Argentina–Chile relations

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Argentina-Chile relations

Argentina Chile
 Presidents Sebastián Piñera of Chile and Mauricio Macri of Argentina.

Argentina–Chile relations refers to international relations between the Republic of Chile and
the Argentine Republic. Argentina and Chile share the world's third-longest international
border, which is 5,300 km (3,300 mi) long and runs from north to the south along
the Andes mountains. Although gaining their independence during the South American wars of
liberation, during much of the 19th and the 20th century relations between the countries were
chilled as a result of disputes over the border in Patagonia, although Chile and Argentina have
never engaged in a war. In recent years relations have improved dramatically. Despite
increased trade between the two countries, Argentina and Chile have followed quite different
economic policies. Chile has signed free trade agreements with countries such as China, the
US, Canada, South Korea and the EU and is an active member of the APEC, while Argentina
belongs to the Mercosur regional free trade area. In April 2018, both countries suspended
membership of the Union of South American Nations.

Contents

 1Historical relations (1550–1989)

o 1.1Rule under Spain and Independence
o 1.2War against the Peru–Bolivian Confederation
o 1.3Chincha's war
o 1.4War of the Pacific
o 1.5Claims on Patagonia
o 1.6Arms race and foreign policy cooperation
 1.6.1Dreadnought race
o 1.7Baltimore Crisis
o 1.8Pactos de Mayo
o 1.9Snipe incident
o 1.10Killing of Hernán Merino Correa
o 1.11Operation Soberanía
o 1.12Falklands War
o 1.13Peace and Friendship Treaty
 2Recent relations (1990–present)
o 2.1Argentine support for Bolivia
o 2.2Border issues
o 2.3Economy and energy
o 2.4Gas
o 2.5Sports
o 2.6Technology
 o 2.7Military integration
o 2.8Chilean earthquake
o 2.9Argentina protects fugitive of Chilean justice
o 2.10The Argentine decree 256/2010 about the Strait of Magellan
 3See also
 4References
 5External links

Historical relations (1550–1989)[edit]

Rule under Spain and Independence[edit]

El abrazo de Maipú (English: The embrace of Maipú) between the independence heroes José de San
Martín and Bernardo O'Higgins after the defeat of royalists in the Battle of Maipú

