IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN MADURA 521

gender roles as uni-dimensional; controlling males impose taboos on acquiescent women.

Celestial women, as we have seen, appear rather to appreciate the respite from the frequent
and lengthy serv:ces which the monthly exclusion brings. It cannot be denied that such taboos
serve to ensure male leadership by san.ctioning the exclusion of these women from the political
power of institutional leadership; still, one wonders, might not seclusion from communal
religious events and places serve to relieve the physiological stress of menstruation? In this
light, might not women's obedience to these rules be interpreted more as self-serving co-
opernion than s submissive compliance?
Olabiyi personal interview, 24 April 1989.
H
A similar change in female status related to economic change is reported among Efik
women of eastern Nigeria by Rosalind Hackett, It allowed women into the lower ranks of the
formerly male-only Eke secret society around the end of the 18005 and is associated with
economic pressure and changes occurring at that time (1985: 250:1,
Of the three denominations, the day-to--day management of Christ Apostolic affairs is
most reflective of its written constitution„ and its succession procedure is explicit and has
proved to be effective. In addition, the national leadership of CAC has been engaged in a
formal assessment of its organisational efficacy (Imevbore and Oshun, 1984),

REFERENCES
Adams, Richard Newbold, 1975. Energy and Structure: a theory of social power.
Austin and London: University of Texas Press.
Adejobi, Emmanuel 0. A. n.d. The Authentic Traditions, Cla EOM and early Prac-
tices of the Church of the Lord—Aladura. Mushin, Lagos.
n.d. Early Diary of the Church of the Lord. Mushin, Lagos.
Annual Conference .Reports of the Church of the Lord Aladura (In English and
Yoruba). 1985. Grace Enterprises (Nig.) Ltd.
Buckley, Thomas, and Gottleib, Alma. 1988. Blood Magic: the anthropology of
menstrualiem. Berkeley, Cal.: Uni-versity of California Press.
Celestial Church of Christ Constitution, 1980. Board of Trustees for the Pastor in- -

Council CCC.
Constitution of the Church of the Lord ( Throughout the Worlds as Approved at the 2nd
Intentational Churches General Assembly. Ogere, lIthu Remo. 9 May 1967.
Crumbley, Deidre. 1986. 'E Ku Idele, Babo-o', Nigerian Field 51, 35-40.
___ 1989. indigenous Institution-building in an Afro-Christian Movement: the
Aladura as a case study'. Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University.
Douglas, Mary. 1966. Purity and Danger. London: Routledge.
Drewal, Henry and Margaret Thompson. 1983. Gelede: art and femak power among
the Yoruba. Bloomington, Ind..: Indiana University Press.
Hackett, Rosalind. 1985. 'Sacred paradoxes: women and religious plurality in
Nigeria', in Y. Haddad and E. Findly (eds), Women, Religion, and Social
Change, pp. 247 71. Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press.
-

Imevbore, A. M. A., and Oshun, C. 0. 1984. 'A Consideration of some Aspects of

the Structure of the C.A.C.1, a paper presented to the Christ Apostolic Church
Supreme Council.
Jules-Rosette, Bennetta. 1979+ 'Symbols of power and change; introduction to new
perspectives on contemporary African religion', in Beretta Jules-Rosette (ed.),
The New Religions of Africa, pp_ 1-21. Norwood, NI: Ablex_
Marrest, Robert F. 1909_ The Threshold of Religion, London: Methuen.
Mitchell, Robert Cameron. 1970. 'Religious Change and Modernization: the AIadura.
Churches among the Yoruba in southwestern Nigeria'. Ph.D. dissertation,
Northwestern University.
Peel, J. a y_ 1968, Atadura; a religious movement among the Yoruba. London:
Oxford University Press for the International African Institute.
— 1986. Review of FL J. and M. T. Drewal: Gelede, Africa 56 (3), 372 3. -
514 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

to deviate somewhat from this pattern, for even though women are restrict-
ed from the interpretation of scripture and currently do not hold the highest
administrative positions, there are no legal constitutional constraints on
their access to the highest clericalladministrative level of primate. And one
would not expect this tradition to change with the newly installed Pri-
mate, the son of the founder of the Church of the Lord. For when I
interviewed the Rev. Begun Oshitelu at the Institute of Agricultural Re-
search arid Training, at Moor Plantation in lbadan, where he was its
principal at the time we discussed the matter of female leadership, and he
reiterated that the primacy was theoretically open to anyone and that
women have always been acknowledged as leaders since the early days of
the churh.g

TOWARD AN EXPLANATION

in their 1988 work Blood Magic Thomas Buckley and Alma Gottleib argue
that taboos regarding menstrual blood generally have been explained in
four main ways, namely, male domination, internal psychological proces-
ses, bio-functional adaptation, or symbolic reflections of social organisa-
tion. Their excellent literature review serves as a useful point of departure
for examining these rituals among the Aladura.
Two of these four explanations, internal psychological processes and
bio -functional adaptation, can be set aside for the purpose of this article,
for, despite their empirical basis, they are much too general to explain the
differences in menstrual taboos between the three cases. The male domi-
nance theory, however, is more helpful, as it implies a commonsense
analysis of some of the differences between the Celestial Church and the
Church of the Lord: the greener the male dominance in the institutional power
structure, the more elaborate the ideology and rituals of impurity{ Only men
are ordained in the Celestial Church, while Celestial women, who have
clearly subordinate ritual and organisational roles, must obey elaborate
rituals of avoidance and purification. In the Church of the Lord, by con-
trast, women are ordained and hold active leadership roles, and the men-
strual taboos seem comparatively weak, as they only temporarily periph-
eralise the women from sacred space and institutional power. But this
correlation breaks down in the Christ Apostolic Church, where such rituals
are all but non-existent yet women are excluded from institutional leader-
ship of ordained clergy. if indeed one is to understand the ideology of
impurity as a tool of male domination, one would expect that of the three,
the Church of the Lord, which ordains women, would have the least
menstruation-associated rituals of separation and purification. One would
also expect that Christ Apostolic would have such rituals, as it does exclude
women from ordination and the sacred space of the chancel. Clearly there
are other factors involved in explaining how and why the ideology of
impurity varies as much as it does between the three Churches. Male
dominance theory also fails to address the more fundamental question: even
if it consistently explained the relationship between taboo and female
domination it does not explain why male dominance varies so greatly
between the churches in the first place.'
518 ZMPUR1TY AND WOMEN 1N ALADURA

