CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Department of History. National University of Singapore 0 The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History Author(s): E, Wickberg Souree: Journal of Southeast Asian History, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Mar., 1964), pp. 62-100 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Department of History, National University of Singapore Stable URL: http://www. jstor.org/stable/20067476 Accessed: 05-10-2016 07:49 UTC ISTOR isa not-for-profit service that helps scholars, searchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide rungs uf content in a trusted digital ercive. We se information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact suppon@jstor. org ‘Your use ofthe ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance ofthe Terms & Conditions of Use, availabe at bntplfabout tor orgterms Department of History, Netlonal University of Singepore, Cambridge University Press ae collaborating with STOR to dgtize, preserve and exed cts o Journal of Southeast Aslan History “This comeat dowaloaded from 125825235 on Wed, 05 Ost 2016 07:89:40 UTC Dil ee subjet wo hpaboejetoropherns At‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY* E. Wicxserc. Students of Southeast Asian history have had little to say about ‘the historical role played by the Chinese mestizo in that region. Although studies of the Chinese in Southeast Asia have devoted some attention to the position of native-born Chinese as opposed to immigrant Chinese, the native-born Chinese of mixed Chinese- native ancestry is rarely singled out for specific treatment. Perhaps this is because in most parts of Southeast Asia the Chinese mestizos (to use the Philippine term for persons of mixed Chinese-native ancestry) have not been formally and legally recognized as a separate group — one whose membership is strictly defined by genealogical considerations rather then by place of birth, and one which, by its possession of a unique combination of cultural characteristics, could be easily distinguished from both the Chinese and the native com- munities. Such distinctiveness was, however, characteristic of the Chinese mestizo in the Philippines during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Both the Spanish colonial government and the mestizos ‘themselves concurred in this exact identification as neither Chinese nor native, but specifically Chinese mestizo. It is precisely because they formed a separate group, legally defined as such by the Spanish government, that we are able to determine with considerable clarity the nature of the mestizos’ activities—and hence, the nature of their role in that period of Philippine history. That role was as I will attempt to demonstrate below, of great significance to Phi- lippine historical development. Indeed, although close comparison is difficult, it is likely that no other group of mestizos — that is, not simply locally-born Chinese, but specifically mestizo Chinese—played a similar role in the development of a Southeast Asian country. ‘The present paper is a kind of preliminary research report. In it I will present my findings to date as well as some rather new interpretations of Philippine history that I have come to as a result ‘of the work done thus far. I hope these interpretative comments +The material in this article is partially derived from my forthcoming book, The Chinese in Philippine Economy and Society, 1850-1898 which ist be published by the Yale University Press 4 This content downloaded from 121 58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject fo hip:/about stor. ongtermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES. may stimulate discussion on both the mestizo and on broader pro- blems in Philippine historiography. I. Background Discussion If the Chinese mestizo was important in the eighteenth and. nineteenth centuries, and if Spanish legal distinctions make it easy for us to follow his activities during that period, why, then, is so litde said about him in modern writings about Philippine history? Why has there been almost no research on this topic? One of the answers seems to be that there is confusion about the term mestizo ~a confusion compounded by the fact that since 1898 there has been no legally-defined mestizo class which we may use as a basis for understanding the Spanish usage of the term. It is sometimes claimed that Spanish mestizos were of great importance in Philippine history when, indeed, the activities described as sup- port for this statement were those of Chinese mestizos. One recent study, the Human Relations Area Files monograph on the Philip- pines, goes so far as to say that although they were of some importance during the first decades of the Spanish period, the Chi- nese mestizos faded into obscurity thereafter.! Statements of this kind seem to be based upon the assumption that the term mestizo, when encountered in its unmodified form in materials of the Spanish period, refers to Spanish mestizos — that is, persons of mixed Spanish-native ancestry —rather than to Chinese mestizos. Because of this apparent confusion over the term mestizo, it is best to begin with a discussion of the distinctions that were made during the Spanish period — both by the Spanish government and by popular usage. From the time that Chinese mestizos became numerous enough to be classified separately, the population of those parts of the Phi- lippinés that were controlled by Spain was formally divided into four categories: those who did not pay the tribute (which included Spaniards and Spanish mestizos), indios (Malayan inhabitants of the archipelago, who are now called Filipinos®), Chinese, and Chi nese mestizos. The last three of these groups were considered tribute-paying classes, but the amount of their tribute payments and the services demanded of them varied. Normally, the indio paid the lowest tribute. The Chinese mestizo paid double the tribute paid by the indio, the stated reason being that he was 1. Human Relations Area Files, Area Handbook on the Philippines, ed. Fred Eg- gan (4 vols; Chicago, 1956), 1, p. 440 2. As indicated below, the term’ “Filipino”, during most of the Spanish period, was used to indicate a Spaniard bor in the Philippinen Because this article deals with social organization during Spanish times, the terms as used then are employed hese for clarity’: sack. Thus, the term “indio", as used here. is a neutral one, and is intended to relict ‘no discredit upon the Ti 63 ‘This content downloaded from 121.58 232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject to hp:/about stor ortersTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES assumed to have approximately double the earning capacity of the indio. The Chinese, in turn, paid a much larger tribute than that paid by the Chinese mestizo, again, on the grounds that his earning capacity was larger than that of the mestizo.? It would seem, there- fore, that in Spanish thinking, biology and economics had a certain correlation. On the other hand, Spanish policy may have been grounded more in economic and social reality than in bio-economic theory. ‘Throughout most of the Spanish period the indio and mestizo also had to supply a fixed amount of forced labor every year, an ‘obligation that did not fall upon the Chinese. It is possible that this requirement, taken together with other taxes, represented sim- ply a recognition of the occupational facts of Philippine social life. ‘The Chinese was, first and last, 2 commercially-oriented money- smaker. What he could best supply, was money. At the other ex- treme was the indio, whose concerns were chiefly agricultural; what ‘he could best supply, other than tribute grain, was labor. The Chinese mestizo was somewhere between — possibly engaged in agri- culture, possibly in commerce, possibly in both. In any event, the tribute-paying classes remained, until late in the nineteenth century, divided as indicated above. Why so? Aside from matters of theory and convenience in taxation as discussed above, one may cite the familiar political reason: divide and con- quer. This is a simple, comfortable, and hence tempting answer. It is also not without validity for the middle and late nineteenth century Philippines. But we ought not to assume automatically that it was the basic reason why the Spanish, mid-way through the colonial period, established a policy of social compartmentalization, Indeed, there is some evidence that the separation of groups in this fashion was originally based upon no more than a Spanish belief that the healthy society was one in which peoples of different cultural backgrounds were kept apart and not allowed to live to- gether in helter-skelter fashion* For whatever reason, indios, Chinese mestizos, and Chinese re- mained as three separate groups, especially in terms of tax obli- 3. John Phelan, The Hispanization of the Pi 94; Tomas de Comyn, “Estado, de las Islas Filipinas en 1810," Las Islas Fil pings. Progresos en 70 ajios, ed. J. F. del Pan (Manila, 1877), p. 114; Vietor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London, 1951), pp. 598-99; PNA (Philippine National Archives), Gremios de naturales, ‘mestizos, y chinos, 16-5:5. Note that key numbers in references to PNA materials are. based uupon my own sjstem, there being no comprehensive finding system for that archives. 4. See, for instance, an anti-gambling proclamation of 1800 ia Miguel Rodriguer Bettis, Diecionorio de la adminisraciin de Filipinas ... Anuario 1888 (2 vols; Manila, 1888), 11, p. 346. ypines (Madison, 1959), pp. 95, 64 ‘This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 0S Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject ohtp/about tor orgies‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES. gations. But insofar as rights were concerned — such as rights to move about the islands, own property, or participate in town government — the division tended to be twofold, rather than threefold. That is, in general, the mestizos had most of the same rights as the indios, while the Chinese usually did not. The case of property ownership is not clear. But in matters of geo- graphic mobility, the Chinese were usually restricted (with varying degrees of success) while the mestizos, like the indios, were rela- tively free to change residence® Likewise, in local government, the Chinese could never participate, but Chinese mestizos, indivi dually and corporately, could and did participate with the indios. ‘The maintenance of three categories in orderly fashion was pro- vided for by Spanish legislation. Legal status—as Chinese, mestizo, or Indio —by the terms of this legislation — was not ordinarily a matter of personal orientation or choice, Rather, it was the status of the parents — particularly the father — that was most important. ‘Thus, the son of a Chinese father and an india or mestiza mother was classed as a Chinese mestizo. Subsequent male descendants were inalterably Chinese mestizos. ‘The status of female descen- dants was determined by their marriages. A mestiza marrying a Chinese or mestizo remained in the mestizo classification, as did her children. But by marrying an indio she and her children be- came of that classification.’ Thus, females of the mestizo group could change status but males could not. The implications of this system was that so long as legislation remained constant there would always be a sizeable group of people legally classified as ‘mestizos, whatever their cultural orientation might be.* This posed a problem for mestizos who wished to be considered indios or Chinese, or for indios of mestizo heritage on their mother’s side who might wish to be considered mestizo. But there is evidence that the system was not inflexible and that there were procedures by which one could change his status. The lineage history of José Rizal, as given by Austin Craig, is to the point here, 5. Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias Qnd ed; 4 vols; Madrid, 1756), libro. 6, wulo 18, ley 3; Purcell, p. 598; BR (Emma H. Blair and James A. Robertson, e4., The Philippine lands, 1498-1898 (65 vols; Cleve- and, 1908-07), L, p. 200. 6. PNA, Gremios, 165-5; PNA, Provincial Documents, legajo 117, némero 70. legajo 56, nimero 11. 1. Chinos. Sus reglamentos y jus contribuciones, comp. EI Faro Administrative (Manila 1898), pp, 1814 PNA, Provincial Documents, legajo 56, nimero Il. 8. ‘The perpetuation of a mettizo group wat also al the post-1800 marta legislation, which tended to discourage mestix variages. Joaquin Rodriguer San Pedro, Legislatién uftramariaa (06 vols; Madrid, 1865-59), 11, Pp, 515-23; Rafael Comenge, Cuestiones filipinas, La parte.’ Los chinos (Géanila, 1894), p. 288. 65 ‘This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject to hitp/about tor org/srmsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Purely in terms of his ancestry, Rizal might be considered a fifth- generation Chinese mestizo, His paternal ancestor, a Catholic Chinese named Domingo Lamco, married a Chinese mestiza. Their son and grandson both married Chinese mestizas. This grandson, having achieved wealth and status in his locality, was able to have his family transferred from the mestizo padron, or tax-census re- gister, to that of the indios. Thus, Rizal's father, and Rizal himself, were considered indio.* It would appear that individual dispensation was possible, given certain procedures. It is likely that the procedures in question were those widely used in Spanish colonial America in the late eight- eenth century and called dispensa de ley, or gracias al sacar° By these procedures, one paid a sum, a genealogy and other instru- ments of proof were prepared, and one’s status could be legally altered. I have no knowledge at present about how often such things happened in the Philippines. Nor do I know by what means a Chinese mestizo, if he so desired, might be registered as a Chinese, or how a non-mestizo could achieve mestizo status. Given the prestige of the Chinese mestizos it is likely that there were many non-mestizos who sought such status, On the other hand, the Rizal example notwithstanding, it is doubtful that there were many instances in which mestizos attempted to alter their classification." The position of the mestizos was, in many ways, 2 favorable one. It needs to be emphasized here that the legal distinctions spoken of were also social distinctions. The Spanish government followed a policy of social division, But the result could never be a rigidly- defined “plural society”. Mobility between groups was possible for individuals and families, by legal action, as suggested above, or, more commonly, by intermarriage. The basis for intermarriage was that both parties be Catholic. It is the presence of Catholicism, and Spain's emphasis upon propagating it, that distinguish Spanish Philippine social policy from that of other colonial countries in Southeast Asia. Spanish social policy was one of social division mitigated by cultural indoctrination, centering upon Catholicism, which was available to all elements in society. The result was that the various fragments of Philippine society could not only meet in the marketplace; they could also meet in the church, 9. Austin Graig, RizaPs Life and Minor Writings (Manila, 1927), pp. 7-28 10. A brief outline of this procedure, sith references, is found in J. F. King, “phe Gate of Joss Ponclano de Ayarza: A Document on Gracias al Sacar,” Hispanic American Historieat Review, XXXY, No. 4 (Nov. 1951), 11. 1am aware of only one cate of a mestizo formally requesting transfer to Chinese status. See Comenge, p. 229. 66 “This content downloaded from, 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject fo itp//about stor ongtermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Given the legal distinctions and problems of personal identi- fication mentioned above, what was the popular distinction of the term mestizo? By the nineteenth century, the Chinese mestizos had become so numerous and their influence so great that the term “mestizo”, as popularly used in the Philippines, meant “Chi- nese mestizo”. This point is made by Retana, in his Diccionario de filipinismos, again in testimony before the U.S. Philippine Commis. sion, and (naturally enough) by the Chinese mestizos themselves.%® This explicit definition of “mestizo” as “Chinese mestizo” was impli- citly opposed by James LeRoy, an acute, if not always accurate American observer of the Philippine scene. LeRoy argued that Spanish mestizos were of predominant importance in the late nine- teenth century, and scarcely mentioned the Chinese mestizos. Apparently, LeRoy chose to believe that in popular usage the term “mastizo” referred to Spanish mestizos, or else he did not concern himselé with popular usage. Perhaps he simply assumed that, logically, those enjoying fortune and power were most apt to be descendants of the conquerors and rulers. Whatever the reason, LeRoy was, I believe, in error, and I shall now attempt to demon- strate why I think so, The development of a Chinese mestizo group in the Philippines can be understood only by first considering briefly certain features of the history of the Chinese in the Philippines. Soon after the Spaniards arrived, the Chinese moved into an important economic position. Chinese merchants carried on a rich trade between Ma- nila and the China coast and distributed the imports from China into the area of Central Luzon, to the immediate north of Manila. Chinese established themselves at or near Spanish settlements, sery- ing them in various ways: as provisioners of food, as retail traders, and as artisans. Because the Chinese quickly monopolized such activities, the Spanish came to believe their services indispensable. But just as quickly there developed mutual feelings of distrust and animosity between Chinese and Spaniard; cultural differences seemed too great to be bridged. In the early years of Spanish rule in the Philippines open hostilities were frequent. The Spanish dilemma was quickly apparent: unable to live without the Chinese, 12, W. E, Retona, Diccionario de filipinitmos (New York: Paris 1921), United States” Philippine Commission, 1899-1900, Report of the Philippine Commission t0 the President (4 vols; Washington, 1900-01)/ 11, p. 179; PNA, Gremios, 16-55. 