The relationship between the two countries can be traced back to an alliance during Spanish
colonial times. Both colonies were offshoots of the Viceroyalty of Peru, with the Viceroyalty of
the Río de la Plata (which Argentina was a part of) being broken off in 1776, and Chile not
being broken off until independence. Argentina and Chile were colonized by different
processes. Chile was conquered as a southward extension of the original conquest of Peru,
while Argentina was colonized from Peru, Chile and from the Atlantic.
Argentina and Chile were close allies during the wars of independence from the Spanish
Empire. Chile, like most of the revolting colonies, was defeated at a point by Spanish armies,
while Argentina remained independent throughout its war of independence. After the Chilean
defeat in the Disaster of Rancagua, the remnants of the Chilean Army led by Bernardo
O'Higgins took refuge in Mendoza. Argentine General José de San Martín, by that time
governor of the region, included the Chilean exiles in the Army of the Andes, and in 1817 led
the crossing of the Andes, defeated the Spaniards, and confirmed the Chilean Independence.
While he was in Santiago, Chile a cabildo abierto (open town hall meeting) offered San Martín
the governorship of Chile, which he declined, in order to continue the liberating campaign in
Peru.
In 1817 Chile began the buildup of its Navy in order to carry the war to the Viceroyalty of Perú.
Chile and Argentina signed a treaty in order to finance the enterprise.[1] But Argentina, fallen in
a Civil war, was unable to contribute. The naval fleet, after being built, launched a sea
campaign to fight the Spanish fleet in the Pacific to liberate Peru. After a successful land and
sea campaign, San Martín proclaimed the Independence of Peru in 1821.
War against the Peru–Bolivian Confederation[edit]
Main article: War of the Confederation
From 1836 to 1839, Chile and Argentina united in a war against the confederation of Peru and
Bolivia. The underlying cause was the apprehension of Chile and Argentina against potential
power of Peru-Bolivia block. This resulted from concern over the large territory of Peru-Bolivia
as well as the perceived threat that such a rich state would represent to their southern
neighbors. Chile declared the war on 11 November 1836 and Argentina on 19 May 1837.[2](p263ff)
In 1837 Felipe Braun, one of Santa Cruz's most capable generals and highly decorated
veteran of the war of independence, defeated an Argentine army sent to topple Santa Cruz. On
12 November 1838 Argentine representatives signed an agreement with the Bolivian
troops.[2](p271) However, on 20 January 1839 the Chilean force obtained a decisive victory
against Peru-Bolivia at the Battle of Yungay and the short-lived Peru-Bolivian Confederation
came to an end.
Chincha's war[edit]
Main article: Chincha Islands War
A series of coastal and high-seas naval battles between Spain and its former colonies
of Peru and Chile occurred between 1864 and 1866. These actions began with Spain's seizure
of the guano-rich Chincha Islands, part of a strategy by Isabel II of Spain to reassert her
country's lost influence in Spain's former South American empire. These actions prompted an
alliance between Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru and Chile against Spain. As a result, all Pacific coast
ports of South America situated south of Colombia were closed to the Spanish fleet. Argentina,
however, refused to join the alliance and maintained amicable relations with Spain[3] and
delivered coal to the Spanish fleet.
War of the Pacific[edit]
On 6 February 1873, Peru and Bolivia signed a secret Treaty of alliance against Chile. On 24
September, Argentine president Domingo Faustino Sarmiento asked the Argentine Chamber of
Deputies to join Argentina with the alliance. The Argentine chamber assented by a vote of 48-
18. The treaty made available a credit of six million pesos for military expenditures. However,
in 1874, after the delivery of the Chilean ironclad Almirante Cochrane and the ironclad Blanco
Encalada, the Argentine Senate postponed the matter until late 1874, and Sarmiento was
prevented signing the treaty.[4] Consequently, Argentina remained neutral during the war; and
the Argentinians signed a Border Treaty with Chile in 1881.
Claims on Patagonia[edit]
See also: Boundary treaty of 1881 between Chile and Argentina and Treaty of Arbitration
between Chile and Argentina of 1902
Border disputes continued between Chile and Argentina, as Patagonia was then a largely
unexplored area. The Border Treaty of 1881 established the line of highest mountains dividing
the Atlantic and Pacific watersheds as the border between Argentina and Chile. This principle
was easily applied in northern Andean border region; but in Patagonia drainage basins crossed
the Andes. This led to further disputes over whether the Andean peaks would constitute the
frontier (favoring Argentina) or the drainage basins (favoring Chile). Argentina argued that
previous documents referring to the boundary always mentioned the Snowy Cordillera as the
frontier and not the continental divide. The Argentine explorer Francisco Perito
Moreno suggested that many Patagonian lakes draining to the Pacific were in fact part of the
Atlantic basin but had been moraine-dammed during the quaternary glaciations changing their
outlets to the west. In 1902, war was again avoided when British King Edward VII agreed to
mediate between the two nations. He cleverly established the current Argentina-Chile border in
Patagonia by dividing many disputed lakes into two equal parts. It is interesting that most of
these lakes still have different names on each side of the frontier. A dispute that arose in the
northern Puna de Atacama was resolved with the Puna de Atacama Lawsuit of 1899.
Arms race and foreign policy cooperation[edit]
See also: ABC countries
Dreadnought race[edit]
Main article: South American dreadnought race
At the start of the 1900s a naval arms race began amongst the most powerful and wealthy
countries in South America: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. It began when the Brazilian
government ordered three formidable battleships whose capabilities far outstripped older
vessels after the Brazilian Navy found itself well behind the Argentine and Chilean navies in
quality and total tonnage.
Baltimore Crisis[edit]
Main article: Baltimore Crisis
During the Baltimore Crisis which brought Chile and the United States to the brink of war in
1891 (at the end of the 1891 Chilean Civil War), the Argentine foreign minister Estanislao
Zeballos offered the US-minister in Buenos Aires the Argentine province of Salta as base of
operations from which to attack Chile overland.[5](p65) In return, Argentina asked the U.S. for the