ticalar time of the day. for does witchcraft appear to be used as readily in
explaining the vicissitudes of life_ Also, in contrast with the founding of the
Celestial Church, Christ Apostolic was established by a handful of educated
professional men and women, mainly teachers and civil servants, with its
early prophet Babalcpla serving to galvanise rather than actually found the
institution_ Christ Apostolic also had more sustained affiliation with British
and American Churches in its early founding history than did the other two
Churches, These linkages, though relatively brief and informal, contributed
to its greater content of Euro-Christian dogma and practices and reduced
its indebtedness to indigenous religion traditions, including those about
menstruation. Christ Apostolic has had a written constitution since its
early history, so that it had less reason to rely upon ritual in the
structuring of relationships, 12
With regard to the role of ritual structuring in the institution, the Church
of the Lord lies somewhere in between CAC and the Celestial church, It
was institutionalised enough to survive the death of the founder and to be
an active member of ecumenical groups by the end of the 1960s, The
primacy, however, is still surrounded by an aura of charisma which sets the
holder somewhat beyond the realm of the ordinary and the human. For
example, at the annual Mount Taborah pilgrimage the Primate presents
revelations for the next year as they relate to international affairs, Africa,
Nigeria and the Church itself. So valued are these revalations that the event
is attended by non-CLA and CLA members alike, and the revelations are
reported in the daily newspapers. But, despite the charisma of the office,
Primate Adejobi, a former schoolteacher, was noted for his authorship of
pamphlets on CLA history, organisation and theology. He brought to the
Church a great deal of organisational skill and, without dismissi.ng their
importance, played down the role of miracles in the life of the Church. As
a champion of higher education he pioneered the church seminary of which
he was rector, and in 1986 he spoke of how he hoped to secure a place to
do some writing at the Centre for the Study of New Religious Movements.
Through the Primate's leadership the Church came to place more value on
explicit guidelines than on revealed knowledge, Consequently, though
ritual plays a much more central role in worship as a unifying principle in
the Church of the Lord than in CAC, it is not surrounded with the
elaboration and exacting care which accompany ritual in the Celestial
Church, where symbolic action has served the institution by providing an
unchanging source of structure, which until the death of the founder was
inextricably tied to his person.
Although all three Churches are headquartered in Nigeria and were
founded by Yoruba men, it is difficult to ignore the fact that the Church in
which the ideology of impurity is most elaborate, the Celestial Church, was
founded by a Beninois (Dahomean) raised in south-west Yorubaland. As
mentioned above, this is the home of the Gelede, where the ambiguity of
gender status was exacerbated by the dependence of the communities on
the economic activity of Yoruba market women through the economic
expansion of the Oyo empire, Gelede rituals address this contradiction in
the commonly held notion of superior male status through rituals which
affirm the power of women to both create and destroy life. But how are
 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN MADURA 513

Primate
Apostle General Reverend Mother General
Apostle Reverend Mother Superior
Bishop Reverend Mother
Archdeacon Archdeaccpness
Deacon Deaconess
Prophet Prophetess
Evangelist Evangelist
Catechist Cathechist
Staff minister Staff minister
Disciple Disciple
Although dramatically complementary and egalitarian in comparison to the
Celestial Church or Christ Apostolic, the Church of the Lord is not without
ambiguity on this issue, In my field experience I observed more male-head-
ed than female-headed congregations. Also the top-level administrative
positions in the Church hierarchy are currently held by men.' In addition,
the attrition rate for students is reportedly higher for female than for
male seminarians. Nevertheless, according to Primate Ade;'obi there is
nothing in the constitution prohibiting a female from holding the highest
post in the Church, the primacy. He added, however, that were a women
to become head of the Church of the Lord, this would indicate that the
Church was in a weakened state, as was Israel when Deborah assumed
leadership and restored order to the land, This ambiguous explanation
suggests two possible interpretations, the first patronising, the second
Clattering. In the first case a woman ascends to the primacy only when the
state of affairs is anomalous and deviant; in the second, only a woman could
set such a situation aright, Still in line with this equivocal attitude, when
I asked the Primate if there was anything in CLA that a woman was
prohibited from doing, he replied that there is only one thing that she may
not do: she may not interpret scripture. The reason for this, according to
the Primate, is that only Christ himself and his disciples did this, and they
were all men.
With this exception, Church of the Lord policy on the place of women
in the life of the Church is remarkably egalitarian, especially when com
pared to the other two denominations. It is a Church whose members tend
to be committed in principle to gender egalitarianism, if in part because of
the value they have come to place on being part of a progressive, pace-
setting Church, In fact, in a session of the World Council of churches, of
which CLA is an active member, Primate Adejobi castigated the oldest
Christian Church for reducing women to the passive status of nuns, whose
reverend mothers only sit on the side while male priests 'run the show' • He
was swift to add that in his relatively young African Church a woman with
the title of Reverend Mother can do everything a man can do during
worship service, including holding communion.
In sum, the position of women in the hierarchy of the Churches brings
to mind Jules-Rosette's observation that 'Women in African Churches are
not ultimately powerless , .. Their ceremonial separation, however, seldom
connotes political equality' (1975: 6). The Church of the Lord would seem
.Africa 62 (4), 1992

IMPURITY AND POWER:

