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Geography of Religion and Belief Systems PDF
Geography of Religion and Belief Systems PDF
Spatial and environmental dimensions of reli- gory devoted annually to this definitional task
gious behavior, artefacts, and attitudes are grist in Social Compass: International Review of Sociolo-
for the geographer’s intellectual mill because gy of Religion). Another indication that the term
spiritually motivated convictions and actions “religion” lacks a single, precise definition is the
play an important role in human affairs. It is not continual struggle, expressed repeatedly with-
surprising, therefore, that the geography of reli- in the American judicial system, with questions
gion and belief systems is an important, emerg- about what are truly “religious” activities. Defi-
ing field of study. nitions vary in their emphasis on three contrast-
We commence this chapter with a definition of ing perspectives: (1) a transcendental divinity;
the field, particularly as it entails distinctions that (2) an immanent spirituality that permeates all of
arise out of the highly personal nature that reli- life; and (3) an ethical philosophy. Even though
gious belief is accorded in the academy and so- a formal definition of religion is seldom stated
ciety at large. A limited review and summary of by geographers, it appears from their writings
trends in the field over the past decade follows, that most accept a definition close to the follow-
building on Kong’s (1990) and Sopher’s (1967, ing: Religion is a system of beliefs and practices that
1981) overviews. Although North American ge- attempts to order life in terms of culturally perceived
ographers are emphasized here, research in the ultimate priorities.
geography of religion is thoroughly entwined When the field of study is titled “geography
in terms of scholars’ national origin, university of religion and belief systems,” the commonality
training, and research perspectives, thus making of studies becomes even less precise. In gener-
distinctions in nationality difficult. Moreover, al, the transitional zone between what is regard-
geographers who do not consider themselves to ed as religious and what is accepted as non-reli-
be geographers of religion and numerous non- gious includes those beliefs and activities consid-
geographers also make significant contributions ered spiritual and containing a sense of “ought-
to this field because their work clearly incorpo- ness” or obligation. When persons believe they
rates both religious and geographic components conscientiously “should” behave in a certain
in their analysis and subject matter. way (rather than just because “traditionally ev-
We note that traditional empirical studies eryone does it this way”) or they have faith that
largely dominate the work published in the certain group action carries a synergism greater
last decade. Nevertheless, humanistic research than one’s own power (Bartkowski and Swearin-
(Weightman 1996; Cooper 1997a; Prorok 1997; gen 1997), their actions fall within the realm re-
Osterrieth 1997), and the application of contem- garded as “other religious-like belief systems.”
porary critical theory (Fielder 1995; Kong 1993a, This more inclusive term also encompasses “civ-
b; Prorok 2000) in this field is gaining ground, il religion,” which refers to beliefs and practices
particularly via recent dissertations and presen- expressed through informal mass adherence, of-
tations at AAG meetings. Additional comments ten containing a strong nationalist fervor. Even
about future challenges and opportunities con- though beliefs may not necessarily be organized
clude the chapter. systematically, the popular acceptance of nation-
al mythology, revered symbols, and hallowed
The Focus of Study places closely resemble characteristics of formal
religions. As with other belief systems contain-
No universally accepted definition of religion ing culturally perceived ultimate priorities, the
exists, as illustrated by the hundreds already motives for honoring patriotic icons, preserving
published and others continually being intro- hallowed grounds, and visiting sanctified sites
duced (see e.g. a separate bibliographical cate- originate from a sense of “shouldness.”
259
260 Stoddard & Prorok in Geography at the Dawn of the 21st Century (Willmott & Gaile, eds.).
impact or effect on the spatial and ecological ville 1998), and urban design (Sinha 1998).
characteristics of other phenomena. Although A recent trend, by geographers and other schol-
most branches of geography are seldom defined ars, is an increase in studies on the role of reli-
in this manner, the geography of religion has a gion in forming beliefs and attitudes about the
long history of such “impact” studies. environment. Typical are questions about the
To a certain extent, this discussion about the relationship between theology and conservation
two approaches exaggerates a distinction that (Braden 1999), varying environmental positions
may be insignificant because relationships of Christian groups (Curry-Roper 1990), sacred
among phenomena are seldom understood well interpretations of ecophysiology by modern sci-
enough to specify which ones have the greatest entists (Cooper 1997a), and the merits of envi-
influence on a complex of others. Since recip- ronmental activism (Tharan 1997).
