Treatment of British Colonial Subjects

819
MISCELLANEOUS. No. 8 (1912).
CORRESPONDENCE
RKSPECTING THE
TEEATMENT OF BRITISH COLONIAL SUB-

JECTS AND NATIVE INDIANS EAIPLOYED
IN THE COLLECTION OF RUBBER IN
THE PUTUMAYO DISTRICT.
Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty.

July, 1912.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS.
No. Name. Date. SUBJECT.
1 j To Consul-General j July 21, 1910 Instructs him to 2)roceed to the Putumayo j

Casement I j to enquire into the treatment of British i
1 j subjects and native Indians ' i
' i
2 Consul-General Case- Jan. 7, 1911 Transmits a preliminary report on his '•
! meut I journey to the Putumayo | 1
3 I To Mr. des Graz ...' Telegraphic 16, , Peruvian Government should be informed I
of the state of affairs on the Putumayo as [
; described by Mr. Casement. Immediate j
proceedings should be taken against the !
j per-sous responsible j 5
4 Mr. des Graz ...j Telegraphic 19, ! Refers to No. 3. Peruvian Government '
j ) have ordered a commission of enquiry to .
' 1 be despatched I 6
' , j I j
5 To Mr. des Graz ... Telegraphic 24, i Refers to No. 4. The principal criminals i
j should be arrested before they have time
^ to escape | C
6 ^ From Mr. des Graz ... Telegraphic 24, i Refers to No. 4. Further details of the ;
I commission despatched by Peruvian j
j Government 6
I ,
I )
7 I To Mr. des Graz ..., Telegraphic 0, ' Refers to No. 6. Any suspected persons
' now at Iquitos should be arrested at once j G
8 I Consul-General Case- 31, Reports on treatment of Barbados men

! ment employed by Peruvian Amazon Company (
1 1 )
9 j I Mar. 17, Reports on methods of rubber collection and '

i treatment of natives on the Putumayo ... 25
1
10 ' ; 21, Transmits statements by Barbados men

referred to in No. 9 -52
11 To Mr. Bryce ! 30, ' Mr. Casement’s report (No. 8) should be

communicated to United States Govern-
ment who should be informed of the
i action taken by His ]!ifc.jesty's Govern- ^
1 ment at Lima 142
i
12 To. Mr. Jerome 30, , Mr. Casement’s report (No. 8) should be
communicated to Peruvian Government... 113
) I
13 M J? Telegraphic' Apr. 21, ! Have any of the criminals mentioned in ,
I No. 3 been arrested ? It is desirable |
j that action taken should be made known
without delay 143
14 From Mr. Jerome ... Telegrapliic 27, Refers to No. 13. Communicates telegrams J
from the Putumayo showing action taken
by Peruvian authorities 143
15 I To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic 28, Refers to No. 14. His Majesty’s Govern-
ment are glad to learn of action taken.
They hope Fonseca and others will bo
extradited from Brazil 144
16 To Mr. Bryce May 13, Transmits copy of Nos. 9 and 10 for con-
fidential communication to United States ;
Government... ! 144
17 Mr. Jerome ... hlay 4, Reports conversation with Penn’ian Jliuister j

for Foreign Affairs showing the steps |
taken by the Peruvian Government ...j 145
j
18 Tc Mr. Jerome J une 20, Transmits copy and Spanish translation of ,
Nos. 9 and 10 for communication to the ^
J Peruvian Government. Prompt action |
should be taken to put a stop to the state :
of affairs described H5

821
TABLE OF CONTENTS. iii
No. Name. Date. SUBJECT. j Page.
19 To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic July 6, 1911 j Refens to No. 17. Unles.s proof is given ^
that the Peruvian Government intend to
eradicate abuses at once it will be
necessary to publish Sir R. Casement’s
reports 115
2U To iMr. Bryce Telegraphic 6, No. 19 should be communicated to United

i
States Govermnent whose support at
j Lima is desired ... ... 146
I
21 Mr. Jerome ... Telegraphic 13, I Refers to No. 19. The President is most
i anxious to take necessary steps and asks ,
j the advice of His Majesty’s Government... 146
22 To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic 21, I Refers to No. 21. Peruvian Government

!
1 should insist on immediate arrest and
1
1 I punishment of those guilty and should ,
i
i see that anti-slavery laws are properly
J observed. The establishment of a
! religious mission on the Putumayo is
j also de.sirablc 146
23 Mr. Bryce ... Telegraphic 21, IRefers to No. 20. United States Govern-
! ment will make informal representations
i at Lima ... 147
24 Mr. Jerome ... Telegraphic 25, ' Reports termination of judicial investiga-
I tion and arrest of certain of the offenders,
i Many have escaped to Brazil 147
25 To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic 27, Refers to No. 24. Brazilian Government

should be requested to watch criminals ... 147
2t) From Mr. Jerome ...; Telegraphic 27, Reports further action by Peruvian autho-
rities. The case is now in the hands of a
criminal judge 147
<M
>> J?
I Aug. 28, It appears that no progre.ss is being made
\Wth the prosecution of criminals and that
one of them has been allowed to escape ...j 148
'2x To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic Oct. 14r, Refers to No. 27. He should enquire as to !
truth of reports and urge that vigorous j
action be taken 148
j
29 To Mr. Bryce ' Telegraphic 14, j His Majesty’s Government would be glad if j
! 1
! United States Minister at Lima would
I
support the representation to be made in j
accordance with No. 28 1 149
I
39 Mr. Jerome ... Telegraphic, 19. Refers to No. 28. IMinister for Foreign ,
Affairs promise^ to make enquiries ...j 149
31 Mr. Bryce Telegraphic 23, Refers to No. 29. United States Minister at I
Lima has been instructed to support His i
Majesty’s Representative 149
I
32 To Mr. des Graz ... Telegraphic' Nov. 29, Refers to No. 30. Peruvian Government I
should again be urged to take immediate |
action j
149
33 From Mr. des Graz...[ Telegraphic Dec. 3, Refers to No. 32. Minister for Foreign j
Affairs statc.s that necessary action is
being taken and that there has been no
interruption of judicial proceedings, but j
there is strong local opposition : 149
31 Telegraphic! 13, Refers to No. 33. President has telegraphed j