18. James A, LeRoy, The Americans in the Philippines (2 vols; Boston, New York, Tei), pessim. See also’ his Philippine Life in Town ond Country (New York. Landon, 1908), esp. pp. 85-58, LeRoy mentions “halt-easte eaciques” ‘and. also speait of "mestizo plantation oy fn Batangas and Pampanga, but does not further identify them, See Philippine Life, p. 186, and Americans, Lp. 0. 67 “This content downloade from 121 58.22.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “Alluse subject obp/about jstororpteemsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES they were equally unable to live with them. The Chinese popula- tion was many times larger than that of the Spanish, further inciting Spanish fears of Chinese revolts. The result was a compromise in Spanish policy between economic interest and political security. Early im the Spanish period laws were passed limiting the number of Chinese who could reside in the Philippines and restricting their areas of settlement. But ~ at least until the mid-eighteenth century —such laws were often enforced in a very loose manner. Given the Spanish assumption that the Chinese were economi- cally indispensable (and few Spaniards questioned the assumption during the first centuries of Spanish rule), the only way to over- come the dilemma would be to find means to convert the Chinese to Catholicism and Hispanism. This is not to say that efforts to convert the Chinese were entirely a matter of studied policy whose objectives were to “tame” those who controlled so much of the colony's economic life. The Spanish priests in the,Philippines had other reasons for wishing to work among the Chinese. One of these was related to their desire to open up and develop the China mission field. It was hoped that work among the Philippine Chi. nese might help bring this about.® A more basic reason was simply that the Chinese were there, and that the Spanish mandate to Catholicize and Hispanize the people of the Philippines seemed to mean all the people in the Philippines. Nevertheless, the creat- ion of a dependable group of Catholic Chinese merchants and artisans loyal to Spain would be a clear advantage. Economic in: terest and political security could thus be harmonized. Spanish policy thus included attempts to convert the Chinese, sometimes making use of such inducements as reduced taxes and fewer restrictions on travel and residence for those who accepted the Faith" But an even better method of “taming” and perhaps assimilating the Chinese was conversion followed by marriage and permanent settlement in the Philippines. ‘There being no Chinese women in the Philippines, “marriage” meant “intermarriage” with indias, Informal unions between Chinese and indias were common. ‘There would have been a sizeable mestizo population regardless of Spanish policy. But the fact that marriages between Chinese led discussion is found in my unpublished dissertation, The Chinese spine Economy and Society, 1850-1898 (University of California, Berkeley, 196), Part 1 15. BR, X, p. 251; Archivo del bibl6flo filipino, od, W. E, Retana (5 vols ‘Madrid, 1895-1905), TIL, p. 553 T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Una’ memoria de Anda J Salezor (Manila, 1899), p. 2%; Berri, Anuario 1888, I, p. 567. 16. Recopilacion, libro 6, 1stulo 18, ley 8, Charles H. Cunningham, The Audie in the Spanish Colonies as Ilustrated by the Au ‘of Manila (Berkeley, 1919), p. 878. 68 ‘This content downloaded from 121.$8.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Alluse subject to hitp:/about stor orp termsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES and indias, when both partners were Catholics, were legally re- cognized and encouraged resulted in the creation of special com- inunities of mestizo. The most important of these was the Binondo community, across the river from the walled city of Manila. Binondo was founded as a Chinese town in 1594. A royal order for the expulsion of all Chinese from the Philippines had been received. But Governor Dasmaritias realized that the city of Ma- nila, the largest Spanish settlement, needed to retain at least a small number of Chinese for its economic services. Therefore he purchased a tract of land across the river from the walled city and gave it to a group of prominent Chinese merchants and artisans as the basis for a new Chinese settlement. Since the existing Chinese settlement near Manila, the Parian, was supposed to be evacuated, the establishment of Binondo was intended to be a means of for- mally obeying the royal order while insuring the availability of goods and services provided by the Chinese. In the beginning, religious and cultural questions were not involved.*7 But the missionary enterprise of Spanish Dominican fathers soon made of Binondo a kind of acculturation laboratory. Once Binon- do had been assigned them as a parish, the Dominicans quickly made of it a community, of married Catholic Chinese. Non- Catholics in areas around Binondo were proselytized, baptized, married, and added to the community of married Catholics. By 1600 this group had reached a size of pethaps five hundred or more.* The first generation of mestizo offspring had also appeared, and there were high hopes that they would excel in higher educa- tion and assist the Dominicans in the spiritual conquest of China.” ‘Thus, almost from the first, Binondo was a separate, Catholic, Chinese and mestizo community, with certain special privileges. ‘The Chinese had founded Binondo on the basis of Dasmarifias’ land grant, which was given in perpetuity, to be tax free, and inalienable to non-Chinese and non-mestizos. The grant was accom- panied by limited self governing privileges” The Community of Christian Chinese and Mestizos, as it was called in the seventeenth century, was repeatedly confirmed in its communal possession of the land on which Binondo stood, all counter-claims were rejected, and the Community recognized as sole proprietor of the area, with V7. The text of Dasmarifias’ “donation” is found in PNA, Gremios, 1655-5. Com- pare Jess Gayo, O.., “Ensayo histérico-bibliografic," Doctrina Christiana; Primer libro impreso en Fuligimes (Manila, 1951), p. 70 18. Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, ed: W. E. Retana, (Madrid, 1810}, p. 225; BR, XVI, p. 216. Gayo (p. 73) gives 800, 19. Gayo, pp. 12-73. 20, PNA, Gremios, 16-55. 69 ‘This content downloaded ftom 121.$8.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “All use subject to hip/fabou stor orgtexmsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES the right to collect rent from any non-members who settled there- in Clearly, Binondo, by the seventeenth century, was intended to be a settlement for Catholic Chinese and their mestizo descendants, and ultimately, in the continued absence of Chinese women, an all-mestizo community. Subsequently, however, indios began to settle in Binondo. The eventual result was the formation of separate communities of Chinese, mestizos, and indios within Binondo. At first, when their numbers were small, the mestizos sided with the Chinese against the indios in a contest for political and social supremacy in Binondo. In 1687 the mestizos and Chinese formally organized the Community of Chinese and Mestizos of Binondo, a Kind of combined municipal corporation and religions sodality, whose principalia of about fifty persons elected ten Chinese and ten mestizos as a corporate council# Later as the mestizos became the leading element in Binondo, they broke away from the Chinese, forming their own Gremio de Mestizos de Binondo in 1741. ‘There were now three gremios in Binondo, each claiming superior ity in civil and ceremonial affairs within the town, The mestizos, during the next century, made good their claim. In so doing, they won the right to rule in matters concerning the common welfare. That is, besides holding authority over matters relating to its own group, as each gremio did, the mestizo gremio had jurisdiction over affairs of general concern. It was still, of course, subject to the authority of the provincial governor. While this was going on in Binondo, the Jesuits had established a similar “reduction”, or mission settlement, of Catholic Chinese in Santa Cruz, adjacent to Binondo. Little is known about the history of this community, except that the three-gremio arrange- ment that developed in Binondo occurred in Santa Cruz as well by 17414 ‘The three-gremio situation of Binondo and Santa Cruz appears to have been unusual. More common, in areas where there were mestizos, were two-gremio towns, in which a mestizo population, left behind by a sincereceded wave of Chinese immigration to that area, formed a gremio| alongside an indio gremio. Through- 21, Ibid. See alto Gayo, pp. 27; %, 22. PNA, Gremios, 16-55 23. Ibid. ‘The term gremio in the Philippines had a range of meaning from a re- ious eodality to a craft gild. At times it was applied to almost any kind of group. 2&4, See BR, XXIX, pp. 10203. 70 “This content downloaded ftom 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject o Bitp/about tor orgeems‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES. out most of the Spanish period, Chinese settlement in areas away from Manila was sporadic and discontinuous enough so that the usual situation was a mestizo residue which, if sufficiently numerous and seléconsciously mestizo, organized itself into a mestizo gremio. The Chinese gremios were found only in Binondo and Santa Cruz, and there only because Manila, as the largest settlement and the port of debarkation for immigrants, was the focal point of Chinese immigration, and the one place in the Philippines to which the Chinese might usually come ~ whatever other restrictions on settle- ment there might be. Hence, the Binondo and Santa Cruz Chi- nese gremios were replenished; the Chinese settlements away from Manila erratically so, if at all. 1. 1741-1850 By 1741 the Chinese mestizos had been recognized as a distinct clement in Philippine society, sufficiently numerous to be organized and classified separately. From this time date the separate tax classification and the mestizo gremios* At this time, too, we begin to hear comments about the mestizos as a group. Padre Murillo Velarde complains: “now we have a querulous group of mestizo” who could cause discord in society.** If the mestizos were numerous enough to be separately organized, how numerous were they? Comprehensive data for the 1740's are unavailable? We must look to the period around 1800 for our first statistics. Comyn, writing around 1810, gives the following figures: 25 PNA, Gremios, 165: V7AI-1880," Philippine Historieal Review, 1, No. 4 (Aug. 1905), No. 5 (Sept. 1905) 26, Quoted in John Foreman, The Philippine Islands (2nd ed; New York, 1898), pea. 21. We do have some 1788 data for one province, Pampanga, in Central Luzon, Wwhich was said have 870 mestizo tribute-payers and 9275 indio tribute-payers. Joaquin Martinez de Z6figa, OSA, Estadimo de las Islas Filipinas, ed. W. E, Retana @ vols; Madrid, 1898), 1, p. 460. If each tribute-payer repre sented about 6.5 perions, there may have been over 5,000 mestizos in a Poptlation of over 65000. In other words, the mestivos made up perhaps seven or eight percent of the Pampanga population. 28, Comyn, p. 186, The appearance of fractional figures is due to the use of the factor 6.5 as representing the number of persons per tribute. The figures given here were derived by multiplying the number of tributes for each Province by 63, Note that sometimes two provinces are represented a5 having exactly the same number of indios or mestizos. Note also the round tmumbers for Zamboanga. Clearly, these figures can give us only # general impression of the population. nm “This content downloaded from 121,58.232.35 on We, 08 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “Al se subjest fo fip:/fabout stor orptems‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Province Albay Antique Bataan Batangas Bulacan Cagayan Calamianes Camarines Capiz Caraga Cavite Cebu Mocos Toilo Laguna Leyte Mindoro Misamis Negros Nueva Ecija Pampanga Pangasinan Samar Tayabas Tondo Zambales ‘Zamboanga Adding together these ewo totals, some 4,000 “blancos” (Span- iards and Spanish mestizo), and some 7,000 Chinese, gives a total Philippine population of 2,527,298. The Chinese mestizo total of 120,621 represents about five percent of the total population. Zédiga’s population material for 1800, and some data of 1791 referred to by Comyn show figures considerably less in absolute terms than those given here, which could mean either a considera ble population growth in the first decade of the nineteenth century, or else substantial errors in some of the calculations. But regardless of the absolute figures, the mestizo percentage of the total and the “This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:48:40 UTC Indios 103,935 39,325 23,985 127,920 143,910 16,752 15,990 159,900 87,1455, 19,183 51,967 151,905 361,270 167,895 95,940 68,007.5, 18,169 18,388.5 41,574 9,750 127,920 159,900 88,595, 71,955 143,910 23,985 1,500 2,895,676.5 12 Mestizos 2,398.5 5,596.5 3,997.5 20,087.5 162.5 2,398.5 396.5 7,195.5 4,797 4,797 1,599 3,198 306.5 799.5 20,937.5 3,997.5 791.5 162.5 35,077.5 474.5 500 120,621 ‘All use subject o hip://about stor. orptemms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES mestizo geographical distribution are about the same as .those given above Although the mestizo total represented only about five percent of the Philippine population as a whole, there were areas of ‘mestizo concentration in which they formed a much larger per- centage of the regional population. Looking at the figures above from the standpoint of geographical distribution, the most obvious feature is the mestizo numerical strength in the three Central Luzon provinces of Tondo, Bulacan, and Pampanga. Over sixty percent of the mestizos in the Philippines resided in these three provinces. The province of Tondo alone accounted for almost thirty percent of the mestizo population in the Philippines. And al- though these were heavily populated provinces, the number of mestizos relative to the total population was not insignificant. In Tondo, mestizos made up about fifteen percent of the population; in Bulacan and Pampanga they accounted for about eleven per- cent cach. In other, less-populated provinces within the same general region of Central Luzon, the mestizos, although not nu- merous in absolute terms, were an important percentage of the provincial population. In Bataan fifteen percent of the population was mestizo. Twelve percent of Cavite’s population was mestizo. But away from Central Luzon there were no large concentrations of mestizo, In other parts of Luzon there were mestizos — some in almost every province. But in the Visayas and Mindanao, mestizos were few, both in absolute terms and Telative to the local population, Indeed, something like ninety percent of the mestizos in the Philippines lived in Luzon, and only in a few spots in the other islands — notably the provinces of Gebu, Iloilo, Samar, and Capiz, were mestizos of any significance. This pattern of mestizo geographical distribution may be at least partly explained by reference to the pattern of Chinese settle- ment. The province of Tondo included the northern part of what is today the city of Manila, including Binondo and Santa Cruz, as well as the modern province of Rizal. Manila was always the portof-entry for new arrivals from China; many never went be- yond it. Spanish laws frequently restricted the area in which Chi- nese might reside to Manila and its environs. Furthermore, since the middle of the eighteenth century the functions of the old Parian had been shifted to a new ghetto, the Alcaiceria de San Fernando, located in Binondo, thus making Binondo no longer the segregated 29. Comyn, pp. 187, 201, ZiiRiga, 1, 150, 194, 806, 461, 589; TT, pp. 9, 20, 25, 31, 40, 47, 58, 6%, 67, 70, 77, 81, 88, 99, 96, 100, 108, 110, 118. 