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The Unholy Alliance of Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists and The Right Wing
The Unholy Alliance of Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists and The Right Wing
of the Equality Act, federal legislation that would enshrine sexual orientation and
gender identity as protected classes under federal civil rights law. Support for the
Equality Act, first introduced in its current form in 2015 by Representative David
Cicilline, has grown to encompass high profile Democrats like Hillary Clinton, who
said in 2016 that passing the Equality Act would be her “highest priority” if elected,
as well as corporate behemoths like Apple, Google, and Nike. With the fight to
legalize gay marriage won, groups like the Human Rights Campaign have thrown
Included on the Judiciary Committee’s speakers list was Julia Beck, a 26-year-old
Liberation Front, or WoLF. But Beck was not there to testify in support of the
Equality Act. Invited by Republican members of the committee, she was there to
decry the protections that it would provide trans women. “If the act passes in its
current form as HR5, then every right that women have fought for will cease to exist,”
Beck asserted.
Beck is the latest trans-exclusionary radical feminist, or TERF, to become the darling
of right-wing media and conservative politicians who, in recent years, have cloaked
their transphobia by embracing the talking points of radical feminists like Beck.
These seemingly odd bedfellows united publicly during the Equality Act hearing,
where Republicans like Doug Collins and Louie Gohmert voiced their opposition to
the Act in the name of women’s rights. The Equality Act, Gohmert said, represented
“a war on women that should not be allowed.” Collins, an opponent of gay marriage
and abortion rights, spoke approvingly of WoLF, before charging that the bill’s
protections of trans people “would demolish the hard-won rights of women, putting
them once again at the mercy of any biological man who identifies at any moment as
a woman.”
TERF ideology at its core is simple and bigoted: trans women are not women, and
their demand for inclusion, and even their very existence, is a danger to women. Beck
and others like her are not a new phenomenon—while the term TERF dates to 2008,
their ideological underpinnings go at least as far back as the 1960s, to the advent of
Recently, Beck has become one of the most prominent and recognizable figures in
the movement. At the end of 2018, she was kicked off of the Baltimore mayor’s
LGBTQ Commission over her belief that trans women are not women, making her, in
her words, the “most hated lesbian in Baltimore.” Shortly after, she appeared on
Tucker Carlson’s Fox News show to discuss her ouster from the commission and to
reiterate her claim that trans women threaten the safety of what she terms “biological
females.”
“When we get down to it, women and girls all share a biological reality,” she told a
sympathetic Carlson. “We are all female. But if any man, if any male person can call
himself a woman or legally identify as female, then predatory men will do so in order
to gain access to women’s single-sex spaces, and this puts every woman and girl at
risk.”
The April hearing for the Equality Act was the second time in as many months Beck
has testified before Congress—in March, Collins invited her to speak at a hearing on
the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), where she had
again repeated her belief that including trans women under its protections would, in
fact, harm women. “VAWA was created for women and girls. Not for those who feel
Beck’s ideology has found a natural home in WoLF. Founded in 2014, the
organization, in its own words, fights for “the total liberation of women” and “to end
male violence, regain reproductive sovereignty, and ultimately dismantle the gender-
caste system.” But for all of the talk of women’s rights, and despite the current
assault on abortion rights led by Republicans (to name just one example) that would
seem a more natural target of their ire, the bulk of WoLF’s activism has been
obsessively limited to only one issue: fighting the expansion of trans rights, in the
name of preventing the spread of what the group derides as the postmodern concept
of “gender identity.” In their opposition, they have aligned with conservative, largely
Christian rightwing activists and elected officials, who have their separate,
reactionary reasons for wanting to maintain the notion that there is a strict dividing
line between man and woman and who have, similarly, reframed the debate about
Ryan T. Anderson relied on members of WoLF to help him discredit the Equality Act,
inviting Beck and WoLF board members Kara Dansky and Jennifer Chavez to
participate in a panel titled “The Inequality of the Equality Act: Concerns from the
Left.” (WoLF, it should be noted, has almost no connections to what most would
the left.”) “Everything is about the T now, entirely eclipsing the L, G, and B. The T is
diametrically opposed to the first three letters of the acronym, and especially to the
L,” Beck said. She added: “The completely illogical statement that trans women are
women is recited like a Big Brother mantra in every leftist space,” but for Beck,
“female sex is the only qualifier of womanhood.” (By Beck’s own essentialist logic,
question. “Who would be against equality?” she asked. But the Equality Act, she
Before the Judiciary Committee, Beck, her face a stony mask, a small group of her
supporters dressed in red behind her, echoed Danksy, rattling off a list of alarmist
scenarios that she believed would be ushered in by the passage of the Equality Act:
Male rapists will go to women’s prisons and will likely assault female inmates as has
already happened in the UK. Female survivors of rape will be unable to contest male
presence in women’s shelters. Men will dominate women’s sports. Girls who would
have taken first place will be denied scholastic opportunity. Women who use male
pronouns to talk about men may be arrested, fined, and banned from social media
platforms. Girls will stay home from school when they have their periods to avoid
harassment by boys in mixed sex toilets. Girls and women will no longer have the
right to ask for female medical staff or intimate care providers, including elderly or
It was all so much outsized fearmongering, based on little more than extremely
isolated incidents that have been twisted to paint trans people with a broad brush, if
on anything concrete at all. Sitting next to me at the hearing was Mara Keisling, the
executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality and a longtime
trans advocate. Little fazes Keisling anymore, including the rhetoric of people like
Beck. At one point during Beck’s testimony, Keisling leaned over to me and
I caught up with Keisling after the hearing. “I don’t understand how you can hate so
much that you go out of your way to sell your soul to politicians and extremist
organizations who have fought women’s rights and women’s welfare every step of the
way,” she said of Beck and groups like WoLF. “It’s really astounding and sad and
pathetic.”