to Prefect urging greater despatch ...! 150

iv TABLE OF COJsTENTS.
No. Name. Date. SUBJECT. I’age.
35 Mr. des Graz Nov. 17,1911 Keports conversations with President and
Minister for Foreign Allairs who maintain
that, in spite of difFiculties, action against '
the criminals is proceeding 150
36 Mr. Bryce Telegraijhic. Jan. 19, 1912 Secretary of State, after seeing Sir R. Case-
ment, proposes to instruct United States
Representative at Lima to make a further
representation in conjunction with his
British colleague 151
37 >> )> 12, Reports interviews between Sir R. Casement

and United States authorities. Recom-
mends co-operation between British and
United States Consular OfTicers at Iquitos L52
38 To Mr. Bryce 23, United States Charge d’Affairs has been

informed that His Majesty’s Represen-
tative at Lima will co-operate with
United States Representative. Publica-
tion of the correspondence will probably
be necessary eventually L53
39 Telegrdphicj 24, Refers to No. 36. Informs of instructions

sent to Mr. des Graz (No. 40). Appoint-
ment of United States Consul at Iquitos
would be advantageous 1.53
40 To Mr. des Graz ... Telegraphic 24, Refers to No. 36. He should join United
States Representative in representation
to Peruvian Government 153
41 Consul-General Case- Feb. 5, Reports situation on the Putumayo at the

ment end of 1911 and result of Peruvian action... 154
I
42 Mr. des Graz ... Telegraphic 17, Refers to No. 40. President states that
Peruvian Government are anxious to do
all in their power, and asks for suggestions 159
43 To Mr. Bryce ... Telegraphic 23, Refers to No. 42. In view of unsatisfactory
nature of reply of Peruvian Government,
His Majesty’s Government consider it de- I
sirable to publi.sh Sir R. Casement's report 160
44 1 To Consul Michell ... 26, Instructs him to report periodically on the !

methods of rubber collection in the Upper '
Amazon district 160
i
45 To Consul - General Mar. 7, Approves his proceedings as reported in

Casement No. 41 161
46 Mr. Bryce | Telegraphic 28, Refers to No. 43. United States Govern-
ment agree to publication of Sir R. Case-
ment’s rejiort 161
47 To Mr. Bryce ...1 Telegraphic 30, Refers to No. 46. Correspondence will now
be published 161
48 From Mr. Bryce ... 28, Transmits reply of the State Department,
summarized in No. 46 ... ’ 161
49 Mr. Mitchell In nos ... May 25, Has communicated to the State Depart-
ment a proof of the papers to be laid
before Parliament. Transmits Mr. Knox’s
reply suggesting that the publication of
papers should be postponed 162
60 To Mr. Mitchell June 27, Is unable to fall in with Mr. Knox’s view.
I Innes Papers will be published as soon as this
despatch is in the hands of the United
States Government 164

823
CorrespoiKlence respecting the Treatment of British

Colonial Subjects and ISTative Indians employed
in the Collection of Rubber in the Putumayo
District.
No. 1.
Foreign Office to Consul-General Casement.

Sir, • Foreign Office, J^dy 2\,
1 AM directed by Secretary Sir E. Grey to inform you that lie has selected you to
IHocoed to the Putumayo in connection with the commission of encjuiiT which has been
appointed by the Peruvian Amazon Company to report on the possibilities of commercial
development of the company’s properties and to enquire into the present relations between
the native employes and the agente of the company.
The commission, which will be composed of—
1. Colonel the Honourable R. H. Bertie ;
2. Mr. L. H. Barnes, tropical agriculturist;
3. Mr. W. Fox, rubber expert and botanist;
4. Mr. E. S. Bell, merchant;
5. Mr. H. L. Gielgud, secretary and manager of the company,
proposes to leave Lisbon for the Amazon on the 29th instant, and you are at liberty
either to travel with it or to go out independently, so long as you arrange to be present at
the scene of its enquiries when the commission reaches the Putumayo.
While in that district you will endeavour to ascertain whether any British subjects
have suffered or are in distress, and if so from what causes, and whether they stand in
need of relief. You should also report, in a separate despatch, any facts wliich may
come to your knowledge in the course of your enquiry, in regard to the methods of
rubber collection and the treatment of natives by the employes of the Company in the
district which you visit.
You will of course be careful to abstain during your investigations from any
action that would be likely to cause offence or annoyance to the Governments of the
countries visited.
As regards the means of travelling you may decide to adopt, and the actual methods
you may employ for eliciting information, Sir E. Grey has decided to allow you complete
discretion and freedom of action, and you are authorised to incur any nece.ssary or
unavoidable expenditure and to take whatever steps you may deem essential within the
limits of your functions to enable you to arrive at an independent and impartial conclusion
as to the relations obtaining between British subjects in those regions and the company’s
agents.
I am, &c.
F. A. CAMPBELL.
No. 2.
Consid-Oeneral Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received January 9.)