18 “This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Alluse subject to hitp:/aboutjstororptemmsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES settlement of Catholic Chinese and mestizos it had been in the seventeenth century, but a great Chinese and mestizo town in which permanently-residing Catholic Chinese and mestizos rubbed shoulders with newcomers from China” Beyond Binondo stretch- ed the suburban towns to which Chinese could usually migrate, however strict the government's policies. When residence restric- tions were eased, the natural avenues of expansion were those of the trade routes that linked Manila and the Manila Bay perimeter with the Central Luzon plains. The pattern of Central Luzon settlement by the Chinese is therefore not surprising, and the pattern of mes- tizo distribution in this area may largely be explained as a conse- quence of Chinese settlement patterns, On the other hand, one should note that since the mestizos were relatively free to move about, their areas of residence were not entirely predetermined by where their paternal ancestors had lived. Nevertheless, mestizos were found usually in those areas where Spanish settlement had created economic opportunities, and in this they were like their Chinese ancestors? Thus, the largest bodies of mestizos in the Visayas were those around Cebu City and in the province of Cebu. Cebu City, the earliest Spanish settlement in the Philippines, had been the site of a parian second only to that of Manila. Other im- portant mestizo communities were those of the Jaro and Molo area of Iloilo—again a region of early Spanish settlement. ‘Turning from the size and distribution of the mestizo population about 1800 to its occupational characteristics, we find the mestizos of that time primarily engaged in landholding and wholesale trad- ing, although there were also mestizos in the professions, including the small but growing native clergy. Spanish writers during the early decades of the nineteenth century especially noted the land- holding and wholesaling activities — and the wealth — of the mestizos of Central Luzon. Ziisiga, in particular, repeatedly points ont the role of the Central Luzon mestizos as lessees (inquilinos) of rice-producing lands. Some of the lands in question were sub- let by the inguilinos for amounts in excess of the rent owed by the inguilino to the landowner. Others were worked according to the kasamahan system, by which the actual tiller received 2 per- centage of the crop, the inquilino taking the rest, from which he paid his rent? For instance, at the Augustinian-owned hacienda 30, Wickberg, The Chinese, p. 21 31. Wickberg, “Early Chinese Economic Influence in the Philippines, 18% 1898", Pacific Affairs, XXXV, No, % (Fall 1962), p. 277; Zéfiga, 1, pp. 44f, 306, 38445, 460, $89 1, pp. 20-208; Juan Delgado, SJ., Historie secro-profane, politica y natural de las Telos det Poniente llamedas Filipinas (Manila, 1892), pp. 27-46; Comyn, p. 186, 82, Ziiga, 1, 4548, 894-85, 598. 4 “This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “Al use subjest fo fipabout tor orptenns‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES of Pasay the inguilinos, according to Zifiga, amounted to about 4,000, of whom about half were Chinese mestizos, ‘a people who are richer than the indios and who spend more, not only on food, but also on dress, gaming, tobacco, wine, and vices. They have no other source of income than ‘the land, since their trading is minor and their manu- facturing nil. Again, at Bifian, in Laguna, Zifiga notes that the best houses were those of Chinese who had settled and married there or of Chinese mestizos. who are those that compose the principalia of this town ‘The sole line of business that has enriched these people and has attracted so many Chinese to that town is rice, which is harvested in great abundance... . “ The Bifian hacienda, Zidiga says, is “mostly in the power of the rich”, who work it by means of the kasamahan system. The mestizos of Bifian had also acquired by purchase the lands of the people of Cabuyao, who were now working as tenants on lands they had once owned. Ziiiiga argues that the alienation of indio lands to mestizos is in part the result of excessive litigation over and ownership, which impoverishes the indias, who then sell their and rights to the mestizos, He concludes: “If no remedy is found, within a short time the lords of the entire Archipelago will be the Chinese mestizos." To the immediate north of Manila, the rich people of the towns of Tondo, Tambobong (Malabon), Polo, Ovando, Meycauayan, and Bocaue — principally mestizos —were inguilinos of estates in the Caloocan area. ‘These mestizo inquilinos, unlike those of Pasay and Bian, had more than one source of income. Living in their im- posing houses in the towns, they combined inguilino income from the kasamahan system with profits from middleman trading bet- ween Manila and the Pampanga-Bulacan area. ‘These towns were located on the water routes connecting Manila's markets with the produce areas of the Gentral Plains to the north. The mestizos of these towns carried on a lucrative commerce by collecting goods from the north and bringing them into Manila for sale. Some- times, non-perishable goods, such as rice and salt, were stored by the mestizos in their own warehouses until the market price had risen before bringing them into Manila. Tbid., 1, p. 12 Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. Tbid., T, pp. 48. bid. 1, pp- 48-51. bid, 1, p. 296, 834-35, 348-49, geese Ty “This content downloaded from 121.$8.232.35 on Wed, 05 Ost 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Al se subject to bip://abou stor. orptemms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO iN PHILIPPINES Tambobong (Malabon), a half-mestizo, half-indio town of soine 15,000 population, had sprung from obscurity because of its position as.a center for transshipment of goods from Pampanga and Bulacan to Manila. Some Tambobong mestizos were worth, according to Ziiiiga, as much as 40,000 pesos.” Polo, with a population of about 1,000 had an important mestizo,minority, forming its wealth: iest element. The people of Polo specialized in the collection of rice for transport to Manila, Nearby Ovando was much the saine. Meycauayan specialized in stoneworking, but, according to Ziitiga, most of the profits went not to the indio workers but to the mestizos of that town who loaned tools and advanced money at high rates of interest to the stone-cutters.** East of Manila the rich town of Pasig which controlled the gateway from Manila upriver to the province of Laguna, specialized in wholesale and retail trade. Goods imported from abroad were purchased at Spanish-owned warehouses in Manila by the Chinese and Chinese mestizos of Pasig, who then controlled their distribution between Manila and Laguna, They also sold produce of their area to Manila Spaniards for export abroad. One of the most imepressive buildings in Pasig was the stone casa ‘real of the mestizo gremio. Nearby was an hacienda owned by a mestizo.® Zafiga particularly notes a pattern of mestizo money-lending and acquisition of indio lands in Bulacan. The classic instrument of land alienation was the pacto de retro, or contract of retrocession, by which the indio landowner pawned his land for ready cash with an option to “repurchase” it at a price equal to the amount of the loan. Since the indio could seldom repay the loan and redeem the land the land went by default to the mestizo. In this fashion, by providing loans for the expenses of fiestas, baptisms, and litigation, the mestizos—and some rich indios — were acquir- ing indio lands, a process which Zithiga generalizes about for the whole archipelago As an example, he cites Bulacan, where the mestizos of Bigaa, San Isidro, Bocaue, Polo and Meycauayan had become owners of some of the best rice-producing lands through use of the pacto de retro. Ziiiga, alarmed, calls on the Spanish government to stop this practice lest the mestizos become lords of the archipelago, “from which may be anticipated many adverse consequences." 37. Ibid, 1, pp. 296, $36. 38, Tbid, T, pp. $48-50, 958. 2 1, pp. 204, 206, 272 40 Ibid. I, pp 364.65, 398, $40, 492.98. See also, 50-51, 41, Tid, T, pp. 364, 867, 985, 398, 440, 457. 16 ‘This conten downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 5 Oct 2016 07-49:40 UTC ‘All use subject o ip:labout stor orpterms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES It is clear that the Spanish administration was concerned about the land alienation problem. As early as 1768 there were laws against the use of the pacto de retro — specifically, against its use by the Chinese and the Chinese mestizos? But it was not easy to break the power of the Chinese and mestizo money-lender. In the indigo industry, for instance, Spaniards attempted to replace the mestizo moneylenders by advancing money to growers. But this was a shortlived experiment. The mestizos, unlike the Spaniards, lived close to the indios, knew their language, and watched the harvest closely. Spaniards from Manila had difficulty challenging their monopoly. Moreover, the power of some mestizos was becoming such that when their interests were threatened by government planning they involved the government in legal action, claiming that what the government proposed would harm the indio, whom they wished to protect. Finally, the government representatives simply gave in to the mestizos’ wishes.** To generalize, reading Ziifiga one sees a picture of rising mestizo economic power in Central Luzon, challenging the economic position of the provincial governors, who enjoyed trading privi- leges as an official perquisite, and, ultimately, calling into question even the local political power of both the governors and the local Spanish priests. The latter two, thought Zéfiga, were the only local forces potentially able to check the growing power of the mestizo and his exploitation of the indio. Yet even Zéfiga had to admit the enterprising nature of the mestizos of Central Luzon. The indigo industry in the Philip- pines, just referred to, was developed largely through mestizo and Chinese enterprise. It began with the mestizos of Tambobong (Malabon), who were taught an indigo manufacturing method by an Augustinian priest. They chose the province of Bataan to experiment with the new process. There they financed the growers, processed their product, and sold it to Chinese in Manila, making handsome profits. In this way, mestizo enterprise from one pro- vince helped develop a new product in another.# In another way mestizo enterprise showed itself — or attempted to do so. The provision of meat for certain local communities 42. BR, L, p. 24; Berris, Anuario 1888, 1, p. 591; “Contratos usuratios,” Re eneral de legislaciin y jurisprudencie, XXV (Madrid, 1864), p. 176. 4s. 1, pp. $6870; 4040. 44. Ibid 1, pp. 498-94. See also pp. 40405 for mestizo indigo purchasing in Bulacan. Some years latery del Pan noted that most of the lands in Bataan had been ‘acquired by people from Malabon and Pampanga. Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, p. 885 7 This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 0S Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “Alls subject to ip/abontjtor orgies‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES ‘was difficult to handle, and mestizos in these areas sought to con- tract with the government to supply it. But the provincial gover- nors opposed this or else allowed it but harassed the mestizos to the point that the latter abandoned the contracts.** Likewise, in discussing the mestizos in the Visayas, Ziifiga can- not help admitting their value in terms of economic prosperity. Here he adopts an attitude similar to the ambivalence with which the Spanish usually regarded the Chinese. After mentioning the importance of the mestizos to the prosperity of Samar, he notes their absence in Antique and says: and this is unfortunate, because although mestizos are some- what prejudicial to towns in some places, they have their usefulness. In Antique, the provincial governor bought up the rice of the indios, and the mestizos of other provinces went there to buy it. If there were mestizos [in Antique], they would buy the rice, and store it for profitable sale to the indios of the country, or loan it to them at usurious rates, which, although bad, is better than their dying of hunger. Zéiiga has nothing specific to say about mestizo landholding in the Visayas, an area with which he was less familiar than he was with Luzon. It is likely that mestizo activities in.the Visayas were primarily those of wholesale trading between the islands. In Luzon, ‘on the other hand, as noted above, some mestizos were wholesalers ‘of goods between Manila ‘and the nearby provinces, but others might be either lessees of land or actual landowners. Still others might combine landholding with trading. Mestizos were also entering the native secular clergy, which was beginning to take over some curacies from the Spanish regulars, There were Spaniards who viewed this with disgust and alarm. Comyn, writing in 1810, claimed that entire provinces were being transferred to indio and mestizo clergy, to the detriment of their parishioners, who could not but be disgusted at the ignorance, tyranny, and impropriety of the native clergy.*t Bernaldez Pizarro, a Spanish regular, writing in 1827, also deplored the growing influence of the native indio and mestizo secular clergy.** 45. Zétiga, Tp. 440. 46. bid., II, p. 100. 41. Comyn, 'p. 158. 48. BR, Li, pp. 208-06, For the size of the secular clergy see Com; p. 159 and BR, 'L, p. 59. On educational opportunities for) mestizos and indios and the’ mestizo response thereto see BR, XLV. pp. 121-280; San Pedro, I, Pp. 528. 78 ‘This content dowaloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Al use subject o hp about tor orpternsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Comyn, like Zatiga, has much to say about both the qualities and the activities of the mestizos. There is also a kind of trade peculiar to the rich indios and Chinese mestizos, an industrious caste, and one that is master of most of the wealth, which consists of advance buying of the harvests of indigo, sugar, tice, etc., with a view to pro- fiting from the resale of these products to the retailer. In the case of Chinese mestizos economy and cupidity go together with intelligence and energy to increase their funds, and, scattered through the principal towns of the islands, they are found in possession of the best lands and the most lucrative internal trading. There is excellent reason to pre- dict that this industrious and knowledgeable people will be able, little by little, to draw to itself a mass of money of very great significance, although it is impossible to determine how much or to what destination it may ultimately go.% Because the Spaniards had concentrated on foreign trade to the neglect of internal trade, by Comyn’s time the entire internal trade is monopolized by indios princi pales, Chinese mestizos of both sexes, and a few Chinese. Although Comyn understates the extent of Spanish involvement in internal trade by ignoring the provincial governors’ share of it, this statement of his serves to underline the increasing partici- pation of enterprising natives — especially mestizos. By the middle of the nineteenth century the position of the Chinese mestizo in Philippine economy and society was firmly established, as a consequence of developments during the century 1750-1850. From the vantage point of 1850 let us take a long look at the mestizo of that time. The total population of the Philippines, by the mid-nineteenth century, was something in excess of 4,000,000 — perhaps as high as 5,000,000. ‘The mestizo population was estimated by one source to be 240,000" Thus, the mestizos apparently continued to form about five to six percent of the total Philippine population. But while their relative numbers had not increased, there were Jean Mallat de Bassilan, Les Philippines (2 vols; Paris, 1846), 1, p. 97; Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands (London, 1859), p. 111, ‘The offcial figure derived from the 1677 census was 5,567,585. Jord Jimeno Agius, Poblacién y comercio de for Isles Filipinas (Matid, 1884), p. 10. 58. Mallat, I, p. 97, Sinibaldo de Mas estimated there were “over 200,000". BR, LIL, p. 39, 79 “This contet downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All se subjeat 0 bipiabout stor orpterms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES some interesting changes in their geographic distribution. As be- fore, about thirty percent of the mestizos were residents of the province of Tondo. In Central Luzon generally, mestizos con- tinued to be numerous. But now we begin to notice mestizos pushing farther into Luzon — into Abra, and especially into Nueva Ecija. In the latter province, by mid-century, mestizos were as numerous as they, were in Bataan, Batangas, and Ilocos Sur. In the Visayas, the largest group of mestizos, as before, was that in Cebu. Iloilo and Samar also remained centers of mestizo influence. But now we find a few mestizos in Antique, and, most interesting of all, for the first time we notice mestizos in Mindanao — in the eastern part of the island (Caraga province), and in Misamis. The mestizo population of about 240,000 was part of a Philippine population that included an estimated 3,700,000 lowland indios, another 1,025,000 mountain people who had not submitted to Spa- nish rule, 20,000 Spanish mestizos, 5,000 Spaniards, and 10,000 Chinese." By the middle of the nineteenth century the economic position of the Chinese mestizos was stronger than ever. Not only did they have substantial land interests, but they were well on the way to monopolizing internal trading, with only the provincial governors as their competitors. Lannoy, writing in the 1840's, said that despite the attempts of the Spanish to treat them with disdain, it was the Chinese mestizos who had the biggest fortunes in the Philippines. Other observers commented on the wealth and economic in- fluence of the mestizos. Sinibaldo de Mas, in his report of 1842, said: Almost all the retail commerce is in their hands and they may be counted the middle class of the Philippines. They ate the proprietor merchants, and educated people of the country and will dominate public opinion, ‘The Chinese mestizos will, within a century, have grown to at least one million by natural increase and immigration from China, and: will possess the greater part of the wealth of the Islands.