But if it is all of those things—it’s also, at a time when trans rights are under attack by
trans writer, activist, and scientist Julia Serano wrote recently, “We are now living
through the biggest anti-trans backlash since the 1970s.” She added, “It’s not just
In a sign of how their thinking mirrors one another, it can be remarkably difficult to
distinguish between the talking points of the Christian right and the language of
from Jim Daly, the president of James Dobson’s Focus on the Family, writing in
2008:
So, if you believe that your “orientation” is male, but you happen to be a female, this
law would permit you, as a woman, to use the men’s locker room, bathroom,
showers, or other private places traditionally reserved for men. Likewise, if you, as a
man, desire to explore your feminine side, no problem. The law, if passed, would
And this one by UK-born academic and leading TERF activist Sheila Jeffreys, from
her 2014 book Gender Hurts: A Feminist Analysis of the Politics of Transgenderism:
Men who transgender do not change sex, and have a lifetime’s experience of being
members of the male sex caste. As a result, the behaviour of men who transgender is
more likely to resemble that of other male persons rather than that of women, and
Jeffreys’s book has been praised by members of the Christian right wing likeRuth
Institute founder Jennifer Roback Morse, who wrote approvingly of Gender Hurts in
2016, “I would not have expected to agree with a radical lesbian feminist.” As Cole
Parke of Political Research Associates has put it, “Front and center in the Christian
Right’s anti-trans offensive is the notion that increased rights, protections, and
access for trans people will equate to increased violence, abuse, sexual assault, and
rape (specifically for women and children).” Swap out “Christian Right” for “trans-
WoLF and its members are just some of the radical feminist groups and individuals
that, in recent years, have ramped up their anti-trans rhetoric and activism, both
here in the United States and abroad. (The United Kingdom in particular, as Edie
While their numbers are small, TERF activists have played an outsized role in driving
tended to largely focus their anti-trans activism on online attacks on trans women,
WoLF has turned to the legal arena—and the organized Christian right wing—to push
their goals. In August of 2016, WoLF sued the Obama administration over its
guidance that trans students have the right to use the bathroom and facilities of their
choice. Shortly after, they filed an amicus brief in opposition to trans student Gavin
Grimm, and soon after joined with the Family Policy Alliance (FPA), the lobbying
arm of Focus on the Family, in their campaign against trans bathroom access, work
that they have continued to the present. Their partnership is a financial one as well—
according to reporting by LGBTQ Nation, WoLF has received a $15,000 grant from
the Alliance Defending Freedom, a group co-founded by Dobson, to fund their work.
In a further sign of their close relationship, Dansky released a series of videos with
the FPA at the beginning of 2017. “Come on. How wrong does something have to be
WoLF has actively cultivated relationships with some of the main players of the
executive director of the Family Policy Institute of Washington (FPIW), wrote on his
summer, WoLF reached out to the organization, where they connected with FPIW’s
WoLF has since written for the group’s blog, and Freeman came on board as a
fundraising consultant.
