ace | MGR: THE MAN AND THE MYTEM,|MGR: The Man and the Myth It was a period of turbulence, epoch-making in some ways, and calamitous in others. Ranging from the murky goings-on among .he satraps of the last 2 decades in the Tamil Nadu political sweepstakes, to the power-packed dramaof the taming of the Tamil Tiger—, Mr. Mohandas turns the light on the highpoints of MGR’s political years. ‘The IPS officer rose from Superintendent of Police in the dusty district of Ramanathapuram in the deep south of Tamil Nadu tothe dizzy heights of power inthe Administration that gave him the rare opportunity to shape, in many different ways, the destiny of the State of Tamil Nadu. Known variously, and often erroneously, as MGR's ‘eyes and ears’, a ‘trouble shooter’ and ‘bogeyman’, Mr. Mohandas brings to bear upon the book his insightful understanding of all that churned in the cauldron of Tamil Nadu politics in the MGR years. Whether it was the naxalite menace in some pockets of the State, or the monstrous problem of the Tamil Tigers, the swiftness of operation and the agility with which the Administration responded reflected creditably all through the years on the MGR Government. This candid account of the troubled times is a compelling, though sordid, tale of the sycophancy of MGR's men, the insane immolations, Above all is the towering persona of MGR, his native understanding ofitall, and his sphinx-like attitude to the tide of events that overwhelmed him-from the glorious to the catastrophic. Mr. Mohandas blends his ringside view of the heady days of MGR's ascendance to power and the tumultuous years that followed, with an understanding of the portents and prospects that transcend the realm of the bureaucrat. ‘What emerges is a touching portrait of a larger- -than-life MGR seen at close quarters; as a man at once formidable and endearing.MGR: THE MAN AND THE MYTHMGR: THE MAN AND THE MYTH K. Mounanpas ey Panther Publishers, BangaloreFirst published in 1992 by Panther Publishers, 39, 6th Cross, Wilson Garden, Bangalore 560 027. © Panther Publishers Reprinted in 1995. All rights reserved No part of this Publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the previous permission of the Publishers. ISBN 81-85457-28-X ‘Typeset by Panther Publishers, Bangalore. Printed by Colours Imprint 47, 6th Cross, Wilson Garden, Bangalore 560 027.To SANTHA The help rendered by Brinda M. Das, R. Lakshmi, Ravi Varanasi, Bharat Lakshman and H. Adhimulam in editing and computerising, is gratefully acknowledged.Prologue Entha tharavattu peru? (What is your family name?) This was the question that MGR asked me when I met him for the very first time, way back in 1969. I was then the Superintendent of Police, Madurai. On my way back to Headquarters from Theni, I dropped in at Vaigai Dam Guest House where MGR was camping for his location shooting of a movie titled Mattukkara Velan. He was also the Vice Chairman of the Small Savings Scheme of the then DMK Government, with Cabinet rank. Courtesy therefore demanded that I call on him. I found a large crowd waiting to witness the film shooting. It was about 8 a.m. when I was ushered into his suite and I found him clad in a sleeveless banian and a dhoti. The familiar cap and dark glasses were absent and I found him engaged in weight lifting exercises. He dropped the dumbbells, and asked the question in Malayalam with a pronounced Tamil accent. The security officer attached to MGR had apparently briefed him about my background as a native of Kerala. The possibility that MGR had obtained my superficial bio data from the security officer, 3K. Mohandas was to impress me with his knowledge of men and affairs. This was a practice, I learnt later, that he often adopted with strangers and with great success. I replied, “Kondath tharavadu (joint family) from Cheramangalam village near Palghat.” MGR said that. he had his origin from the same area — Vadavannur village to be exact. He switched on his bewitching smile, with his milk-white teeth matching his rare-wheat complexion. I could feel his charisma hitting me like a ton of bricks. He ordered coffee for me and milk for himself. He said, “I don’t drink tea or coffee, do not smoke and do not drink liquor. T regularly exercise and this is how I have been able to keep my physique in shape.” I did not respond. He got up and started wearing a starched light blue shirt, hamming a Carnatic tune quite scientifically. A dark blue suit with matching tie was hanging on the coat-stand. I told him that I better leave while he was getting dressed but he waved me to sit. “No problem,” he said in English. I expressed my surprise that he was getting suited and booted for the lead role which was that of Velan, a cowherd. He replied with a wink, “That is cinema, the world of make-believe. Mind you, the same is true of politics.” I kept silent and he asked me suddenly in Tamil, “Why don’t you watch the shooting for a while?” I excused myself stating that I had some urgent. work at Madurai and that it was time that I got moving. MGR said, “You are missing the chance of meeting Jayalalitha, the heroine. Anyway I appreciate your devotion to duty.” I thanked him and came out of the suite. Thad a sort of contempt for Indian films those days, I got into the habit of watching only English movies during my days in Presidency College, Madras and the practice persisted even later. I had heard a lot about MGR, professionally and 4MGR: The Man and The Myth otherwise. He was a man, I knew, who was turning intoa myth. But I was certainly not prepared for the lasting impression that MGR left on me, after a few minutes’ face-to-face meet. This man, I thought, will certainly go places.One lhe opportunity to meet Marudur Gopala Menon Ramachandran (MGR) for the second time was during the dustice Sarkaria Commission hearings in Madras in 1976 on charges submitted by him to the Central Government against Karunanidhi’s DMK Government. Much water had flown down the Cauvery during the gap of seven years since I met him last. As for me, I was sent on deputation to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in 1970. While in New Delhi, I was promoted as Deputy Inspector General of Police. I had grown a walrus moustache and whiskers to match. Since my jurisdiction (while in the CBI) covered Tamil Nadu as well, I was keeping abreast of the developments in the State. MGR, I heard, was a disgruntled man, because Karunanidhi (whom MGR had backed to succeed the late C.N. Annadurai as chief minister of the State) declined to give him (MGR) a ministership in the Cabinet. The fault was not entirely with Karunanidhi, though he saw MGR as a potential rival. The fact was that MGR wanted to 6MGR: The Man and The Myth continue his film career along with his ministership — a condition which Karunanidhi rightly declined to accept. But as far as mass following was concerned, the charismatic MGR was miles ahead of Karunanidhi. The relationship between the two reached a point of no return when MGR openly criticised Chief Minister Karunanidhi who was doubling as DMK Party President as well. MGR went on record to say that the party funds were not being properly accounted for. The Congress(I) party in the State, which had not regally entered Fort St. George since 1967, saw the simmering differences between MGR and Karunanidhi as an opportunity to split the DMK. But MGR, while being critical about Karunanidhi, was not inclined to leave the party. A section of the State Congress which was itching to ditch the DMK Government, dragged the Congress High Command into the scene. The topplers and wheeler-dealers in Delhi were only too willing to oblige. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was also annoyed with Karunanidhi at this juncture for his criticism of the ‘Emergency’. It was an open secret that a Union Minister was put in charge of Tamil Nadu affairs, with specific instructions to destabilise the DMK Government. The master schemer quickly saw that it was essential to split the DMK party as a prelude to toppling the DMK Ministry. So he took advantage of the discontented MGR. In addition to persuasion, a veiled warning was communicated to MGR about his problems relating to income tax, Foreign Exchange Rules’ violations etc. MGR relented, but in the meantime he was expelled from the DMK for anti-party activities. He quickly formed a new party called the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK) which he later changed to All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) when rumours started floating from New Delhi about a possible ban-on 7K. Mohandas secessionist political groups. The name was rather curious, in as much as Dravidars were confined to South India, but MGR fans did not care. Again they cheerfully obeyed their leader’s dictum when he asked them to tattoo the party flag on their forearms — a procedure devised by MGR to prevent defections! The split in the party led to violent demonstrations throughout Tamil Nadu. Political observers felt that Karunanidhi made a tactical mistake in expelling MGR, especially in view of the strained relationship between the DMK and the Congress Government at the Centre. By his hasty action, Karunanidhi literally drove MGR into the arms of the Congress. The political history of Tamil Nadu since then has been a story of bitter rivalry between MGR (and his successor Jayalalitha) and Karunanidhi. MGR was persuaded by his mentors in New Delhi to submit a list of charges involving corruption and nepotism against the DMK Government. This led to the dismissal of the DMK Government, proclamation of President's rule in Tamil Nadu, and appointment of the Justice Sarkaria Commission to enquire into the charges. Tamils are generally hero-worshippers. Even so, MGR was adored by the masses who literally believed that he was the perfect hero in real life similar to the roles he played with great care in the movies — a flawless character who championed the cause of the poor, rescued damsels in distress, fought injustice, ete. It was a unique case of dreams Merging into reality. The personality cult was assiduously nurtured by MGR on and off the silver screen. i Director, CBI gave me a special assignment in Tamil Nadu for what he described as a short period. I could, however, read between the lines and prepared myself and the family for a transfer to Madras. We — especially the children — were unhappy to leave Delhi. But orders were issued posting 8MGR: The Man and The Myth me as DIG (Crime and Intelligence), Tamil Nadu. We reluctantly left New Delhi and landed in Madras. Assistance to the Sarkaria Commission was one of the tasks entrusted to me. MGR attended the hearings of the Commission fairly frequently. As he did not recognise me, perhaps because of my moustache and whiskers, I introduced myself, reminding him of my meeting with him at Vaigai Dam seven years ago. He complimented me on my big moustache and jocularly asked me whether it was original or detachable. He made anxious enquiries about the fate of his charges, and I assured him that there did not appear to be any reason to worry. Prosecution was launched by the CBI against Karunanidhi and his colleagues based on the Sarkaria Commission findings, though this was later withdrawn, on a reversal of the political climate in Delhi.Two lhe convincing victory (35:4) of the AIADMK-Congress(I)-CPI-IUML alliance over the DMK-Janata-CPM front in the Parliamentary Elections in Tamil Naduin early 1977 went beyond the wildest expectations of poll forecasters. The most important factor in the victory was undoubtedly MGR who derived his strength not only from the party cadres but, more importantly, from about 2000 Rasigar Manrams (Fan Clubs) sporting a strength of over a hundred thousand loyalist members to whom MGR was infallible and his word was law. MGR’s shrewd political caleulations and determined stance resulted in the forging of the winning alliance. The Janata ‘explosion’ in the North left the Congress (I) dumbfounded while the Janata party, stunned by its poll reverses in the South drew consolation from its spectacular victory in traditional strongholds of the Congress (I) in the Hindi belt and elsewhere, and the subsequent formation of its government at the Centre. The cup of joy of neither camp was full. 10MGR: The Man and The Myth The din and bustle of the Lok Sabha elections had hardly settled down, when the political parties started preparing themselves for the State Assembly polls, critically analysing their recent performance in the field and carefully weighing the pros and cons of available permutations and combinations. The TNCC President G.K. Moopanar gave open expression to the almost unanimous decision of the party rank and file to continue the alliance with the AIADMK and the CPI. But the super-tactician that he was, MGR’s reaction to the offer was cool, in view of the post-Lok Sabha election scenario which saw the Congress (I) in disarray and the Janata assuming power at. the Centre under the stern Prime Ministership of Morarji Desai. Seeing the writing on the wall, the Congress (I) and the CPI moved out of the AIADMK camp, and the CPM switched over to the AIADMK side. The Janata parted company from the ' DMK, blaming the latter for its Lok Sabha poll reverses. The IUML split into two, the major group joining hands with the AIADMK and the TNML faction casting their lot with the Janata. The Tamil Nadu electorate ignored all these altered combinations, and set their eyes on MGR. At the polls, the AJADMK romped home, annexing 130 seats for itself and 13 for its allies — the CPM and the IUML. The emergence of the DMK as the second largest group (48) drove the Congress (I) to the third place with a tally of 32. The Janata came last, scoring 10. Apparently confident of his party’s victory, MGR was reported to have discussed with his close lieutenants the desirability of his becoming the Chief Minister, leaving his lucrative career in the film field. Sources close to the AAADMK leadership stated that MGR was advised to accept the post at least for a period of one year. 11K. Mohandas MGR’s swearing-in ceremony at Rajaji Hall, along with a fourteen-member Cabinet was spectacular, watched by a vast multitude of people from all over the State — particularly from the rural areas, as well as from other States. A carefully cultivated ‘good guy’ image on the silver screen stood him in good stead and the reality merged into the dream to such an extent that, for the multitude, he was the unassailable generous-hearted hero in real life as well. MGR was equally an actor off-screen as he was on screen. The same quality was true of his political, administrative and personal life. He was only too conscious of the fact that his charisma endeared him to one and all, and switched on his charm, as occasion demanded, in his interaction with people from all walks of life — particularly the poor and downtrodden. But none could discern what was going on in his mind by looking at the expression on the face. This was the ‘MGR Magic’! His followers knew that the AIADMK solely owed its sweeping victory at the polls only five years after the formation of the party, to MGR. He was the unquestioned boss — in fact, he was the Party. Ministry formation, which was and is a difficult and delicate operation for all the national and regional parties, was for MGR a quick exercise, attuned as he was to the political and social scenario within and outside the party. 