WOMEN IN ALADURA CHURCHES
Deidre Helen Crumb/ley

What is there about being female that elicits behavioural monitoring

through religious ritual? More specifically, what part does menstrual blood
play in ritualised management strategies and why do they vary from one
religious group to another? These queries began to haunt me while I was
studying the Aladura movement in Nigeria, where, depending on the
denomination, women were prohibited from certain activities and physical
spaces both during and between their menses. As a woman, participating
in the services of three Aladura denominations and being subject to these
rituals, it was impossible to avoid issues of gender, rank and inequality.
Although women's studies are the vogue of the day, these issues had not
been central to my original research design, for the following three reasons.
First, through earlier research on the Aladura, what I had learned of the
roles and statuses of females, particularly as they relate to rituals associated
with menstrual blood, was quite limited, In his analysis of the Aladura
movement as 'a Christian indigenisation movement' Mitchell made refer-
ence to women primarily as clients of healers in his detailed study of healing
and divination (1970: 318-70). There was little reference, however, to their
part in the institutional life of the Church. Peel provided insights into the
place of women in traditional Yoruba society and their relative importance
in the spiritual life of his two case studies, but he did not investigate gender
as an organising principle or menstrual blood as a rationale for exclusion
from power (1968: 26, 77-80, 183, 253-4), Turner devoted more of his
attention to Aladura women than the other scholars, which may be the
result of his in-depth case study methodology and the strong ideology of
gender egalitarianism which obtains in the Church of the Lord. Despite the
fact that he documents the presence of women throughout his two-volume
work, the rituals associated with menstruation and their organisational
relevance is hardly addressed (Turner, 1967 I: 57, 65, 75, 90-1, 145; II: 9,
37-9, 42-9; 127; 186-8).
Secondly, I was raised in an indigenous Afro-Christian Church, namely
a store-front Church common to the inner cities of the north-eastern
United States. It was founded by a woman, and my mother and maternal
aunt were key religious specialists. Coming from a background of female
religious leaders and adepts, I was clearly unprepared for being referred to
as 'unclean', prohibited from the altar area and from speaking in the
sanctuary.
Thirdly, as a black woman in white America, my role and status vis-a-vis
black men seems in many ways an anomaly when compared with that of
women in other cultures. On their arrival in the New World as enslaved
Africans the women were more 'valued' as reproductive units in a chattel
slave socio-economy than were the men. Moreover, they were accessible
sexual partners. In those days black females were—and, I would argue, still
are—viewed as less likely to exercise revenge upon and compete success-
522 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

Sorimade, E. S. 1976, Lecture delivered to mark the 10th Anniversary of the Death
of Dr. J. a oshitehi. Ake, Abeokuta, 15 July.
Sudarkasa, Niara. 1981. 'Female employment and family organization in West
Africa', in Filoma Chioma Steady (ed.), Black Women Crossculturally. Roches-
ter, VT: Schenkman.
____ 1987. 'The "status of women" in indigenous African societies', in Rosalyn
Terborg-Penn, Sharon Harley and Andrea Benton Rushing (eds.), Women in
Africa and the African Diaspora. Washington, D.C.; Howard University Press.
Turner, Harold. 1967. Hisrori of an African Independent Church. London: Oxford
University Press,

Abstract

What is there about being female which elicits religious rituals of control? More
specifically, what is there about menstrual blood which elicits a language of ritual
impurity? What is the relationship between exclusion from the sacred and exclusion
from power? This article, based on fieldwork among the Aladura or 'praying'
churches of Nigeria (1982 to 1986), explores these questions in three Madura
denominations. While these three 'spiritual' churches share similar features in being
indigenous, healing and prophesying churches, the status and roles of women in
their respective organisational structures vary remarkably. The ways in which an
ideology of impurity impacts or fails to impact upon gender and power relationships
is investigated, and an explanatory framework for assessing such variations is
suggested,

Resume
Qu'est-ce-qui suscite des rites religieux de controle dans retat de 'femme'? Ou plus
specifiquement, qu'est qui suscite un langage d'irnpurete rituelle dans le sang
menstruel? Queue est la relation entre l'exclusion du sacre et ]'exclusion du pou-
voir? Cet article, base sur des etudes SUE le terrain parmi les Eglises `primates'
Aladura du Nigeria (1982 a 19%) examine ces questions dans trois denominations
Aladura. Tandis que ces trois Eglises tspirituelles' ont des caracteristiques simi-
Mires, etant indigenes, guerissantes et prophtisantes, le statut et le role des femmes
dans leurs structures organiques respectives varient considerablement. Les fafons
dont unc ideologic d'impurete influence ou reinfluence pas les relations entre les
sexes et les relations du pouvoir sons examinees, et un cadre explicatif est suggere
pour evaluer de teller variations.
 IMPURITY AND WOMBN IN MADURA 519

people to sort out these ambivalences, where they have chosen to leave the
ways of their forebears and identify themselves as Christians? Could it not
be argued that as Papa Oshofra created an institution in which traditions
such as divination are legitimated by divine revelation, so divine revelation
served as a vehicle to introduce an elaborate ideology of impurity, which
ritually addresses the ambiguity these new Christians, such as himself,
might experience but could no longer legitimately address as did their
forebears?
In sum, to begin to understand the variation in the ideology of impurity
between these three Aladura institutions, and their greater elaboration in
the Celestial Church in particular, requires consideration not only of
general theories of male dominance and structural ambiguity but also of the
impact of the unique cultural legacy of the institution, the overall structur-
ing role of ritual in the Church, and the ecumenical involvement of the
institution_ Although it is far from theoretically tidy to combine historical
with structural analysis of such data, it would seem to be necessary if our
account is to be adequate to the complexities of what actually obtains.
Finally, to understand the structural inequity associated with an ideology
of impurity requires that the researcher look beyond the way such an
ideology may serve the interests of males. Inequity must be viewed from the
vantage points of all participants involved. Authority based on religious
dogma has at least two power dimensions, namely that of those who
exercise it and that of those who allocate it (Adams, 1975: 238). To derive
an explanation from only one perspective makes for a somewhat oversim-
plified scenario of 'passive victim versus dominant victmiser'. It is true that
the role of the passive victim can be and indeed is socialised and that the
association of female physiological processes with impurity has undeniably
served as a form of social control and political constraint. But if, as I
believe, human nature is more than a slate on which society imprints itself,
then, regardless of what role a culture may etch on the young and receptive
consciousness, the human desire for well-being and meaning gives rise to
various creative and resourceful responses to such circumscriptions. As the
women from the Yemetu celestial Church explained, these rules were a
service to them in that they guaranteed blessings of security and success in
the turbulence of their lives as women in Nigerian society. I believe Celes-
tial women will not always pursue their interests on the level of private
ritual but rather will expand their pursuit of well-being to include institu-
tional power as such activity becomes less costly to their status as socially
acceptable females. For the present, however, the compliance of these and
other Aladura women with rules and regulations which deem them 'un-
clean' and circumscribe their access to organisational power can be viewed
as an active pursuit of personal interests, phrased in the religious symbols
of protection from spiritual extinction and material suffering.