rocal relationships permeate most human rela-
tionships, it is difficult to sort out the degree that Distributional Studies
religious beliefs affect, and are affected by, nu-
merous economic, political, social, and environ- Primary locational data on religious affilia-
mental phenomena. tions are difficult to obtain, especially in the
United States where recent governmental cen-
Clusters of Emphasis suses have not collected such information. This
means that geographers studying religious affil-
For the purposes of organization and to iden- iation may necessarily devote more attention to
tify trends, we have grouped the body of litera- the acquisition of data than in many other fields
ture into three clusters: studies on the impact of of geography. One publication providing valu-
religion, distributional studies, and geographic able distributional data originates from the Glen-
studies of religious phenomena. mary Research Center (Bradley et al. 1992); an-
other, which incorporates data from numerous
Studies on the Impact of Religion sources, is the atlas of religious change in Amer-
ica (Newman and Halvorson 2000). Of particular
Religious beliefs and behavior are so signif- importance is the monumental revision of the at-
icantly and thoroughly intertwined with the las of religion in America (Gaustad and Barlow
lifeways of numerous communities around the 2000), which reflects contemporary trends in car-
world that geographers have often focused upon tographic technology. In addition, many atlas-
the impact of religion on other human endeav- es and encyclopedia collect and present a wide
ors. The basic message is that religious beliefs variety of religious phenomena at the national
and practices influence natural environments and international levels (e.g. O’Brien et al. 1993;
as well as the locations and spatial characteris- Brockman 1997; Barrett et al. 2000; Smart 1999).
tics of specified economic, political, cultural, or Other distributional publications are those
physical phenomena. The degree to which geo- combining locational data with suggested rela-
graphical characteristics of these other features tionships but with limited analysis. Such is ex-
are affected by religion is seldom measured, but emplified by the distribution of churches in a
the extent of the impact is deemed significant. US county (Andrews 1990), prevalence of alms-
Examples of such studies include the influence houses in Jerusalem (Shilong 1993), regional ex-
of religion on the distribution of urban neigh- pression of poverty programs supported by reli-
borhoods and agricultural settlements (Katz gious dioceses (Pacione 1991), sociological char-
1991), the characteristics and political behav- acteristics of religion in different regions of the
ior of a region (Webster 1997), the distribution United States (McGuire 1991), and the distri-
of specific plants and their uses (Voeks 1990), bution of Canadian Mormons in North Amer-
and settlement patterns (Abruzzi 1993). Geogra- ica (Louder 1993). Also assigned to this cluster
phers of religion have a long tradition of study- are studies in which religious affiliation is a crit-
ing the role of religious belief and behavior on ical element in the identification of a population,
the formation of cultural landscapes. Such stud- even though it is often difficult to apportion
ies include the plurality of religions evident in the role of religion within the mingled cultur-
urban landscapes (Weightman 1993; Numrich al complex of a particular group (Sheskin 1993;
1997; Ley and Martin 1993), settlement mythol- Morin and Guelke 1998; Hardwick 1991, 1993a,
ogy (Kuhlken 1997), symbolic landscapes (Mal- b; Tharan 1997; Emmett 1995).
262 Stoddard & Prorok in Geography at the Dawn of the 21st Century (Willmott & Gaile, eds.).
Geographic Studies of Religious Phenomena tory of attachment to the area, or the strength
of internationally accepted documents of sover-
This cluster encompasses research designed to eignty, but also from a belief that the land has
understand and explain the spatial variations been assigned to them by a divine power (Ben-
in those populations, features, and activities re- venisti 2000; Friedland and Hecht 1991; Emmett
garded as religious. Several studies have exam- 1996, 1997).