12Three word about MGR’s lifestyle may be appropriate at this tage. It was known to one and all (including his wife Mrs Janaki Ramachandran) that he had some extra-marital affairs. This was and is a common practice in Tamil Nadu (perhaps in the rest of India as well), the term Chinnaveedu (smaller house) being used to denote the lady-friend. It is often considered a matter of prestige to have one or more lady-friends, with fairly frequent changes according to one’s whims, particularly among the well-to-do. But MGR was honest about it and did not hide it as most persons did and do. For example, there is a widely published photograph of MGR watching the Asiad Olympics in New Delhi with his wife on one side and Jayalalitha on the other. A senior member of MGR’s household once told me that, according to his horoscope, MGR should have two ‘wives’ at a time. His favourites (all from the film world) came in succession, but there was only one ‘second wife’ at a time. He was very possessive about his lady companions. As they are living personalities, decency demands that I mention them as A, B, C, D and E (as far as I know) — but only one at a time. One of them entered MGR’s life twice. Mrs Janaki 13:K. Mohandas Ramachandran (a cine actress herself) not only tolerated this but was friendly with four of them; in fact, they called her akka (elder sister). But she hated the remaining one for being politically ambitious, scheming, aggressive and arrogant. The hostility was mutual and I had a sneaking doubt that MGR enjoyed the fight between the two ladies to gain the upper hand in monopolising him. Recently I read an article by Muktha V. Sreenivasan (a friend of MGR) in a Tamil magazine in which he had stated that MGR acquired a ‘bad habit’ in 1962 and another ‘bad habit’ after 1975. He proceeded to state that, had MGR got over these weaknesses, he would surely have become “Tamil Nadu’s Gandhi”. Apparently a tall claim, but I wonder whether the author had MGR’s lady companions in mind or something else. It is not uncommon for leading personalities to have lady companions. Rumours about an affair (probably platonic) between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Lady Mountbatten were very much in the air and even mentioned in books and articles by eminent authors. Japanese Prime Ministers openly seek the company of geisha girls. I am not justifying this or putting MGR in the same category. What I am trying to convey is that standards of morality have changed with the times. Top politicians, businessmen, officials, professionals, etc. lead a tension-filled life, often working more than 18 hours a day. Relaxing in the company of women after a hard day’s work is the preference of some. I personally feel that it would be uncharitable if we grudge these small pleasures to whom I may call the ‘Winners in Life’. Idlers may float scandals with or without basis, but these are more born out of jealousy or competition. MGR was born in a lower middle-class family in Kerala in 1917, according to informed sources, but many put it as 1911. Certain circumstances (details of which are not clear) forced 14MGR: The Man and The Myth his mother Satyabhama to eke out a livelihood in Sri Lanka accompanied by MGR and his elder brother M.G. Chakrapani. Later they shifted to Kumbakonam in Thanjavur district. They were poorly off and MGR could not afford to have proper schooling or even regular food. So he took to acting in dramas at a very young age. Talent-hunters spotted him and put him in the cinema field. And there was no looking back after that! Good looks, hard work, tenacity of purpose and an inborn gift to ward off hurdles and rivals took him to the top of the Tamil cinema world. He assiduously cultivated a massive fan following and took on roles only of the hero who did nothing wrong. His was typically a case of rags to riches. Politically, his sympathies were with the Congress in the early stages. But soon he came under the influence of Annadurai and Karunanidhi, who were also in the cine field as story and dialogue writers. Before long, he joined the DMK, and used the film medium to effectively propagate the ideals of the party. It would be no exaggeration to say that he made a major contribution to the growth of the DMK. But he was also an enigmatic personality. Sources close to him during the period say that his mind was not fully with the DMK. He was a nationalist, a follower of Mahatma Gandhi and a believer in God. He gifted a silver sword (presented to him by his followers) to the famous Mookambika Shrine in Karnataka. Then how does one explain his joining the DMK which preached rationalist, anti-Hindi and secessionist ideas? My analysis is that his was a split personality, and he took to the DMK because it was a growing party and the oratory of its leaders impressed the masses. MGR knew that the people wanted a change from the long spell of Congress rule, were stirred by the ancient glory of Tamil and Tamil Nadu, and got effectively brainwashed on the issue of Hindi imposition. Though not an intellectual, he developed the art of double-think and double-talk. He saw nothing wrong in ” 15K. Mohandas apparent contradictions in himself, and pursued them till the end — whether as a top-billed actor or as Chief Minister. His ways puzzled the intelligentsia and he kept everyone guessing all the time. I suspect that his individual interests and the winner- instinct reigned supreme and sustained him in facing the vicissitudes of life. I remember him telling me at Vaigai Dam that both cinema and politics were in the realm of make-believe. Later, watching him at close quarters, I could feel that he included life itself in the world of make-believe. Self-interest received top priority in his scheme of things. People adored him for what he was, and ignored the apparent. contradictions in his stances from time to time, whether in cinema or in the political field. ‘Though essentially a lovable man, MGR was a man with a king-sized ego. He often lost his temper when faced with a hurdle — however minor — that went against his personal interests. He was highly suspicious of the people around him and loved secrecy. All his moves were well calculated and intended to promote his self-interest. He excelled in the art of manipulation, whether it was cinema, the political or administrative field. He trusted none and was always calculating how to boost his image, irrespective of the consequences, MGR’s life was an enigma wrapped in a puzzle floating in a sea of mystery. Contradictions abounded in his speeches and actions but the masses did not care. He meticulously cultivated the ‘do gooder’ image on the silver screen, by himself planning his films, shots and lyrics and what not. And he extended this plan of action to politics and administration as well. His concept of “Annaism”, for example, clean-bowled all politicians. He described it as an amalgam of Communism, Socialism and Capitalism! 16MGR: The Man and The Myth MGR’s image was so indelibly inscribed in the minds of his followers and fans that it remains intact even five years after his death. Jayalalitha apparently cashed in on this image in the 1991 elections and, helped also by the sympathy wave generated by Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, romped home with aplomb. Her style of functioning as Chief Minister has also the MGR touch. This is easy for her, because she had the opportunity to be an intelligent understudy of MGR when he was in power. But there is one important difference. A vast majority of the people still would not believe that MGR was corrupt and assigned the blame for the scandals of his time to the free play of middlemen or to some ministers and bureaucrats. But Jayalalitha has so far not been successful on. this score, though she is trying hard to cast herself in the mould of MGR.Four en MGR took over as Chief Minister, he told me to continue in the same post (DIG — Intelligence) which I had held during President’s Rule. I told him that this might not be advisable, as both of us were Malayalees, and language played a sensitive role in Tamil Nadu politics. Moreover, there was a call to me from the CBI to get back to New Delhi. When I told him that the family too wished to go back, he immediately called my wife on the phone and asked her whether she did not like her husband to work under him (MGR). My wife was too surprised to answer, upon which he delivered a long homily on how wives should look after ‘hard working’ husbands. Though there was apparently no response from my wife, MGR put down the phone, winked at me and told me that my wife and children were all for staying on in Madras. I had no answer to that! MGR laughed off my objections and made me agree to stay back. I however thought that MGR, unlike other politicians was not in politics for his bread and butter. In my view, it was a pastime for him and he might not continue for long, as he had already made his point having vanquished his arch rival and occupied the CM's chair. The hurly-burly of politics was not for 18MGR: The Man and The Myth him, I thought, and, before long, he will be itching to get back to the glamourous film world with its easy, lucrative and fashionable style. But, as things turned out, I was proved completely wrong. It took some time for MGR, the actor (he had to postpone the swearing-in ceremony to complete his shooting schedule of his last movie Madurai Meetta Sundarapandian) to catch up with the nitty-gritty of administration and, more importantly, to change his lifestyle. But once he started seriously addressing the tasks of administration, the bureaucrats were impressed by his native wisdom and ability to quickly grasp the essentials. His unfamiliarity with the English language (he did not have a formal school education) was a handicap which he however got over in a reasonably short time. I could easily see that he had an unquenchable thirst for information, because he knew that information was power. I had to adjust the Intelligence Wing to suit his needs. I made arrangements 0 orally convey to him not only hard intelligence but important information (State, National and International) collected from newspapers, and the radio at 7.00 a.m., 1.00 p.m. and 6.00 p.m. everyday (and wherever he was — Headquarters, on tour in the districts, New Delhi, or even abroad), in addition to the conventional Daily Situation Report (DSR) which used to reach him by 8.00 p.m. But he rarely had the time or inclination to go through the DSR. It did not matter really, because all the information contained in it (and more) would have already been conveyed to him during the day. He was an impatient man, in as far as intelligence was concerned. The joke in my department was that, “The CM wants the report to reach him ‘day before yesterday’.” MGR’s work-style as Chief Minister was unique. Many factors, imponderable to others, entered his thought processes. He got where he did from scratch. That required grit and 19K. Mohandas determination. He kept everybody around him — from ministers to personal servants — on tenterhooks. A servant might be fired for reasons known or unknown, but his salary would be paid as if he was in service and even meals would be sent to him from MGR’s home. And, a month or two later, the servant would be reinstated. Such casual but rather unusual practices made those around him feel that he had a heart of gold and cemented their attachment to him. But no one could be termed very close to him. He remained a lonely man, kept odd hours, and was unpredictable. But people just loved him ~— though they might not be sure whether they were on the right or wrong side of MGR. He kept everybody guessing. 20Five fficialdom ruled the roost during President's rule in Tamil Nadu prior to the 1977 elections. Its approach to people’s problems was one of indifference and the bureaucracy kept themselves aloof from ground realities. The officers were marking time, not being sure which party would come to power in the State after the elections. The accent was on law and order and the anti-corruption drive, with developmental initiatives taking a back-seat. When MGR took over as Chief Minister, he faced practically the same problems as the State governments before him and after him, irrespective of the political colour of the party in power. This was true not only of’ ‘Tamil Nadu but of other States as well. There were the usual demands and threatened agitations from NGGO’s (Non-gazetted Government officials), State transport employees, teachers, agriculturists’ associations, etc. In addition, there were also frequent pinpricks from the Leader of the Opposition, M. Karunanidhi, who wielded a powerful pen and convincing oratory which kept his well-knit and loyal cadres intact and enthusiastic. The 21K. Mohandas DMK kept up the tempo by organising periodical agitations to put the government on the defensive. Lack of finance; a poor public distribution system of essential commodities; fixing of fair procurement. price for paddy; drought and floods; famine relief, plight of handloom weavers; credit facilities for agriculturists and marginal farmers; labour unrest affecting production, repatriates from Sri Lanka and Burma; and, yes, very much the Cauvery water dispute with Karnataka —no, it is not 1992 I am talking about, but 1977 — the problems were very much the same. This would mean that no honest effort had been taken by successive governments to effectively tackle the problems, their preoccupation being politicking and ‘making hay while the sun shines’. When he began his regime, MGR was determined to put down political corruption, strictly enforce prohibition and enthuse the bureaucracy to deliver the goods in the economic and social sectors. He cultivated the Central leaders — particularly Prime Minister Morarji Desai who was fond of MGR in the initial stages. He quickly grasped that there was no point in adopting a confrontationist attitude towards the