NOTES
There are also indications that it has spread into the Far East, for when visiting in the
home of The Badagri-horn Eg-kin- and Yoruba-speaking evangelist Nuriayon I admired the
Casio electric keyboard in his parlour. He advised me that he had secured it while in japan,
where the Celestial Church had a community of worshippers,
508 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN MADURA

today's Sunday school lesson. He asks, 'What was Hannah known for in the
Bible?' and you do not hesitate to respond that she was blessed with her son
Samuel after years of barrenness, Before you can become preoccupied with
the fact that you have been married for a year 'without is catechist
Adewunrni gives out a serious warning against would be parents going to
-

the babalawo to guarantee that the woman will 'take in'. CAC is a 'Bible
Church' and the word of God should be enough for a real Christian.
After Bible study, worship service begins with the young men and
women marching down the aisle singing a Yoruba chorus to cunga drum,
guitar and piano accompariiment. They reach the front, and sit on the
platform, males and females interspersed randomly in the choir section.
Your eyes drift to where the deacons sit together in the front of the church
and to the side of the chancel where the pastors and guest speakers are
seated. Of course, no women sit in the chancel area. 'It's just not done.'
A fter about half an hour of opening songs and prayers, Sister Akande, the
pastor's wife, stands at the front of the church near the altar and makes
announcements regarding the meetings of the various b.0 or church asso-
ciations, including your own Eghe Obirin Rere (Good Women Society).
There is a period of extended prayers for everything from protection from
evil spirits to 'free and fair' national elections next month.
The prayer service ends, and a guest pastor stands to speak, While he
speaks of many things, what you take note of is his exhortation to male
members against taking more wives when they gain wealth. You recall that
Deacon Akin had to send his second wife away before he was allowed to be
ordained, though only after responsibly setting her up in the cloth trade.
CAC is very strict on ordained men not having more than one wife, and
encourages it for laymen as well. You hope that your husband is heeding
the guest speaker's exhortation, You also hope soon to be one of the
hundreds of women to give birth to a child in the church maternities this
ye95,2 for you have kept the biblical injunction to be in subjection to your
husband and thereby be spared in childbirth as the Bible promises. 3

The Church of the Lard woman

You were a serious student at the Madura Theological Seminary and
Prophets and Prophetesses Training Institute. You spent many days and
nights of spiritual struggling' on Mount Taborah during the yearly pilgri-
mage to Ogore, birthplace of the founder. Fasting and prayer have made
you a respected visioner throughout the national diocese. It has all paid off,
for now you are ordained and head a congregation of your own.
Today, however, you have had to relinquish your seat behind the altar
and sit outside the sanctuary, for, like the other women sitting outside with
you, you are menstruating. Still, things go as you would have them. The
order of service is being followed as always, and at this moment the
drumming and dancing are so intensc that even the guest bishop has come
down from the pulpit to join in the dance, his gown twirling.
The bishop's text today is Galatians 3:28, his exegesis focused on the
oneness of all in Christ, whether bond or free, male or female,' You know
this to be so, for not only do you head your own church but you are putting
in your bid to study for a summer at Interact, formerly the Centre for the
 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA 51 1

Pastor Bada, is indicated by colour and items of attire such as waist

sashes and lace around the collar and cuffs. Up to the level of ordination
the structure is essentially the same for men and women, The lowest level
of 'anointment' is that of 'sister/brother', followed by the 'elder', 'senior'
and 'superior senior' levels. To move beyond the Superior Senior level
requires ordination. Once ordained, one enters the realm of the policy-
makers.
Women in the Celestial Church are not ordained. They may be members
of the 'parochial committee' which governs the local parish, and in this
position they actively participate in local church politics. As mentioned
before, there is also a nation.al committee of women, with representatives
from local parishes, meeting regularly in Lagos and having a voice in many
affairs. More research will have to be conducted to determine the nature
and extent of the 'voice' of this body; however, the roles and statuses of
women in the Celestial church would seem to parallel what Hackett reports
of the majority of spiritual churches in Calabar:

Women in these churches are often hampered and restricted by the taboos
surrounding menstruation and childbirth, which is why older women are more
frequently seen in positions of authority. This fear of defilement of the sacred by
women is demonstrated by the fact that the altar sanctuary is so frequently an
au-male preserve — Notwithstanding the restrictions, the independent
churches do provide structures within which women may acquire and exercise
power and responsibility. Women are usually barred from entering the highest
echelons of the church hierarchy and their jurisdiction may be limited to other
female members and the children . . (1985 264)

When I asked women in the Celestial Church about the carefully pres-
cribed roles they have in the Church and the extensive rituals related
to their gender, the response ranged from unconcern to pride- Indeed,
some appeared to enjoy the respite from the long two- to three-hour
Celestial services, which the average Celestial member attends several
times each week. When I spoke to a small group of four women at the
Yemetu parish, their response was that they were proud of the way
their particular parish adhered to the rules and regulations Papa Oshoffa
had given to women. By keeping these rules and regulations they were
as of the blessings that accompany them. At this point the con -
versation turned to the uncertainty of a woman's life in a polygamous
society, where one 'never has a husband to oneself', for he can bring
home a second wife at any time. I gathered from this that the assurances
of fertility and other material blessings to the obedient provide a certain
comfort and stability in a personal world which can change at any time.
The response of most of the women was to remind me of the many roles
and activities which were available to Celestial women, for being a woman
did not prevent them from preaching in an outdoor setting, nor did it
prevent them from pioneering new parishes. Only one Celestial woman
complained to me of having to sit back while some 'young boy from
Lagos' came and took over a parish which she had pioneered. 'ft was her
firm belief, however, that with the new successor Pastor Bada, whom she
described as an 'educated somebody', this situation would be corrected.
506 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