** Zamora, writing in the 1840's, predicted that the Chinese mestizos ipinas (Manila, 54. Rafael Diar Arenas, Memorias histéricas y estadisticas de 1850}, cuaderno 5. Dia Arenas gives no data for Leyte. 55. Mallat, 1, p. 97 56. J. Lannoy, des Philippines (Bruxelles, 1849), p. 118. 57. BR, LU, pp. 6465, 80 ‘This content downloaded from 121.58 232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject o hnps/about tr orptermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES would completely replace the Chinese, economically® And Sir John Bowring equated mestizaje and progress, arguing that the Telative backwardness of Mindanao and some other areas could be explained by the absence of mestizos, whom he described as a “great improvement upon the pure Malay or Indian breed."* In the city of Manila, foreign traders who wished to distribute imported goods worked through the mestizos of that city. As for Manila's retail commerce, it was handled exclusively by Chinese mestizos and Chinese. They also had the majority of artisan’s shops and were active in urban wholesaling.” Landholding continued to be an important source of mestizo income, According to Mallat, who was in the Philippines about 1840, the largest landholders in Luzon were the religious orders. But the next largest were the Chinese mestizos whom he spoke of as rich, energetic, and economical. Like Ziiiiga, Mallat was critical of the mestizo landholders of Central Luzon. He claimed that they treated the indios harshly, giving them little money or food, and making them work hard. Their motto, Mallat thought, was “bread in one hand, the stick in the other.” In Central Luzon the mestizo influence was indeed strong. By the 1840's a number of towns had reached a size of from 10,000 to 40,000 persons. Among these were several whose leading elements were Chinese mestizos, such as Tambobong, Malolos, Bifian, and Binondo.*3 Mallat noted the presence of many rich mestizo sugar mill owners in the town of Bulacan. In Pagsanjan, the capital of Laguna province, most of the residents were mestizos, and the lands nearby all belonged to them, Moreover, these mestizos did practically all the business at the weekly market in the town of Santa Cruz.t Sir John Bowring, who visited the Philippines during the 1850's, observed that in the towns around Manila “almost every pueblo has some dwellings larger and better than the rest, occupied by 58. Jos Marfa Zamora y Corenado, Hiblioteca de la legislacién ullramarina en Jorma alfabética (7 vols; Madrid, 1844-46), VI, p. 108 Bowring, pp. $40, 944-45, 35051 Mallat, I,’pp, 171, 184; 11, pp. 188, 320 Tid, "Tl, pp. 968-66. Jagor noted the extension to Camarines of mestizo land” acquisitions by” mortgage foreclosures. "Some mestizos Posest reveral Pieces of ground: but they are seldom connected together, as they generally acquire them 2s mortgages for sims bearing but a small proportion ‘to theit real value.” Feador, Jagor, Travels in the Philippines (London, 1873). p. 156. 62. BR, LI, p. 199: Mallat, 1, pp. $8, 182, 188, The town of ‘Taal, which had reached’ quite a considerable size, was regarded as a kind of exception 0 the general Central Luzon role in that it had no mestisos. Del Pan, Las Islas Pilipinas, p. 871, 68, Mallat, I, pp. 189, 245. 288 81 This content downloaded from 121.58.232.38 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject ohp:/about stor orgtermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES the native authorities or the mixed races (mostly, however, of Chinese descent)..." In general, Bowring cited the mestizos as being the most industrious, persevering, and economical element in the Philippine population. “The great majority of the mer- chants and landed proprietors belong to this class, and most of the subordinate offices of government are filled by them.”* In the writings of the mid-nineteenth century we now begin to find more comments about the mestizo in interisland trade, espe cially in the Visayas. The centers of interisland trading, besides Manila, were Cebu, and the twin settlements of Molo and Jaro in Hoilo. The mestizos of Cebu, Molo, and Jaro carried on an im- portant trade, collecting raw materials in the Visayas and trans- porting them to Manila where they sold them to Chinese or European merchants for export overseas. In Manila they pur- chased imported manufactures which they took back with them for distribution throughout the Visayas. Mestizo purchases of raw materials for export were carried out in a rather haphazard manner. Bernaldez Pizarro, deploring the “oppressive rule of the mestizo trader” over the indio, remarks: the agriculture of Filipinas at this time depends on the irregular and transient stimulus which is furnished to it by the peripatetic capital of the mestizo, who buys only in the years when he calculates that he must in view of the con- dition of the crops and the market, make a profit... . ® It was the mestizos who made Cebu wealthy. From Cebu the ‘mestizos’sent their purchasing agents eastward to Leyte and Samar, southward to Caraga and Misamis, and westward to Negros and Panay to buy up local products for sale to foreign merchants in Manila. In Leyte and Panay they bought up tobacco, sea slug: and mother-of-pearl; in Samar, they purchased cacao, coconut oil, and tobacco: Caraga and Misamis sold them gold, and in Misamis they also bought coffee, wax, and cacao. Cacao was also purchased in Negros, as were rice, pearls, fish, wax and other products? In Cebu City there was a particularly important group of mestizos, apparently descendants of the Chinese inhabitants of that city’s parian, These mestizos, a few thousand in number, con- tinued to live apart from the city in the Parian, where they had a Bowring, pp. 118-14 Mallat, 1. pp. $1120; PNA, Provincial Documents, tegajo 137, mimero 4; Bowring, pp. 114, 850-408. BR, LE p. 265, Mailat, I, pp. $11-20. Mallat also notes that the internal trade of Samar was ‘controlled by the mestizos of that island. ibid., 1, pp. 290-91 82 28 ag “This content downloaded from 121.$8.232.38 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject otp:/about tor orgitermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES priest of their own at royal expense.*® They were rich, industrious, and active. Buzeta and Bravo go so far as to say that the City of Cebu could not even have survived without them.” Molo and Jaro, in Iloilo, contained mestizo settlements left be- hind by an early tide of Chinese migration, since receded. In Molo’s population of 16,000, only 1,000 or so were mestizos, but it was they who controlled trade, and it was they who owned the carriages in Molo. The best description of their activities, and those of the Jaro mestizos, is that given by Nicholas Loney, British vice- consul at Iloilo in 1857. European goods were brought from Ma- nila to the port of Iloilo by mestizo and Chinese traders, and subsequently distributed at Molo, Jaro, and other large towns This branch of the trade is as yet principally conducted by the mestizo dealers of Molo and Jaro, who, on com- pleting their purchase of native-made goods for the Manila market, embark with them (in number of from six to ten, fifteen and sometimes twenty) in the coasting vessels leav- ing for the capital, The returns for these! speculations they generally bring back in foreign (principally British) manu- factures, purchased at cheap rates from the large Chinese shopkeepers at Manila. The sale of these goods by retail here is still conducted in the rather primitive way of con- veying them from place to place on certain fixed days. In this way goods that appear to-day at the weekly fair or market of Jaro, are subsequently offered for sale at Molo, Mandurriao, Oton, or Arevalo. They are carried to and from the different pueblos in cumbrous, solid-wheeled ve- hicles, drawn by buffaloes and oxen, a mode of conveyance which, during the wet season, is attended with ai good deal of delay and risk." Bowring further points out that mestizos of Molo and Jaro who traded with Manila, in many cases owned their own ships and had much invested in the trade, The items for export! to Manila and hence overseas included leaf tobacco, sugar, sapanwood, rice, hemp, hides, horns, sea slugs, mother-of-pearl, and beeswax. Another en- terprise in which the Molo-Jaro mestizos were engaged was the manufacture of pita cloth, which was also an export item. Pifta- making was a home industry, and in the house of the mestizos and rich indios there were from six to a dozen looms at work making it. 68. Fbid 1, p. 11. 69, Manuel Buzeta, OSA. and Felipe Bravo, OSA. Diccionario geogréfico, extedistico, MistGrico de let Tsles Filipinas (2 vols; Manila 1850), 1, pp. 552°5% 70. Jagor, p. 202, 71. Bowring, pp. 114, $59, 877, 400.08. 88 ‘This content downloaded from {21,58 232.35 on Wed, 05 Ost 2016 07:49:40 UTC Alluse subject © hip /aboutjtororgermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Indeed, according to Loney, pita goods were the most profitable item for sale that the mestizos of Molo-Jaro took to Manila."* Thus, as in landholding, the influence of the mestizo in internal trade was very great. How can we explain the rise of the mestizo to such economic importance from 1750 to 1850? Let us briefly consider the nature of economic opportunities and the kind and amount of economic competition that prevailed in the Philippines during that century. In an excellent, and as yet unpublished dissertation, Benito Legarda, Jr. has identified the period from about 1820 to about 1870 as one in which the Philippines moved from a subsistence economy to an export crop economy. It was during those fifty years that such Philippine raw products as hemp and sugar began to be exported in quantity and that the products of European factory industry, particularly English textiles, began to find markets in the Philippines. As Legarda points out, a major factory in this econo- mic transition was Western entrepreneurship. North European and North American merchants had access to capital and to markets in the West. Once the Spanish government reversed its long- standing policy and allowed non-Spanish Europeans to reside in the Philippines a necessary. precondition for developing an export crop economy had been met.”* ‘The expansion of overseas markets for Philippine products in turn stimulated an increase tempo of raw product collection with- in the archipelago. For those who could do this efficiently there were rapidly expanding opportunities for profit. But the develop- ments of this fifty year period were, in many respects, simply an acceleration of trends that had been in motion in the Philippines since the middle of the eighteenth century. In other words, al- though the opportunities for middleman wholesalers of raw pro- ducts and foreign imports expanded rapidly after’ 1820; such opportunities existed and were slowly growing from the middle of the eighteenth century onward. During the waning years of the Manila Galleon trading system, the galleons, which had once carried primarily Chinese goods and Mexican silver, began to load more diversitied cargo, including increasing amounts of Philippine produce. The Royal Philippine Company, established late in the eighteenth century as a trading device, was also charged with pro- 72. Ibid, pp. $89, 977, 394-97," 400-08. 73. Benito Legarda, Jr., Foreign’ Trade, Economic Change, and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth-Century Philippines (Harvard University, 1955). Sce_also his “American Entrepreneurs in. the 19th-Century Philippines," Explorations in. Entrepreneurial History, 1X, No. 8 (Feb. 1951). 8 ‘This content downloaded from }21.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All se subject o hip /about tor orgteems‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES moting the development of Philippine products and their sale overseas. As Philippine lands began to be used for commercial agriculture, the acquisition of such lands came to be a competitive matter. Opportunities for collectors of Philippine products also began to open up. Who would seize them? Spaniards and Spanish mestizos were few in number in the Phi- lippines, and, more important, they were usually uninterested in trade, other than speculation in the Manila Galleon. Most indios lacked the capital or experience. There remained the provincial governors (Spaniards), the Chinese, and the mestizos. ‘The indulto de comercio gave the governors the privilege of trading as a per quisite of office, a special dispensation they enjoyed until 1844. But although they competed with the'mestizos in the collection of Philippine raw products, their method was to acquire raw pro- ducts as payment in kind of the tribute required of all indios and mestizos, then converting these into cash at a profit to themselves. The mestizos seem to have been more active collectors and trans porters of Philippine produce. But except for this difference, which may not be significant, it is not clear why the mestizos should enjoy any advantages over their major competitors, the provincial governors.”* Where, for instance, did the Chinese mestizog get the capital to engage in trading operations and in moneylending? Why did they have such an aptitude for matters of this kind? The simplest answer to both these questions is that both capital and financial aptitude were legacies from their Chinese fathers, Indeed, the commercial skills of the mestizos were said by some observers to have been “inherited” from their Chinese fathers. But because the Chinese father was often absent when the children were growing up, it would seem that in business, as in religion, the mother would have been the teacher. In any event, we have no docu- mented cases to support generalizations about inheritance or family training. What about the Chinese as competitors of the mestizos? Else where®® I have attempted to demonstrate that the mestizo successes of 1750-1850 were accomplished during a slack period of Chinese colonization in the Philippines. This argument, in turn, rests upon demonstration that the oft-repeated Spanish legislation limit- 1A. Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, p. 248; O. D. Corpuz, The Bureaucracy in the Philippines (Quezon City, 1952). pp. 101-08. 75. On the practices of the governors before 1844 sce Legarda, Foreign Trade, pp. S19-21, On mestizo-governor rivalry see Mallat, I p. 185, See also BR, Li, pp. 254-85, 245-46, 76, Wickberg, The Chinese, Part 1 85 This content downloaded fiom 121.$8.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Alluse subjest a hip/aboutjtor.orperms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES ing the size and geographical distribution of the Chinese popula- tion, so often evaded in the past, was really enforced during this period. In my view, it was. The defection of so many Chinese — including Catholic Chinese —to the side of the enemy during the English invasion of the Philippines (1762-64) was, 1 think, a greater shock to the Spaniards than previous Chinese “rebellions” or threats of rebellion had been. For the first time, since the earliest days of the colony, the Philippines had come very near to being lost to Spain — this, with the aid of the Chinese. ‘There was, therefore, good reason to enforce the laws expelling most of the Chinese. On the other hand, the Chinese had their partisans, and a figure of about 4,000 “necessary” Chinese was cautiously established in 1790.7 The actual number residing in the Philippines from the 1780's to the 1840's exceeded this, and possibly also the figure of 5,000 which appears in official statistics of the period. But it is doubtful that it approached the soaring figures of 20,000 and 30,000 at which it stood in earlier years. Moreover, the Chinese were restricted to Manila arid a few provinces immediately adjacent to it’© They were in no position to compete with the Visayan mestizos as collectors of Visayan produce. Therefore, I would argue that the mestizos’ economic successes were achieved in large patt due to a temporary absence of the Chinese from most of the ‘provincial areas. Had there been no restrictions on Chinese iminigration and geographic mobility, the new opportunities that began to appear in the late eighteenth century would, in all probability, have been seized by the Chinese.” Instead, the temporary application of the Spanish laws gave the growing mestizo group its opportunity, with only the provincial governors as its competitor, ‘The rise of the mestizos ‘to economic importance was paralleled by a rise in social prominence. Indeed, the mestizos’ wealth and the way, they spent it made them, in a sense, the arbiters of fashion in Manila and in other large settlements. Although they built up their savings, sometimes into real fortunes, the Chinese mestizos were fond of gambling and ostentation, especially in dress, Besides entertaining friends and others with sumptuous feasts, y 71. PNA, Reales brdenes, caja 49, mimero 96. JB. Bestiz, Anuario 1858, 1, pp. 876, 584. Discussion in Wickberg, The Chinese See also Nicholas Loney's comments on the scarcity of Chinese in the provinces as late a8 the middle of the mincteenth century. Bowring: pp. 400.08. 