ined factors associated with membership in reli- Other conflicts over ownership, maintenance,
gious organizations (Katz and Lehr 1991; Krin- and access to land that is sacred to indigenous
datch 1996), while other geographic questions people may not always generate as much pub-
have dealt with religious buildings and observ- licity as regional wars, but they involve some
able features (Diamond 1997; Prorok and Kim- of the same fundamental issues. The desecra-
ber 1997; Prorok and Hemmasi 1993; Bhard- tion of Native Americans’ sacred sites often oc-
waj and Rao 1998; Prorok 1998, 1991). Although curs from intrusion by roads, mines (Jett 1992),
some institutional structures (such as schools, and tourists (Price 1994). Similar conflicts oc-
soup kitchens, and cemeteries) associated with cur in other regions where economic interests
religious organizations may be studied geo- clash with the religious geography of indige-
graphically, they are excluded from this cluster nous groups (Fielder 1995). Controversies may
if they are not treated primarily as phenomena also erupt over the use of land where sanctified
of religion. A study that illustrates well a geo- structures have existed for long periods of time
graphic analysis of religion is by Stump (2000), but now occupy sites coveted by economic de-
who examines the commonalities and political velopers or are deleteriously affected by recent
implications of fundamentalist movements in development (Hobbs 1992; Kong 1993b; Tobin
several world religions. 1998).
A topic that recently has attracted consider- This trend toward a heightened interest in sa-
able academic attention concerns sacred plac- cred places is evidenced by the variety of stud-
es, which are those Earth locations deemed by ies. The general topic has been publicized by ac-
Believers to be holy territory. Because the loca- ademicians (Park 1994; Cooper 1997b) and in
tions of most sanctified sites are identified by popular books (Harpur 1994; Brockman 1997).
observable religious features and rituals, they Researchers have focused on the emotional ex-
can be analyzed geographically. In many cases, periences of Believers (Geffen 1998; Dobbs
certain rituals occur only at a particular sacred 1997; Forbes-Boyte 1998), on the concept of sa-
site, which creates a tremendous motivation for cred places by specific religious groups (Bas-
journeys by Believers to that unique place. Thus, com 1998), and on cemeteries as sanctified areas
even though the ritualistic movements within (Nakagawa 1990; Yeoh and Hui 1995; Teather
the confines of the holy site occur at a scale not 1999). Others have studied the process through
often studied by geographers, travel to these re- which places become sacred (Nolan and Nolan
ligious nodes (i.e. pilgrimages) create consider- 1997; Prorok 1997; Bhardwaj 1990; Berg 1998;
able geographic interest. Singh 1997), and on the geometric patterns of a
Another characteristic of a sacred place is the religious cosmology along with the sacred sites
manifestation of power required to control the that define it (Gutschow 1994; Singh 1994; Singh
land and its use. Because a sacred place con- and Malville 1995; van Spengen 1998; Buffe-
sists of an actual areal plot (which is often clear- trelle 1998; Kuhlken 1997; Grapard 1998; Mal-
ly demarcated), it incorporates all the properties ville 1998). Similarly, scholars have attempted
associated with territorial control of land. Fre- to understand spatial behavior associated with
quently sacred sites are contested with accom- places revered as part of civil religion (Zelin-
panying issues of ownership, maintenance, and sky 1990; Sellers and Walters 1993; Foote 1997;
access to the site, as well as the very identifica- Sherrill 1995; Azaryahu 1996; Ben-Israel 1998).
tion of its status as “sacred.” Disputes over ter- In the United States, the Gettysburg Battlefield,
ritory may involve more than just the religious the Vietnam War Memorial, Arlington Nation-
attributes of participants because the stakes are al Cemetery, the Arizona in Pearl Harbor, and
magnified when group members believe— or Graceland all illustrate sites sanctified primari-
are emotionally convinced—that certain territo- ly by the multitude of pilgrims, who possess a
ry belongs to them. That is, they base their right strong desire to visit and to experience a sense
to specific real estate not only from a long his- of spirituality there.