fully with white males, the dominant actors in the American social drama.
Assthe black female presence is less threatening, it is better tolerated than
that of the males, giving women greater access to leadership roles both
within and without their community,
From this background I came to the study of Aladura Christianity,
literally 'owners of prayer' but more often referred to by my consultants as
'spiritual Churches'. Originating among the Yoruba of south-western
Nigeria at the time of the great influenza epidemic of 1918, the Aladura has
since become a worldwide religious movement. In fact it has spread
throughout Nigeria and West Africa, Britain, Europe and the United States
(Crumbley, 1986: 37; 1989: 76, 93-4, 110-11, 121)) To varying degrees,
these Churches represent an indigenisation of Christian doctrine and prac-
tices as well as the creation of institutions in which Africans exercise
leadership in Churches of their own making. The Aladura denominations
which I studied between 1982 and 1986 are three: Christ Apostolic Church
(CAC), the Church of the Lord-Aladura (CLA) and the Celestial Church
of Christ (CCC), also known as the Celee. Despite the variation among
them, all Aladura Churches have certain features in common. These in-
clude (1) belief in the efficacy of fervent extemporaneous prayers to change
material circumstances; (2) spiritual healing by faith only, without the use
of traditional medicine and, in the early history of the movement, without
the use of European medicine; (3) belief in the validity of divinely revealed
knowledge; (4) the incorporation into Euro-Christianity of selective fea-
tures of traditional Yoruba religion, such as witchcraft beliefs, divination
and attitudes toward menstrual blood, etc.; (5) the central role of prophet
healers.
In this article, it is my aim to examine the variations in religious beliefs
and organisational practices associated with menstruation by comparing
three Aladura denominations in terms of their history, their organisation,
and the motivation of Madura women for complying with the ritual con-
straints which surround menstruation. This involves a multi-faceted ex-
planatory framework which is sensitive to internal institutional dynamics,
the reasoning processes of the female members, and external factors in the
larger society outside the Church. Accordingly, I will examine first the
experience of the women in their worship services, then their perceived and
actual roles in Aladura Church history, and lastly their positions in the
power structures of their respective Churches.

THE ALADURA WOMAN TN CHURCH

The Celestial woman

It is Sunday. You have attended three services over the last week, including
the Friday 'maternity' service. Today, on arriving, you remove your shoes
and don your white sutana, the Celestial prayer gown, and make your way
to the parish. The introit of holy words, entitled ‘jetimo Rama', is being
sung a capella. You go to the left side of the door with the other females and
stand at the back, for you are new and only have your first 'anointment',
Ahead of you stand the more senior women, who are waiting for the men,
also arranged by anointment level, to enter the chuch, led by a brother
 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA 509

Study of new Religious Movements in Birmingham, UK founded by the

scholar-cleric and long-time friend to CLA, Dr Harold Turner. But your
daydreaming is cut short by a brother of the church who is asking you to
settle a matter of protocol. By the time you resolve the issue it is time to
bless the water which memb-ers have brought in bottles from home and
placed on the altar. Firia/ prayers follow, then grace is said and the con-
gregation are dismissed. You retire to your rooms where already members
are waiting to consult their spiritual mother.
The differences between the three Churches may be summarised as follows.
The Celestial woman in worship keeps to her physical space, whether
within or outside the sanctuary, not speaking until called on to do so, and
is careful to avoid holy places during her menses and the opened altar at all
times. The Christ Apostolic woman moves freely around the sanctuary and
speaks freely in the church services, but may not sit in the sanctuary. Unlike
both the Celestial woman and the Church of the Lord woman, the CAC
woman is obliged neither to make her menses publicly known nor avoid the
sanctuary at that time of the month. The Church of the Lord woman moves
and speaks freely during worship and indeed may lead the worship service;
however, she must sit outside the church during her menses, even though
ordained.

ACTUAL AND PERCEIVED ROLES OF ALADURA WOMEN IN CHURCH HISTORY

The Celestial Church of Christ (CCC), established in 1947, is the youngest

of the three. Its official Church history is a chronicle of revelations and
miracles associated with the call of the founder, Samuel Bilehou Joseph
Oshoffa (Celestial Church of Christ Constitution, 1980). Women appear in
this story as his first believers, patrons and receivers of miracles. His first
wife, Na man, corroborated one of his visitations from Christ. In another
visitation a woman was castigated for wearing beautifully expensive Yoruba
attire when she should have been in her white suiana. In the recounting of
one of Cishoffa's first experiences in Nigeria, he divined that a woman had
recently had sex but had not bothered to bathe herself before coming to
church, and that another was in the middle of her menses and should not
have come to the church at all
In this official Celestial history women are presented as unquestioning
devotees, as unduly vain, or as publicly shamed when they try to avoid the
restrictions proper to their sexuality. But is this an accurate portrayal of
women in the early Celestial Church? While little is said of her in the official
history, oral history has it that Naman was always present at Papa's'
meetings, where she served as a diviner of crises in the Church• When I
asked Church leaders about the place of women in the founding of the
Celestial Church, the usual response was a blanket denial of their having
made any 'real' contribution; however, in time I learned of Mrs Ajiri, a
schoolteacher, who was instrumental in founding the first local Ibadan
parish, held to be the second Celestial parish in the country after the Lagos
parish. I also learned of Mrs Oiaiya, who played a large role in establishing
the London parish. During the period of uncertainty which followed the
sudden death of the founder, the general populace read comments by and
516 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN MADURA

Structural ambiguity fails to explain the variation between the cases, nor
does it explain why both Celestial and Church of the Lord women are
excluded from the sanctuary during their menses, yet in one they may not
speak in the church unless called upon, while in the other they can he
ordained and theoretically aspire to become Primate. These two cases make
it clear that deeming menstrual Wood 'unclean' does not always imply
exclusion from power, While much can be done with Douglas's analytical
framework, at times it seems almost 'too elegant', as Buckley and Gottleib
have noted. Data almost beg to be fitted into this framework, which makes
one wonder if its simplicity may reflect an inadequate appreciation of other
dynamics such as (1) the cognitive dimension of the women, (2) the degree
of ecumenical involvement, (3) the organisational processes unique to the
respective Churches and (4) differences in cultural legacies.
In the first regard, Douglas's analysis focuses on the cognitive dimension
of men, who are represented as imposing menstrual taboos upon women in
order to maintain a social order which serves male interests. But what are
the cognitive processes of the women? Are women merely passive recipients
of gender roles to which they mindlessly conform? My conversations with
Aladura women, especially Celestial women, who must abide by the most
elaborate rituals surrounding their menses, suggests that women are neither
mindless nor passive. There is a rational cost-benefit analysis involved in
their decision to comply with menstrual taboos, for by oh-eying them they
are assured of salvation ... not only salvation from sin and extinction at
death but also salvation from suffering in this life, including the suffering
of barrenness in a society in which reproductive success plays a large part
in defining a female as a socially acceptable woman,
In addition to not taking into consideration the way in which females may
actively participate in menstrual taboos, Douglas's approach tends to treat
gender and rank within a closed system of in statuses. I would
argue that investigation of menstrual taboos in contemporary religious
movements such as the Aladura requires a detailed assessment not only of
the gender relationships within the Church but of the in between
the Church and the larger society, As an example, Primate Adejobi of the
Church of the Lord, like his predecessor, viewed the Church as can institu-
tion among institutions'. He represented the Church of the Lord at the
World Council of Churches in Geneva and was also the lifetime head of the
National Association of Madura Churches (NAAC) in Nigeria. The Aladu-
ra Seminary is a member of the West African Association of Theological
Institutions, and the Church has informal links with powerful people in
both national government and the private sector throughout West Africa.
Churches which interact with other religious communities are not neces-
sarily fated to embrace change. Being non world rejecting, nevertheless,
- -