79. Note Bowring’s comparative comments about British Borneo. Bowring, p. UB. 80, Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, p. 399. 86 This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 08 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “All se subject o ip//about tor. orptermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES ‘mestizo families often expended great sums of money on feast days. In these things they were a model for the indios, and indio principales who could afford to do so, attempted to live like the mestizos.® ‘There was, in fact, social prestige attached to being considered a Chinese mestizo, Sinibaldo de Mas, writing around 1840, re- marks on the rise of wealth, rather than lineage considerations, as the standard of social status." Although this may be an exaggera- tion in terms of the archipelago as a whole, for Manila and other urbanized centers it was certainly the case. It was probably true also for those rural areas most affected by the development of an export crop economy. With the growth of the idea of status by wealth it is not surprising that the Chinese mestizos should become envied models, In the localities where they were numerous, they were often among the wealthiest people, and, what is perhaps more important, they were believed to be, as a class, wealthier than the indios. Hence, great prestige came to be attached to the name “mestizo”. Indeed, there were some places in Central Luzon where everyone in the region claimed to be mestizo, even though this meant paying double tax." The best illustration of this kind of mestizo-craze attitude may ‘be found in the character of Capitan Tiago in Rizal's novels. Capitan Tiago is an excellent example of an indio cacique of means who wished to be regarded as a Chinese mestizo and was able to purchase for himself a place in the wealthy and famous Gremio de Mestizos de Binondo. Yet the indio attitude toward the mestizo was not one of unmixed admiration. In many areas the mestizo was, after all, the indio’s landlord and moneylender, and even if Ziiiiga’s and Mallats des- scriptions of mestizo practices are exaggerated, no doubt there was some basis for hostility in this kind of relationship. ®Moreover, in Gl. Tid, pp, 399400; Mallat, 1 pp. 18485; Ruse and Bravo, p. 24 Comenge, tp. Bis: Frode ated, "Bie chiesihe autwondarang” (Bein, TH), us. se, Ba tir, pp. 01-02 88, Dei Pan believed that by the 1870 it was true for all provinces. Lat flr Filipina, ‘p. S48. Pardo. de" Taveras bserationsare_siso’ worth quoting here: "nthe same manner an, by the arial of the Spaniards, the old Filipino caciques were subjected to the. Spanish ‘oficals, now ‘the caciques, ‘who dominated Goring the period of tty sequertration, found. themelver Imomediscly supplanted. and- converted into) something lower than the new ‘eaciques of the: economic order.” Quoted in Conrado Benitez, History, of the Philippines (Rev. ed; Manila, New York, 1954), p. 328 35. 4. Mallat, TI, p. 85. Comments on. dio animosity are found in BR, LU, p. 64; Jagor, p. 8; and. (for later in the nineteenth century), Edmond’ Plauchut, "L’Archipel es Philippines,” Reoue des deux mondes, XX (1877), p. 904; Jos6 Montero y Vidal, El Archipiélago Filipino y las Islas Marianas 9) Palaos. (Madrid, 1886), p- I5i; and Eduardo Navarro Ondéien, OSA, Filipinas, Estudios de algunos fsuntos de actualidad (Madrid, 1897), p. 105. 87 ‘This content downloaded from 121 58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject a hitp//abou sor orpterms"THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES towns where there were enough mestizos to form a Gremio de Mestizos, that body and the Gremio de Indios of the town were natural competitors for prestige and local power. There were, in fact, many petty disputes between mestizo and indio gremios and their litigation dragged out over the decades."* Finally, in 1840. the Spanish government ruled that in towns where there were two gremios the head of the indio gremio was superior to the mestizo head, and that, in case of the death or absence of the local Spanish official, the indio official should take This ruling did not, however, terminate the disputes. In particular, an ancient contest between the mestizos and indios of Binondo continued on to the end of the Spanish period. More will be said about this below. With the rise of the mestizos to a position of affluence and prestige, their relations with the indios became a matter of increasing concern to the Spanish. This was especially the case once the Spaniards began to fear the possibility of revolution in their Philippine colony. With the loss of the Latin American colonies, the Spanish began to worry about the eventual defection of the Philippines and to consider what measures ought to be instituted to prevent it. It is from this time —the middle of the nineteenth century —that we begin to find the “divide and rule” theme in Spanish writings. Sinibaldo de Mas, in a secret report of 1842, keynoted subsequent Spanish discussions of the Chinese mestizo in the Philippines. If eventual independence of the Philippines from Spain was desired, he argued, then intermarriage, and the enlargement of the mestizo population ought to be encouraged by every means. But if Spain wished to retain the Philippines, then only a strict policy of divide and rule could be effective. In parti- cular, the indios and mestizos must be kept separated. Or, as he put it, the brains and money of the mestizos must not be allowed to become allied to the numerical strength of the indios. The separate gremios should be maintained and their rivalries encourag- ed wherever possible." From this time onward, Spanish conser- vatives were haunted by fears of an indio revolution led by mestizos. 86, BR, LIL, p. 64; PNA, Gremios, 165-5; PNA, Provincial Documents, legajo 117, imero 70; legajo 58, nimero 1. 87, BR, Lil, p. 64; PNA Gremios, 16-55 88. BR, Lil, pp, $455, 85-87.. See also Mallat, Ml, p. 289 and Buseta and Bravo, I, p. 214. AlthougH Spanish conservatives favored a “divide and. rule" policy, some Spanish liberals advocated the encouragement of intermarriage, Gn the assumption this would produce a “superior” mestizo society. For an extreme statement of this. viewpoint see Raimundo Geler, Islas Filipinas id, 1860), summarized in W. E. Retana, Aparato bibliogrifico de le ‘general de Filipinas (8 vols; Madrid, 1906), IL, p. 752. 88 ‘This content downloaded from {21.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject hp about stor onptermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Were there grounds for such fears? In terms of mestizo motives, the answer is not easy to find. Historically, the mestizos had supported Spanish rule on more than one occasion. During the various Chinese revolts of former centuries the mestizos had either sided with the Spanish or else taken no part. The mestizos of Binondo were especially proud of their record in this respect, and repeatedly called attention to it, styling themselves “true sons of Spai ‘There was even, for a time, a special mestizo militia unit, the Regiment of the Prince Royal, although this body, like so many mestizo institutions, may have existed more for prestige than for practical purposes.* In any event, the mestizos did not side with the Chinese against Spanish rule, Nor do we find, when we examine indio revolts against Spanish rule, any pattern of mestizo participation. If the mestizos’ political record was apparently pro-Spanish, their cultural record was certainly so. There seemed to be no attachment to Chinese culture, and, instead, a very strong affinity for a Philippine version of Hispanic culture. Their interest in Catholicism was particularly strong, Individually and corporately they generously endowed local Catholic churches, the centers of local Spanish cultural influence. Their contests with the indio gremios were very often over matters of precedence in religious festivals, seating in the churches, and the like®! Even the mestizo way of dress, so far from showing any Chinese influence, was a semi-European, semi-indio style —a style also affected by the Spanish mestizo in the Philippines. The illustrations of mestizo dress one finds in Mallat—in particular the man’s dress, with high silk hat and knee-length shirt — were models of what the urbanized hispanized Filipino of the late nineteenth century would wear. The Chinese mestizo, celarly, was as hispanized—if not more so — as was the urbanized indio. Why was this so? Perhaps it was a matter of urban influenc most mestizos, by preference, and by family origin, lived in towns —many in the city of Manila. Family fragmentation may have also been a factor; the usual absence of the Chinese father resulting in the rearing of the child by his hispanized, Catholicized mother. Whatever the case, the Spanish Philippine influence was clearly present, centering upon a devotion to Catholicism. 90, Jean Francois de Galaup de Ia Perouse, A Voyage Around the World in the Yeors 1783, 1786, 1787 and 1798 (Brd ed; $ vols; London, 1807), I, p. 521; Comys, p.’ 208. 91, PNA, Gremios, 16-55: legajo 6, mimero 11 PNA, Provincial Documents, legajo 117, mimero 70; ‘They ate all Catholic.” Mallat 17, p. 135. 89 ‘This content downloaded from 121,58:232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “Al se subjest ohtp/about tor org/terms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES It _was precisely this quality of hispanization that made the mestizo seem dangerous to the Spanish. A Chinese mestizo of Chinese cultural outlook could not persuade the hispanized, pro- Catholic indio to join him in revolt. A pro-Catholic, hispanized mestizo, living close to the indio, could. But why would a mestizo want to revolt against Spanish rule? Under it he had enjoyed prosperity and a certain prestige. But that very prosperity and prestige might serve to whet still richer prizes — ones that exceeded the opportuni by Spanish policy. In that case, the mestizo was as likely as the indio to revolt. IH, 1850-1898 For the mestizo the last half of the nineteenth century was period of occupational rearrangement and social Filipinization. To a large extent, these two phenomena were results of changes in Spanish policy in the middle and late nineteenth century. By mid-century the transition to an export crop economy was well under way, The Spanish government had decided upon a policy of promoting the economic development of the archipelago along this particular line. Free enterprise was to be given an opportunity to make the Philippines a profitable colony for Spain. As part of this general policy, in 1844, the Spanish government revoked the indulto de comercio and henceforth forbade Spanish officials to involve themselves in trading. This measure, retiring their major competitor from the field, would seem to have removed the last obstacle to mestizo dominance in internal trade, at a time when such trade was rapidly expanding, Yet it was not the mestizos that reaped the benefits; it was the Chinese. At the same time the pro- vincial governors were, removed from the field, Spanish policy also pushed aside the barriers to Chinese immigration and residence. Now, for the first time, Chinese could come to the Philippines without restriction as to number and with little if any restriction as to where in the archipelago they might reside. By the 1880's the Chinese population had soared to almost 100,000 — a figure several times that of any previous high — and Chinese were found in every corner of the Philippines.°* This new influx of Chinese had a profound effect upon the mestizos. Although the nature and extent of that effect are not fully clear as yet, there are certain strong indications. Occupation- ally, the result was a partial abandonment of commerce and a 92, Wickberg, The Chinese, esp. Part Tl 90 “This content downlosded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All se subject 0 htp/aboutjtor org/termsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES transition to other occupations. In some areas — notably Central Luzon, this meant an increased concentration in agriculture; else- where it resulted in occupational diversification. In Central Lu- zon, the fate of the “‘mestizo towns” is not entirely clear. Tam- bobong (Malabon) held on to its position as provisioner of Ma- nila Otherwise, some of the towns seem to have declined. Del Pan makes a sweeping statement to the effect that the decline of the rich gremios de mestizos in several Luzon towns was the result of Chinese commercial competition. Although Chinese competition was surely a factor of importance, it must be remembered’ that Del Pan's argument is part of an anti-Chinese diatribe in which most of the ills of the Philippines are blamed upon the Chinese im- migrant. The fate of the mestizo wholesalers in Central Luzon is not clear, but it is apparent that mestizo retailers in this area were widely forced out of business by Chinese competition and shifted their attention to agriculture** In the city of Manila, ‘mestizo merchants in Barrio Santa Cruz were overwhelmed by the Chinese. Some of them turned to speculation in government supply contracts; others became skilled craftsmen.* In the Visayas, mestizo enterprise in Cebu and Molo-Jaro was seriously affected by the intrusion of both the Chinese and the North European and North American merchant entrepreneurs ‘The prosperity of the mestizos in these two regions had been built in large part upon their ability to bring Visayan produce to Ma- nila for export, taking back foreign manufactures for sale in the Visayas. But once the ports of Cebu and Iloilo were opened to international trade in the 1850's, and once the Chinese and the foreign merchantentrepreneurs were allowed to reside at those ports, it became possible for international traders to do business directly in the Visayas instead of waiting for the mestizo to come to Manila, Direct international trading in Cebu and Hoilo was much cheaper because it eliminated the mestizo middle-man inter- island trader.” The mestizos of Molo and Jaro, therefore, cut back their trading interests in the face of more efficient foreign com- 98. Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinos, p. 362. 94. Los Ghinos en Filipinas, ed J. F. del Pan (Manila, 1886), pp. 110, 18:19, 95. Ibid,, pp. 27-28, 64-65, However, It is evident that some mestizos remained ‘in commerce, a8, for instance, those of Dagupan and Calasiao in Pangasinan, who were sill the preeminent traders of their region in 1901. Gregorio Flormats, Memoria sobre la Provincia de Pangasinan (Manila, 1901), p. 20 96, Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, pp. 69, 358 7. Jagor, pp. $03-05, $47; Reniter, pp. 288-89; Robustiano Echéue, Apuntes de la Tsia de Negros (Manila, 1894), p. 24. Although, according to Del Pan, Chinese. competition caused the decline of the Cebu gremio de mestizos, here was still a separate census entry for the barrio of the Parlan as late as 1903, Census of the Philippine Islands Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commision in the Year 1903. (4 vols; Washington, 1905), II, p. 156. gt ‘This content dowaloaded from 121 58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject ohtpabout tor orgiesTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES petition by the Chinese and the Westerners, and concentrated on their cloth-weaving industry and the development of sugar pro- duction on adjacent Negros. How they acquired the use or ownership of sugar lands in Negros is not known. We have only a quotation from Jagor: the result has been that, as much to their own profit as to that of the country, they have betaken themselves to the cultivation of sugar. In this manner important plantations have been established in Negros, which are managed by na- tives of Yloilo.. . The reaction of the Cebuan mestizos to the loss of their inter- island trading monopoly is not known. Jagor reported that in the 1860's most of the land on the island of Cebu belonged to the mestizos of Cebu City. It is not clear whether this condition was related to Chinese commercial competition.2°° ‘The importance of Chinese and other competition in producing a mestizo shift to agriculture in Central Luzon and the Iloilo-Negros Tegion should not be exaggerated. Since the late eighteenth cen- tury there had been. mestizo landholders in Central Luzon. This may have been the case in the Iloilo area as well. If the number of mestizo landholders and commercial agriculturalists increased during the late nineteenth century it was not alone due to the effects of foreign competition. The new export crop economy — and also, be it noted, an increase in population —raised the value of land and made landowning and export crop production— anywhere in the Philippines—an attractive means of livelihood. Government legislation, easing the acquisition of good titles, en- couraged a trend toward land grabbing in the 1880's1 The ‘mestizos were surely among the “grabbers”. By the end of the Spanish period, Retana (no doubt with exaggeration) was writing that the dire prophecies of Ziitiga’s day had been realized: the Chinese mestizos had taken over half the lands of the country. ‘Thus it would appear that by the end ofthe Spanish period the 98. Jajor, p. 804, 90, ibid. pp. 304-05, 100, "The ‘owners of the soil know how to keep the peasants in a state of dependence by usurious loans; and one of the results of this abuse is that agricul- ture in this island: stands lower than in almost any other part of the archi- pelago.” ibid, p. 302 101 Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, pp. 388-89. 