cession of southern Chile to Argentina.[6] Later, Chile and the United States averted the war.
Pactos de Mayo[edit]
Main article: Pactos de Mayo
See also: Argentine-Chilean naval arms race
The Pactos de Mayo are four protocols signed in Santiago de Chile by Chile and Argentina on
28 May 1902 in order to extend their relations and resolve its territorial disputes. The disputes
had led both countries to increase their military budgets and run an arms race in the 1890s.
More significantly the two countries divided their influence in South America into two spheres:
Argentina would not threaten Chile's Pacific Coast hegemony, and Santiago promised not to
intrude east of the Andes.[5]:page 71
Snipe incident[edit]
Main article: Snipe incident
In 1958 the Argentine Navy shelled a Chilean lighthouse and disembarked infantry in the
uninhabitable islet Snipe, at the east entrance of the Beagle Channel.
Killing of Hernán Merino Correa[edit]
Main article: Laguna del Desierto incident
The Laguna del Desierto incident, in Argentina called also Battle of Laguna del
Desierto occurred between 4 members of Carabineros de Chile and 90 members of the
Argentine Gendarmerie and took place in zone south of O'Higgins/San Martín Lake on 6
November 1965, resulting in one Lieutenant killed and a Sergeant injured, both members of
Carabineros, creating a tense atmosphere between Chile and Argentina.
Operation Soberanía[edit]
Main article: Beagle conflict
See also: Operation Soberanía
Trouble once again began to brew in the 1960s, when Argentina began to claim that
the Picton, Lennox and Nueva islands in the Beagle Channel were rightfully theirs, although
this was in direct contradiction of the 1881 treaty, as the Beagle Channel Arbitration, and the
initial Beagle Channel cartography since 1881 stated.
Both countries submitted the controversy to binding arbitration by the international tribunal. The
decision (see Beagle Channel Arbitration between the Republic of Argentina and the Republic
of Chile, Report and Decision of the Court of Arbitration) recognized all the islands to be
Chilean territory. Argentina unilaterally repudiated the decision of the tribunal and planned
a war of aggression against Chile.[7]
In 1978 Direct negotiations between Chile and Argentina in 1977-78 failed and relations
became extremely tense. Argentina sent troops to the border in Patagonia and in Chile large
areas were mined. On 22 December, Argentina started Operation Soberanía in order to invade
the islands and continental Chile, but after a few hours stopped the operation when the
Pope John Paul II sent a personal message to both presidents urging a peaceful solution. Both
countries agreed that the Pope would mediate the dispute through the offices of
Cardinal Antonio Samoré his special envoy (See Papal mediation in the Beagle conflict).
On 9 January 1979 the Act of Montevideo was signed in Uruguay pledging both sides to a
peaceful solution and a return to the military situation of early 1977. The conflict was still latent
during the Falklands war and was resolved only after the fall of the Argentine military junta.
A number of prominent public officials in Chile still point to past Argentine treaty repudiations
when referring to relations between the two neighbors.[8][9][10][11][12][13]
Falklands War[edit]
Main article: Falklands War
See also: Events leading to the Falklands War
During the Falklands War in 1982, with the Beagle conflict still pending, Chile and Colombia
were the only South American countries to abstain from voting in the TIAR.
The Argentine government planned to seize the disputed Beagle Channel islands after the
occupation of the Falkland Islands. Basilio Lami Dozo the then Chief of the Argentine Air
Force, disclosed that Leopoldo Galtieri told him that:
"[Chile] have to know what we are doing now, because they will be the next in turn.[14]
Óscar Camilión, the last Argentine Foreign Minister before the war (29 March 1981 to 11
December 1981) has stated that:
"The military planning was, after the solution of the Falklands case, to invade the
disputed islands in the Beagle. That was the determination of the Argentine Navy."[15]
These preparations were public. On 2 June 1982 the newspaper La Prensa published
an article by Manfred Schönfeld explaining what would follow Argentina's expected
victory in the Falkland Islands:
"The war will not be finished for us, because after the defeat of our enemies in the
Falklands, they must be blown away from South Georgia, the South Sandwich Islands,
and all Argentine Austral archipelagos."[16]
Argentine General Osiris Villegas demanded (in April 1982) after the successful
Argentine landing in the Falklands that his government stop negotiations with Chile
and seize the islands south of the Beagle. In his book La propuesta pontificia y el
espacio nacional comprometido, (p. 2), he asked:
no persistir en una diplomacia bilateral que durante años la ha inhibido para efectuar
actos de posesión efectiva en las islas en litigio que son los hechos reales que
garantizan el establecimiento de una soberanía usurpada y la preservación de la
integridad del territorio nacional.[17]
This intention was probably known to the Chilean government,[18] as the
Chileans provided the United Kingdom with 'limited, but significant information'
during the conflict. The Chilean Connection is described in detail by Sir
Lawrence Freedman in his book The Official History of the Falklands
Campaign.
Post-Pinochet democratic governments in Chile have given greater support to
the Argentine claim on the Falkland Islands.[19][20][21][22]
On June 2010 (as in 2009[23] and years before [24][25][26][20]) Chile has supported
the Argentine position at the United Nations Special Committee on
Decolonization calling for direct negotiations between Argentina and the
United Kingdom concerning the Falkland Islands dispute.[27]
Peace and Friendship Treaty[edit]
Main article: Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and
Argentina
This important treaty (Spanish: Tratado de Paz y Amistad de 1984 entre Chile
y Argentina) was an agreement signed in 1984 between Argentina and Chile
establishing friendly relations between the two countries. Particularly, the
treaty defines the border delineation and freedom of navigation in the Strait of
Magellan and gives possession of the Picton, Lennox and Nueva islands and
sea located south of Tierra del Fuego to Chile, but the most part of
the Exclusive Economic Zone eastwards of the Cape Horn-Meridian to
Argentina. After that, other border disputes were resolved by peaceful means.
The 1984 treaty was succeeded by the Maipu Treaty of Integration and
Cooperation (Tratado de Maipú de Integración y Cooperación) signed on 30
October 2009 [28]