Sir, London, January 7, 1911.
I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith a short preliminary report dealing with
<ny journey to the Putumayo.
The evidence upon which my conclusions are based is of a voluminous kind, and will
be subsequently submitted along with a more detailed report.
[401] B

2
My conclusions are cliiefly based on the direct testimony of Barbados men in the
company’s service, who brought their accusations on the spot, who were prepared to
submit them to investigation, and to make them in the presence of those they accused,
and whose testimony, thus given to me, was accepted without fiu-ther imêstigation by
Senor Juan Tizon, the Peruvian Amazon company’s representative at La Chorrcra, on
the ground that it was sufficient or could not be controverted.
It was equally potent with the members of the Peruvian Amazon company’s com-
mission, who expressed themselves as fully convinced of the truth of the charges preferred,
they themselves being often present when I interrogated the British witnesses.
There was, moreover, the evidence of our own eyes and senses, for the Indians almost
everywhere bore evidence of being flogged, in many cases of being brutally flogged, and
the marks of the lash were not confined to men nor adults. Women, and even little
children, were more than once found, their limbs scarred with weals left by the thong of
twisted tapir-hide, which is the chief implement used for coercing and terrorising the
native population of the region traversed.
The crimes charged against many men now in the employ of the Peruvian Amazon
Company are of the most atrocious kind, including murder, violation, and constant flogging.
The condition of things revealed is entirely disgraceful, and fully warrants the woist
charges brought against the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company and its methods of
administration on the Putumayo.
I append to my report a list of those agents of the company against whom the
worst charges were preferred and against whom the evidence in my possession is over-
whelmingly strong. The prefect of Loreto again and again assured me that his Govern-
ment was determined to deal with the criminals and protect the Indians.
I have, &c. .
EOGEP CASEMENT.
Enclosure 1 in No. 2.
Preliminary Report by Consul-General Casement upon his Journey to the Putumayo.

LEAVING England on the 23rd July, 1910,1 arrived at Iquitos on the 31st August,
and after a delay there of two weeks I left for the Putumayo in company with the Peruvian
Amazon Company’s commission on the 14th September.
We arrived at La Chorrera, the principal station of the company, on the 22nd
September, where we were met by Se/ors Juan Tizon and Victor Macedo, the chief repre-
sentatives of the company. Here I took the statements of several Barbados men, three of
whom brought very serious and damaging charges against agents of the company, which
were not refuted by Senor Tizon, who declared himself forced to accept as substantially
correct the evidence thus brought forward, which was further supported by the declarations
of another Barbados man, at the tune a steward on board the steam-ship “ Liberal,” the
company’s steamer plying between Iquitos and the Putumayo, in which we had travelled.
Leaving La Chorrera after several days stay there in company with the members of the
company’s commission, and personally conducted by Senor Tizon, we proceeded up the
River Igaraparand, in a small steam-launch to the stations of Occidente (Pidel Velarde,
chief) and Ultimo Retiro (Augusto Jimenez).
We stayed at Occidente until the 6th October, when, again in the launch, we went
on to Ultimo Retiro, which we reached on the 7th October, and where we remained until
the 11th. Here I took the evidence of a Barbados man named Edward Ciichlow.
Returning some distance down river by the steam-launch we landed on the left bank
on the night of the 11th October and proceeded next day on foot through the forest to
Entre Rios (Andres O’Donnell), which we reached on the 12th October. Here we stayed
until the 16th, when we marched further inland through the forest to Matanzas or Andokes
(chief, Armando Normand), which we reached in the afternoon of the 17th. Here 1 inter-
rogated two Barbados men.
I left Matanzas alone on the 19th and returned to Entre Rios on the 20th, being
followed by the commission and Senor Tizon two days later.
Staying at Entre Rios until the 27th October I visited the section of Atenas (Alfredo
Montt) on the 26th, and embarking again in the steam-launch on the river on the 28th
October wc all returned to La Chorrera on the 29th October.

825
3
Here I interrogated eleven more Barbados men wlio had been called in, by my request,
to meet me, and whose evidence amply confirmed that already laid before me.
The charges brought by these men were of the most atrocious kind, and, added to
tlie accumulating weight of evidence that we had gathered from station to station, and the
condition of the Indian population as we had opportunity to observe it in passing, they
left no doubt in our minds that the worst charges against the company’s agents were true.
Many of the ts charged against agents whom we met were of the most revolting
description, and the Barbados men bringing these charges did not omit, in several cases,
to also accuse themselves of shocking crimes, committed, they averred, undei- compulsion.
I remamed at La Chorrera until the return of the steam-ship “ Liberal ” from Iquitos.
This did not take place until the 9th November. During this period I visited, on foot,
the section Sur (Carlos Miranda), along with the commission, and met many of the principal
agents and employes of the company, including Abelardo Agiiero, of Abisinia, and Jose
Inocente Fonseca, of La Sabana (stations that I had not been able to visit), two of the men
accused of the worst land of acts against the Indians. We also saw numbers of Indians
from various sections, who came in with the rebmn of the rubber collected from several
districts during a period termed a fabrico,’’ which may roughly be put at four months.
“
The “ Liberalleft Chorrera (with some 60 odd tons of rubber) on the 16th November,
and as I had seen all the Barbados men and British subjects in the comjjany’s service and
had secured all the information that could be obtained, acting within the limits of my
instructions and the time at my disposal, I decided to return by that vessel to Iquitos.
I arrived at Iquitos on the 25th November, and, catching the first down-river steamer,
the “ Atahualpa,” on the 6th December, I reached Para on the 13th. Here I caught the
fii-st homeward-bound mail steamer, the ‘‘ Ambrose,” and left Pant on the 17th December,
arriving at Cherbourg on the 31st December.
The detailed evidence on which I base this prehminary statement will be submitted
as soon as possible.
ROGER CASEMENT.
London, January 7, 1911.
Uames of some of the worst Criminals on the Putumayo, all of them charged ivith atrocious
o§ences against the Indians.
Fidel Velarde : a Peruvian, Chief of Occidente. Dismissed, and to leave the company’s
service on my departme. A\frll probably reach Iquitos this month. Was in debt to the
company.
Alfredo Montt: a Peruvian, Chief of Atenas. Charged with atrocious crimes. U'as
to be dismissed at once on my departure, and will probably be in Iquitos this month, if he
has not run away. Owes money to the company.
Augusto Jimenez: a Peruvian. Is a half-caste—that is to say, has got a mixture
of Indian blood in him. Age about 26. Has been for years the heutenant of Aguero,
under whom he has committed appalhng crimes upon the Boras Indians in the section
Abisinia. He was Sub-Chief of Moreha, and is often mentioned in the “ Truth ” charges.
He begged me to hsten to his statement, and said he could prove that one of the
charges against him in “ Truth ” was not true. On the other hand, the evidence against
him is overwhelming, and the only excuse that he was a haH-Indian of humble birth
and had been under the influence of Aguero. He was promoted this year to be Chief
of Ultimo Retiro when Montt went to Atenas, and since he took charge of Ultimo Retiro
his record is good.
Armando Normand: a Bohvian, I beheve of foreign parentage. Largely educated
in England. A man of whom nothing good can be said. The crimes committed
by tliis man are innumerable, and even Peruvian white men said to me that
Normand had done things none of the others had done. He has about 1,700^. duo
to him by the company, which he declared he would draw out and then denounce the
company “ for its treatment of the Indians.” If anyone on the Putumayo deserves punish-
ment this man should be made an example of. He was under sentence of dismissal, and
would have left Chorrera by the “ Liberal ” with mo only I objected to travel with him,
aud begged Senor Tizon to send him by another vessel. Ho is probably due now in Iquitos
[401] ■ ' B 2