Some have speculated that WoLF is merely a front for rightwing groups, an assertion
the group denies. “We are not, and should not be seen as, the property of any male-
led movement,” the group wrote in April 2017. Arguing that “if a lesbian wants to get
published these days saying that the left is allowing the rights of same-sex attracted
people to be destroyed, she now has to do it on the pages of The Federalist,” WoLF
has framed their partnership with the right as one of necessity. WoLF member
Jocelyn Macdonald told me after the Equality Act hearing, “The fact that we have this
common ground, it’s temporal, it’s single issue, and it’s not based on the
It’s clear why religious conservatives have entered into a pragmatic alliance with
groups like WoLF—recognizing that they have lost the cultural and political battle
against gay marriage, they have shifted to fight the expansion of trans rights, and see
allying with TERFs as a strategic partnership. (The enemy of my enemy, as the saying
goes.) As Sarah Posner wrote last year, religious conservatives turned towards anti-
The shift was a sign of a new strategy, post-Obergefell, of finding ways to wedge apart
the growing consensus for LGBTQ rights. Just like the Christian right’s long march
against abortion rights after Roe v. Wade, it will be a multi-front war – in the courts,
in statehouses, in public debate – persisting even while the ultimate prize, a Supreme
Court reversal, is potentially decades away. And like the long fight against Roe, this
one would start not with legal arguments or even theological ones, but with a pure
In 2013, the National Organization for Marriage announced it was mounting a new
campaign, one targeting trans students’ bathroom access. The next year, the
Southern Baptist Convention passed a resolution affirming that attacking trans rights
would be a central part of its work moving forward. Around the same time, religious
template for religious conservatives around the country, like those in North Carolina
who passed HB2 in March 2016, to mobilize their demoralized base around the cry to
protect their women and girls (similar to how Phyllis Schlafly drummed up and
capitalized on fears of the so-called “potty issue” to defeat the Equal Rights
“While the radical agenda of the homosexual and transgender lobby has rocked the
nation in recent years,” the FPA wrote in May 2016, “the ‘pushback’ is gaining real
steam.”
And central to that pushback was the co-optation of TERF ideology, whose adherents
have for years mobilized against the inclusion of trans women in anti-discrimination
laws.
In June 2015, the Family Research Council (FRC) issued a policy paper,
of a writer at Slate, “embrace[d] a far more surprising referent, the language of the
feminist and queer activists they’ve spent decades fighting, even as they back away
from their own conceptual and intellectual vocabularies.” The authors of the position
paper even noted their debt to radical feminists, quoting extensively from Janice
published in 1979, and a book that one writer asserted “did more to justify and
perpetuate [anti-trans bias] than perhaps any other book ever written.”
During a panel at the 2017 Values Voter Summit, the annual gathering of the FRC,
Meg Kilgannon, a woman who led the fight against the adoption of transgender-
inclusive policies by her local school board, made that connection explicit. Kilgannon
well as a member of Hands Across the Aisle, a coalition founded earlier that year that
membership, all of whom are opposed to “gender identity legislation” and what they
deem the “transgender agenda.” (Several members of WoLF, in yet another example
of their comfort in partnering with the right, are also members of Hands Across the
Aisle.)
According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, Kilgannon gave this advice to the
Explain that gender identity rights only come at the expense of others: women,
and boys, ethnic minorities who culturally value modesty, economically challenged
children who face many barriers to educational success and don’t need another level
of chaos in their lives, children with anxiety disorders and the list goes on and on and
on.
Kilgannon referenced her work with Hands Across the Aisle, noting that within the
group, “The feminists in our group make eloquent arguments that gender identity is
the ultimate misogyny and is the erasure of women. Lesbians in the group are
concerned that trans-ing masculine girls is a kind of lesbian eugenics. And guess
what? All the women in this group agree that gender identity is bad, pornography is a
scourge, prostitution should never be called sex work or legalized. Who knew we
agreed on so much?”
She was not the only one who, in the words of the SPLC, attempted “to depict the
feminist struggle.” Cathy Ruse, a fellow at the FRC, described how “feminists are at
odds with the transgender movement,” citing a 2016 anthology that’s a Who’s Who of
anti-trans feminists (the book’s forward was written by Germaine Greer). “What is
the impact on girls who are bombarded with gender transition messages?” Ruse then
asked. “In their young minds, do they hear that being female isn’t good enough?”
WoLF and Hands Across the Aisle have worked together to protest a trans-inclusive
federal rule on homeless shelters, and in 2017, the founders of both groups spoke at a
Heritage Foundation panel, again led by Anderson, on the supposed dangers of laws
against gender discrimination. “I really believe that if we lose this fight as women,
we’ve lost everything,” said WoLF founder and midwife Mary Lou Singleton. Miriam
Ben-Shalom of Hands Across the Aisle, a lesbian who was discharged from the
military because of her sexuality and afterward protested the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”
policy, bluntly stated that she wants the T in LGBT “to go away.”