Recent relations (1990–present)[edit]

Embassy of Chile in Buenos Aires

Argentine support for Bolivia[edit]

Despite the Pactos de Mayo agreement, in 2004 Argentina proposed to
establish a "corridor" through Chilean territory under partial Argentine
administration as a Bolivian outlet to sea. After talks with Chilean ambassador
to Argentina, the Kirchner government pulled out of the proposal and declared
the issue as "concerning Chile and Bolivia" only.[29][30]
Border issues[edit]
 This map shows the current border of the Southern Patagonian Ice Field, the B
Section is pending delineation

In the 1990s, relations improved dramatically. The dictator and last president
of the Argentine Military Junta, General Reynaldo Bignone, called for
democratic elections in 1983, and Augusto Pinochet of Chile did the same in
1989. As a consequence, militaristic tendencies faded in Argentina. The
Argentine presidents Carlos Menem and Fernando de la Rúa had particularly
good relations with Chile. In a bilateral manner, both countries settled all the
remaining disputes except Laguna del Desierto, which was decided by
International Arbitration in 1994. That decision favoured Argentine claims.
According to a 1998 negotiation held in Buenos Aires, a 50 km (31 mi) section
of the boundary in the Southern Patagonian Ice Field is still pending mapping
and demarcation according to the limits already settled by the 1881 treaty. In
2006, president Néstor Kirchner invited Chile to define the border, but Michelle
Bachelet's government left the invitation unanswered.[31] The same year, the
Chilean government sent a note to Argentina complaining that Argentine
tourism maps showed a normal boundary in the Southern Patagonian Icefield
placing most of the area in Argentina.
Officially Chile supports the Argentine claim on the Falkland Islands.[20][32]
Geopolitics over Antarctica and the control of the passages between the south
Atlantic and the south Pacific have led to the founding of cities and towns such
as Ushuaia and Puerto Williams, both of which claim to be the southernmost
cities in world. Currently, both countries have research stations in Antarctica,
as does the United Kingdom. All three nations claim the totality of the Antarctic
Peninsula.
See also: Argentine Antarctica and Chilean Antarctic Territory
Economy and energy[edit]
Trade between the two countries is made mostly over the mountain passes (see
list)
that have enough infrastructure for large scale trade. The trade balance
shows a great deal of asymmetry. As of 2005 Chile is the 3rd export trading
partner for Argentina, behind Brazil and the United States.[33] Significant import
products from Argentina to Chile include cereal grains and meat. Recently
significant Chilean capital has been invested in Argentina, especially in the
retail market sector.
In 1996 Chile became an associate member of Mercosur, a regional trade
agreement that Argentina and Brazil created in the 1990s. This associate
membership does not convey full membership to Chile, however.
In 2009 approvals were granted for a $3-billion Pascua Lama project[34] to mine
an ore body on the border of the two countries.
In 2016, Argentina's exports to Chile amounted to US$2.3 billion while Chile's
exports to Argentina amounted to US$689.5 million.[35]
Gas[edit]
Argentine president Carlos Menem signed a natural gas exportation treaty
with Chilean president Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle in 1996. In 2005,
President Néstor Kirchner broke the treaty due to a supply
shortage experienced by Argentina. The situation in Argentina was partly
resolved when Argentina increased its own imports from Bolivia, a country
with no diplomatic relations with Chile since 1978. In the import contract
signed with Bolivia it was specified that not even a drop of Bolivian gas could
be sold to Chile from Argentina.[36]
Sports[edit]
In 2003, Argentine AFA's president suggested that both countries launch a
joint bid for the 2014 FIFA World Cup but was abandoned in favor of
a CONMEBOL unified posture to allow the tournament be hosted in Brazil.
Beginning in 2009, the Dakar Rally began to be held in South America, and
both Argentina and Chile have collaborated in organizing the annual cross-
border event multiple times.
Host country Chile and Argentina contested the 2015 Copa America final and
Chile was declared Champion after penalty shots. Copa America 2016 trophy
was also for Chile against Argentina once again in the penalty shots.[37][38]
Technology[edit]
Argentina announced on 28 August 2009[39] the election of the
Japanese/Brazilian ISDB-T digital television standard with Chile following the