4
to get his l,700h, unless he, too, has taken flight; but I think this unhkely. He will brave
things out, and trust to accusing others.
Jose Inocente Fonseca : a Peruvian, about 28 years old. Is now at La Sabana in the
Ricigaro Indians’ district; is also under sentence of dismissal, and will very soon be
leaving for Iquitos. Has committed innumerable crimes upon the Indians.
Abelardo Agiiero : about 35 or 36 years of age. Chief of Abisinia, of which section
he has had charge for years. Has committed innumerable crimes. Senor Tizon thought
this man would run away into Brazil when he heard a judge was coming to investigate.
He is in debt some 5001. or 600?. to the company, and has nothing to gain by staying.
All the above were actually chiefs of sections during my visit, and I met all of them
personally. They are all in the district of La Chorrera under Senor Victor Macedo who is
now practically superseded by Senor Tizon.
In addition to the foregoing, the following two men, now at large, should certainly
be proceeded against.
Elias Martinengui : was Chief of Atenas up to May or June of 1910, when he retired
from the company’s service, and is said to have gone to Lima with his gains. The charges
against him are many.
Aurelio Rodriguez ; a Peruvian ; was Chief of Santa Catahna, in the Boras country
up to June, 1909, when he retired on what Senor Tizon called a “ small fortune,” and is
now living in Iquitos. The crimes of Aurelio Rodriguez were vouched for by many, and
are widely Imown.
Suhordinaie Agents of the Gomjjany eqmlly charged with atrocious arimes.

1. A. Vasquez Torres, or Alejandro Vasquez : at Atenas.
2. Rodolfo Rodriguez : a Colombian at Santa Catahna, charged with many murders.
3. Miguel Flores : a Peruvian at Abisinia.
4. Armando Blondel: at Abisinia.
5. Aquileo Torres : a Colombian now at Abisinia. Innumerable crimes against this
man. He wms made prisoner by Normand in January, 1907, and kept chained up
for a year by Velarde and others, and then released on condition he joined them,
and was first employed in flogging Indians. He improved on his masters, and has killed
scores, and cut ears off, and done things that even some of the worst Peruvians say
they could not tolerate. Jimenez put him out of Ultimo Retiro when I was at Occidente.
and he arrived at latter station on foot while I was there, on his way to La Chorrera,
in October. Instead of handing him over to justice, or even dismissing him, Macedo sent
him to Abisinia, the worst station, where the commission of crime is easiest and most
recurrent. This was done, I beheve, in order to have Aquileo Torres put out of the way
quietly. He was once a Colombian magistrate, and was captured by Macedo’s ordei-s
along with a lot of other Colombians because they were “ poaching ” on the company’s
territory, and trying to get Indians to work for them. The subordinates were sent
adrift down the Putumayo, and one of them subsequently told the tale to the “ Jornal
de Comercio,” of Manaos, but Aquileo Torres and two others (the chiefs of the party)
were kept as prisoners in chains for over a year. Torres was kicked and spat upon and
passed from station to station to be reviled by the agents in charge. He had once
captured Elias Martinengui and chained him up. When finally released from chains Torres
became even worse than his captors, and I am convinced they are now gravely embarrassed
to know how to dispose of him.
6. Jermin, or Filomene, Vasquez: at Abisinia. This man is charged with many
crimes. The latest of them only in August, 1910, when he had thirteen Indians—men,
women, and children—^murdered on the road between the Caqueta and Morelia. He
boasted on his return to Abisinia “ he had left the road pretty.”
7. Simon Angfilo : a Colombian blackman. Is the flogger or executioner of Abisinia
under Agtiero. Has flogged many to death.
8. There is also a Barbados man named King, calls himself Armando King, who is
at Encanto under Loayza. Tliis man came to Chorrera to be interrogated and admitted

827
0
to me killing and shooting a young Colombian named Justino, or Faustino, Hernandez.