“The real issue here is male violence,” Ben-Shalom proclaimed. “If trans women were
really women, they would understand that the issue is male violence and they would
sit down with us and civilly work together with us to find an acceptable solution to
this problem. But all I hear is gimme, gimme, gimme, you do, you do, you do, okay.
They want, they want, they want, and to me that’s patriarchal. That’s just males who
a group of women that face alarmingly high levels of discrimination and violence, it’s
not a new mindset. Rather, it represents the logical outgrowth and continuation of
certain ideological tendencies within the radical feminist movement of the 1960s and
’70s, what the historian Alice Echols has called “cultural feminism”—the belief in the
need to maintain separate, “women-only” spaces, which were built on the “idea that
feminism involves the preservation and celebration of femaleness, rather than the
transformation of gender.” Or, in the words of the feminist theorist Sophie Lewis, a
One widely recounted incident from the early 1970s neatly sums up some of the
tensions between radical feminists who refused to accept trans women in the
movement and those who argued about the moral necessity of including all women.
In 1973, the influential radical feminist Robin Morgan was scheduled as the keynote
speaker at the West Coast Lesbian Conference in Los Angeles. That year, the trans
lesbian musician Beth Elliott served on the conference’s organizing committee and
was slated to perform. Elliott had already experienced what historian Susan Stryker
described in her book Transgender History as “an early instance” of “an emerging
women’s space” when a former college friend and fellow lesbian accused Elliott of
sexually harassing her. To add to the humiliation, in 1972, Elliott had been kicked out
of the lesbian group Daughters of Bilitis “on the grounds that she wasn’t ‘really’ a
woman.” (In a reminder that these views were by no means widely shared, Stryker
In Los Angeles, the Gutter Dykes, a group of lesbian separatists, protested Elliott’s
question” in her keynote speech. Morgan, who would go on to create several leading
women’s institutions, including co-founding the Women’s Media Center with Gloria
Steinem and Jane Fonda, published the speech that she gave in her memoir Going
Too Far: The Personal Chronicle of a Feminist; in the introduction to her remarks,
she derided Elliott as a “male transvestite” and a “smug male in granny glasses and
an earth-mother gown.”
In her speech, Morgan attacked Elliott and the idea that trans women were women:
[A]re we, out of the compassion in which we have been positively forced to drown as
women, are we yet again going to defend the male supremacist, yes obscenity of male
tranvestitism? How many of us will try to explain away—or permit into our
I will not call a male “she;” thirty-two years of suffering in this androcentric society,
and of surviving, have earned me the title “woman;” one walk down the street by a
male tranvestite, five minutes of his being hassled (which he may enjoy), and then he
dares, he dares to think he understands our pain? No, in our mothers’ names and in
our own, we must not call him sister. We know what’s at work when whites wear
Describing Elliott as “the same man who four years ago tried to pressure a San
Francisco lesbian into letting him rape her” and “the same man who single-handedly
divided and almost destroyed the San Francisco Daughters of Bilitis chapter,”
two-thirds wished her to stay, “but the antitranssexual faction refused to accept the
popular results and promised to disrupt the conference if their demands were not
met.” Elliott performed and then left. (In her memoir, Elliott would later derisively
The idea that trans women did not belong in “women-only” spaces, and in particular
in lesbian spaces, spread widely after the conference. In 1979, Raymond, an ex-nun
and lesbian radical feminist, published The Transsexual Empire, in which she
argued that trans women represented the “avant garde of the patriarchy invading
women’s spaces” and that “the problem of transsexualism would best be served by
Raymond likened being transgender with rape: “All transsexuals rape women’s
bodies by reducing the real female form to an artifact, appropriating this body for
best achieved by legislation prohibiting transsexual treatment and surgery but rather
by legislation that limits it—and by other legislation that lessens the support given to
sex-role stereotyping, which generated the problem to begin with.” (Stryker notes
that Raymond also called for “public education campaigns in which ex-transsexuals
century.) Raymond would go on shortly after the publication of her book to author an
influential paper for the Reagan administration that argued “the elimination of
and surgery, but rather by legislation that limits it and by other legislation that
lessens the support given to sex-role stereotyping.” Her paper helped, in the words of
one writer, “guide the federal government’s 1981 decision to deny Medicare coverage
insurers.”