102, "The future is thelrs; even in politic.” Notes to Zitfiga, I, p, 526, Palgrave spoke of the Chinese mestizor as the “most bulky estate-ownen”. W. G. Pal- grave, "The Farof) Eden Isles?” Country Life in the Philippines Fifty Years go by 2 British Consul Manila, 1929), p. 59, Frederic Sawyer, however sald the Chinese mestize owned les land than the Spanish mestizos. The Inhalt tants of the Philippines (London, 1900), p. 298 92 ‘This content downloaded from 121 58.252.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All se subjeetohitp/about tor orgiterms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES ‘mestizos were, as they had been around 1800, very much involved in landholding, especially in certain parts of the Philippines, and had added to this an increasing concern with commercial agri culture. But in their other major specialty — commerce — they had, failed in the face of renewed Chinese competition, They had thus forfeited their chance to become a native Philippine middle class, a fate that had been predicted for them at mid-century. Why, despite their known aptitude for commerce, had this hap- pened? The reasons are not easy to find. Perhaps it was the excessively speculative nature of mestizo trading, as contrasted with more conservative Chinese practices. Or perhaps the mestizo pen- chant for display and ostentatious living was a factor. Finally, and probably of most importance, the Chinese methods of buying raw materials and distributing imports were superior to methods used by the mestizos. Or, to put it in a few words, the periodic market system of distribution and purchase was no match for the Chinese sari-sari store. Turning from economic to social matters, it is possible to characterize the condition of the mestizo in the late nineteenth century as one of “social Filipinization". The concept of “Fili- pinization”, in turn, rests upon my belief that in the late nineteenth century, with the decline of the separate, ethnically-determined gremios, the growth of status by wealth and occupation, rather than by custom or ethnic considerations, and the development of Fili- pino nationalism, a concept of something “Filipino” came into being in the Philippines. ‘That is to say, traditionally, the term “Filipino” was one used by Spaniards to refer to a Spaniard born in the Philippines. It did not refer to any group of people or to any cultural or political entity that had unique characteristics associ- ated only with the Philippines. I am arguing here that in the late nineteenth century there was in process of creation a specifically Philippine society, centering on Manila and its adjacent regions, in which there was a kind of general cultural consensus. ‘That consensus was a blend of Spanish and indio culture that had been developed and matured over three centuries of Spanish presence 103. Victor Clark’s survey of Philippine labor conditions at the beginning of the American period generalizes’ “At an agricultural landlord tne mestizo is more prominent than the pure Mongolian, buc he does not affiliate with the latter snd more usvally holds aloof from commercial pursuits". Labor Conditions in the Philippines, US. Bureau of Labor Bulletin, X (Washington, 1995), p. 896. On the other hand, che 1908 census indicated that some eighteen percent of the mestizos were in agricultural work and some twenty-one per Ent. in commerce. ‘The problem here is that the 1903 census simply (put Sit haif-castes into a “mined” category. It is therefore impossible, to separate the Chinese mestizos. 104. Wickberg, The Chinese, Part IL 98 ‘This content dowoloaded from {21.58:232 35 on Wed, 0 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC Al use subject ohtpabout tor orgermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES in the archipelago. In, the creation and promotion of this cultural consensus, the mestizos, as a culturally marginal element, were probably of great importance. Both Spanish and mestizo observers of the Philippine social scene in the late nineteenth century pointed out the decline of the gremios as functioning political bodies and argued that they should be abolished.™® Likewise, they claimed, the tribute should be replaced by some other form of taxation. The tribute dated from a time when it could be assumed that all those who paid it were villagers who possessed little private property. Now Manila had become cosmopolitan, other towns had become urbanized as well, all of them full of mestizos and, indios whose status was based upon wealth and occupation, not upon traditional considerations. °° In the face of these arguments, the Spanish government abolished the tribute in the 1880's, replacing it with a general property tax which fell equally upon all classes. ‘The gremios, however, were not formally dissolved. And the ancient feud in Binondo between the indio and mestizo gremios of that town flared up to new heights during the 1880's. Despite the 1840 ruling that in claims of precedence indio gremio heads were to take precedence over mestizo gremio heads, the situation in Binondo had not conformed to the general rule. It will be recalled that Binondo had been founded as a Chinese town in the late sixteenth century, and that by the middle of the following century it was a Chinese-mestizo community composed entirely of Catholics. As indios had begun to settle within its confines, the Chinese and mestizos reiterated their claims to their ancient pri- vileges. Repeatedly, these claims were confirmed by the govern- ment. Even after 1840, when the indio gremios were elsewhere triumphant, in Binondo, the mestizo gremio maintained its posi- tion, During the 1880's mestizo-indio rivalry in Binondo flared up once again. ‘The occasion was the celebration of the religious fes- tival of La Naval. The mestizos had always defrayed the expenses of this festival in Binondo and had always enjoyed a preferred status in its ceremonies. But in 1887 the Spanish governor inexplicably reversed the order, giving ‘precedence to the indio gremio. For several days Binondo, the commercial center of Manila, was tense. 105. Del Pan, Les Islas Filipinas, pp. 856, 858; Gregoria Sancianco y Goson, FI progreso de Filipinas. Estudios econémicos, administratioos polices. Parte econémica (Madrid, 1881), pp. 10418 106, Del Pan, Las Islas Filipinas, pp. 147-48. One abortive Spanish attempt to adjust {0 the new situation’ without changing the old tax system may be seen In an attempt of 1851 to force mestizes who lived in masonry houses to Pay double the ordinary meitio tribute, San Pedro, VIM, pp. 408, 410-11 94 ‘This content downloaded fiom 121.58:232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC 'Al se subjes ohtpabout ter orptermnsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES Eventually, the decision was reversed, amid a torrent of mestizo and indio assertions of eternal loyalty to Spain®" Was there any significance to this incident? At the same time it occurred a group of indios and mestizos was daringly presenting to the government a petition to expel the Spanish regular clergy from the islands. Radical sentiment was building up. ‘The govern- ment's decision to restore the mestizos to their privileges was pro- bably not a matter of seeking to maintain mestizo support, but rather a conservative feeling that in the face of growing radicalism the best policy was to avoid disturbing the status quo. What did the mestizos and indios want? Simply, precedence in ceremonial affairs. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries — and even in the early nineteenth century—when the issue of precedence had been raised, there was more at stake than cere- monial. The right to take charge of police and other functions of the town — and, ultimately, in the eyes of the mestizos, at least — the question of who owned the land on which Binondo had been built — all these things were at issue. But in the late nineteenth century Binondo was no longer a separate town. ‘The city of Ma- nila had expanded to incorporate it, and municipal government had replaced gremio government. Binondo was now the cosmo- politan commercial center of a cosmopolitan city. The gremios, in practical terms, were unimportant. They remained only as status groups. Seen in this light, the significance of the 1887 La Naval incident is that it demonstrates the changed historical con- text in which the ancient mestizo-indio dispute survived. All that was at stake now was social prestige. But if gremio rivalries might persist, individual relationships were less and less bound by such matters. And with the abolition of the tribute in the 1880's there were simultaneously abolished the legal distinctions of “indio” and “mestizo”. Henceforth, each individual was identified as society might wish or as he himself might choose. It was no longer a legal matter. Increasingly, de- finitions were simplified and nationalized: one was either a Spa- niard, a Filipino, or a Chinese. Faced with a choice, few mestizos chose to be considered Chinese™: they could not choose to be con 107. PNA, Gremios, 165, 108. Wickberg, The Chinese, Part 111 109, The Chinese community of later years honored the memory of Idefonso ‘Tambunting, as one of a very few prominent mestizar who openly indentified themselves as Chinete and followed Chinese customs. Fe-fi-p'in Minolta Chunghua Shong-hui san-shih chownien chinien an (Thirtieth Anniversary Gommemorative. Publication, Manila Chinese Chambet of Commerce), ed Huang Hsiac-s'ang (Manila, 198), p. 198. 95 ‘This content downlosded from /21.58.232.35 on Wed, 0S Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘All use subject to hip/about tor orgterms"THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES sidered Spaniards. By the late nineteenth century, the culture that they espoused and represented had become “Filipino” culture. It is not surprising that the mestizos chose to be regarded as “Fili- pino”. But this choice ensured that any separate status as “mestizo” would have difficulty enduring, if, indeed, they wished it to do so. ‘There was by now no separate mestizo sub-culture; there was now ho separate legal classification; the gremios were dying. The age of the mestizos as a separate group was passing, When the Philippine Revolution broke out mestizos were in- volved —but not necessarily as mestizos. As pointed out above, many Spaniards had long feared an indio revolution led by mestizos. ‘And there were Spaniards who so interpreted the Revolution when it finally came, Unquestionably, many mestizos participated pro- minently in the Revolution in several ways. The financial con- tributions of some are quite well known. Many others were part: isans of the movement that favored reform over revolution. Still other mestizos were imprisoned, on suspicion of complicity and re- leased by the Spaniards only after paying huge ransoms. Their imprisonment was more a matter of extortion than anything ¢lse.* But there were Spaniards who simply blamed the Revolution ‘on the mestizos. One Spanish writer said that unlike the indios and Spanish mestizos, who were loyal to Spain, the Chinese mestizos were insincere and seditious, just as their Chinese forefathers had been in the earlier centuries of the colony. The mestizos, this writer claimed, had joined themselves “ardently” to the insur- rection, “with their influence, their persons, and their funds.” ‘Another Spaniard wrote: “The mestizo race is the major enemy of Spain, as contrasted with the indios, who are most loyal and grateful to the mother country." Even non-Spanish foreigners who resided in Manila had acquired an unfavorable view of the mestizos, who were regarded as conceited, petty, crafty, and, as citizens, “discontented.” Were the mestizos “discontented"? We have suggested above 110, LeRoy, Americans, 1, p- 279. See biographies of Telesforo Chuidian, Mariano Linjsp. Roman Ongpia, ard Francisco Osorio in E. Arsenio, Manuel, Dic: Toas’ of Philippine Biography. Volume One (Quezon) City, 1955), pp. 381- Sy 248-50, 205-97. See also Foreman, p. 528; TH. Pardo de Tavera, Bib- Hetece Filipina (Washington, 1908). p. 129; Sawyer, p. Bt: and biographical ote Trine Re Yangeo. in Samuel W. Stagg, Teodoro Yangcos Leading Dllpine Philanthropist and Grand Old Mon of Commerce (Manis, 1984), p. 28 LL, Navarro Ordéiter, pp. 105-06. 11%. Montero, p. 151. Lig, See testimonies in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1, pp. 17-19, 167, See So pee201, 20408, 216, 229. Ocher Spanish comments are found in CGommenge, pp. 213-14 and in the newspaper La Politice de, Espafe en Filipina Fone 25, 1881, p. 117 and September 13, 1892, p. 241 96 “This content downloaded from 121,58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC "Al use subject to hup about sto orgierms‘THE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES that they might become so if their ambitions, whetted by achieve ment of some prosperity and prestige, should then be thwarted, It is not clear whether this happened. But it is of significance to quote here the well-known observation of Pardo de Tavera regarding the social and political impact of economic change in the nineteenth century Philippines. Bigan, Taal, Balayan, Batangas, Albay, Nueva Caceres, Cebu, Molo, Jaro, Iloilo, began to be covered with solidly con- structed buildings; their wealthy citizens would come to Ma- nila, make purchases, become acquainted with the great merchants, who entertained them as customers whose trade they needed; they visited the Governorgeneral, who would receive them according to the position that their money gave them: they came to know the justices of the Supreme Court, the provincials of the religious orders . . . and, on returning to their pueblo, they took in their hearts and minds the germ of what was subsequently called subversive ideas and later still ‘filibusterismo’ . . . Already the ‘brutes Joaded with gold’ dared to discuss with their curate, com- plain against the alcalde, defend their bores against the misconduct of the lieutenant or sergeant of the police force. .. Their money, permitted them to effectively defend questions involving money first, then, those of a moral character.” { Jf what I have said about the mestizo role in the Philippine economy is true, some of these “brutes loaded with gold” were surely mestizos, ‘Yet we need not believe that all the “brutes loaded with gold” who challenged the order of things were mestizos. Nor should we attribute the Revolution to mestizo discontent or a miestizo plot. That Spanish conservatives did so may be partly explained dy their scorn of the indio. Their practice was to assign credit or blame for any act that took some initiative 10 mestizos, in ‘order to underline the assumed incapacity of the indio fon anything but animal's work. This disparagement of the indio as a brute is ‘one form of Spanish reaction to the pretensions of Filipino nation alism in the late nineteenth century. It is more likely that mestizo participation was part of an in- creasing trend toward identification in interests of indio and mestizo. Sancianco, a Spanish-trained mestizo lawyer, pointed out in the 1870's that recent revolts had had this character, and that 1d, Quoted in Benitez, p. 335. 11S. Sancianco, pp. 228:287; Census, 1, p. $80. See also Jesus Z. Valenzuela. A Hinory of Journalism in the Philippine Islands (Manila, 1988). pp. 48-44, 90-92. 7 ‘This content downloaded from 121 58.252 35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “All use subject htpabeutjtor.org/termsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES it was futile for Spain to try to emphasize differences when those differences were being blurred in common action.%* Thus, the ‘mestizo was undergoing a process of “political Filipinization” as well as “social Filipinization.” IV. Summary ‘Our knowledge is still insufficient to allow us to assess the over- all significance of the mestizo in Philippine history. But on the basis of what we now know we can make some generalizations and some hypotheses for future study. It is clear, in the first place, that the activities I have described are those of Chinese mestizos — not Spanish mestizos. While the Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines exceeded 200,000 by the late nineteenth century," the Spanish mestizo population was probably never more than 35,000.88 Furthermore, those who commented at all on the Spa- nish mestizo noted that he was interested in military matters or the “practical arts” — never in commerce. The aptitudes and atti- tudes of the Chinese mestizo were in sharp contrast to this. Secondly, the Chinese mestizo rose to prominence between 1741 and 1898, primarily as a landholder and a middleman wholesaler of local produce and foreign imports, although there were also mestizos in the professions. The rise of the mestizos implies the existence of social change during the Spanish period, a condition that has been ignored or implicitly denied by many who have written about the Philippines. It needs to be emphasized that the mestizo impact was greatest in Central Luzon, Cebu, and Iloilo. ‘We cannot as yet generalize about other areas. 