Geography of Religion and Belief Systems 263
Because both the topics of sacred places and dering ascetic rather than a fixed earth location
religious movement are inherently geographic, (McCormick 1997).
the study of pilgrimage constitutes an important Understanding religious pilgrimages (which
emphasis by geographers of religion. It is not involves more complexity than provided, for ex-
surprising, given the large amount of research ample, by economic models) requires examina-
on pilgrimage, that the relevant literature cov- tion from many disciplinary efforts. Thus, geog-
ers a variety of aspects. General essays about pil- raphers of pilgrimage have welcomed insights
grimage include a summary of their distinctive by scholars in other disciplines (especially an-
geographic characteristics (Stoddard and Morin- thropology, sociology, and religious studies),
is 1997a), a comprehensive review of and com- who, unfortunately, have not always realized
mentary on contemporary pilgrimage studies by (or seem to consider) geographers as contribu-
geographers (Bhardwaj 1997), and a discussion tors or geographic literature as relevant (Crum-
about the differentiation between journeys mo- rine and Morinis 1991; Naquin and Yu 1992;
tivated by religion versus tourism (Smith 1992). Reader and Walters 1993; Carmichael et al. 1994;
Pilgrimages have been classified according to the Chidester and Linenthal 1995; Kedar and Wer-
type of attraction (Nolan and Nolan 1992) and by blowsky 1998).
length of journey, route configurations, and fre-
quency of events (Stoddard 1997). Conclusion
A substantial number of studies illuminate pil-
grimage traditions by attempting to understand Even though some forms of religious activi-
relationships among pilgrims’ backgrounds, ty may have declined in certain regions of the
motivations for religious undertakings, size of world during the last century, religion contin-
nodal fields, and distributions of sacred sites by ues to be a critical component of many human
concentrating on a single religious tradition in events. Religion is often a vital element in un-
one region (Din and Hadi 1997; Nolan and No- derstanding, for example, the ethno-regional
lan 1997; Rinschede 1990; Jackowski 1990; Jack- conflicts over the possession and control of spe-
owski and Smith 1992; Jackson et al. 1990; Hud- cific territory, the gathering of millions of wor-
man and Jackson 1992; Bhardwaj 1990; Camer- shipers who journey to particular places, the
on 1990; McDonald 1995; Zelinsky 1990). Oth- patterns of electoral results in various democ-
er studies emphasize the complex of interrela- racies, and local disputes about the role of gov-
tionships occurring at a single pilgrimage site, ernmental regulations of public institutions and
such as in Mecca (Rowley 1997); at the basilica land use. Consequently, as long as geographers
for Our Lady of Consolation in Carey, Ohio (Fai- seek to explain the spatial behavior of humans,
ers and Prorok 1990); the shrine in Belleville, Illi- there will exist the need to analyze religion and
nois (Giuriati et al. 1990); the sangam at Prayag, similar belief systems geographically.
India (Caplan 1997); the Himalayan site at Muk- As an organized field of study, the geogra-
tinath (Kaschewsky 1994); the Sikh shrine at Pat- phy of religion and belief systems (GORABS)
na, India (Karan 1997); Lourdes (Giuriati and is relatively young but, as judged by Zelinksy
Lanzi 1994); Graceland in Memphis, Tennessee (1994: 126), showing “every sign of viability and
(Davidson et al. 1990), and the set of Buddhist growth”. While geographic questions have been
temples located around Shikoku island (Shima- asked about religious behavior and artefacts for
zuki 1997), to name a few. Methodological ap- a long time, the first formal gathering of interest-
proaches vary, with one group searching for ed scholars did not occur until the 1965 annual
general relationships, such as locational associ- meeting of the AAG (Stoddard 1990). The rise of
ations with major world pilgrimage sites (Stod- radical and humanistic geographies in the 1960s
dard 1994), the effects of scale on observed re- and 1970s (Peet 1998) may have played a role in
lationships (Rinschede 1997), and the empirical the formal emergence of this specialty inasmuch
validity of the core-versus-periphery hypothesis as “touchy-feely” geography became more and
(Sopher 1997; Cohen 1992). Others struggle with more acceptable in general. Even so, many ge-
understanding the tensions people experience ographers of religion at the time were not real-
between travel and attachment to home (Oster- ly interested in joining the touchy-feely side of
reith 1997) and contemplate the pilgrimage ex- the academy. Instead, they struggled to gain re-
perience in and of itself (Wagner 1997). An in- spect for research with a strong empirical basis,
teresting pilgrimage variant is to visit a wan- in part to show that peoples’ religious behavior
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