Beginning in the 1990s, as activism led by trans people gained momentum and as
gender studies and queer theory, rooted in a critique of biological essentialism and
as retrograde. Trans activists began vocally protesting “women-only” spaces, like the
Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival, that explicitly excluded trans women, and many
called for events and conferences sponsored by TERFs to be canceled. These battles
moved online with the advent of the internet and social media, where today, there is
an entire ecosystem of TERF bloggers and trolls that attack trans women and their
allies.
WHILE TERF IDEOLOGY TODAY IS AT
TIMES POSITED AS A FRINGE
POSITION AND ONE THAT IS
“ANATHEMA TO THE LEFT,” TRANS-
EXCLUSIONARY RADICAL FEMINISTS
CONTINUE TO COUNT AMONG THEIR
ALLIES SOME OF THE MOST
IMPORTANT SECOND-WAVE
FEMINISTS AND INTELLECTUALS
While TERF ideology today is at times posited as a fringe position and one that is
their allies some of the most important second-wave feminists and intellectuals.
(This is, again, by no means a uniform position; Gloria Steinem, who once wrote that
“feminists are right to feel uncomfortable about the need for and uses of
transsexualism” and praised Raymond, now says her views have changed, writing, “I
believe that transgender people, including those who have transitioned, are living out
real, authentic lives. Those lives should be celebrated, not questioned.”) In 2013, a
group of leading feminists from the ’60s, including Carol Hanisch, Ti-Grace
Atkinson, Kathie Sarachild, and Margo Jefferson, were so alarmed by what they saw
as the “silencing of feminist criticism of gender” that they circulated an open letter.
In it, they defended the right for radical feminists to “hold women-only conferences
and criticize conventional ‘gender roles.’” They pinpointed the “rise of Gender
“Gender Studies” has displaced the grassroots women’s liberation analysis of the late
1960s and early 1970s. An early embrace of the neutral idea of “sex roles” as a major
has morphed into the new language—but the same neutrality—of “gender roles” and
“gender oppression.” With a huge boost from the “new” academic theory coming out
reproductive capacity.
Their statement continued: “Women often can no longer organize against our
transphobia.” And transitioning, they wrote, “undermines a solution for all, even for
the transitioning person, by embracing and reinforcing the cultural, economic and
If the desire to exclude trans women from feminism emerged out of a particular
strain of the second-wave feminist movement, the turn toward to the right is also a
phenomenon that some of those radical feminists pioneered. Recall the unholy
new again.
organization with a limited online footprint, the Women’s Human Rights Campaign.
(The name seems to serve as a pointed critique of the other Human Rights
Jeffreys, the author of Gender Hurts, was WoLF’s featured guest, and I was curious
to see the woman who has possibly done more to keep the flame of second-wave
exclusion of trans women alive than perhaps anyone still alive. About 50 people—a
mix of young and old, with makeup-free faces, buzz cuts, and either sensible shoes or
Doc Martens—were there when I arrived. The event description had warned that
“due to threats and harassment by transgender activists, the exact location of this
launch won’t be released until two hours before the event.” No protestors showed up.
At the back, I spied Beck, wearing a shirt that proclaimed a lesbian was a “female
homosexual.” I browsed through the zines and stickers displayed on the window
ledge to the side of the room. The zines harkened towards radical feminism’s
women,” in the words of the historian Echols. The stickers were more puerile: a
glossy, phallic pink sticker that proclaimed, “WOMEN DON’T HAVE PENISES,”
another that stated “BLEEDERS.” Someone had printed out a stack of stickers that
could have come straight from 4chan, of a young blonde boy smacking his head à la
Homer Simpson, superimposed with the text: “LAST WEEK I WAS A DOG. THIS
WEEK I’M A GIRL. NEXT WEEK I’LL BE A ROBOT. DON’T GIVE ME SYNTHETIC
the United Kingdom and then in Australia where she taught for decades; sitting
before a folding table, her silver hair shorn in a neat cap and her lined face grim, she
seemed less a respected academic than another cruel troll. Her statements—likening
trans activists to the men’s rights movement, describing trans women as “men
playing out their sexual fantasies,” and warning apocalyptically of the billionaires
The audience Jeffreys spoke to that night was small, as is the membership of WoLF,
but I suspect that the latest embrace of TERFs and their talking points by influential
increasingly clear that their strategic alliance to limit the rights of trans people has
new resonance in the Trump administration, stocked as it is with activists from the
religious right, which has taken steps to gut everything from trans people’s access to
Women like Jeffreys and Beck will continue to assert that limiting the rights of trans
feminist buzzwords. But if the radical feminist movement gave us a long list of
women like Jeffreys and Greer and Morgan, women who have inspired a new