116. Sanclanco, pp. 104-18. 117, Ferdinand Blumentrte, “Die mestizen der Philippinen-tnseln,” Revue colo fonate, 1, No. 4. (Oct. 1885), pp, 258, 257: Foreman, p. 410; "Reseia acerca del estado’ sncial y econdmnico de las colon Madrid, 1874-78), IL, pp. 20-21; Ramén Gonsiler Ferntndez and Federico Moreno’ Jérez, Manual del viejero en Fili- ‘pinas (Manila, 1875), pp. 51, 98. tis. Zestimstes of tha number of Spanish mestizor vary widely. Mallat (, p. 97) ‘estimated, 20,000; Diaz Arenas cauderco 5) counted. 7.518, excluding those fine Marianas; Zamora (VI, p- 104) presents a figure of 11254. All of These “are midsnineteenth cencury estimates, made at a time when the totat Philippine population. was. 4000000 to 5,000000 and the Chineve mestizos Fhmblred about 200,000. "The only Tate nineteenth century estimate 1 have ef 1801, (given iv Sawyer, p. 292) which gives the number of Spanish fe eto at 75000, and. the number of Chinese mestizos as 500,000. The Jinter estimate is about twice the actual amount. I suspect the former is Ehuany ‘in error. ‘The Spanish population, at it highest point, was about $h000. BR, LIZ, pp. 115-116n, 119. Lenny, pr 118; "Matiat, 1, p. 154 Buzeta and Bravo, 1, p, 2441 Plauchut, 08 10, For tample, E. H. Jacoby, Aererian Unrest in Southeast Asia (Chapel Hil For cramnle, Madnscat rhe Philippine Answer 10 Communism (Stan ford) 1883), pP. 8687 98 “This content downloaded from 121.$8.232 35 on Wed, 08 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC ‘Al use subject to hitp/about tor orptemsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES ‘Third, the renewal of Chinese immigration to the Philippines resulted in diversion of mestizo energies away from commerce, so that the mestizos lost their change to become a native middle class, a position then taken over by the Chinese Fourth, the Chinese mestizos in the Philippines possessed a ‘unique combination of cultural characteristics. Lovers of ostent- ation, ardent devotees of Spanish Catholicism — they seemed almost more Spanish than the Spanish, more Catholic than the Catholics. ‘Yet with those characteristics they combined a financial acumen that seemed out of place. Rejecters of their Chinese heritage, they were not completely at home with their indio. heritage. The nearest approximation to them was the urbanized, heavily-his- panized indio. Only when hispanization had reached a high level in the nineteenth century urban areas could the mestizo find a ‘Dasis of rapport with the indio. Thus, during the late nineteenth century, because of cultural, economic, and social changes, the mestizos increasingly identified themselves with the indios in a new Kind of “Filipino” cultural and national consensus. Those are my conclusions. Here are some hypotheses, which T hope will stimulate further study: 1. That today's Filipino elite is made up mostly of the des- cendants of indios and mestizos who rose to prominence on the basis, ‘of commercial agriculture in the latter part of the Spanish period. ‘That in some respects the latter part of the Spanish period was a time of greater social change, in terms of the formation of con- temporary Philippine society, than the period since 1898 has been. 2. That in the process of social change late in the Spanish period it was the mestizo, as a marginal element, not closely tied to a village or town, who acted, as a kind of catalytic agent. In this ‘would be included the penetration of money economy into parts of the Philippines. There were areas where the only persons with money were the provincial governors and the mestizos23 3. That the Chinese mestizo was an active agent of hispanization and the leading force in creating a Filipino culture characteristic now of Manila and the larger towns. 4, That much of the background explanation of the Philippine Revolution may be found by investigating the relationships be- tween landowning religious orders, mestizo inquilinos, and indio Rasamahan laborers. 121. BR, LI, pp. 285-89, 99 “This content downloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC “All se subject to hipaa tor orptermsTHE CHINESE MESTIZO IN PHILIPPINES It is_my hope that these hypotheses may stimulate investigation into this important topic which can tell us so much about econo- mic, social, and cultural change during the Spanish period of Philippine history. 100 ‘This content dowaloaded from 121.58.232.35 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 07:49:40 UTC All use subject to hitp://abou stor orgtermsThe Philippine Chinese before 1850 Before 1750 Long before 1850 the Chinese had been signifcandly involved in the ceanomic and social affrs ofthe Philippines. Direct contact berween China and the Philippines existed from ac least the Sung period (960 1273). By Ming times (13681644) the sung-yangchon-l, or eastern route ofthe Chinese junk trading system, had been etblished,pasing through the western side of the Philippine Archipelago cnroure from South China to Sulu, Borneo, and the Moluccas. Through the junk trade several points in the Philippines enjoyed regular commercial and Calcot contacts with the Chinese! Passengers on the junks, whether The moe compreheriveexminaton of routes eating 0 exySivo-Philippine anc end n'y Ching ong “A Sra of Referrers the Philips in Canc Ree ate Time othe ling Dany” Philippine Sei! See and Human wer neaan hs (1950). cosind these hors “Spleen x Sui of Fele hePipines a Chine Sources Kom Fae Times wo the Ming Dynasty CaGLi tr of Merl fonral of Et Aste Sade, 7 (1958), 307-93. Some eae borane werk on Sine Pippin reons ithe preSpanish period andthe cera Rosequones thereof are Wada Se, “The Philippine lands a8 Known che Cee Bota i ing Dy” Mem ofthe Rewach Deparment, Tips Bark. Se GE Ne Usa: HO. Beer, “Eady Harry of Philippine Reatons wich Foren Crate Eepcally Chia’ iE. A. Manu, Chine Element ine Teag Laney Genie adh Na Secun 26h hey (Reed try ofthe Oven Chines) Haaren aa) Olen RE Jase "Neves on Chinese Influence in he Pepa Pilip= Ge end oat of Ata Sd 7 (14) x Cooper Cole and Bera Las, Fucus te Papin (Chicago, 1912; Batol Laufer, "Relations ofthe Chi Serre the Puiippine anda” Smithnian Mixelacons Collin, 50 (1308 We Wighong “Ha cyt Felrpin wex-hos kang” (Canerbaton of he eee Rinse co Plippine Cue), Ze sachih 9.18 (Desember 154) 18.25 PA ens Chung Fel Euan biti (ry of Siow Philippine Reasons) Tip, reg Rate B Foe "The Caeogan Exavason” Phiipin Si 7 (1959), 325-90, ae ae ney Oba “Mg Poca rom Str athe Pippen” Ain Pp, 5 960. 243-52. 3HIS LURICAL PATTERNS 4 games or eherit, occasionally sted i various parts ofthe hei porary bss. But nahin Known abou, i ef vo the ecnomi and social fife of he ch Joli the Archipelago of Sul, an importane ieee for the raw products Cae were a ‘i Preareer? In the Manila area, the Spanish 2 Chins shat a small sexdement of about 150 Chinese smerchat Philippi conquers Bue no othe ul re of oder Chinese colonies. {sor means new opportunities fr she Chinese In Fukien province, 13 ss southeastern coast, sipowing merchants immediately re- ae ce potential economic significance of the nevwly-developing aire Calleon trade becween the Philippines and Mexico, The way aarp for Chinese vessels to cary goods from China to Manila, rece be loaded for markets in Mexico. The Spaniards, unlike the Foruguse, posesed no trading station on the China coast. Nor did thoy Land the China Manila carrying rade in theis own vessels. In- Sead, they developed a pattern of waiting for the yearly monsoon ‘Sindy to bring the Chinese junks to Manila, bearing silks and other Teaury goods fom China to be trinsshipped to Mexico on the Manila falleon On the galleons reeurn voyage Mexican silver was brought ro Manila, fom whence it was taken to China by the Chinese junk trad- ers in repayment for the luxury goods they had brought. Both the Chinese and the Manila Spaniards. who acted as middlemen, profited ‘enormously from this arrangement. ‘Shipowning merchants were not the only Chinese who came to the Philippines. Soon other Chinese—merchants and artisans—were migrat- ing tthe archipelago, attracted by the sophisticated economy newly ‘cublished at Manila and other centers of Spanish residence. The pro- ‘sionng ofthe Spanish serlements with needed goods and services was ‘an open field for Chinese encerprise. Not only merchants and artisans tS aS cael marke gardeners setcled in the Manila area and supplied the nceds ofthe Spaniards. By 1603, barely thirty-two years afer the founding of Manta ss Spanish seqemene, te Chinese of formation is available about these settlements or the 3 Ni Sala, My of Sale Man z 138 a nine sree Le Br a eset Ect ein Heir ith ery eo, Mel : ee be 2. 1 Mean th Cong f Lion,” BR, 3,168, Man i non ae dau in ein WL Schur TH ef, Huang Hiiao-'ang (Mania, 1936) (hereafter, away OCEAN PACIFIC seecsseteste MANILA GALLEON ROUTES CHINESE TRADE ROUTES (CHINESE TRADE ROUTES TO THE PHILIPPINES 5—_— HISTORICAL PATTERNS ‘ ce was extimared at 20,000—In contrast co perhaps putacion ther sme that, the Chinese had achieved a viral 1,00 Spaniars eet commerce and industial ie of cis serdement smonopoly in th gin the samme direction in he ther pars of the archi- e ards had established themselves. Pic et Se rule over parts of the archipelago, and esa Chine co ext where Spain were seed e- i feropment, broadly speaking, of nor onc but thee salted in ein che Piippncs: “Wester economy.” “naive ca dg “Chinese eonomy” The major intrest ofthe West sarap nts spectation inthe Manila Galleon wade. Neither the ieee wih Mexico nor the Manila wade with China involved Fultpne product in any large quantity. The Spaniards of che pre That eerod we, therfore, uninterested inthe development of cash Te gr on Philippine soil devong themselves co rade in foreign sore ies Theic exports were Chinese luxury goods ro Mexico and Nica siver to China; thei imports, silver ftom Mexico and staple a luxury gods fom China to meet che demands of Philippine Span- jars “The native economy was a subsistence one, of mostly local orienta- sion and concern. Bu it was affected by the Western economy in areas tear Spanish sedlements, expecially in che Manila area where the over- ‘whelming majority of Spaniards took up residence. The Spaniards of “Manila dew upon the area surrounding Manila Bay for provisions. The native economy in this atea was also affected by the imports of Chinese Aoths and Mexia silver teaching the area in exchange forthe provi sions sent tothe Spaniards ‘As for the Chinese economy, besides maritime trading berween China and the Philipines, it included arsany, both in Spanish serde- ‘ments and inthe nearby native villages, and the important function of provisioning the Spaniards. In this function, the Chinese acted a a link. beeween the Westem economy and the native economy, taking Chinese impor othe vilgs in exchange for local producss forthe Spanish community 5 RelhopBewie Phi, De ond 0 Pilip Dec: 16,160, BR, 12, 50; Bishop Salam Titec ean Mad BR 727 Ami de Mor Sc ee a jah Fea ai 191). 234 Yn Ken “Hi shina 26 hs Mana Ene (On te Gropp Expanion ofthe Philippine Chine), Nome oe we ibs Netra nramar steep consi pecthactan hc tem ee Sd Bn Ande, 56 Moe, “Ror.” pp i, 85-86; “Wearing of Chinese Sune iat PHILIFPINE CHINESE BEFORE 50 7 ‘This plurality in economic life was paalled by cultural pluralism, In areas penetrated by the Spaniards hee quickly cme to te cukard communities of Spaniards, india; and Chinese. Formal vocal distine- tions berween and among these cultural groups were built into the administrative structure by the Spaniards. “Spaniard,” “indie.” and Chinese,” became terms of legal status. And when in the eighteenth century 2 sizable number of Chines indio halcastes, oF metizn? ap- peared, a legal classification was created for them too. “This policy of formalized socal casifcation ought not to be labeled simply “divide-and-rale.” Ie was, rater, a Spanish appliccion of che Roman traditional concepe of recognition of cultural difeences within the empire. To the Spaniards, at leat in che pre-nineteenth-cenrury period, ic was important co clasify individuals according to assumed Eultural differences. Thus, in Latin Ameria, offpring of mixed mar tiages were carefully clansfied as zambos, pardes, and so forth. To do otherwise was not so much to sow the sets of revolution as it was to low social malfuncioning, Reeser living, and “pererion of "This formalization and Jegalization of cultural differences a socal dlferences did not result ina strictly Fragmented society. Individuals ta edmanutracon de Pipa, amar 1008 (2 wb I 1,560: Cen Gina Shit tent bb Fedapi hue chize (Te Pippin Chine the ‘Stnefah Cenrry) (Hong Kong 1963), pp. 56-100, Although the native weaving indncy of Const Laut at daeaged by imparts of Chinese ov, waive rexcle Imanufacarng ocd chi area Sem ve fel widow ch drape. Since Wee errr Prmpengs mes were ifuenced leaving tht and 0 wok for NREL itl Bete Laguna or” Foi Tne, Economic Change. an E reneurdip in the Niveceth Centary Paippine” (Unpub. Pb sree, 135), p39. TB Uie ofthe ee indi eo refer to Malayan ative of she Philippine made here for urges sf cary adie inended ef no dei up the pion SFadiy pan ant tm of eationa entiation, 4 poe-1898 vs Inthe Spent pevod the crm “Flipne was ordinarily applied 10 Speiaté brn in she Pee the nese daienton tr for Maly nies of the acipelgo wot indi. ‘Stn the Philippine here were bath Chinese menos and Spanish mein, ae since dhe umber of Spaniaed a he wert nomeeus et Coinge mesins Net we ey iporant, The vn {erm mest ted er, ee the ince mein ¥ etme the Chinec mento and the Spanish mena, se my ale The Chines Metin nPitppine Mcry Jorma of Souten Aen Hse, 5. Mac 1964), ei00. Jaen ani gambling proclamation of 1800, fo ise, ses hia 4 major ar sgument, Ben, Anse 1888, 2,348._—————— HISTORICAL PATTERNS ‘ ceracred with those of other groups and, up ready i win ch ay iva ld ge a and ove the Sait ene cul an seal unifing coe ioe Spanish Catholicism. The ‘Spanish colony in the Philip- 2a ca pig, 42 much 2 elgious mission a it the vey tof eligourealural mission co eigen al iaebans waa an rnp plosophy. Spanih policy that com. sey ep of Spi elt purl with che universe Ba dono cau wiping rious doen eri aad ie tcl plurals and socal esi Fe elon hse ares whee Spaniards and Chinese sexed Sesion the eho, indigenous cose, although not una Fo wtge Spanish conguest and Spanish coeural influence, versvent no change ofthe kind described. erro he Chinese, Spans polices reveled the basic com pot between sliginscultoral ideals and economic incre Fro pee of her ation inthe Philippines. Economic interest de. see cance of Chinese merchants and arcsans, who filled cee g which he Spats Scorned and for which che indios were Teer unre. No leis necesary was the China-Manila trade carried tn by the Ohne, a prt ofthe Manila Gallen trading system, in hich tmany powerél Spanish residents had sizable investments. There Teta te axes and miscellaneous contributions of che Chinese, of ier both goverment and to private individuals and insti Balanced aginst economic interest was the mandate to Catholicize and hispanize the Philipines and all ts inhabitants. Ie appeared co the Spaniards that the Chinese could not easly be converted or hispanized. Moreover, isimateconact between unconverted Chinese and barely converted indos stood as a posible cheat to the lasting conversion of the later, which was, after all, che major Spanish 3 Another Er condoning Spanish atiade Sreliey gla ow condoning Spanish cides nd policy vad the 3c Iberian experience with the Moors and Jews, groups TELL man hg Or 9), Fi St ee re Bina aan lee oe ie SD ein teem a a en or lo iy e 1599, BR, 10, 25% Manuel Axes Y try ioe wi pa gia Ma tak Co ce Nine hp eke gO PHILIPPINE CHINESE BEFORE 1850 5 hac were both economically necesary and euleually dificul o asimi- face. There the Spanish had tried segregation, hispanization, and “cpulsion. Bringing this experience with chem ro the Philippines, che Spanish used some ofthe same methods in dealing with the Chines. Toe surprisingly, within a few years after the Spanish conquest che felaiont beeween the Chinese and the Spaniards fell inco a pattern of ‘isust and lacene host. Basic co chs pattern was a prevailing con- dition of economic interdependence coupled with seemingly ‘reconeilable cultural differences. Within this context, che term riley the Spanish name for the Chinese immigrants quickly came te apply to an invidious culeual stereotype. and the Chinese became roc cinply one of two ethnic groups of equal sacs under the Spanish, but a despised cultural minor." "While considered a cultural minority in che Spanish plan, che Chi- nese were stl, compared with the Spaniards, a numerical majority and fence potentially dangerous. Thus, if the indis seemed to need prox on fiom the Chinese for religious-cultural reasons, no less did the Manila Spaniards need ic for sceutty reasons. Here was another gue vrant in favor of establishing controls over the Chinese. Therefore, as Spats Chinese policy took frm dhere were thre major elements: xa on, control, and conversion. rs wo the nineteenth century, Spanish taxation poicy in che Philip since was bared onthe philosophy of taxing heaviest chose groups bt we co pay (Spaniards