Centre in order to become a local hero, for the State had (and has) to depend on the Centre for financial assistance to tackle the economic problems facing the people. The Central leaders were easily bowled over by MGR’s charisma. At the administrative level, he discouraged political and other pressures in the posting and transfer of officials and also political interference in the day-to-day administration. Good care was exercised in the choice of private secretaries/personal assistants to ministers, for obvious reasons. To sum up, MGR projected himself not only as a charismatic leader of the masses but also as a no-nonsense administrative chief. Extra- 22MGR: The Man and The Myth sensitivity to criticism was avoided arti petty stories in the press and at public meetings were ign Gd. s the intelligence chief, I had also a part — behind the enes — in the transformation of MGR from a glamourous cult-oriented personality into a Chief Minister with a mission. I reorganised and modernised the State Intelligence Wing to furnish him timely information on a day-to-day basis on all aspects of governmental and political activities, so as to facilitate him in the decision-making processes. I should, however, make one point clear here. The public and official impression that MGR acted on my advice in all matters was a myth which, I had reason to believe, was propagated by MGR himself during his interaction with people — probably to make me his bogeyman. I was, on the other hand, playing a strictly professional role. For instance, if there were three different solutions — let us call them A, B and C — to a particular problem. I used to place before MGR my assessment of each alternative with its plus and minus points and my own preference (say B). But I left the decision to him because he was the leader elected by the people to take decisions. Mine was a strictly objective and professional approach and I was not in the least concerned if he chose solution C, because my job was over with the presentation to him of my analysis. I may add here that, more often than not, he disagreed with me. But in a majority of cases, subsequent events showed that I was by and large right. It was not that I had his trust or that we had a close relationship. But he knew that I was the only person who gave him information or facts as they were, whether they pleased him or not. And he appreciated that. It was a fact that I had easy accessibility to him and also that I had a certain degree of clout with him. But I never took advantage of this or misused it. 23KK. Mohandas One problem I ha¢hio encounter in my working relationship with him was that myon of his decisions were taken on impulse or intuition — depending on his mood — and not based on logic or reasoning. Also, he would change his decisions from one extreme to the other, without batting an eyelid. I furnish below two examples to drive home the point. One fine day, he decided to introduce an economie criterion in the reservation of jobs, professional college admissions, etc. for the backward classes. He had consulted me on this. While 1 told him that the proposal would remove a long-standing injustice to the economically poor forward classes and an unfair advantage to the rich backward classes, I advised caution as it was a revolutionary step. We could expect strong opposition from the DMK and allied parties, as one of the main planks on which the justice party and later the Dravidian Parties were based would be destabilised. I suggested an all-party meeting before any hasty decision was taken, But he assumed the role of a crusader and dramatically announced his proposal in the Assembly. As expected, there were agitations galore which the Government could not control except with force. MGR saw the writing on the wall. But what he did was indeed beyond anyone’s imagination. He not only withdrew his proposal to introduce the economic criterion, but went to the other extreme by announcing a liberal hike in the reservation quota for backward classes! The second instance I would like to cite is one concerning Biju Patnaik, who is at present Chief Minister of Orissa. He was sent by the Janata Party to try and effect a merger between the DMK and the AIADMK. MGR sounded me on this idea, I said I was all for it. After all, I asked him, what was the difference between the two parties — except the personal rivalry between the leaders MGR and Karunanidhi? (The proposal was that MGR would continue as Chief Minister while Karunanidhi 24MGR: The Man and The Myth would continue as Party President after the merger.) The routine and developmental work of the Government were being disrupted by the constant agitations. Escalation of violence between the rival groups was on the cards. MGR appeared to be convinced of the soundness of the proposal. When I called on him on the morning of the arrival of Biju Patnaik, I found him piling up arguments in favour of the merger. I did not utter a word. I left him in good cheer, two hours before the scheduled meeting with Biju Patnaik. Yet, it would appear that he changed his mind soon after and the merger did not come off. I was puzzled but when I met him the same evening, he told me that inspiration from his late mother made him oppose the move! Of course, there was no answer to that!Six ather surprisingly, MGR faced the teething troubles of his mminystry with comfortable ease. The first major crisis that he had to face on the law and order as well as political fronts, was the snap decision of M. Karunanidhi to organise demonstrations during ex-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's visit to Tamil Nadu. According to knowledgeable circles, this was prompted by political quarters outside the State. The aims of Karunanidhi were three-fold. a. Settle the score with regard to the dismissal of his Government and institution of Sarkaria Commission to enquire into corruption charges against him and his colleagues. b. Embarrass MGR and c. Pamper the diehard anti-Indira lobby in the Janata party with a view to obtaining their support to wriggle out of the criminal prosecution launched against the DMK leaders based on the findings of the enquiry commission. 26MGR: The Man and The Myth As expected, the DMK demonstrations against Indira Gandhi turned violent. At Madurai, hysterical and stone-throwing crowds surrounded Indira Gandhi's car, severely injuring her and also her companions Maragatham Chandrasekhar and G.K. Moopanar. Cars were damaged beyond recognition and but for the strong intervention of the police, the scene would have turned similar to the one at Sriperumbudur in May 1991 — if not in the modern technique used for Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, at least in its cumulative effect. When the State Government banned the demonstrations in Madras city in view of the violent turn of events at Madurai, Karunanidhi openly announced his intentiori to defy the ban. Police had to open fire in Madras city. Even so, Karunanidhi proceeded to the spot and violated the prohibitory order. He was therefore arrested along with his close colleagues, and firmly proceeded against by the State administration for conspiring and inducing his followers to indulge in extreme acts of violence and vandalism and even attempt to murder Indira Gandhi. Karunanidhi who was caught off-guard by the decision of the government, however, put on a brave front and even declined to move for bail. Karunanidhi expected that there would be a mass upheaval on his arrest (‘rivers of blood’ to quote his oft-repeated warning) but nothing of the sort happened. Political observers were of the view that the arrest and the conspiracy charges against Karunanidhi and nearly 100 of his followers (the case against about 50 of them including MP’s and MLA’s ended in conviction and they were awarded long terms of imprisonment — while Karunanidhi himself was acquitted — and they have gone on appeal which is still pending) could not have been better timed. The AIADMKas such was not involved in the episode. It was a confrontation between the DMK and 27K. Mohandas the Congress in which the DMK forfeited public sympathy, judging from the large number of letters to unbiased newspapers. The incident also exposed the organisational weakness of the DMK at that juncture, as evidenced by its failure to sustain the agitation. The near-unanimous opinion in political circles was that the nascent MGR administration had emerged the stronger from what was easily the first major crisis it faced. lhe next major crisis faced by MGR was the havoc and misery caused by the cyclone and floods practically all over the State in the second half of November 1977. MGR was successful in making it a humanitarian issue and satisfactorily tackled the situation with the support of all political parties. At the State Executive meeting of the ALADMK in December 1977 and meeting of the State Legislature Party that followed, the participants expressed themselves freely. They seemed to be unsure of their role in the context of the stress laid by MGR on non-interference in administration and eradication of corruption in public life. They were also critical of certain officials who did not even tolerate representation of genuine grievances of the people. MGR summoned me for a brief meeting at the lunch interval and expressed his concern over the growing restlessness among the MLA's and party workers, because of the tight leash on which he held them. I told him that this was only to be expected and that he should firmly follow his poll promise of a clean administration. But he looked unconvinced, and later in the evening told his party leaders and MLA’s that he was aware of the problem and would shortly give them an ‘effective role to play’. I immediately knew that the die was cast. I told MGR that for the first time since he took over as CM, I found him inclined to stray from the straight and narrow path. He didnot 28MGR: The Man and The Myth like it. I took the hint and left. Back home, I ruminated over the situation and felt that my optimism when MGR became Chief Minister was not well-founded. The hero was slipping and itching to go the way of other Chief Ministers and Prime Ministérs. The only factor that would stand him in good stead was the adoring masses who would not accept that MGR could do anything wrong —an important advantage which other Chief Ministers lacked. In his lighter moods when I was alone with him, MGR used to recall his film days, and occasionally would re-enact some scenes from his films. But the demonstration that impressed me most was areal life one— how M.R. Radha (a cine artist and Dravida Kazhagam activist) shot him with a pistol just prior to the 1967 elections. Posters showing his injured face with a bandage on, was a major contributory factor to the DMK’s land-slide victory for the first time in its annals. One day when I met him around noon on some important matter, he told me that he was going home and that we could discuss the matter in his car. On the way to MGR gardens, he suggested a simple solution to the problem on hand which had not struck me with my long years of administrative experience. I was stunned and that is putting it mildly. He then went on to say that it was his wedding anniversary and that I should join him for lunch. There were four or five other guests and Mrs Janaki Ramachandran served vegetarian food on plantain leaves in typical South Indian style. MGR invited me to sit beside him (I knew that it was a ruse to make those present believe that I was close to him). During lunch (which was mostly silent), I whispered to him that top officials were complaining about files getting badly delayed in the CM's office. I knew he hated paper work but I was not prepared for what he said when he whispered back instantly, “I have invited you to eat a good meal. If there is space enough in your tummy, 29K. Mohandas I shall get those wretched files here — you may eat some of them and I shall eat the rest!” Ahearty laugh followed, and when the other guests queried what it was all about, he replied, “Top secret government matter.” 30Seven ‘arunanidhi kept up his pressure on the ruling party from the word ‘go’. Hardly six months had elapsed after MGR took over the Chief Ministership, when Karunanidhi moved a no-confidence motion against the ministry. According to him, his objective was to provide an opportunity to the opposition, to make an appraisal of the new government's performance on the touchstone of the ALADMK’s poll promises. Predictably, the tide turned against the DMK itself in as much as the other opposition parties, while highlighting the lapses of the government did not fail to settle scores with the DMK by pointing out its disappointing performance while in office. This led Karunanidhi to openly wonder “whether the no-confidence motion was against the AIADMK Government or the DMK party!” The Chief Minister’s critical comments on certain lapses of the bureaucracy were interpreted by Karunanidhi to mean that the CM was passing the buck to officialdom for the ministry’s failings. This was a subtle attempt to generate discontent among the services. However, with the CPM, the CPI and the Congress (I) opposing the motion and the Janata 31K. Mohandas adopting a neutral stand, the no-confidence motion was defeated by a voice vote. DMK speakers at public meetings and writers in party journals repeatedly struck on the theme of a ‘non-Tamil’ ruling the State. They also questioned the propriety of the AAADMK. observing ‘Martyrs Day’ on 25th January, alleging that MGR and his close associates did not play any significant role in the 1965 anti-Hindi agitation. In addition, the DMK revived the twin issues of “State autonomy” and “opposition to Hindi’ as the main planks of its propaganda. As predicted by me earlier, MGR was ill at ease with the CM’s crown of thorns and itched to go back to the glamourous world of cinema. One fine day, he suddenly declared his intention to resume acting in films along with holding onto the Chief Minister’s post. I told him that this was just not possible, not only because of the double work-load and constitutional impropriety-his alternating as CM and film actor would have all the appearance of a comic opera. In the face of critical comments from all quarters, he gave up the idea, but I wondered when he would again crave for the silver screen. Speaking at a public meeting in Madurai, Karunanidhi who had all along been decrying the ‘aggressive neurosis’ of Indira Gandhi, unexpectedly made complimentary references to her growing popularity, despite probes by various enquiry commissions to expose the Emergency excesses. This was a pointer to the isolation of the DMK