This he said he did by Senor Loayza’s orders and in order to save his own life from Her-
nandez, but the story is elsewhere otherwise related. I believe King to be as bad as any
of the others almost. A¥hen he admitted to the killing of Hernandez (I Icnew of the crime
from other sources), I warned him that to plead that he shot a man under the orders of
anyone was no plea ; that if his crime had been committed in British territory, as he
knew, he would probably have to ansv/cr for it with his life, and I added tliat even there
in the wilderness he must not think these crimes could go on undetected or unpunished;
that some day, perhaps soon, a civilised Government would take account of what was
being done in the name of civilisation, and then he might have to answer for his
“ shooting ” of Justino Hernandez with his neck. I think if the arrest of others is asked
for that King’s arrest should be asked for too.
There are a great many others also charged with many crimes whose names occur
often in the depositions of the Barbados witnesses to be submitted along with my
detailed report.
Ko. 3.
Sir Edward Gh'ey to Mr. des Ch'az.
(Telegraphic). Foreign OMce, January 16, 1911.

PUTUMAYO enquiry.
Casement has returned and submitted preliminary report, which confirms worst
accusations. Many of the principal officials of the Peruvian Amazon Company are
unquestionably guilty of the most revolting atrocities against the Indians, of which
abundant and irrefutable evidence has been collected and has been accepted without
demur by Senor Tizon, the company’s representative at La Chorrera', as being incon-
trovertible. The crimes,charged against these men include murder, torture, violation,
and constant floggings cf a barbarous nature and other acts of unspeakable cruelty.
These cases are not isolated, but are part of a system.
You should so inform the Peruviaii Government confidentially and in a friendly
manner, stating that His Majesty’s Government are unwilling to publish the facts without
first bringing them to the notice of the Government primarily concerned, who, they feel
sure, are ignorant of the crimes committed, and will, in the interest of justice and
humamt}^ take steps at once to punish the criminals and prevent the continuance or
recurrence of the atrocities.
The following is a list of those who are stated to be the worst criminals : Fidel
Velarde, Chief of Occidente, Alfredo Montt, Chief of Atenas, Augusto Jimenez, Chief
of Ifitimo Retiro, Armando Normand, a Bolivian, Jose Inocente Fonseca, at La Sabana,
all of whom probably are now or shortly will be at Iquitos ; Abelardo Agiiero, Chief of
Abisinia, Ehas Martinengui, retired last spring and said now to be at Lima; Aureho
Podriguez, living at Iquitos; A. Vasquez Torres or Alejandro Vasquez, at Atenas ;
Rodolfo Rodriguez, a Colombian, at Santa Catalina ; Miguel Flores, Ai’mando Blondel,
Aquileo Torres a Colombian, Jermin or Filomeno Vasquez, Simon Angulo, a Colombian,
all at Abisinia • and a native of Barbados named King, at Encanto.
The names of these men are communicated in order to assist the Peruvian authorities
to bring them to justice, and in the hope that the severest penalties allowed by the law
will be inflicted, particularly in the cases where murder is proved. By this means alone
can the Peruvian Government hope to put an end to the present state of affairs.
Measures should be taken immediately or the criminals will escape. His Majesty’s
Government, in view of the fact that agents of a company registered in Great Britain
arc involved, are sure to be questioned in Parliament as to the facts, when it meets early
in February.
It Avill be exceedingly desirable that they should then be able to announce the action
taken by the Peruvian Government, as any impression that such crimes were to go
unpunished, or that there is the least chance of their being repeated, would be most
deplorable, and could not-fail to arouse strong feeling.

)
No. 4.
Mr, des Graz to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received January 19.)
(Telegraphic). Lima, Jam/mry 19, 1911.

I HAVE addressed a confidential note to the Peruvian Government in the sense
of your telegram of the 16th instant. The acting Minister for Foreign Affairs has
informed me verbally, pending a written reply, that telegraphic orders were sent a clay
or two ago to Iquitos for the despatch of a commission of enquiry to the Putumayo
under a judge of the criminal court.
No. 5.
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. des Graz.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, January 24, 1911.

YOUR telegram of 19th January: Putumayo enquiry.
Inform Peruvian Government that His Majesty's Government were already aware
that a commission was to be sent to the Putumayo, and that the list contained in my
telegram of the 16tli instant was communicated to enable the Peruvian authorities to
apprehend the principal criminals before they had time to escape.
Three of the worst, namely, A. Rodriguez, A. Normand and F. Velarde, and
possibly others, are probably now at Iquitos and presumably can only be dealt with
there.
No. 6.
Mr. des Graz to Sir Edward Gi'ey.—{Received January 25.)
(Telegraphic.) Litna, January 24, 1911.

My telegram of the 19th instant.
Aj^wer of Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs recapitulates substance of my note
and states that Peruvian Government, keenly interested that if such a system of
cruelty exists in Putumayo regions it should disappear as soon as possible, has taken
measures previous to receipt of my note for full investigation on the spot. Most
important of those measures is nomination by superior court of Loreto of a commission
composed of judge for criminal cases at Iquitos with necessary staff which shall investigate
acts denounced, determine responsibility and punish the guilty. Orders have already
been telegraphed for commission to leave Iquitos for Putumayo and it is sure that com-
mission will be discharging its important mission next month. List of names has been
telegraphed to prefet of Loreto to be communicated to and to assist commission. Note
concludes with assurance that political authorities of Loreto will assist in every way in
measures which Peru is determined to enforce in its dominions in interests of justice
and humanity.
No. 7.
Sir Edivard Gi'ey to Mr. des Graz.
(Telegraphic). ^ Foreign Office, January 25,

Your telegram of 24th January.
It seems that the Peruvian commission of enquiry may have started for the Putu-
mayo some time ago but the principal criminals are likely to have left the district before
it arrives. The ends of justice will be frustrated if the Peruvian Government do not
cause any suspected persons now at Iquitos itself to be arrested at once. I presume
this will be done.

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7
No. 8.
Consul-General Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received February 6.)
Sir, London, January 31, 1911.