does increase exposure to a wider variety of institutional strategies and

provides training in identifying problems.. More importantly, it provides a
mirror in which an organisation may, through comparison and contrast,
better view and clarify its own organisational image. This process is an
exercise not only in critical inclusion of the new but also in critical preserva-
don of the old, both of which are crucial to sustained organisationaJ viabil-
ity, The position of women in the Church of the Lord, like other features
 11,4PURETY AND WOMEN IN MADURA 517

of its institutional dynamics, cannot be separated from the Church's desire

for institution.al respectability and its image as a pace-setter, and this, I
would argue, is not unconnected to the ecumenism which is part of its early
history and development, The Celestial Church, a relatively young institu-
tion, has only recently begun to embrace ecumenism, with its participation
on the Organisation of Islamic Countries (01C) panel. Institutional self-
criticism and organisational self-awareness are new to this young Church
but unavoidable, for it is being drawn into the public eye by virtue of its
rapidly growing numbers and popularity. Consequently, 1 should not he
surprised to see a reformulation of female roles in the Celestial Church with
its increased world acceptance and the growing influence of Celestial
women such as Mrs Sodeinde.
Menstrual rituals may also be part of a larger constellation of ritual
activities which serve an overall organising purpose. For example, of the
three denominations, the Celestial Church has the least explicit organisa-
tion and the most elaborated ritual, yet it appears to be spreading more
rapidly than the others. Its organisational integrity was dependent to a large
extent upon the personality of the founder until his death in 1985. In
addition to the charisma of Papa Oshoffa, local and regional unity in the
Church rested heavily on inter-parish social interaction, explicit hierarchy
and properly enacted ritual (Crumbley, 1989: 285 %). A formal national
-

structure was articulated in the 1980 constitution; however, it is often

stated that the 'discretion of the Founder' is the final authority on all
matters. In the day-to-day management of the institution, then, policy and
procedure were not always explicit, but, regardless of this fact, its members
were absolutely sure of how they stood in relation to each other during
worship service, where a wide variety of rituals are explicit and carefully
enacted. This is especially so in the case of the sexual division of labour,
where the subordinate position of women to men is explicit in word and
deed. While structural ambiguity regarding gender and rank may explain
the Celestial Church's beliefs about pollution and menstruation, the role of
ritual and hierarchy as overarching organising principles in a Church in
quest of structure also deserves consideration when explaining the degree
of elaboration involved in its menstrual taboos.
In contrast to the Celestial Church, Christ Apostolic, the oldest of the
three denominations, is in many ways the least African with regard to
ideological and ritual content. Indeed, some members and Church leaders
prefer it to be called a cpentecostal' rather than an Aladura Church, a
situation which obtains as much today as it did when Peel made the same
observation in the field in the 1960s (1968: 148). The worship services in
the Christ Apostolic Church are much more like worship in my store-front
holiness background than the other two denominations, because its service
entails the least rituals. The only ritual object or activity unfamiliar to me
was holy water, which is ordinary water that has been blessed through
prayer; but my impression from interviews with members and leaders alike
is that it is spoken of in terms more of its symbolic than of its practical
healing value. I have not observed ritual acts of prostration, burning of
candles and incense, consulting with prophets before and after services,
ritual bathing, or praying in a particular place, direction, or at any par-
510 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

saw pictures of the successful Lagosian businesswoman Mrs Bola So -

deinde. She was represented as the 'right hand' of both the founder Oshoffa
and his successor A. A. Bada.. The Celestial Church also has a national
women's committee, whose influence is reported by some to be far-reach-
ing
In the Christ Apostolic Church, when I asked what part women had
played in the founding and early history of the Church, the answer I usually
received was that they had 'followed their husbands'. Through discussions
with founding fathers of CAC and the review of Peel's work on the CAC,
however, I learned of the schoolmistress Sophie Odunlami, at Isoyin, its
Ijebu. Her dreams of healing rains and her preaching had a galvanising
effect on the newly formed Diamond Society, which was soon to be become
the Christ Apostolic Church (Peel, 1968: 62). Then again there was Mrs O.
A. Pierce, a woman from Abeokuta who as head of the newly established
Bible Teaching College, had expanded its programme from one to three
years and was spoken of highly by the district and national CAC leaders
with whom I consulted.'
The official history of the Church of the Lord (Madura) is replete with
references to founding fathers and mothers. The founder, Dr Josiah Oyelo-
wo Oshitelu, and his first wardens were males; nevertheless, the official
his ories also document the place of women in the history of the Church
and in its expansion. Primate Emmanuel Adejobi, who died recently,
took pains, in his Early Diary of the Church of the Lord (n.d., c. 1975), to
cite the names and dates of the first deaconesses, and the first Reverend
Mother, for example. Sorimade, in his published and widely distributed
1976 public lecture marking the tenth anniversary of the founder's death,
recites the names and contributions of both founding fathers and mothers
in the history of CLA. In his historical work The Authentic Traditions,
Customs and Early Practices of the Church of the Lord—A ladura (n.d.)
Primate Adejobi lamented the fact that in the early days of the Church
women were not allowed in the chancel, and that even when they had
conducted the entire workshop service only a man could end the service
with the benediction. He added, happily, that those days were over and a
more enlightened day had dawned in the Church of the Lord.

In sum, in the case of both the CAC and the CCC there exists a consider-
able gap between the perceived roles of women in the founding and de-
velopment of their respective institutions. Images of the 'good woman'
include one who is compliant, committed, loyal and her antithesis as one
who would usurp authority over men and act counter to her ritual role as
represented by her Church• In contrast, the gap between the historical
record and perceived role of women in the Church of the Lord is virtually
non-existent, as women are publicly represented as being central to the
early and on-going development of the Church.