vis-a-vis all other parties in the State. He even dropped a hint that the DMK may join hands with the Cong (I) and sought to justify the move by declaring that ‘anything could happen in politics’. A frank stock-taking and a free discussion marked the leliberations at the General Council meeting of the AIADMK. Most of the speakers criticised the attitude of 32MGR: The Man and The Myth officials in dealing with the genuine grievances of the public, and called for ‘correct appreciation’ of the principle of non-interference in administration. The disgruntlement in the party was growing, as they were prevented from playing the “usual role of ruling party men and MLA’s”. The signal was clear and loud, and MGR did not miss it. On my part, I knew that the party was moving away from its professed ideals and poll promises. The “sliding down” had begun. MGR tried to assuage their feelings by vaguely mentioning an impending Cabinet expansion. This activated various group interests in the party in the race for ministership. I wondered how long would take MGR to transform sinners into saints and goondas into gods! The expansion of the Cabinet and appointment of Parliamentary Secretaries could satisfy only a few, while the ‘left-outs’ wanted their share. MGR suddenly looked old and disappointed, but I stuck to my stand that he and his party were going on the wrong track. In addition, tricky wheeler-dealers and fixers were trying to enter the scene. But the impression among the public and the press were different, as seen in the following paragraphs: At the end of MGR’s first year (1978) in office, The Times of India commented, “It is to the credit of MGR’s ministry that it avoided taking doctrinaire positions on issues, though faced with periodic agitations and political isolation. The CM has adopted a conciliatory approach all along in contrast to the previous regime’s strong-arm methods. The ministry's handling of the NGOs’ agitation illustrates this point .... Despite the heavy damage caused by last year’s cyclone, food production is looking up. The labour front is peaceful. There has been no official power cut. Even the worst critics of the AIADMK Government concede that MGR has rooted out political corruption .... No breath of scandal or complaint attends the selection of students to the professional colleges as in the past .... Another distinctive feature is that the AAADMK regime is not interested in baiting the Centre or the North. 33K. Mohandas Expressions like ‘Delhiimperialism’ and ‘Northern domination’ have gone out of usage. The ALADMK Governmentis interested more in cooperation with the Centre than in confrontation. Its policy of correct and friendly relations has paid right dividends ...” The Statesman, New Delhi reported that “the biggest achievement of the AIADMK Government... is its survival. The Major preoccupation of the government has been one of maintaining law and order ....” National Herald, New Delhi went on record to say that “... one year of AIADMK rule has been appreciated by the people. There has been political stability in the State, the ruling party has been free from factionalism .... Eradication of corruption was one of the main assurances of the AIADMK to the people and the party can proudly claim that it has partly fulfilled the same .... On the economic front, the performance has not been satisfactory .... The C.M. has initiated a series of packages to step up the tempo of industrial growth in the State .... Development of the handloom sector and rural industries will get top priority. The C.M. has rightly spoken of ‘man-centered enterprise’ and not a ‘machine-centered one’....” Closer home, The Mail, Madras commented: “MGR scores in the first year in service .... He has succeeded in reconciling ideals and principles with hard realities of administration .... Even according to his critics, Mr Ramachandran has been able to contain corruption in high places...” The civic elections in Madurai saw the AIADMK sweeping the polls, winning 50 outof 64 seats. The DMK got 5 and the Cong (I) 9. This was a shot in the arm for MGR. I told him that it was surprising that his vote-bank was intact even after one year in office because people got disenchanted when poll promises were not quickly fulfilled and turned anti-establishment. Indian Express stated that “the result was 34MGR: The Man and The Myth a tribute to MGR’s one-year rule.” The Statesman, New Delhi, commented under the heading ‘Message from Madurai’, “MGR. is fully entitled to claim that the result was a popular endorsement to his one-year rule. Though his cinema personality is.an important element, Mr. Ramachandran has lately emerged as a political strategist to be reckoned with.” A battered Karunanidhi took the firm view that it was strategically important to woo the Cong (I). Behind-the-scene negotiations were on. CPM Chief Minister of Bengal, Jyothi Basu visited Madras and warned that internal wranglings in the Janata Government at the Centre would aid Indira Gandhi to regain her political ascendancy. He also appealed to the AIADMK and DMkK to stop sparring with each other, and instead mount their attacks on Indira Gandhi.Eight here was a realignment of political forces on the eve of the budget session of the Legislature. Karunanidhi succeeded in weaning away the CPM and CPI which had hitherto been functioning for all practical purposes, as allies of the ruling party. The Janata Party did not formally join this group but it might not hesitate to make common cause with the latter in the event of a crucial confrontation with the AIADMK Government. The Congress (I) pursued a lonely path and declared its intention to judge each issue on its merits. The AIADMK Government could thus be said to be facing political isolation for the first time since its inception. The DMK supremo was so optimistic about the state of affairs that at one stage, he was reported to be toying with the idea of toppling the Ministry by engineering defections from the ruling party, but he gave it up finding that the time was not opportune. The walk-out of the Opposition parties (except Congress (I)) at the time of the Governor's address and the no-confidence motion given notice of by the opposition parties were symptomatic of the new offensive launched by the DMK. 36MGR: The Man and The Myth The no-confidence motion against the Ministry, jointly tabled by the DMK, Janata, CPI, CPM and Muslim League was convincingly defeated by 128 votes to 64, but not before the Opposition assailed the government for its alleged acts of commission and omission. a) Failure to fulfil promises like opening of fair price shops, bringing down prices of essential commodities and introduction of welfare measures for the rural poor, b) Mounting unemployment and failure to redress the longstanding grievances of agriculturists, industrial labour, NGO’s, teachers and students. c) Corruption in high places, d) Interference of ruling party politicians in the administration, and e) Deteriorating law & order situation. It is no exaggeration to say that the Opposition parties at the Centre and in every State have periodically been bringing forth such allegations, so much so that they have become a routine affair. The Opposition in the present case seemed to have done its home work well, with the result that the treasury benches appeared to be on the defensive. The voting pattern on the motion confirmed that the Janata, CPI, CPM and Muslim League had joined the DMK bandwagon. The Congress (I) which remained neutral (with the exception of one MLA voting against the motion) showed that the Congress (I) had gained a special status in the political spectrum of Tamil Nadu. A majority of the Congress (I) legislators belonged to the pro- Moopanar group which did not take kindly to the AIADMK Government. G.K. Moopanar’s resignation as the President of the TNCC led to the installation of R.V. Swaminathan in the 37K. Mohandas vacant chair, The President had been foisted on them at the instigation of the AIADMK leadership. On the whole at this point (early 1979), the political situation appeared to be in a state of flux, with the Congress (I) holding the trump card. lhe unprecedented boycott of courts by lawyers all over the State was a sequel to what many thought was a trivial incident involving a small-time advocate and lower functionary of the police. The matter was blown out of proportion, with the result that the Chief Justice wrote a letter to the C.M. asking for protection for members of the judiciary. This was indeed a serious matter, and on MGR’s instructions, the Director-General of Police E.L. Stracey and I called on the Chief Justice and sorted out the conflict with some persuasion. The government appointed a High Court Judge to enquire into the matter but refused to suspend the Sub-Inspector of Police involved in the incident. However, on the advice of the Chief Justice, the lawyers called off their boycott. Coming as it did, close on the heels of circulation of a notice by a Sub-Inspector Nainardas, stressing the need for the formation of an association, the lawyers’ strike provoked many a policeman to ponder over his plight. This attitude reflected an all-India phenomenon, as the U.P. Armed Police and even the CRPF arose in revolt. Though the Central and State Governments (including Tamil Nadu) suppressed the stir, the sears took a long time to heal. The policemen’s main demands were increased salary, housing and non- interference by Politicians in their work. For instance, police protection was given to a private industrial undertaking in the outskirts of Madras where the workers went on strike for increased wages. The strike was successful, as the management conceded their demands. The policemen posted there on bandobust duty came to know that the lowest grade worker in the undertaking was drawing a salary higher than that of a constable. I explained 38MGR: The Man and The Myth this to MGR at a meeting convened by him to discuss the policemen’s stir in certain areas of Tamil Nadu. The Chief Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Director-General of Police and the Inspector General of Police (Law and Order) were present. I further said that policemen were always exposed to such situations and their presence at the factory got them nothing, while the workers got a pay-rise as a result of their agitational methods. Would this not, I asked MGR in a rather emotional tone, put ideas into the minds of policemen? 1 remember that I raised my voice a little which had a sobering effect on MGR and other officials present. Their tough stance changed and they agreed upon some concessions, the most important of which were: “4) Supply of essential commodities at subsidised rates from police constable to inspector of police, ii) Grant of risk allowance from constable to superintendent of police, and iii) Setting up of a Police Housing Corporation with a time-bound programme. The stir was called off. I apologised to MGR for raising my voice but he magnanimously told me not to worry and that he was glad that there were at least some superior officers who knew the problems of policemen and spoke up for them with genuine concern, When we came out, the Chief Secretary and Director General of Police complimented me on my ‘speaking out’ at the meeting.Nine uring the 1979 budget session of the assembly, the DMK members Durai Murugan, Rahuman Khan and Subbu (who were known as the ‘three musketeers’) were suspended for the rest of the session for their repeated indecent behaviour. Appeals to defer action or reduce the penalty failed to have any impact on MGR, who in his typical style sought permission to keep away from the Assembly, if the House did not agree with the Speaker's decision. In retaliation, the entire DMK group of 47 decided to boycott the rest of the session. This decision was apparently taken in a huffby Karunanidhi but he later realised that it went against the party’s interests. So he thought of a novel idea to discuss the budgetary demands in what he called “People’s Parliament”, convened in different localities of Madras City on the dates when these demands were discussed in the Assembly. But it turned out to be a damp squib. The Parliamentary bye-elections for the Thanjavur and Nagapattinam constituencies could be considered an important landmark in the political history of Tamil Nadu. MGR offered the Thanjavur seat to Indira Gandhi and wanted to put up an AIADMK candidate for the Nagapattinam 40MGR: The Man and The Myth constituency, on the plank of an AIADMK-—Congress alliance. (Iwas on a 15-day holiday in Nepal and Bhutan with my family at this point of time.) Karunanidhi openly made ani appeal to Indira Gandhi not to contest from Thanjavur, claiming that the AIADMK was not trustworthy. His words turned out to be prophetic in as much as MGR withdrew his offer on the grounds that Thanjavur was a violence prone area dominated by DMK rowdies and reminding her of her earlier experience in Madurai when there was a murderous assault on her by DMK men. The real reason was that Prime Minister Morarji Desai summoned MGR to New Delhi and point-blank told him in his school-master style, to choose hetween Indira Gandhi and himself (Morarji). It may be stated here that MGR did not like to go against the wishes of the Prime Minister (whoever it was) because there were skeletons already piling up in the AADMK cupboard. He had, therefore, been uneasy vis-a-vis his Congress (I) connections, ever since the Janata Party came to power at the Centre. He was embarrassed when the stern Morarji Desai put to him the question and replied that he would withdraw his offer to Indira Gandhi. The Prime Minister then magnanimously told him (MGR) that he had no objection to MGR’s continued alliance with the Congress (I) but sans Indira Gandhi. MGR was hard put to withdraw his offer to Indira Gandhi but had to do it, inventing the story about the threat to her life by the DMK. Indira Gandhi was furious and never forgave MGR for his cat-on-the-wall stance. She naturally took it as a personal insult. The Congress (I) did contest the Thanjavur seat with a different candidate, and the DMK put up its candidate against the Congress (I). In Nagapattinam, the AIADMK put up its candidate against the CPI candidate supported by the DMK. Canvassing was at a high pitch because of the high stakes 41K. Mohandas involved. MGR himself toured both constituencies in support. of the Congress (I) candidate in Thanjavur and the AAADMK candidate in Nagapattinam. But Indira Gandhi confinéd herself to the Thanjavur constituency. This was an open’snub to MGR which he had to swallow. The bye-election results were as expected. The Congress (I) won