1 HAVE the honour to submit a report dealing with my recent jomney up the
Amazon Kiver to the Putumayo region.
On the 21st July last you instructed me to proceed to the Putumayo with a com-
mission of enquiry which had been appointed by the Peruvian Amazon Company, to
report on possibilities of commercial development of the company’s properties, and to
enquire into the -present relations between the native employes and the agents of the
company.
This commission was composed of Colonel the Honourable R. H. Bertie, C.B.,
Mr. L. H. Barnes, tropical agriculturist; Mr. W. Fox, rubber expert and botanist;
Mr. E. S. Bell, merchant; and Mr. H. L. Gielgud, secretary and manager of the company.
Your instructions to me required me to be present at the scene of its enquiries when
the commission reached the Putumayo, and while in that district I was to endeavour
to ascertain whether any British subjects had suffered or were in distress, and, if so,
from what causes, and whether they stood in need of relief. You empowered me to take
whatever steps I might deem essential within the limits of my functions to enable me
to arrive at an independent and impartial conclusion as to the relations obtaining between
British subjects in those regions and the company’s agents.
Acting upon these instructions, I left England on the 23rd July, 1910, and in
company with the commission travelled to Manaos, the capital of the State of Amazonas,
in Brazil, which was reached on the 16th August. Here Colonel Bertie was invalided,
and. acting upon medical advice, returned to the United Kingdom,
I proceeded alone to Tquitos, leaving Manaos on the 17th August, and reached
Iqiiitos on the 31st, having been joined by the four remaining members of the Peruvian
Amazon Company’s commission at a point some 160 miles below Iquitos.
I remained in Iquitos until the 14th September, when, with the members of the
company’s commission, I embarked for the Putumayo on board the river steamer
“Liberal,” belonging to the Peruvian Amazon Company’s flotilla. I found resident
at Iquitos, or at work there, a number of Barbados men, British subjects, who had
originally been brought from the West Indies by direction of the firm of Arana Brothers
since merged in the Peruvian Amazon Company, The firm of Anvana Brothers in 1904-5
seem to have recruited in the island of Barbados 196 labourers who were shipped for
Peru at the request of Senor Abel Alarco, at that time a partner of the firm in question.
Six other Barbados men were at the same time recruited in the island at the request of
a Senor J. Elias Solsol. A copy of the form of service contract entered into between
Senor Abel Alarco, as employer, and these men, as labourers, countersigned by the police
magistrate at Barbados, accompanies this report.
From this contract it appears that the men were engaged as general labourers for
a term of two years, work to commence one day after arrival at the Putumayo, and to
cease upon the completion of two years. It was stipulated that a free passage both
ways should be granted, and that the wages should be at the rate of 21. Is. 8^. per month,
with free food daily to consist'*of tea or coffee, breakfast and dinner, free doctor and
medicine, also free lodgings. The working days were to be six per week, and the working
hours to be from 7 A.M. till sunset, with one hour allowed for breakfast and one hour
for dinner. The contractor further agreed that the labourer should not during his
contract be left destitute in the place to- which he was going, and that on the termination
of this contract, on his giving notice of his wish to be repatriated, his employer should
repatriate him by paying bis passage to Barbados. I have no information as to the
form of contract entered into in the case of the six labourers engaged by Senor Solsol.
The greater number of the 196 men engaged by Arana Brothers had already left the
Amazon before my arrival, but there were probably a dozen or more men in Iquitos
who had orignially been brought by Arana Brothers, and who were working for themselves
in various capacities when I arrived there. During my stay in Iqpitos I interviewed
seven of these men, two of whom had just left the Putumayo, and one of these on com-
pletion of a lengthy period of service there, and I found two more men, whose deposi-
tions 1 took, seiwing among the crew of the company’s steamer, the “ Liberal,” on which
1 travelled to the Putumayo from Iquitos.
l
I

8
One of the men found in Iquitos, by name Frederick Bishop, I engaged to

accompany me to the Putumayo to act as interpreter and guide during my investigations
in that region. The declarations made before me by these men indicated that the terms
of the contract entered into with them in Barbados had in some respects not been faith-
fully fulfilled by the employers, and in some cases it was clear from the men's statements
that by illegal compulsion they had been forced to commit illegal acts upon the Indian
inhabitants of that region in order to compel these to labour or bring in india-rubber
to the profit of the company and its predecessors.
The firm of Arana Brothers had been, in the latter part of 1907, converted into the
Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company (Limited), which took over, as from the 30th June,
1907, legal responsibility for the firm of Arana Hermanos (Brothers), with headquarters
in London. This British company subsequently changed the name to the Peruvian
Amazon Company (Limited), under which designation it now exists. At the date of the
transfer from Arana Brothers to the London company it is not easy to sa)’’ how many
British subjects still remained at work on the Putumayo. The original two years’
contract by which these men had been brought Roiu Barbados had m the greater number
of cases already lapsed, but a number of the men remained on in the new company’s
service, either at their own wish or because they were unable to leave from a variety of
causes. Others who had already left the Putumayo had in several cases voluntarily
returned from Iquitos, most of them in May, 1908, and in these cases a fresh form of
contract had been drawn up at Iquitos in the name of the Peruvian Amazon Company.
Under the original contracts made in Barbados the men were brought in batches to
the Amazon, and drafted from Manaos either directly to the Putumayo or were brought
up to Iquitos and put to work upon an estate called Nanai^ lyii^g on the banl<s of the
river some few miles below that town. The men employed at Nanai appear to have
been engaged mainly at agricultural work on the estate, and few complaints would seem
to have come from this quarter. They do not, however, appear to have been satisfied,
and in the majority of cases I beheve they left the service of Arana Brothers before the
coinpletion of their contracts, i.e., before the expiry of the two years. The grounds
of their dissatisfaction were briefly that the wages were insufficient, and that the food
was not such as they were accustomed to. As regards the first complaint, the wages
were what they had undertaken to accept, and judged by Barbados standards were good
pay for such work.
On the Amazon River, however, no labour of the kind could be obtained for that
sum, and these men found themselves receiving, at 21. Is. 8d. per month, wages that were
probably one-half below the local rate of pay. They became dissatisfied and left their
employers’ service, chiefly on these grounds. The food, I understand, was such as
would be generally regarded as sufficient in that region, and it would seem clear that as
regards these men employed at Nanai no serious grounds of complaint existed. The
men, however, who had been taken straight to the Putumayo found themselves from
the first in very different surroundings. I had no means of finding out how many
Barbados men from first to last had actually been brought to the Putumayo and em-
ployed there. I.should estimate that, of the total of 196 men engaged by Arana Brotheis,
the number sent directly to the Putumayo was probably 100 or.more. I found, as
pointed out, some dozen Barbados men in Iquitos, all of whom had once been employed
on the Putumayo, and seven of whom gave evidence before me. On the Putumayo
itself I found twenty men actually employed in the company’s service and the two men
engaged on the “ Liberal.” Several of these men had come straight from Barbados,
either at the end of 1904 or the beginning of 1905, and had remained continuously at
work in the Putumayo region without any new form of contract having been made at
the expiration of the original form entered into at Barbados, whilst others had been
employed at Nanai, or had left the Putumayo and had subsequently gone back upon
the fresh form of contract referred to as drawn tip at Iquitos. The wages in all cases
appear to have been augmented, and at the date of my visit ranged from 5l. to Ql. or
even 1l. per month, with food of an inferior kind and. lodging understood. The medical
attendance stipulated in the original contracts of engêment had in the vast majority
of cases not been forthcoming. When the.men first came to the Putumayo, in all the
earlier years, there was no doctor resident in that region. Of late a doctor had been
employed by the British company, but he resides at the station of La Chorrera, and his
services are available only for a limited number of the company’s employes who may
bo resident there or occasionally visit that post. Medicines needed by the men were
either non-existent or often had to be purchased from their wages. I found in several
cases that quite large sums had been debited to these men’s accounts for medicines that
should have been supplied free under the term of their engagement. So, too, in regard