always excepted). The Chinese were assumed to fave greater earning potential chan the indios nd so were cared more hesuih, Spanish poly also recognized occupational difereners, Indios, vine were primarily engaged in agriculture, might Fulfill che eax Spligiions with sribuce grain and obligaony labor service, Chines hoes occupational specialties usually involved the use of money, paid eee The annual tax of 1 rele, or slightly more chan 10 pesos “Uhach the Chinese paid, was made up of 8 pesos fora residence erm 5 eles for head tax, and a "community chest” conttiburion of 12 ace The basic eax on the indios was the 10 ral tibute, Added to Ti Probably deve fom shang erhantie" 7; Chan, “Sanl he ea edo Langage Nota 52 (1937), 189 Se abo Veer Roce, Te a ites (Landen and New Yk, 951) p 385, 20d Fmd Fede, Ge eso ne wage 8 ute” (On Stage i Cie Philippine Com sets), eb v bir 33 (193) Boer depen: of Spanah aniudes ward he Chine during he Soe eect utc in Mapes Wyan Horley Suede: The Tee foe decade eo en the Pippiner C.D. dineaen, Columbia 9 So ces of probin of ch same psiod with the adn of Cine source materi Found in Chen Chino, psi "6, Poral, pp. 598-99. Eig ees were eal ome Po.us) RISTORICAL Parrapng ‘his were miscelancous levies for religious instruction and the tity chests, the total being about 14 rales, or o_o ough the Chinese pai higher taxes than the indi tion we pn of Simo Speish ion han Ce tion, Special levies were frequent; o were forced labor dna Chinese for rowers of galleys. The Spanish crown eee Cee tSod ao 1627 wah che objective of proeting the Chines ee eactona'® Bot Spain was along way fom Marla, aod on teglationa were dificult enforce. The practice of extalgal exation innpored wichout notice was one cause ofthe occasional Chinese upc iy ih ely Sih psi oe fore basic to the occurrence of upssings and Spanish rep "i he eng of sg nd pn pn re toiel cianel toe ee dima periodically found violent expression in Chinese uprisings and Spensh rasaces” or expulsion lave. In 1603 the entire Marla Ch nae colony of 20,000 was wiped out ina massacre following «Chinese revolt-The incident sesulted from the visit of three official from Sin, wh ciel they Bad ome kings moun of i, Ths carious explanation aroused Spanish feats ofan invasion fom Chin, sich wel beside! by thee Chine Oumunbed ey ney te lol China lone, he Sand prepared oie wrt Atunor spend hrs poem mice of he Man Chines va beng nel A Cince upg Ellowe, and the pind pu dom, prerig sen 0 mace sno al fh immizane io Bat er log hugh al odes fom Spin ed in ia 60, he Chine poplin, dew by he esac Pom cs at Manila, was a ge a8 ever. snl 169 4 gp of Cine who wee being ford wo work cn land in Laguna povne rose up and moved om Mais Tey wae Jie yt Mani Chins, ho were pronaedt ebony cbirary tax demands and by the economic hardships accompanying # bad year in che Galleon trade The reelion was put down har Ten THER ge co tne a i i 8 He aed es ccc ee I aN ner anal ne re en th ede PHILIPPING CHINESE HEEORE 150 s (One source of Chinese geographical expansion was a Spaih an te sede China nr sew a wo Manian over eeser the agricultural development of Cental Linon, epecaly dace de Geet aod out dees ofthe apenas tral freedom conceded «othe Catholic Chinese was & mote inpotane planation. What to do with Catholic Chinese was ewes sretang tz dlemama for che Spaniards Despite repeated damontaione wo fe onuary the Spaniards persed in the hope hates of tpn would Somehow make those who accepted it easier to contol religious policy with respect othe Chins ha thee oboe tives extension of the Faith, incukcation of loyal, and encourgement of eventual asimilacion, To che Spaniards it was lar chat the man diate vo Catholicize and hispanize the peoples ofthe Philippines Included the Chinese peopl. In hi conta, he objectives ofthe Span inh religious orders, particularly the Dominicans, were of imporance. ‘Their aims included both effective conversion of the Philippine Chinese and, of greater concern to them, access Chin aa miston Bld Te Sppeaes that forthe sake ofthe late objective, the reigns consendly proteced and favored the Chinese in the Philippines, both Catholic hd non-Catholic in the hope that word ofthis might rach ofa ‘i China who would then be disposed to admit them a sonar.” Even after the Spanish religious Rad broken into dhe China Bed inthe 1630e this policy was followed let the oppereaniy. once gained, be leer When in 186, was decreed thar all Chine wet tobe expelled fom the Philippines within sx months, a sspension ofthe oder wat rnecesay, prompted by fear that the K'ang Hel emperor would revoke THE BIAS, MINDAKAO, AND SULU IN THE StANISH PERUOD permintion to proselytice in South China. The protection of non- Catholis as well as Catholic Chinese in the Philippines suggests 2 suboination of the local efoto the larger mission ISLANDS AND PROVINCES Towns 4 TT Mind 1 Sa and ‘A Tadoban 1c Sesids he general mand pros the wa th oy 15 Masbate land B Cape theme. Catholicism was a central value in Spanish culture, and the {ming 16 Ci © Molo close association of Church and State made aceptance of the Faith in 5 Mame Y aase D Jo a Spanish country a kind of swearing of allegiance to the monarch. If § Swipe ee EN) by this means a hard core of loyal Catholic Chinese merchants and ar- cone) | hen tisans could be created in the Philippines, ir would salve all problems: 8 Dims Bind G Bacolod pp 3 Rol ne 20 Claman and He Bein p93, 18 Gib nd hoon 4, Zambosoge 25, Cone Teo wo Pip, oy 12,193, BR, 10,25: Bao Sa, Car 10 epee Oneal B K ke Retain ss" Je 24, 1590, cchive dt bible filipina, od. W. E- Rens (3 vol BN Occ) 3 Cain Sar L Mamtans Madd 1895°1905)3, 55-18. Fado de Tavern, One memoria de Ande Seer ‘owt 2 Torbw N Ninn ea alee ode a8 el n Rd CHa Jy 23174, Be 26 Ree Amuarie 185 1,30. See to Re Deere, Dee 30, 1696, quoted ae le 4—— HISTORICAL PATTERNS 1 pealur ideas and eron0mic IME could be harmonized and iy aie bjeccives by conver si cao achieve tir objectives by conversing che Bue Spanish atempt 1,2 soceess. There were never more than oe fen as large 38 20 10 30 thou quan the quay ofthe convene sa pre were sincere conver: But sceptics i fo owes alos: anywhere, one cquied pam gspazent he could be counted upon as a bondsman, pani Boon and povector in legal mates oop 988 acl er ageing chat Caholic Chines should or he Mani since many Cine wet ang op seed maf ming ovine 27 fom bari ef Mana oficial Casio, Dian an Auman coe te 1690s, decared chat visting Catholic Chinese fom Fe i fath i at Kepe away from local Chinese con Fae ee ised opinion ofthe English vison Cen Alander Hamilton is ull worthy of quotation: Ail Chinese who go there for eammerce get a Vice bras image tat dt neck, widh «string of beads in cei hands, and spo cn temuces, x fou Senta Mati fr they cannot temo Mai Pease thet Ri excluded che Chines a Mhabed); Tsay, when chey have got all those forenamed vralienions, they are good Spanish Christians. And when they ine fathered their net by cheating the Spaniards, and taken thei lave of Mania... ac heir passing by 2 mountain dedicated to che Virgin May, hey throw cheir beads overboard, and thank the Vir- gin for her kindness co hem. Dring the “ess yeas” of Sino-Spanish relations in the Philippines the actions ofthe Catholic Chinese were mixed. The leader of the 1603 Chinese rebellion vas Juan Suntay (Oncal), 2 wealthy Catholic. Buc another Catholic, juan Bautista de Vera Eng Kang, headman of the 5i- Dig de Aba, OL, “Hs of he Dominican Poin of he Hay Ras Ig 23 Cen 1239097 Gn Lp cer of Mins? 1 6B p51 90 Cn p43 Fame pagel No 9 175, PNA, Rees Odes et 23 “TAs he Pi F - ingins, 1670-1694: BR, 42,233. H"ANew Reco ofthe Ea ners in Gil Cals of the Bet ond Met en re nd Tc nA Pr of the Wd ch jb Peron (17 wo a PHILIPPINE CHINESE BEFORE 1850 1” Chinese community, sought to mediace between the rw sides. And ‘when the rebels moved on Binonvdo the Spanish defenders were asited by recruits from among the Catholie Chinese chee. Inthe 1639 Chinese Uprising, churches were looted and images overturned. A feof the participants were Catholics. But the Chinese of Binondo were herded Tato theie church by the Dominicans and remained at peace.) Nether the 1662 nor the 1686 crite seems to have involved the Catholics ‘But Catholie Chinese were very much involved in Chinese support of the English invaders of the Philippines in 1762-64. In 1762, a part Sf the Seven Years’ War, in which England and Spain were on opposite Sides, the English East India Company dispatched a squadron from Madtas to the Philippines. Manila was occupied for the remainder of the war and the Spanish government forced into exile in Pampanga province The Engh arcerptcd, with considerable success, £0 Woo the Chinese to thee side. Because an expulsion of 1755 had removed most now Catholics, the majority of the Chinese who remained were vow aly of chat faith, and mighe have been expected to show some Sympathy coward Spain. Nevertheless, they served with the English Fees os fighters and laborers, and an armed body of 5,000 Chinese trade an unsuccessful assault on the Spanish government-in-exile.% ‘After che English left che Philippines and che Spaniards reurned t0 Manila, the Spanish government isued the hst of many Chinese expul- Now orders in 1766. All Chinese who had skded with se English were ‘aplied: ut Catholic Chinese who had done so were parila cen sarcd because “they apostasized, abandoning the Catholic Religion frocaiming and applauding dhe aforesaid Brcsh maton 2 being bet- riecthan the Spaniards, Raving neither priests, Mass, sermons, ‘Confession, nor praye. They Uhew off from their necks the Rosary and tid themselves oF al the signs of Catholis.*” ‘But although a nominal acceptance of Catholicism did not cause Chinese t idemsfy himself wih Spain, this is not to say chat the Chi- free were the unasimilablecultral minority the Spaniards populaly believed chem to be. Assimilation was a constant process throughout the petiod of Spanish rule. Ic was facilated by the almose complete Fh Sc wots 20 and 21s bo Pablo Pal Sy. “Hiori ened de lpia eda a ana id Fan Nar lle el Calo de a dct int Pa apie mures ene Acr de Indi de Sila vo. Buslos, 1925-26), oon ere! GBR 3,106 Di. n BR, 42, 219m 228 ns dela Cot pp 208 . 16, Magic de Aye, “Si cong de Maria go loins en 1762" Tg i ea is merina eal eel sie sit (Modis 1997) 6,112 Jost eee a Hera mee de Filipinas (3 vo, Mad, 1887-952 4,85: Lis Chien Paci, pp A731 el Cols pel 17, 1765, PNA, Reses Orden ei 29, i. 9-HISTORICAL PATTERNS 8 . a : omen, which led ta high rate of Chinese-ndio eof Chis ee ise. Given ates of Chine oy eae ae oterwie Given this paren rns, ron of cia asian was coward che Frag open, Bo url sidan wa moe naive dene ine, who considered isl represenaive complex ma Te > ee wa tle attraciveness about indo culre, of a spt siltutal policies mitigated the existing cultural a ey ecigoneculul polices miigted the ong pik catute,i howevet lea form, aval lua by ral pe and individuals, Thus for a Philippine ane drecion Fehr inion al and was toward Chine pine cre, nota pure indo cute nail ERS Span rule he government while cing co tamer Chines and ind atemped RDU in fe =r ahen oh pret were Catholics. As an indycement co ema bene of egy uncakivaced acts of and in Man rE we offered eo Catholic Chinese who married indie * Bur rans of inted inert to che Chinese. I is probable eh hi Fn en and mage was nox parcel arate and icra unions of Chinese and indias were a common practice, ts inded hey were les. re Gelso atempt to assimilate the Chinese by marcying Cathlis Chonese to india, special notice should be taken of the mis- eons Sinices ofthe Dominicans and Jesus in Binondo and sens Coun, seoss the river ffom both the Spanish city of Manila and the Parién. Binondo was founded as a Chinese town in 1594. A royal ‘order for the expulsion of all Chinese had been received, but Governor Dasmarifas, realizing the city’s need for at least a small group of Chi- rece, purchased a tract of land acros the river from the city and gave ic wo a group of prominent Chinese merchants and artisans as the ba- sis for a new settlement, once the Paridn was deserted. The land was five in perpeuity, to be tax fre and inalienable, with limited sel-gov- ering pees arched? Although che original purpose of the it was simply to insure the availability of goods and services for Mana, without ne to reli- ‘pious ot cultural questions,*® the enterprise of the Dominicans, who: took Binondo as her patsh soon made of ic a community of martied Catholic Chinese, Non-Catholc Chinese in the Binondo area were risionied, baptized, married, and added to the community of married 23 This oer wat made in 1620, 6, 18, ley 8 Blok emt oman” Mach 29, 194, PA Genin 16S. tho 1, Dasma “Donszi" ein conflict with Tesés Gayo. OF» any Nain n Drie crn: Prinr eprom ie Catholic, By 1600 this ro had echo i nde! There were igh bopes ha the cai poteny thee Chinese woul excl in higher ation sed lp he Bests Cheap conquest of China * “This Catholic Once communi was conSmed in ep cepely ding he seventh cnvry. Arey 16024 cin Sree neF Ona comrniy ns fed by oup finan be TOTES er othe Chins’ When the Pris wu detyed dig the Chine upg of 1639, Gover Fre Benen nee er he Calg Chinese, wth the ad of the ne ac oguaytndte Pein wes evel Fee eR Meee lonesandng dpa imeling and din Fe ee I Jia andthe Hota of Son Jan de lor we Forge ee ee dic Chines and meson, and noe ect is Baondo were dca ep revo hem SA enn te sven ear wind (er cee Chace tad th monn decendant sd CE Oe cl boi of Claas ven oa aoa a Semi, oae dled yond scalp cei ed eat and emir ae poi, al oo Aone tue even afer noe gen see it ni Ta at nig be epee scan wh Bion. The ce ws et Ta tomaate of pute commana Oe ee end ine win Bion. Chi, ean ere al te ins ded wih Cee i aed 16S he we fed te Grom de Chin i F combined muni gringo Chins Borde ag, eal by ten Chie "apa and fe rmestio “captains.” Late, as the mestizos became the leading element re rake ay tam the Chins, forming thet o¥m Gremio de Mestizos de Binondo in 1741. 45 There were now three ore cach dming pron inci ard cron Fr ae athe meta nae gud th Se Bmondo, tefl dae i A re recone, paiy er Cathe Ci Fe i9 and TEDL, Le known bo he “7 Mog Seen 225: Grego Lp, “Sta of Mom in ee ir m ° 3nd 0 a 68 os Bona! FA. Genin 1-55 ete ee No 0 A, Grin 3 ————~ 22 acorn co at te smi ener oy fico eed ee AE sma oe comma of mail Choe nh ere non-atoiof he Pn, Mae cabot Er of ch importance 22 means of Cae ws contd Oe Chine residing inthe provinces ‘San a inna Cathal were en 0 the an pond oF Santa Cit Ad although rel punmaried Catholic Chinese who led mew a he rom the non-Catholic cher (an ihe ari sete rc mor mportane #0 segregate those HISTORICAL PATTERNS sho we gad logis, intenratinge was a fit tsp sor ie moter, were mast all Catholics: They Mendicd ne pes and with Spi not with China The coin plat, acl aed in sppresing the Chinese rebellion of 1639, and repeatedly thereafter ‘made proud claims Caine twp apported Spain agsnst the Chinese. Buc all mestizos, 2a nnd ae fae een consent ir HP ree any a the Chie, the English anyone et no be cere was 2 mesizoatary uni in Maula Rem el rip, only Sane bythe Spa or eam and 2 ch meson Tr te Spinpoey was o keep apar non-Catholic Chinese and Colic, ano bring copter Catholic Chinese and Catho- indi: he poly wat elvan interme of the outcome the growth ofa hispid, Cato pro Spach group of Chinese mess. 1750-1850 Jn moder Philippine hisory a kind of watershed occurs around the snide ofthe cgheenth eur. The determinants ofthis demarcation ate economic change and soil change Ei nm 37243114 The wee id be 80100 Cale nS Cit 1 opal One Mac 15,1638, BR, 2, 102-08 ed Hl ein 17S Pr. 6 “Onone ofGod Gone SE 2 Rl hi hh 2a Re Ca eB 2 nk a cet tds 1A0» 1A 2 BR 28,25; Carmi of evi RE Fas 1 Mb Fv, Gin, 55; Jen ang de Gaba de ST ALO eed a int 1785, 1.1787 nd 1788 a3 1. 52K Comenge, Cees pma spre, Lat ce! fia ta, 10h. 24 Co ‘Was 1946) 58; co fear eo exposciincartgedfcn y decumencal de Piipiats PHILIPPINE CHINESE BEFORE 1830 Ea In che late eighteenth century the two systems of “native economy” and "Western economy” began to move closer together. This was the period of the earliest Spanish atempes to encourage cash crops for Export sugar indigo, and robacco in particular. Neither ofthe Fist ewo frducts proved very important dating the eighteenth century. Bur Pepecen at 2 government monopoly was, along with customs receipts vtd indio tributes, a major source of revenue for che Spanish govern- arene, The Western economy was changing in other ways. Although sae of the old dependence on che Manila Galleon system remained, soa is sytem was being modified, losing is enrepot character. More SET more Philippine products were being loaded for Mexico, curing aoeam silks-for-silver exchange, OF more importance, Spain was troginning to cake the initiative in its economic relations with the Chinese, rhe foundation ofthe Royal Philippine Company in 1785 began the cera of vending Spanish ships to China for cargoes rather chan awaiting Fre arial ofthe junk Het. Another change wa the opening of Manila in 1789 to non-Spanish European vessels carcying Asian crade goods? Prior to this time, Spanish colonial policy had prohibiced the entry of thon: Spanish European vessels into the Philippines. This prohibition, dnd the Spanish reluctance to send ships of their own co China, had arin dize China Philippines trade had been almost entirely dependent pom he junk fee from Amoy and Cv uan-

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