with a thumping margin in Thanjavur, while the CPI candidate romped home with a smaller majority in Nagapattinam. In their anxiety to outwit each other, both the Dravidian parties lost. The myth of MGR was dented a little, but he took it in his stride. the State wide ‘bandh’ organised on 23rd April 1979 by the Agriculturists’ Association led by C. Narayanaswami Naidu, purportedly to condemn the Vaigaikulam police firing, was in fact, to provoke violence and intimidate the government, but was, by all accounts, not a success. Life was normal in the major part of the State, thanks to the administration’s firm and well-planned handling of the situation. However, the day was marked by a few gruesome incidents of violence like the cruel hacking to death of a sub-inspector in Tirunelveli district and the death of two well-to-do farmers as a result of police firing in Coimbatore district. Naidu and his lieutenants had been continuously inciting the farmers to violence over the past few months but the murder of the sub- inspector so shocked the conscience of the public and the body politic, that Naidu was forced to call off the bandh at mid-day within minutes of the incident. Political leaders who had secretly connived with Naidu in their anxiety to settle scores with the ALADMK Government, soon vied with each other to issue strongly worded statements condemning the violence that culminated in the murder of the sub-inspector. The speeches made in the Legislature by the Opposition leaders were certainly not complimentary to Naidu, and the 42MGR: The Man and The Myth announcement of his arrest was greeted with enthusiastic applause from both the Opposition and Treasury Benches. Reliable behind-the-scene information indicated that Naidu went ahead with the ‘bandh’ plan, despite some last minute rethinking on the part of his close advisors who had come to know that the Agricultural High Power Committee was shortly coming up with solutions to redress the long-standing grievances of the small and middle-level farmers. But Naidu was apparently not interested in solutions that would remove the reasons for the very existence of his organisation. His ambitions lay elsewhere. The more enthusiastic of his followers had been hailing him as the next Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and this had apparently gone to his head. His interest therefore, lay in keeping the agitational movement alive by refusing to have any dialogue with the government, let alone striving to find workable solutions to the farmers’ problems. On the contrary, he was gradually giving the organisation a political orientation and using the hapless farmers as a means to gain power. In his cell at the Palayamcottah Central Jail, Naidu was reported to be a sadder and wiser man. Given to creature comforts, he was understandably uncomfortable. He petitioned for transfer to a cooler place on grounds of ill-health but this was rejected. He appealed to his followers (through some supporters who met him in the jail) to organise another stir in protest against his arrest from April 30 by picketing government offices. But there were absolutely no takers and his ego was deflated. ‘There were allegations of police excesses at Valliyur village in Chengalpattu West district on the bandh day. The village consisted mostly of farmers who made their educated women folk squat on the highway and paralyse traffic. When police tried to remove them, the mixed crowd of men and women (with 43K. Mohandas the latter in the forefront) pelted stones at the police party injuring many of them including the superintendent of police. Senior revenue and police officials present at the spot thereupon decided to use force. Tear gas and lathi charge were resorted to, resulting in injuries to women as well. Janata party Jeaders who took up the issue alleged that the police ransacked the houses in the village. The Chief Minister and the Minister for Social Welfare visited the village for an on-the-spot study. The issue had become sensitive since ladies, well-to-do and educated at that, were involved. Also some Tamil and English dailies including The Hindu, Indian Express and The Mail carried special stories on the episode, favouring naturally, the weaker sex and condemning police “brutality”. New Delhi papers also took up the story. Tt. non-gazetted government officials, were by and large pleased with the enhancement of the age of superannuation from 55 to 58 and other concessions announced by the Government. However, the N.G.G.O. association, encouraged by interested political elements, demanded that the government should discuss the rest of their demands with them by the last week of May, failing which they threatened “to decide the future course of action”. A majority of the N.G.G.O.’s was of the view that the association was overstepping its limit, and that it might not be desirable for the government hereafter to allow their ‘irresponsible’ leaders to hold the peace of the State to ransom.Ten \ K Then Indira Gandhi announced her candidature for the bye-election to Parliament from the Chikmagalur (Karnataka) constituency, MGR decided to support her (though not too openly), apparently to get over the coolness that developed between the two charismatic leaders, ever since MGR’s faux pas vis-a-vis the Thanjavur bye-election. This gesture brought the Congress (I) closer to the AIADMK frustrating the efforts of a section of the TNCC to part company with the AIADMK. The DMK, naturally perhaps, decided to back the Janata candidate Veerendra Patil. It may be mentioned here that MGR also financially supported Indira Gandhi, though she did not acknowledge it with grace. The result was a foregone conclusion and Indira Gandhi swept the polls. Finding that he had backed the wrong horse, Karunanidhi hailed the victory of Indira Gandhi and quoted the Tamil proverb Makkal Theerpu Mahesan Theerpu (People’s verdict is God’s verdict). MGR suddenly decided to undertake a foreign tour. He visited USA, Japan and Singapore among other places and 45K. Mohandas tried to attract NRI investment in industries in Tamil Nadu. He was given a tumultuous welcome on his return, though his nomination of V.R. Nedunchezhian as General Secretary of the AIADMK evoked mixed reactions. The harsh decision of Parliament to expel Indira Gandhi, an elected candidate — that too a former Prime Minister — from the august body and to sentence her to imprisonment for alleged breach of privilege, saw both the AIADMK and the DMK pleading for moderation and appealing to the Prime Minister not to yield to pressure from hawks in the Janata. This echoed the feelings of the common man too. The CPI and CPM also pleaded for moderation. The Congress (I) agitated in front of the Central Government offices and 32,000 courted arrest. This in a way, rejuvenated the party in Tamil Nadu. The dramatic development in New Delhi, leading to the resignation of the Prime Minister Morarji Desai, was rather unexpected. The post-resignation scenario was confusing and uncertain. But MGR, with his political acumen, immediately saw a role for himself in establishing a stable government at the Centre. The AIADMK had 18 sitting members in Parliament, but it was a homogeneous group which could be used by their leader in shaping the structure of a viable alternative government, though the arithmetic of various political groups represented in Parliament did not easily permit the expected polarisation. Undaunted by the difficult task he faced, MGR took off to Delhi and spent a number of days there to ensure that the interests of the country did not come to harm as a result of the fluid political situation brought about by the in-fighting within the Janata party. After marathon discussions, the choice finally fell on Charan Singh, to head the Government at the Centre. MGR readily accepted the invitation to join the new coalition government, on condition that the language issue was satisfactorily solved and 46MGR: The Man and The Myth that sufficient fiscal powers were devolved on the States. Bala Pazhanur and Sathyavani Muthu were chosen by MGR to join the Central Cabinet. The conditions set by MGR were a genuine attempt to elevate the problems to one of policy rather than of personality. Whatever be the permutations and combinations attempted in the Central political arena, the probability was that the nation was in for a prolonged period of political instability. A mid-term poll seemed to be the only answer, particularly in view of the directive of the President to the Prime Minister to prove his strength in Parliament within 40 days. As it transpired, Indira Gandhi (working through her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi), suddenly withdrew her support to the Charan Singh Ministry, and this paved the way for mid-term elections. The fall-out of the resignation of the Charan Singh Ministry (which contained two AIADMK ministers) on the party in Tamil Nadu, was an under-current of dissent symbolised by the resignation of Maya Thevar, M.P. from the AIADMK. There were also reports of a difference of opinion between MGR and Finance Minister Nanjil Manoharan. But MGR handled the situation with tact and firmness, with the result that there were no more erosions in the party. Though the partymen were generally in favour of an AIADMK-Congress alliance for the mid-term elections, participation in the Charan Singh Cabinet was seen as an impediment. The Congress (I) deftly pre-empted Janata (S) Leader Biju Patnaik’s attempts to promote an alliance between the AIADMK and the DMK by rushing to reach an accord with its erstwhile political foe, viz., the DMK. Indira Gandhi generously left as many as 16 seats (out of 39) to the DMK even though the latter had only one member in the dissolved Lok Sabha. 47K. Mohandas Most of the problems of the ALADMK appeared to stem from its image as a party of some consequence in the national context. The DMK, however, appeared to have learnt that its policy of confrontation with the Centre, which eventually brought about its downfall, had proved to be self-defeating. It had therefore no hesitation in casting its lot with Indira Gandhi who had dismissed the DMK Ministry in 1976. In these unsettled conditions, politicians were anxious to underscore the maxim that there were no permanent foes or friends in politics but only permanent interests. Issues like economic policies and development programmes, corruption in high places and the plethora of enquiry commissions set up to probe into them, etc., looked irrelevant in the high-pressure atmosphere during the days preceding the mid-term elections. Intelligence reports indicated that the common people felt that they were continuously taken for a ride. The mood of the electorate was defiant, and many surprises seemed to be in store when the results came out. There was, however, an under-current of sympathy for Indira Gandhi for all the trials, tribulations and harassment that she had to undergo during the Janata regime. It was obvious that the people in Tamil Nadu wanted to bring back Indira Gandhi at the Centre. Atthe same time they wanted their charismatic hero MGR to continue as Chief Minister in the State. In the villages, people felt that, as this was only a Parliamentary election, no harm ‘would befall MGR. I conveyed this to MGR in clear terms. He thought for a while and stated that, in view of the AIADMK’s participation in the Charan Singh Ministry, he had no other option but to go in for an alliance with the Janata. J pointed out to him that the vote-drawing capacity of the Janata in Tamil Nadu was next to nothing and that an alliance with that party would prove to be more of a handicap than an advantage. He agreed with me but stated that he had no other go, particularly 48MGR: The Man and The Myth in view of the formation of the Congress (I—DMK alliance, the former forgetting the fact that the DMK partymen had attempted to assassinate Indira Gandhi at Madurai not long ago. The DMK zoomed up from almost a bottomless pit when it struck a deal of partnership with its erstwhile arch enemy viz., the Congress (I). The party went higher in the estimation of politica! observers and a rumour made the rounds that many more AIADMK MLA’s would swell the ranks of the DMK. leading to the toppling of the AIADMK ministry. But two defections from the DMK to the AIADMK in quick succession reversed this trend. It was once again the “Indira wave”. The mandate of the people was clear, whole hearted and massive. Swept away in the avalanche was the AIADMK which could win only 2 out of the 24 seats it contested. All its allies drew a blank. On the other hand, the DMK romped home with all the 16 seats it contested. The Congress (I) won 21 cut of the 23 seats it contested. MGR took the beating very badly, though he did not show it outwardly. The AIADMK Legislature Party met to diseuss the debacle. All-out enforcement of prohibition, spiralling prices, alienation of public servants and agriculturists, ete., were identified as the major factors contributing to the defeat. Complaints were also aired that the bureaucracy took advantage of the Chief Minister's stress on “non-interference in administration”, and reduced the legislators and other party functionaries to powerless persons. But I reported to MGR that the personality of Indira Gandhi was perhaps the sole factor in determining the voters’ preference. Apprehending the downfall of the ministry, Minister for Harijan Welfare P. Soundarapandian resigned along with L, Arumugam, MLA, with the apparent idea of seeking refuge 49K. Mohandas in the Congress (I). Selvaraj, MLA from Samayanallur, defected to the DMK. Following them, two Members of Parliament (Rajya Sabha), viz., Noorjahan Razaak and Venga turned their coats. Shivaji Rasigar Manram, an auxiliary wing of the Cong (1), was vociferous against the AIADMK ministry's continuance in office. The Central ministers, who were on tour in the State, also hurled invectives against the government. However, the CPI, the CPM and the Janata (or whatever was left of it) solidly stood behind MGR. The latter, on his part with a view to stabilise his position in the uncertain waters, announced a large number of concessions to various sections of society and also relaxed the Prohibition Act, on complaints that people were harassed by the enforcement agencies.Eleven lhe Centre’s sudden decision on the night of 17th January, 1979 to dissolve the Tamil Nadu State Assembly along with those of eight other States (following the precedent set by the Janata Government) took political circles in Tamil Nadu by surprise, though it was not totally unexpected. Despite the outward exhibition of Churchillian bravado (‘We will take