831
9
to the food; for long periods this often consisted of wliat the men could find for them-
selves or get by some mocans from the Indians.
The fii'm of Arana Brothers and its successors, the British company, do not appear
to have scrupled to lay the burden of feeding the great majority of tlie employes very
largely upon the surrounding native population, who were compelled by illegal force to
labour in a variety of forms foi' the maintenance and profit of the company and its
employes. In the exercise of this illegal compulsion, frequently accompanied by gross
outrages upon the Indians, including murder, flogging, and torture, many of the Barbados
men played a constant part. By their positive declarations to me, which were often
made in the presence of the company’s chief agent, and before the commission of English
gentlemen sent out by the company, it is certain that these men, instead of being used
as labourers, were forced to act as armed bullies and terrorists over the surrounding
native population. I^Tiether, it was food-stuft's that were required, labour for building
houses or planting cassava, sugar-cane, maize, or other produce for the needs of each
station, or the collection of india-rubber, the Indians had to satisfy all the demands of
the so-called commercial establishment which had planted itself in their midst.
These demands were urged, not by persuasion, or supported by the olTcr of barter-
goods in exchange for wliat was required of the Indian, but were enforced upon him,
his wife, and children by absolutely illegal and often terrifying methods. In this system
of armed extortion, which can only rightly be termed brigandage, the Barbados men
were active agents. This part, no doubt, the men themselves were sometimes willing
enough to perform, but in man}’’ cases it was made clear to me that the men liad them-
selves protested, and had only discharged these duties with reluctance, and often under
threats which in more cases than one had been realised. In a region so remote, whej-e
no civilised jurisdiction existed or Government authority was exercised, the agents of the
so-called trading bodies had and have supreme control. The Putumayo River is about
1,000 miles long, and in the district affected by the operations of the Pei’uvian Amazon
Company and its predecessors, the Arana Brothers, it was not the main stream of this
little-known river, but two of its northerly affluents, which were the theatre of the scenes
in which these British subjects took part.
These two rivers, the Igaraparana and Caraparaml, rise in a remote forest region
close to the watershed of the Japunt, and, flowing in a south-easterly direction, run
parallel to each other for a distance of from 300 to 400 miles through a continuous forest
until they empty riiemselves into the Putumayo. The mouth of the Igaraparamt is
about 400 miles above the junction of the Putumayo with the Amazon, and that of the
Caraparaiici fully 600 miles from the Amazon. The whole of this large region lies
between the Republics of Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador, and is in pai-t claimed by the
two former.
The district comprises an area, roughly speaking, of some 10,000 square miles,
lying between the 72nd and 74th degrees of Avest longitude and the Equator and the
2nd parallel of south latitude. The Indian population of this district was estimated a
few .years ago by the Peruvian authorities at from 40,000 to 50,000 souls. The majority
of these primitive people dwelt along the course of the Igaraparaml, the larger of the
two tributaries referred to. This river has a course of fully 400 miles, and is navigable
for vessels of 100 tons and over from its confluence Avith the Putumayo to the Station
of La Chorrera, lying about 220 miles from its mouth. La Chorrera is the principal
rubber dep6t of the company, and controls nine dependent stations, termed locally
“sections,” A\diich, Avith further branch dependencies of their OA\m, collect, through the
neighbouring Indians, as much india-rubber as these people can be forced or induced
to gather. The rubber so collected is transported, partly by Avater and partly by land,
oil the backs of the Indians, about every three months to La Chorrera, Avhence it is
shipped in one of the company’s vessels to Iquitos.
A similar state of things exists in connection Avith the Caraparami, the smaller of
these two rnêrs. The controlling centre of the Caraparami is a station situated close
to the mouth of that riAmr, Avhere it enters the Putumayo, called El Encanto. I did
not visit the Caraparaiia, Avhich, both commercially and geographically, is the less
important river of the two.
There Avas only one Barbados man serving in that district at the time of my visit.,
and from their fii*st coming the Barbados men had been almost solely employed in the
La Chorrera agency, either along the banks of the Igaraparamt or inland from it in rubber
centros situated in the heart of the forest—Avherever, in fact, Indians, and not necessarily
rubber trees, Avere most numerous.
The true attraction from the first to Colombian or Peruvian “ cauclieros,” as the
rubber collectors or traders are termed in the Upper Amazon regions, Avas not so much
[401] C

