecuted under the Nazi Regime (Verein der Verfolgten des Na- ziregimes, or
VVN).18Professional historians did their utmost to prevent the plu- ralization of the memory of
resistance to the National Socialist regime. Postwar professional historical associations, such as
the Ranke society, founded in 1950, set themselves the explicit task of opposing those
individual voices that had raised the question of whether national traditions had been in some
ways responsible for the darkest years in German history. (636)

LIGAÇÃO COM O ROMANTISMO: Ou seja, sua compreensão da história está sustentada num
pressuposto concebido no interior do movimento intelectual de caráter europeu que foi o
Romantismo: a idéia de nação. (Fernandes 4)

Ou seja, se com o grande movimento cultural europeu, que foi o Romantismo, a idéia de nação
surge e triunfa contra as tendências iluministas do cosmopolitismo, do universalismo, que
ditavam leis abstratas válidas para todos os povos; se nação significa sentido de singularidade
de cada povo, defesa das particularidades de seu caráter nacional, reinvindicando ainda os
direitos do sentimento e da imaginação, Ranke pensava que os Estados nacionais deveriam
apenas ser conseqüências políticas de uma reconhecida individualidade moral e cultural da
nação. (5)

4
Berger, S., 2005. A return to the national paradigm? National history writing in Germany,
Italy, France, and Britain from 1945 to the present.
 CONSERVADOR: Assim, no ensaio sobre as grandes potências, Ranke, então, imerso nessa
problemática, expressa sua convicção do perigo que que se constituía para a Europa o
racionalismo nivelador da Revolução Francesa. (FERNANDES 5)

Mas, se Leopold von Ranke era pessimista em relação à Revolução Francesa, era otimista no
que diz respeito à Europa. Ainda em As Grandes Potências, ele afirma que a Europa, para
enfrentar essa potência militar (a França de Napoleão), que avançava destrutivamente sobre o
princípio das individualidades nacionais, vale dizer sobre o intrínseco equilíbrio europeu, teve
que rejuvenescer o espírito nacional de seus povos. Ele observa, após a catástrofe da
Revolução, que culminara em Napoleão Bonaparte, que a Europa conhece uma Restauração: a
restauração de força dos Estados através do incremento do princípio das nacionalidades. Era a
restauração de um princípio subjacente aos povos europeus, que, após a derrota de Napoleão,
a política soube de novo construir. (6)

Era, de fato, uma alusão à idéia de liberdade subjacente ao espírito da Revolução, que Ranke
observava como desagregador, como uma ameaça ao equilíbrio intrínseco à alma européia, ou
seja, ao equilíbrio presente no princípio individualizador das nações na Europa. Esse equilíbrio,
que o historiador percebia como algo dado no espírito europeu, deveria se efetivar na história
através do papel da política de aglutinar em unidades estatais as totalidades históricas
inerentes à Europa moderna. Uma nação, para Ranke, somente deve ser una e independente,
constituindo um Estado, se for de fato uma individualidade histórica, com características
próprias, características étnicas, lingüísticas, mas também de tradição e de pensamento. Ranke
acreditava que nenhum Estado jamais poderia existir sem um fundamento espiritual que o
sustentasse, e que, portanto, na potência nacional, constituída pela esfera política, aparece
uma essência espiritual originária que tem vida própria. O império de Napoleão Bonaparte,
para ele, avançando sobre as potências vizinhas, ameaçava o princípio natural formador da
Europa, o princípio das nacionalidades. (6)

ROMANTISMO

Reill, P.H., 1975. The German Enlightenment and the rise of historicism, Univ of California
Press.

P. 156
Prussophilic modern histories – Marchand 72

1. Apontamento sobre o eurocentrismo rankeano

2. Avaliações críticas das obras Príncipes e Povos do Sul da Europa

3. Oriente e Europa segundo a história política

4. A tese dos Povos Latinos e Germânicos

5. Influência rankeana nos estudos orientalistas

6. Ranke enquanto orientalista

TEMAS:

A. Um historiador eurocêntrico: exclusão do império otomano

B. Abordagem comparativa
C. Avaliações sobre a cultura otomana

H. Stuart Hughes in his brief references

to Ranke in Consciousness and Society. The Reorientation of European
Social Thought, 1890-1939134
Ernst Schulin, Die weltgeschichtliche Erfassung des Orients bei Hegel und Ranke (G?tting-en,
1958), does not seek to overturn this characterization of Ranke's emphasis on Europe, though he

P. Burke, “Ranke the Reactionary,” Syracuse Scholar 9 (1988), 25 (I am indebted to Dr.

J.Marvil lending me his copy of this issue, devoted to studies of Ranke). For a demolition of the
suggestion that Ranke was actually thinking of Thuc. 2.48.3, see R.Stroud, “‘wie es eigentlich
gewesen’” and Thucydides 2.48.3,” Hermes 115 (1987), 379– 82. (OSTERHAMMEL, 2003, p.
30)

https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article-abstract/64/3/609/95942
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1905183?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents
https://www.zvab.com/servlet/BookDetailsPL?bi=30311209538&searchurl=hl%3Don%26ds%3
D20%26sortby%3D20%26kn%3DDie%2Bweltgeschichtliche%2Berfassung%2Bdes%2Borient
s%2Bbei%2Bhegel%2Bund%2Branke&cm_sp=snippet-_-srp1-_-title1

Hegel et l’Orient : suivi de la traduction annotée d’un essai de 1979 [FFLCH-Fac. Fi. Let. C. Humanas] 193.5
Hegel sur la Bhagavad-Gita. H462hm 1979
[FFLCH-Fac. Fi. Let. C. Humanas] 193.5
H462hm 1979 e.2

Muhlack, Geschichtswissenschaft im Humanismus und in der 1991 [FFLCH-Fac. Fi. Let. C.

Ulrich Aufklärung : die Vorgeschichte des Historismus. Humanas] 901.0943 M952g
[FFLCH-Fac. Fi. Let. C.
Humanas] 901.0943 M952g e.2

Die Vergangenheit der Weltgeschichte: universalhistorisches Denken in Berlin ...

editado por Wolfgang Hardtwig, Philipp Müller

https://www.amazon.com/Die-Entzauberung-Asiens-asiatischen-
Kulturwissenschaft/dp/340644203X

Iggers ressalta a divergência nas intepretações do papel e das filiações filosóficas e

historiográficas de Ranke, uma vez nos Estados Unidos foi compreendido como um “ancestral
de uma abordagem essencialmente positivista” enquanto na Alemanha é “fonte de inspiração
para historiadores neo-ideliastas resistentes à abordagem racionalista e positivista da história
que eles atribuíram ao historiador europeu ocidental” (1962, p. 18).
Iggers elenca vários historiadores posteriores que criticaram a excessiva ênfase na
política na obra rankeana, entre eles J. A. von Rantzau5, Burckhardt e W. Kaegi6. Em defesa de

5
6
Ranke, inclui-se Walther Hofer7, que acreditava que “a ênfase de Ranke do Estado for a
suavizada pela sua concepção de religião como uma força igualmente determinante e por sua
perspectiva europeia”(1962, p. 37).

(OSTERHAMMEL, 2013, p. 211)

212

7
214