it’, said a leader), the AIADMK camp was apparently overtaken by the speed of developments, but not for long. The party quickly turned the field to its advantage by forming a 14-party alliance (including the CPI, the CPM, the Janata and splinter groups of major parties) to protest against the dissolution and ‘to fight against authoritarianism’. Though many rats (including ex-Finance Minister Nanjil Manoharan) fled from what they thought was a sinking ship, the MGR vote-bank was not only safe but outraged by the dismissal of his government, which they had earlier thought would not be affected by the results of the Parliamentary elections. It was this belief which had induced them to vote for Indira Gandhi. MGR undertook State-wide tours and consolidated his support by emphasising the incalculable harm 51K. Mohandas done to him and democracy by Indira Gandhi's dismissal of his ministry which had a good majority in the Assembly. He pointed out that the issues in a Parliamentary election were different from those in an Assembly election, and that it was a clear case of stabbing in the back. The real MGR, with all his charisma, surfaced, and the people — especially in the rural areas — pledged him their solid support. As in his films, he was at his best when fighting a battle — with or without swords — with his back to the wall. The Congress (I)—DMK alliance, born after much difficulty and reluctance, was no match for the swashbuckling one-man army of MGR. And he came out vanquishing his rivals, with his party securing a majority, higher than the one ithad before its dismissal. As the magazine Link put it: “With a massive popular mandate, demoralised opposition, devoutly loyal party and close-knit ministry, MGR should surely be the envy of many a Chief Minister in the country.” was keen on a change in my posting and I came to understand that the Chief of Police and Chief Secretary had recommended that I may be posted as Commissioner of Police, Madras city, mainly from the point of view of my career planning —as I had had no field posting for over a decade. But MGR would have none of it. I had, by now, come to be known as his ‘eyes and ears’, ‘trouble- shooter’ and ‘bogey-man’ — for no fault of mine. I explained to MGR that I had already.done four years in Intelligence, and it was not good either for him or for me that I continued in the same position. However objective one aims to be, one develops certain set views if continued long in the same post, and it was better for all concerned to infuse new blood into the intelligence organisation. I should have known better. He insisted that I continue as Chief of Intelligence and I had no other option. Digressing a little, I would like to cite one or two examples to illustrate how the showman in him projected me as his 52MGR: The Man and The Myth ‘bogeyman’. One evening, I got a summons from him (over the hot-line) asking me to meet him immediately in the Secretariat. When I entered his chamber, I was surprised to find him discussing some cinema film with three of his Cabinet Ministers. He signalled to me to sit by his side, and the mirthful conversation went on for a few minutes. Suddenly he got up with seriousness writ all over his face and asked me, “Shall we go?” I was puzzled but nodded assent. He walked straight to his car, accompanied by me, but ignoring all the sycophantic farewells of his Cabinet colleagues. As the car drove away MGR started humming a Carnatic tune. I gently reminded him about his urgent summons and enquired what it was all about. He had a hearty laugh and said that it was only a drama. He suspected one of the three Ministers of being involved in some corrupt deals and he (MGR) wanted to frighten him. The Minister, MGR continued, would ponder what the grave matter involving me (with my walrus moustache) was, he would have a sleepless night, (so went the argument), and would think twice before transacting any more of his corrupt deals. MGR slapped me on the back and said, “Well done, keep it up.” I could do nothing but stare at him. He dropped me at my office — which was another strange display of showmanship ostensibiy to impress my staff and others in the building (of my closeness to him) with his pilot and escort cars zooming past. I was left standing, a trifle dazed. When I reached my chambers, my private secretary informed me that there were calls from all the 3 Ministers. I asked him to put them through — and MGR was right! All of them nervously enquired of me as to what was going on. I assured them that MGR was only discussing with me some matter relating to New Delhi. They were surely not convinced but could do nothing about it. Another instance I would like to cite will illustrate the sycophancy and abject surrender of all Ministers, MLA’s and 53K. Mohandas partymen to his wish — however trivial or gross it might be. One day, I was called in by MGR for a discussion on an important matter. Two concerned Ministers were waiting outside his room. They asked my opinion on the problem at hand and they fully endorsed my suggestion of a solution. When the three of us were called in, MGR opened the topic and put forth a solution diametrically opposite to mine (as earlier conveyed to the two Ministers). The two however immediately agreed with him and praised MGR for his wisdom and sagacity. J explained my view when called upon to do so by the Chief Minister. He went into a trance with his eyes closed (as he usually did when he was supposed to be in deep thought) and finally said there was something in my view as well. The two Ministers eagerly agreed and, finally, a solution more in line with my thinking was agreed upon. In fact, all the MLA’s and Ministers were always conscious of the fact that they were in their position because of MGR’s grace. They were only too eager to please him, agree with him, laugh with him, play with him and even worship him. There is a temple near Madras city, in which the idol is MGR! Of course, it was installed after his demise — but poojas are held regularly. Can you beat it? It was widely known that many women — young and old — used to sleep with MGR’s photo by their side. This was the stuff that MGR, the myth, was made of. He was their evergreen hero who could do no wrong and who was infallible. He held protocols and conventions in contempt — whether it was deliberate or otherwise, I could not fathom. When the Governor invited him and his Ministers to dinner on assumption of office, he went half-an-hour late. His Ministers too followed suit — in fact, they had assembled at his residence to go in a group to Raj Bhavan. I overheard one Minister telling another : “The puratchi thalaivar (revolutionary leader) will have some reason for deliberately going late. So let us not worry 54MGR: The Man and The Myth about it. He knows best.”. On another occasion, the President of India, who was on a visit to Madras, invited him for lunch at Raj Bhavan. He was in the Secretariat from 11.30 a.m. I was also present. He went on seriously discussing affairs of state with officials and ministers. From 12.15 p.m. there were frantic calls from the ADC to the President to MGR’s private secretary reminding him of the lunch engagement. A harassed private secretary went on prodding MGR. Without patting an eyelid, the Chief Minister said, “Please inform the President that lam busy and will therefore be late for the lunch by 30 to 40 minutes. My regrets may also be conveyed.” And that was that! 55Twelve Ne (Communist Party - Marxist - Leninist) activities reached their peak in pockets of North Arcot and Dharmapuri districts in the mid-80s. While an inspector of police and two constables were escorting a known extremist in a jeep to Tiruppathur police station, the latter exploded a powerful bomb hidden in his loins killing all of them and destroying the jeep beyond recognition. MGR was quick to react, rushed to Vellore, accompanied by DGP T.T:P. Abdulla and participated in the funeral of the slain police personnel. He gave a funeral oration which was soul-stirring. He promised to eradicate the naxalite menace in the area within a month. He gave encouragement to the police and local population. He put me in charge of master-minding “Operation Naxalite”, with the then DIG (Vellore) Walter Devaram being put incharge of field operations. We finished the job in 20 days and there has been no naxalite activity in the area ever since. The effective crackdown on the naxalites helped the people of Tiruppathur and Dharmapuri pluck up courage and lead a normal life free from fear. The morale of the police, which was at a low ebb after the killing of an inspector of police and two 56MGR: The Man and The Myth constables in the bomb blast, soared. Apart from the police action, the Chief Secretary was also moved to initiate economic reforms as well as provision of jobs for the youth since poverty and unemployment had been the primary causes for the rapid growth of naxalism. The civil rights activists all over India were however. highly critical of the police action and organised a “fact finding committee” which visited the area to determine what they called “the truth” about extremist-police encounters. However, the committee had to beat a hasty retreat due to intense local opposition; in fact, the police had to rescue the members and protect them from violent demonstrators. MGR was concerned about the development and many delegations met him and pleaded with him to put a stop to the crackdown. He was in two minds but he had the political sagacity to refer all of them to me. I patien tly explained to them the genesis of the problem and told them whatever be the provocation, no person or organisation could be allowed to take the law into their own hands and go on a killing spree of persons who, in their opinion, were anti-social elements. Apparently unsatisfied with my explanation, they indulged in big write-ups in the national press dubbing Tamil Nadu as a police state. A sample “...democratic institutions are on the run and nothing is more congenial to this than the culture of silence and the mass stupor that has overtaken us. As the police machinery steadily steam-rolled democratic rights, professional rights of lawyers, journalists and others, this culture of fear followed by silence is fast engulfing the whole State of Tamil Nadu...” Such massive spread of disinformation did not deter the police task force from completing their job in record time. It must be said to the credit of MGR that, though disturbed by criticism from civil rights organisations, he gave the police a free hand to eradicate extremism from the Ti ruppathur—Dharmapuri 57K. Mohandas areas. The operation was so successful that it even made one of the top extremists congratulate the police on their professional expertise and avid determination! This was the best compliment we could receive. The results are there for everyone to see. There has been no naxalite activity in the area for the past 12 years, though attempts are being made by front organisations like the Radical Youth League to revive extremism. Acomparison with the present situation in Andhra, Orissa, Bihar and Maharashtra (to name a few) where naxalites are whipping up riots and indulging in not only terrorist activity but also kidnapping high civil officials for ransom would justify the police action in Tamil Nadu in 1980 and the foresight of MGR in accurately analysing the shape of things to come, if such activities were not nipped in the bud. The liaison of naxalites with Punjab, Kashmir and Assam terrorists is a proven factor. The Home Ministry of the Government of India is at present engaged in coordinating action against naxalites and their connection with secessionists. ndira Gandhi's acceptance of MGR’s invitation to attend the World Tamil Conference at Madurai in January 1981 was interpreted by political circles as an indication of a rapprochement between the two mass leaders after their estrangement for over 18 months following MGR’s turnabout in respect of the Thanjavur bye-election. The Delhi decision came after a period of understandable vacillation and hectic counter lobbying by DMK pressure groups in the capital assisted by their friends in the Congress (I) high command. The unprecedented popular exuberance and the exultant mood that pervaded Madurai city during the World Tamil Meet made it a magnificent spectacle. Many foreign scholars in Tamil from all over the world participated in the conference, apart from Tamil scholars from India. Prime Minister Indira 58MGR: The Man and The Myth Gandhi strictly confined herself to the literary aspect of the conference and disclaimed any political significance to her participation. Political observers could however, glimpse a thaw in the relationship between her and MGR. Her subsequent announcement in Madras, that her party’s alliance with the DMK would continue, was interpreted in political circles as a shrewd move to derive maximum political advantage to the Congress (I) in the developing situation in Tamil Nadu. Asignificant event at the Madurai conference was a dance performance by Jayalalitha (the present Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu) which was highly appreciated by the enlightened audience. MGR was a keen spectator and this marked the beginning of their coming together after a fairly long estrangement, arising out of some personal differences while the two of them were in the film world. The relationship blossomed to such an extent that she soon joined the AIADMK, was later made a member of the Mid-day Meals Supervisory Committee, and subsequently ‘the powerful Propaganda Secretary of the AIADMK. It was at this stage that leading Kerala newspapers played up what had come to be known as the “Rectified Spirit Scandal”, with shadowy characters pushing through shady deals involving crores of rupees. The fall-out in Madras was equally intense. The DMK seized on the scandal with full gusto, making it an issue of sericus corruption charges against MGR, both inside and outside the Legislature. The Opposition both in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, demanded an investigation by the CBI or an enquiry by a Supreme Court Judge. The announcement in Parliament that the Government of India was considering the appointment of a commission of inquiry to go into the scandal was received with acclaim by the Opposition, Meanwhile MGR had instituted a commission of inquiry headed by retired Chief Justice Kailasam. 