MADURA WOMEN IN CHURCH STRUCTURES

The Celestial Church is like a ladder.' This is how a member explained
the Church to me. Hierarchy, based largely on seniority in the days
of the founder but becoming more a matter of merit under the new
520 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

2
In 1984, according to Ibaclan headquarters reports, the following number of births were
rioted for the following three mai* assemblies in the. town:. Olugbode, 200; Agbala I turi, 100.,
Sanyo, 300.
3
I. Timothy 2:11-15, KW. 'Lei the women learn in silence with all subjection. But I suffer
nOt a wOrnan to teach, nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in silence. For Adam
was first formed, then Eve, and Adam was riot deceived but the woman being deceived was
in transgression.. Notwithstanding she shall be saved in childbearing if they continue in faith
and charity and holiness with sobriety.'
4
Galatians 3:28, EIV.. 'There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond or free, there
is neither male or female:: for ye are all one in Christ Jesus.'
5
These leaders included the current head of the CAC seminary, Pastor J. 0. Akintola,
Administrative Secretary George 0. Fadipe, assistant to the head of the Ibadan district, and
Pastor Nelson E. Udofia, General Secretary of the national Church.
'Galilee' is a celebration of the return. of Christ to his disciples after his resurrection, and
is held after Easter, preferably near water. It is a time of special joy for children, for at the
Galilee I attended the brief worship service was followed by a picnic, music and dancing,
7 we find, for example, that at the national annual conference, held at Ogere, Ogun State,
on I. I and L2 May 1985, seated at the high table with Secretary General Bishop S. 0. Ajayi
was the chairman of the conference- apostles, J. 1. Kalensanwo, assisted by apostles Olao-
nipektm, Nathan, Onanuga, Sofowora and Bankole, all close cohorts of Prirriate Adejobi. Only
two women., the Reverend Mother Superior Julie Oshitelu and Reverend Mother 0. S.
Adeiobi, were called to the high table, wives of the founder and the then Primate res -
pectively, Similarly, the treasurer, the auditor and the seven trustees are male clerics,
though the fifteen-person executive council boasts two deaconesses (franc a/ Conference Re-
ports oje the Church of the Lord 211adi.ircr, 1985= l I, 20, 22-3). This would suggest that, while
the Church oldie Lord is egalitarian in granting clerical status to both men and women, it is
less so at the highest administrative level. The reason for this, I would venture, is the
head-start males had as founding members of the institution.. In addition, it was as late as the
1967 constitution that women were prohibited from entering the chancel or approaching the
holy altar to conduct a divine service The Constitution of the Church of the Lord—Alaura,
19167; 15),
8
This and related matters were discussed with the Rev. Oshitelu in an interview on 14
January 1986 in his office at Moor Plantation. I learned that his title of Reverend eras conferred
on his receiving his diploma from Emmanuel Theological Seminary in 1980, When I asked
why he chose to pursue this degree programme, he recounted his personal reasons for
intellectual development in matters of faith. The narrative began, with his birth on 27 August
1938, which, he reminded crier was two years after the inauguration of the annual Mount
Taborah pilgrimage. Like other youths, he was not terribly interested in clerical matters, but
he was unwilling to 'scandalise his father's work' by inappropriate behaviour. He referred to
his time spent in England and his return to Nigeria after the death of his father, when people
had expected him to carry on his father's 1-radit ion. Always a rather retiring and private person,
he resisted the public arena of the ministry, and he was very concerned not to give the
impression that he had any special claim to Church leadership as the descendant of the
founder; however, in 1970 he decided to begin pan-time theological studies at the older and
established Emmanuel Theological College, studying on long vacations, holidays and the like.
About three months after this interview, Rev. Oshitelu was installed as an ordained member
of the CLA clergy, and when we met, true to his style of modesty, he apologised for not
informing me of it earlier, but he did not want to 'broadcast' it It was just before leaving
Nigeria, that fall, that I learned he had been named the successor to Primate Adejelbi. This
seems a wise choice, for, in line with the valuing of respectability, Oshitelu's credentials from
the wider secular and sacred society made him a reasonable choice among ordained Church
leaders. He had remained neutral and peripheral to many of the internal politics of the
institution, as he has maintained an apolitical and diplomatic stance in his interactions with
the elders who adminster the Church on the national and international level. From his.
comments on the organisation of CLA in the Moor Plantation interview I should expect that,
under his leadership, not only will the role of women continue to be characterised by equity,
but more structures will be put in place to guarantee financial accountability as well as clearly
defined and implemented administrative relationships throughout the institution.
9
Another somewhat tangential critique of the male dominance theory is that it portrays
512 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA

She had no desire to leave the Celestial Church, for 'it is a powerful
Church'.
The organisation of the Christ Apostolic Church combines two prin-
ciples: 'presbyterian' government by local elders and their pastor, and
lepiscopaliare government under the rule of a bishop and his hierarchically
organised assistants. The categories of Church workers in Christ Apostolic
are two: 'professionals' and 'non-professionals'i Professionals include
pastors, prophets, prophetesses, evangelists and catechists, all of whom are
ordained except the prophetesses. Non-professionals include the sexton,
elders, midwives, Iya Adura ( `mother of prayer'), ward maids, organist,
gardener, watchrnen, cleaners, secretaries and clerks.
Women are not ordained in Christ Apostolic either; however, they
can be, and are, pioneers of new assemblies, and some are renowned
missionaries. One such woman is Mrs Adeleke, who has a very respected
and successful ministry in Lagos, which includes television broadcast-
ing. It is her husband, however, ordained after her ministry began to
flourish, who is the president of the ministry, Similarly, Mama Ogunranti,
based in Ibadan, one of the very first nurselmidwives in Nigeria, has
pioneered churches in Nigeria, in Birmingham (England) and in Boston
(Mass.). She also enjoys special independence from the national CAC, as
her churches decide upon their own leaders and accept no money from
the headquarters, although they pay tithes to it. Although she is seen
by some church leaders as a thorn in the side, she has brought many to
the CAC; yet her work was never mentioned to me by the national leaders
of the Church with whom I spoke, unless I introduced the topic, Still,
she identifies all her churches as CAC, remaining within and working
for the institutional Church. This distinguishes her from the CAC woman
who started the thriving Agbala Daniel assembly in lbadan but, when
asked to turn it over to a male pastor sent from headquarters, refused
to do so. When I left Nigeria in 1986 she was neither within nor without
CAC, for she still headed her own church; yet lines of cordial communi-
cation still existed between her and some of the leaders at the Ihacian
headquarters.
The Church of the Lord, in many ways modelled on the Anglican
Church of its founder, is centralised and hierarchical. Unlike the Anglican
Church, however, for each male clerical office there is a corresponding
female office. This equity is explicit in the name of the CLA seminary,
the Madura Theological Seminary and Prophets and Prophetesses Train-
ing Institute AT and PPTI).. Indeed, when I first visited the seminary I
was introduced to both the male and female student body presidents.
I have participated as well in worship services headed by women who
head their own local congregations, and during my participation in
'Galilee' celebration I could not help but note that the guest seminarians
who attended consisted of the same number of male and female represen-
tatives.
The clerical hierarchy of the Church of the Lord can be summarised as
follows:
 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA 507