same direction on 14 September.[40][dubious – discuss]
Military integration[edit]
Since the 1990s, both militaries began a close defense cooperation and
friendship policy. On September 1991 they signed together with Brazil, the
Mendoza Declaration, which commits signatories not to use, develop,
produce, acquire, stock, or transfer —directly or
indirectly— chemical or biological weapons.
Joint exercises were established on an annual basis in the three armed forces
alternately in Argentina and Chile territory. An example of such maneuvers is
the Patrulla Antártica Naval Combinada (English: Joint Antarctic Naval Patrol)
performed by both Navies to guarantee safety to all touristic and scientific
ships that are in transit within the Antarctic Peninsula.
Both nations are highly involved in
UN peacekeeping missions. UNFICYP in Cyprus was a precedent where
Chilean troops are embedded in the Argentine contingent.[41] They played a
key role together at MINUSTAH in Haiti(Video Haiti) and in 2005 they began the
formation of a joint force for future United Nations mandates.[42] Named Cruz
del Sur (English: Crux), the new force began assembly in 2008 with
headquarters alternately on each country every year.[43]
In 2005, while the Argentine Navy school ship ARA Libertad was under
overhaul, Argentine cadets were invited to complete their graduation on
the Chilean Navy school ship Esmeralda[44] and in another gesture of
confidence, on 24 June 2007, a Gendarmeria Nacional Argentina (Border
Guard) patrol was given permission to enter Chile to rescue tourists after their
bus became trapped in snow.[45]
Chilean earthquake[edit]
On 13 March 2010, following the Chilean earthquake the benefit
concert Argentina Abraza Chile (English: Argentina Hugs Chile) was hosted in
Buenos Aires, and an Argentine Air Force Mobile Field Hospital was deployed
to Curicó.
On 8 April 2010 the newly elected Chilean president Sebastián Piñera made
his first trip abroad a visit to Buenos Aires where he thanked president Cristina
Fernández for the help received. He also stated his commitment to an
increased cooperation between the two countries.[46]
Argentina protects fugitive of Chilean justice[edit]
In September 2010, CONARE (the Argentine National Refugee Commission,
a department of the Argentine Interior Ministry[47]) granted asylum to Chilean
citizen Galvarino Apablaza. Apablaza now lives in Argentina where he is
married to journalist Paula Chain, and is father to three Argentine-born
children. Chain has worked for the Argentine Government press office since
2009.[48] Apablaza is accused by Chile of being involved in the murder of
Chilean Senator Jaime Guzmán in 1991, during the government of Patricio
Aylwin, as well as the kidnapping of the son of one of the owners of the El
Mercurio newspaper. The asylum status has been universally rejected by the
Chilean government,[49] as well as by the Argentine political
opposition.[50] Some Argentine media and journalists[51] have pointed out that
the Argentine government ignored a ruling of the Argentine Supreme Court of
Justice allowing the extradition of Apablaza.[49] Chilean state attorney Gustavo
Gené has pointed out that there was no question of the Chilean legal system's
authority or grounds by the Argentine Commission, and that the reasons for
granting political asylum were based exclusively on "humanitarian grounds".[52]
The Argentine decree 256/2010 about the Strait of
Magellan[edit]
On 17 February 2010 the Argentine executive issued the decree
256/2010[53] pertaining to authorisation requirements placed on shipping to and
from Argentina but also to ships going through Argentine jurisdictional water
heading for ports in the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and South Sandwich
Islands. This decree was implemented by disposition 14/2010[54] of the
Prefectura Naval Argentina. On 19 May 2010 the United Kingdom presented
a note verbale rejecting the Argentine government's decrees and stipulating
that the UK considered the decrees “are not compliant with International Law
including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea ”, and with respect to the
Straits of Magellan the note recalls that “the rights of international shipping to
navigate these waters expeditiously and without obstacle are affirmed in the
1984 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Chile and Argentina with
respect to the Straits of Magellan”.[55]
Article 10 of the 1984 Treaty states “The Argentine Republic undertakes to
maintain, at any time and in whatever circumstances, the right of ships of all
flags to navigate expeditiously and without obstacles through its jurisdictional
waters to and from the Strait of Magellan”.