59K. Mohandas At about this stage, in a surprising move, the Centre withdrew the CBI case filed on the basis of the findings of the Justice Sarkaria Commission against Karynanidhi and sume of his erstwhile Cabinet Ministers. The ain ground trotced out was that important witnesses had disowned their earlier testimony. This came as a shock to MGR, though he did not show it. It was as if the carpet had been pulled from under his feet because the charges originated from him and formed the basis for the dismissal of the Karunanidhi Government by Indira Gandhi in 1976. Strange things do happen in polities, but this was stranger than fiction. There was great jubilation in DMK circles and the combination of the withdrawal of the CBI cases and the boiling “Rectified Spirit Scandal” gave them enough material to run down MGR. The press and the public did not however take kindly to the withdrawal of the cases and generally expressed their disapproval of linking criminal cases with moves on the political chessboard. The appointment by the Centre of the Justice Ray Commission of Inquiry to probe into the “Rectified Spirit Scandal’, came as another blow to MGR and a boon to Karunanidhi. In a discussion during that period, I frankly told MGR that the tentacles of corruption were eating into the vitals of the administration during his second innings. I also informed. MGR that people who mattered had begun voicing their opinion that the AIADMK Government appeared to be more corrupt than the earlier DMK regime. MGR was annoyed but kept quiet. I felt that the “sliding down” had started and that there was no way of stopping it, unless MGR had the political and personal will to avert the disaster. Rumours of possible dismissal of the MGR Government persisted and generated a sense of sluggishness among officials, especially at senior levels. 60MGR: The Man and The Myth The Centre’s announcement of the Justice Ray Commission of Inquiry threw up a plethora of legal, constitutional end political issues, with the Tamil Nadu and Kerala Governments deciding to continue the commissions of inquiry already instituted by them. Unlike the DMK which stood politically isolated during the proceedings of the Sarkaria Commission, the AIADMK had friends in the CPM, the CPI and other political groups, who dubbed the appointment of the Ray Commission as conclusive proof of the “political motivation and blackmailing tactics” of the Congress (I) Government at the Centre and demanded the withdrawal of the Ray Commission. The DMK however, kept up its pressure for the “suspension” of the MGR Government, and Karunanidhi sent Nanjil Manoharan as his emissary for this purpose to New Delhi where the latter met the Prime Minister. ‘To add to MGR’s troubles, the mass conversion of Harijans to Islam in Meenakshipuram village in Tirunelveli district was catapulted to the national scene, inviting editorial comments from northern newspapers. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi herself was concerned and sent a top official to study the situation. Her impression was that the Muslim Jeaders had a vision of a pan-Islamic empire connecting South India with Pakistan and the Middle East. I explained to the Prime Minister’s emissary that the conversions were only a temporary phenomenon and that Harijans who were tempted with money, jobs and marriages to Muslim women were disillusioned after they embraced Islam. The stories in the press about the Prime Minister’s concern had the effect of Harijans blackmailing the local administration for perks and privileges. The situation was soon defused by the adept handling of the issue by MGR. 61Thirteen lhe DMK raised the issue of Sri Lankan Tamils against whom the authorities there had unleashed an undeclared war. This was akin to adding fuel to fire. Karunanidhi himself picketed the office of the Deputy High Commissioner of Sri Lanka at Madras and courted arrest. This set off violence in some places, the primary target of the miscreants being transport buses which were stoned and set fire to. Ayoung man in Thanjavur district committed self-immolation. The agitation soon petered out as a result of the deft handling of the situation by the administration. At this stage, Indira Gandhi's flying visit to Madras and some of her observations at a press conference at Raj Bhavan appeared to indicate that the Congress (I) was moving away from its ally, the DMK. This was particularly important because of the ensuing bye-election from Thiruppathur (Ramnad district) to the State Assembly slated for 29th November, 1981. The orgy of violence let loose by DMK partymen and the incidents of self-immolation that followed Karunanidhi’s arrest 62MGR: The Man and The Myth in connection with his agitation in favour of Sri Lankan Tamils, continued for some time even after the upsurge in northern Sri Lanka had temporarily subsided. His release from prison was claimed by the DMK as proof of the success of the agitation, while the geyeral public heaved a sigh of relief over the end of the agitation. ll eyes were now fixed on the Thiruppathur bye-election. The open assertion of R. Venkataraman, the then Union Minister of Finance (and now the President of India) that the electoral alliance between the Congress (I) and the DMK forged for the last elections no longer subsisted, put the DMK leadership on tenterhooks. MGR on his part, declared that the pattern of electoral fronts might undergo a change for the Tiruppathur bye-election. The AIADMK’s allies the CPI and the CPM were in a fix because they were hoping to put up a common candidate against the Congress (I) at Thiruppathur. The Tamil Nadu political chessboard which had witnessed Many quizzical moves during the last few years seemed set for another polarisation. Political analysts were already talking of a thiruppam (a turning point) at Thiruppathur. The Congress (1)’s decision “to go it alone” at Thiruppathur, coupled with Indira Gandhi's appeal soliciting support from all Political parties, was enough indication of the end of the party's honeymoon with the DMK and a strategie victory for the AIADMK. The latter, on its part, decided not to field any candidate but to extend its support to the Congress (I). A ccrestfallen DMK also did not put up any candidate and indirectly expressed its support to the Congress (1), but the disillusioned cadres of the DMK did not fully throw in their lot with their erstwhile ally. On the other hand, many of them worked for the defeat of the Congress (I). The ALADMK was also beset with similar problems, as a vocal section wanted MGR to put up his own candidate who would, in their opinion, 63K. Mohandas easily beat the Congress (I). This section also did not co-operate in the electioneering. Though the Congress (I) had only the Janata candidate as its principal opponent, the former’s domineering attitude and the reluctance of sizeable sections of the rank and file of the AIADMK and the DMK were factors that went against the Congress (I) candidate. Even so, the landslide victory of the Congress (I) demonstrated, in bold relief, the prodigious sway of MGR. His intensive tour of the villages in the constituency apparently tilted the scales very much in favour of the Congress (I). It also laid a strong foundation for a closer nexus between the ALADMK and the Congress (I) and exposed the DMK leadership which had been counting the unhatched chickens by surreptitiously working with the Janata for the defeat of the Congress (I), The Justice Paul Commission Report which was learnt to have indirectly indicted the government. (the report itself was not published) for the death of a temple verification officer at Tiruchendur (Tirunelveli district) did not affect MGR’s personal appeal to the electorate. As far as the erstwhile allies of the ALADMK like the CPI, the CPM etc., were concerned, the loss of deposit of the CPI candidate came as a bitter disappointment to them, though they hoped that the AIADMK stance was a temporary aberration. Taking all the factors into consideration, there was indeed a real thiruppam at Thiruppathur. Apperently to prevent the morale of the party from sagging, the DMK announced a vigorous programme of “padayatras” by top rung leaders in places of strategic importance to highlighs what they called “the failures and foibles” of the AIADMK Government. But all these did-not cut any ice with the masses, particularly in the rural areas. Even so, the DMK High Command kept up. the tempo of its agitational programmes against the government. 64MGR: The Man and The Myth It was at this stage that Karunanidhi unofficially secured and released the Justice Paul Commission Report, which was not complimentary to the government. However MGR held that, in accordance with the Commission’s findings, the government had already ordered investigation of the case by the CID. Not satisfied with this, Karunanidhi announced that he would lead his party volunteers on a “Long March” (Nedum Payanam) from Madurai to Tiruchendur, though MGR appealed to him not to undertake such an ordeal, especially considering his age. Karunanidhi stuck to his programme. The march did make an impact in an area which was considered to be dominated by the AIADMK, and it also generated public sympathy for Karunanidhi. With his feet swathed in bandages, Karunanidhi used the march as a barometer to assess the strength of the DMK and his own charisma. Apparently satisfied with the results, he was reported to have decided to cash in on the political gains with more gusto. The annual budget for 1982-83 included populist measures like the Rs. 100-crore Nutritious Meal Scheme for school children. Though widely welcomed as an innovative scheme, I personally opposed it because (as I put it to MGR) it would lead to the formation of a State of beggars, apart from the large resources crunch it would create in the State's exchequer. 1 explained that human beings being what they were, far less attention would be paid to studies and that the free meals would be the only attraction for students to go to school. If, instead, some small scale industry was started in thearea, with the funds allotted, the adults would be gainfully employed and earn their livelihood with self-respect, instead of depending on the government for doles in the form of nutritious ‘meals for their children, Industrialisation of the State would also receive an impetus at the grass-root level. (My worst fears have since turned out to be true, A good slice of the funds for the Nutritious Meal Scheme are pocketed by middlemen, and many children 65K. Mohandas go to school only a: the meal distribution time and take home the meal to be shared with their parents; they do not attend classes at all.) MGR stuck to his stand and the wide welcome the scheme received was interpreted by him as mass support for the measure. I told myself, “in terms of votes, ‘yes’ but ‘no’ by any other factor”. "The upholding by the Madras High Court of the reservation of 18% seats for Adi-Dravidas and 15% for women in the panchayat elections was acclaimed in political circles as a feather in MGR’s cap.Fourteen 982 saw the influx of refugees and militants from Northern Sri Lanka to Tamil Nadu, as the result of a merciless crackdown by the Sri Lankan army. The militant groups were known for their internecine rivalries. The first sign of its fallout in Tamil Nadu was the outrageous shoot-out between Prabhakaran, the chief of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam) and Mukundan, leader of PLOTE (Peoples’ Liberation Organisation of Tamil Ealam) in Madras city on 19th May. This brought to surface the shocking fact that the militant groups had chosen Tamil Nadu as not only a sanctuary for their Political fight against the Sri Lankan ‘Government, but also as an arena to settle scores among themselves. The timely arrest of Prabhakaran and Sivakumar of LTTE, and Mukundan and Jotheeswaran of PLOTE put a momentary stop to their mutual rivalry. The incident also revealed that these groups were well-trained. in handling fire-arms, terrorist activities and guerrilla warfare. MGR took a serious view of the incident and directed me to personally handle the militants problem, 67K. Mohandas without leaving it entirely in the hands of the local police. He also asked me to issue a press statement making it clear in no uncertain terms that, while the Sri Lankan Tamils had the moral sympathy of the government, no violation of local laws would be permitted at any cost. I remember to have told the press that Madras city would not be allowed to be turned into another Chicago with its notorious street gun-battles between warring mafia groups. Though almost all political parties supported the government’s stand, P. Nedumaran, an uncompromising supporter of the Tamil Ealam movement, took the position that the extremists should be given political asylum and that arrested militants should not be handed over to the Government of Sri Lanka where they were wanted for mass murders and worse. The AIADMK also fell in line and appealed to the Centre not to extradite the arrested militants to Sri Lanka. At that stage, I had premonitions of the shape of things to come. There were some straws in the wind which indicated that New Delhi had some grandiose schemes (in the thinking and planning stage) to take advantage of the situation. Some of my Delhi sources told me that there was some vague talk of ‘another Bangladesh’ in Sri Lanka. Some others conveyed to me that New Delhi was anxious to have its presence in Trincomalee which had the potential of becoming the most important harbour in the Indian Ocean. I conveyed these bits of fairly reliable information to MGR. The reaction was a stoic silence. I told him that the immediate problem facing the State was roaming bands of armed militants which would turn Tamil Nadu into another Lebanon, and that New Delhi had this danger among the least of its priorities. If only this had been nipped in the bud, the problems we have been facing for the past 10 years and still continue to face would have been eliminated. The politician despises the professional, and MGR did not apparently wish to annoy Indira Gandhi just when they were coming closer politically. More about this later. 