swinging a censer. The men file in and some enter the platform, behind the
altar. Of course no women can sit there, in fact you have only knelt at the
altar once, and that was at last year's communion, and only after the gate
had been shut.
Everyone has entered and is kneeling with forehead to the floor, saying
Mimo, i of',limo CH°ly, holy, holy') as the congregation begins the cycle
of prayers and hymns which comprise Celestial devotional services You are
near the door and cannot help but hear the prophet praying over your
kneeling friend Sade, who was absent from church this past week. Now that
her menstrual period is over, she will perform 'sanctification' by bathing in
the shower area, after which a prayer of forgiveness and blessing is said on
her behalf by a young prophet.
At your seat you continue to be led in the various prayers by the brothers,
though a 'superior senior sister' was called on to lead a prayer. The
devotional service ends with Honorary Evangelist Babajide reading the
rules and regulations of the Church as revealed to the founder, 'Papa'
Oshoffa. They include: no alcohol, no wearing of red or black clothing, and
women must not enter the church until a week after their menses and thirty
days after the birth of a child.
Old and New Testament readings are next interspersed with songs from
the choir, where male and female are arranged separately, and the talking
drum along with the guitar accompany the sweet Celestial choruses.
The sermon today is on holiness, and the shepherd, the local parish
minister, speaks of the founder, Samuel Bilehou Joseph Oshoffa, a native
of the Republic of Benin (Dahomey), the south-western frontier of
Yorubaland.. A humble Yoruba carpenter, he received a 'call' to lead
Africans to Christ and away from the traditional religious practices to
which they usually turned when they 'had problems'. Now they could turn
to the Celestial Church of Christ for spiritual healing, prophecy and e, or
ritual work, any time a crisis arose, instead of going to the babalawo, the
traditional Yoruba herbalist-diviner—priest.
The sermon ends, You reach for your purse as the sister comes to collect
from the women; a male collects from the men. You find yourself excited
as preparations are made for the naming ceremony of a newborn child. For
you are now pregnant and anxiously anticipate the arrival of your fourth
child. Your co-wife has only one child, and that a girt, so that you are
grateful for the fruitfulness of your womb, guaranteed to those who abide
by the rules and regulations given by God to 'Papa'. As the newborn is a
girl, a prophetess holds and names her, and all shout 'Halleluje seven
times. Then the father holds the child and shouts 'llalleluja'. Finally, from
outside the sanctuary, the mother shouts lialleluja.' seven times.
After final prayers, all leave the sanctuary, retaining the sexual division
of space, as you participate in special prayers for the mother outside in the
compound. You join in for the final seven Hallelujas in the four cardinal
directions, then, along with the other members, you make your way home,
barefoot.

The Christ Apostolic woman

You are running a little late for Bible study. Brother Adewunmi has started
 IMPURITY AND WOMEN IN ALADURA 515

Buckley and Gottlieb's fourth theory, that menstrual taboos are a sym-
bolic reflection of ambiguities in the soda! structure, classically expressed
by Mary Douglas in Purity and Danger, is observable in Yoruba traditions
related to menstrual blood. When I asked a Yoruba colleague from the
Republic of Benin about colonial evidence for these attitudes, he replied
that I need not go back that far, since such attitudes were generally held
today. I asked him why Yoruba men seemed to think of menstrual blood as
`dirty'. He corrected me, saying that it was not so much a matter of its being
unclean as of recognition that that Wood' is where life comes from. As
such he explained, it commands respect and distance.' This explanation
is an acknowledgment of female power, and as such has sociological im-
plications.
Mary Douglas carefully analyses menstrual taboos in terms of structural
ambiguity_ Specifically, she argues that menses are likely to be strongly
conceptualised as 'polluted' in a situation in which men are held to be
superior but in which women also exercise autonomy in some arenas of life.
In the light of the potential solidarity of menstruating women, males
reaffirm the social order, which has at its core the affirmation of male
superiority, by deeming menstrual blood unclean. Yoruba society would
seem to exemplify such ambiguity, for the markets throughout Ycprubaland
are controlled by women. As Sud.arkasa has noted, West African women
have a tradition of economic assertiveness and overlapping domestic and
public domains, such that they are not only domestic managers of their own
homes but also active political and economic participants in their com-
munities (1981: 49-63,1987: 25-32). The Yoruba male may 'have the last
word' in and outside the home, but this economic autonomy of women in
Yoruba society is a contradiction with which he must come to terms.
The Gelede masquerade of the south-western Yoruba is a ritual vehicle
for addressing this, in that it is performed by males, and its rituals revere
and placate female ancestors as well as living female elders of the commun-
ity. According to the Drewals, Gelede, through song, dance and costume,
reflects the belief 'that women possess the secret of life itself, the knowledge
and special power to bring human beings into the world and remove them'.
The features of their 44., vital force, is perceived as 'covert, concentrated,
composed, and mysterious' and can be employed for good or for evil
purposes, Gelede is found along the eighteenth-century trade route estab-
lished by the Oyo empire, where large numbers of people migrated in
response to trade, and where markets flourished and the status of the
market women was enhanced accordingly (Drewal and Drewal, 1983! 7, 8,
151, 234).1' This would only intensify gender contradiction, for, though
men generally are held to have higher social status than women in Yoruba
society, in this situation the wealth of the community was intimately tied
to the economic autonomy and success of the women. The prohibitions
surrounding menstrual blood in Yorubaland, and especially in this region,
can be seen as an example of gender ambiguity, and if the Ala.dura
movement is viewed as an exercise in indigenising Christianity we can
assume that these taboos have been 'carried over' into these African
Churches.
But what is to account for the variability between the three Churches?