68MGR: The Man and The Myth lhe Parliamentary bye-election to the Periakulam constituency in September ’82 found all political parties, except the AIADMK, in a quandary. The seat was earlier held by a DMK candidate and therefore, Karunanidhi was anxious to retain it. To the AIADMK, the virtual break in the alliance between the Congress (I) and the DMK wasa political victory. The MGR charisma, boosted by the introduction of the Nutritious Meal Scheme, was expected by political circles to work wonders. Added to this was the fact that all the six Assembly constituencies contained in the Lok Sabha constituency were held by AIADMK candidates. The AIADMK, the DMK and the Congress (I) announced their candidates, each with the idea of campaigning alone. As an afterthought, curiously enough, the Congress (I) thought that the AIADMK and the DMK would leave the field free for itself on the Thiruppathur pattern. Shankar Dayal Sharma (presently Vice President of India) was sent as a special emissary by the Congress High Command to placate the two Dravidian parties, with the above plan in view, but his mission failed. Though practically unsure of victory, the Congress (I) had to contest, as it was a prestige issue. MGR could be said to have outwitted both the Congress (I) and the DMK. His cup of diplomatic joy was full with the sweeping victory of the AIADMK at the hustings. The DMK came second, but the Congress (I) candidate forfeited his deposit. The Hindu, Madras, in its post-poll analysis, commented: “... It is in fact, impossible not to be impressed with the manner in which MGR influenced the simple and unlettered people even in far flung areas like the Kodaikanal hill tracts te vote for the candidate commended by him. More appealing than the strength of the candidate or the organization was the magic spell of the AIADMK founder-leader. If the AIADMK was accused of having vast resources in manpower and motor 69K. Mohandas vehicles, the DMK too had them in plenty, as the pattern of canvassing showed ,..” Political analysts ‘viewed the election result as a firm repudiation of the persistent anti-AIADMK propaganda. The State was however now confronted with the twin challenging problems of scarcity of power and water. The Nutritious Meal Programme was also in need of revamping in view of the malpractices indulged in by the middlemen and also the demand of the teachers to be relieved of the additional work. To the DMK and to Karunanidhi in particular, the defeat in this prestigious fight caused heart-burn but not total frustration, because the party waged a stiff fight, and the missionary zeal with which their cadres worked spoke volumes of their discipline and dedication. In fact, the poll figures showed that the party had secured 1.83 lakhs votes by itself, while it had secured 1.23 lakhs votes in alliance with the Janata party in this constituency in 1977, and 1.90 lakhs in alliance with the Congress (I) in the six Assembly constituencies put together in the 1980 Assembly elections. The forfeiture of deposit by the Congress (I) came as a rude shock to the leadership. Their calculations were apparently based on illusions of grandeur rather than down-to-earth political realities. Party President Indira Gandhi was so annoyed that she dissolved the TNCC-I and replaced M.P. Subramaniam with Maragatham Chandrasekhar as its President. Here again, the party High Command appeared to be living in a cloud of dreams. To quote Indian Express: ‘... The Periyakulam bye-election has amply demonstrated that the soil is fertile only for Dravidian seedlings and that the national parties have to devise a strategy anew or go back to their alliance politics, if they want to make a face-saving gesture...” ae - 70MGR: The Man and The Myth lhe perennial problem of release of adequate water for irrigation in the Cauvery delta by the Government of Karnataka was a difficult issue then, as it is now. True to style, MGR organised a State-wide bandh on 15th October, 1982 to focus the attention of the Central Government on this issue. The intellectual may ask why MGR could not directly sort out the problems with his counterpart in Bangalore. The answer is that this was MGR’s way of handling things, and no more questions please! The bandh was peaceful but the Karnataka Government was as unyielding as ever. The announcement by the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh that an agreement would soon be signed with Tamil Nadu on the sharing of river waters came as a silver lining in the cloud. s a bolt from the blue, MGR announced that his £ A oveinmnedt had a responsibility to protect the DMK President Karunanidhi in the context of alleged attempts being made to physically harm him. None could fathom the significance of this statement, but it was followed by a congenial and tension-free atmosphere created by the appearance of the two leaders at a marriage function in Madras, coupled with the observation by MGR that they knew when to fight and when to unite, and that a few significant changes in the political scenario of Tamil Nadu were in the offing. MGR further advised the newly married couple that, when they had any difference of opinion or other difficulty in their married life, they should not seek the help of any mediator. Political circles were agog with speculations on the content, timing and significance of MGR’s observations which led them to believe that a rapprochement between the ALADMK and the DMK was in the offing. MGR’s comments appeared so sincere and authentic that few could see through his game of real politik, The reaction of Indira Gandhi came soon enough when she stated, during a tour of Andhra Pradesh, that regional parties should not be encouraged in the larger interests of the nation, and that her party's alliance first with 71K. Mohandas the AIADMK and then with the DMK was formed under pressing circumstances. It was apparent that Indira Gandhi was none too happy with the distressing state of affairs of her party in Tami} Nadu, the overwhelming popular support that the Telugu Desam party commanded in Andhra Pradesh, and the none-too-happy position of the Congress (I) in the Punjab and some other States. When I told MGR that there was no need to provoke the Prime Minister, he showed a thumbs-up sign and said that his shot had hit the bull’s eye! I had to work that out! we approving the annual plan, with a layout of Rs. 845 crores, for Tamil Nadu for 1983-84, the then Vice-Chairman of the Planning Commission S.B. Chavan said “... my friend Mr MGR is managing the affairs of his State very well. I am sure that Tamil Nadu will do very well in the coming years under his stewardship...” (MGR later told me to compare this with the Prime Minister’s statement during her tour of Andhra Pradesh and analyse the reasons for the Centre toblow hot and cold, and added that he (MGR) was having the last laugh! The attitude of the Centre in not raising any of the objections raised by some States and economists to the Noon Meal Scheme and above all, the Centre’s assurance of early release of rice (needed urgently for the State Public Distribution System) were interpreted by political observers as a constructive approack towards establishing a reasonably good working relationship between the Centre and the State, despite the Prime Minister’s reservations on the political front. Apart from the contribution made by the MGR magic, it was also a signal to non-Congress (I) State governments that political considerations would not stand in the way of economic development. February 1983 saw the Tiruchendur Assembly bye-election which was hotly contested by the AIADMK, but it had a 72MGR: The Mun and The Myth handicap in the sense that the people of the area were not satisfied with the government's handling of the case relating to the death of the Temple Verification Officer, Tiruchendur, though much water had flown down the Tamarabarani since the occurrence. The DMK cashed in by calling it ‘blue murder’ executed on instructions from the very top level with a view to misappropriate the temple funds. But the whirlwind propaganda by big guns like Karunanidhi, Anbazhagan, Nanjil Manoharan, V. Gopalaswamy, M.P., and K.P, Kandaswamy was no match for the charismatic MGR, ably supported by dayalalitha who in her well-prepared speeches, put forth convincing arguments to sway the electorate. The AIADMK candidate won hands down, the DMK coming a fairly close second. The Congress (I) and Janata candidates not only lost their deposits but (according to a political wag) lost their faces as well. ‘Soon after the bye-election, there was a conclave of Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Pondicherry at Bangalore. Many political eyebrows were raised, in spite of the Chief Ministers’ declaration that the conference was intended to promote the concept of “federalism” in which “strong” States were as necessary as a “strong” Centre. Indira Gandhi reacted quickly by setting up the Justice RS. Sarkaria Commission to make an in-depth study of Centre—State relations and give his recommendations within a specified time frame. This was indeed a victory for the “Bangalore Conclave”. he colourful function organised in Madras on 25th May, 1983 to mark the inauguration of the ‘Telugu Ganga’ project (a scheme to bring water to thirsty Madras from Andhra Pradesh) was presided over by the Prime Minister. The credit for the project naturally went to MGR and NTR (N.T. Rama Rao, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and a film star in his own right), who were seated on vither side of Indira Gandhi 73K. Mohandas at the function. Earlier, addressing Congress (I) workers, the Prime Minister had made some caustic remarks about the functioning of the MGR Government. Probably she was peeved by her party’s successive defeats involving forfeiture of deposit in the Periakulam Parliamentary and Tiruchendur Assembly bye-elections. But a nonplussed MGR made complimentary references to Indira Gandhi's 20-point programme for the overall development of the country. In her speech, Indira Gandhi could not but congratulate MGR and NTR on their mutual cooperation in the greater interests of the area and the nation. I could see the ghost of a mischievous smile on the face of MGR. I told myself that he had grown in stature to the level of an elder statesman. Meanwhile, the anti Congress (I) stance of DMK President. Karunanidhi was toughening, as discernible from his writings and public utterances. He frequently emphasised the need-for a national alternative to the Congress (I). He explained that political alliances and arrangements were subject to changing conditions. Pondicherry which had witnessed the DMK-Congress (I) coalition ministry’s travails of birth and continued struggle for life, saw its inevitable death following the withdrawal of support by the Congress (I). Some political analysts called it ‘undesirable but unavoidable’. With the DMK’s clean break with the Congress I, AIADMK watchers speculated whether the new political exigency would pave the way for a political realignment in Tamil Nadu. Maneka Gandhi, the then ‘young sensation of the North’ who seemed to be bent on consolidating all anti-Congress (I) forces to make her ‘Rashtriya Sanjay Manch’ take a leap forward, visited Madras and observed that she held both MGR and Karunanidhi in high esteem and that it was too early to talk of political alliances, 7Fifteen Om attacks on the Tamils in Sri Lanka which was again in the news, appalled not only the Tamils all over the world but also non-Tamil leaders including Pope John Paul II who expressed concern about the Sri Lankan army’s atrocities on the Tamils. The reaction in Tamil Nadu was spontaneous, with students and even government servants taking out processions and organising demonstrations. Every political party expressed its horror at the genocide in Sri Lanka and urged the Government of India to take suitable steps to stop the horror. MGR’s appeal for a week-long mourning followed by a State bandh, to highlight the need for speedy steps to stem the ravaging ethnic turbulence across the Palk Straits, found a ready response from all political parties and the general public. Indira Gandhi, in a rare gesture to show the Indian Government’s support to the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils, 75K. Mohandas ordered the closure of all Central Government establishments on the day of the bandh. The Prime Minister's action not only exhibited her sympathy and her solidarity with the Tamils facing traumatic travails in Sri Lanka, but was also construed, in Tamil Nadu political circles, as her appreciation of MGR’s deft move to channelise opposition to the orgy of violence in an organised, democratic and effective manner. In spite of the torrential influx of refugees from northern Sri Lanka to Tamil Nadu, the massacre in the island continued unabated. The issue became quite emotive among Tamils of all hues. The endeavours of the Centre to handle the complicated problem with due care and caution, initially seemed to have evoked a favourable response and set the stage for meaningful dialogue towards resolving the ethnic conflict. The DMK, which has all along been exhibiting itself as the prime crusader for the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils, lost no time in organising an impressive procession in Madras city. Karunanidhi’s elegies and emotional! outbursts over the Tamil victims of ethnic violence were heavy with political overtones, revealing his urge to outsmart MGR and determination not to be relegated to the background on this issue. Karunanidhi also appeared to have chosen this issue to intensify his anti-Indira Gandhi stance. Even though he had grudgingly extended his cooperation to the State-sponsored bandh, he organised a separate demonstration before Central government offices and called for stoppage of trains all over Tamil Nadu. Despite MGR’s repeated appeals, Karunanidhi stuck to his decision, and the railway administration had no other choice but to suspend the running of trains on the date specified by the DMK, in order to avoid large scale viclence. The strategic handling by Indira Gandhi of the issue with utmost restraint, without encouraging short-term impulses, even in the midst of provocative news of frenzy, methodical 76The giants that strode the Tamil political arena, Annadurai (top) not only helped give back to the people of Tamil Nadu a sense of their innate Tamil identity; he also made .a deep and abiding influence on a politically sensitive MGR of the 1960s. Along with Karunanidhi (seen here with MGR ina lighter vein — right), they formed an invincible trio who, from the ‘Forties to the ’Sixties, created some of Tamil cinema’s memorable films — ‘Anna’ and ‘Mu Ka’ served as the ‘brains’ (with some of the most stirring story-lines and film scripts) and MGR as the ‘body’ (playing with aplomb the protagonist who stood resolutely for the underdog).Posing for newspersons with Mrs Gandhi after one of their numerous meetings. Mrs Gandhi viewed MGR not merely as/a valuable political ally. Her admiration for the charisma he carried was public knowledge.“yuaumu200F ‘URNUET] LIS ay) puE SHUEL, UEyUE'] ay) YPM SKapred ssappUNoD ay) YBNI) ‘SEM AOA WI WEPHOd x9pI9 ay 410} ssaupuos put yadsaa s,eaypUy J9q}OUr SIY PAsEYS TYPUED AA TPUDD arfoy apy “oIsUIY our xomLOS O47 YIN

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