10
the presence of the scattered Emea hraziliensis trees throughout this remote forest as
the existence of fairly numerous tribes of docile, or at any rate of easily subdued, Iirdians.
The largest gathering of these people was a tribe termed the Huitotos, a mild and in-
offensive people subdivided into many sub-tribes or families, each dwelling apart from its
neighbour, and ruled by its own hereditary cacique or “ capitiln/"
The Huitotos chiefly dwelt along the courses of the Caraparand and Upper and
Middle Igaraparand,, and occupied all the country between these two rivers. On the
north of the Igaraparand they extended some distance, in various settlements, into the
thick forest towards the great Japuri (or Caquetd) River until they merged in the
Andokes, Ricigaros, and Boras, tribes doubtless of a kindred far-off origin, but wholly
differing to-day in speech from the Huitotos, as also from each other. While these
tribes were in each case of one family, speaking the same language, little or no cohe.sion
existed among the scattered sub-tribes into which they were split. On the contrary,
enmity more often than friendship ruled the relations between neighbours.
Thus the 30,000 Huitotos, instead of uniting as one people, w’-ere split up into an
infinity of “ families ” or clans and inter-clan fighting and raids perpetuated for genera-
tions disputes of obscure and often trivial origin. So with the Boras, the Andoke.s, or
other agglomerations inhabiting the neighbouring regions, Wfliile, collectively, each
of these tribes might have put large numbers of men into the field, they were so divided
by family quarrels that no one cacique probably could ever count on more than 200 men,
and in the majority of cases on very many less.
They were therefore an easy enough prey to the “ civihsed intruders who brought
to their conquest arms of precision against which the Indian blowpipes or throwing-
spears could offer but a paltry resistance.
The object of the “ civihsed ” intruders, in the first instance, was not to annihilate
the Indians, but to “ conquistar,” ^.e., to subjugate them, and put them to what was
termed civilised, or at any rate profitable, occupation to their subduers.
These subduers formed themselves into bands and parties, dubbed commercial
associations, and, having overcome the resistance of the Indians, they appropriated them
to then* owm exclusive use along with the rubber trees that might be in the region they
inhabited. Henceforth to the chief of the band they became “ my Indians,” and any
attempt by one of his civihsed neighbours to steal, wheedle, or entice away his Indians
became a capital offence.
Thus where the primitive savage raided his savage neighbour for reasons that
seemed good to him, the white man who came on an alleged mission of civilisation to
end this primal savagery himself raided his fellow white man for reasons that seemed to
the Indian altogether wrong, viz., his surer enslavement. Constant thefts of Indians
by one “ cauchero ” from another led to reprisals more bloody and murderous than
anything the Indian* had ever wrought upon his fellow-Indian. The primary aim of
rubber-getting, w^hich could only be obtained from the labour of the Indian, was often
lost sight of in these desperate conflicts.
When the first contingent of Barbados men reached the Putumayo at the end of
1904 the firm of Arana Brothers had not complete control of the region in which it
carried on its dealings with the Indian dwellers in the forest. The majority of those
who then exploited the Indians and obtained rubber from them were Colombians, men
who had come dowm the Putumayo from that repubhc and estabhshed themselves on
different sites along the banks of these two tributaries. In some cases these Colombian
settlers appear to have held concessions from their goverimient. As it wms not ea.sy to
obtain supphes from Colombia owdng to the mountainous nature of the country in whicii
the Putumayo rises, and as the market for the rubber obtained lay dowm-stream where
the Amazon forms the natural outlet, it was more profitable to open up relations with
traders in Brazil or Peru, and to obtain from them what was required, than to seek
supplies over the distant and difficult route from Pasto, in Colombia. The Iquitos house
of Arana Brothers had at an early date entered into relations with these Colombian
settlers, and, by means of steamers between Iquitos and the two tributaries of the Putu-
mayo named, had supphed their wants and Wught their rubber to be disposed of in
the Iquitos market. Little by httle these relations changed, and f>'om being merely
intermediaries the firm of Arana Brothers acquired possession of the majority of the
Colombian undertakings in these regions. These transfers were sometimes effected by
sale and purchase and sometimes by other means.
Throughout the greater part of the Amazon region, where the rubber trade flourishes,
a system of deahng prevails which is not tolerated in civilised communities. In so far
as it affects a labouring man or an individual who sells his labom’, it is termed “ peonage, ’
and is repressed by drastic measures in some parts of the New World. It consists in

833
11
getting the person worldng for you into youi- debt and keeping him there; and in lien
of other means of discharging this obligation he is forced to work for liis creditor upon
what are practically the latter’s terms, and under varying forms of bodily constraint.
In the Amazon valley this method of dealing has been expanded until it embraces not
only the Indian workman, but is often made to apply to those who are t heniselve.s the
employers of this kind of labour. By accumnlated ol>ligations contracted in this way.
(ine trader will pledge his business until it and himself become practically the [)roj)erty
itf the creditor, liis business is merged, and he himself becomes an emploce, and often
finds it very hard to escape from the responsibilities he has thus contracted. At tin*
date when the Barbados men were first brought to the Putumayo, the methods of
exploiting the Indian population in the interests of the Colombian or Peruvian >ettlei."
were mainly confined to the river banks. They were more or less haphazard metliods.
.hi individual with two or three associates squatted at some point on the river-.îde. and
entered into what he called friendly relations with” the neighbouring Indian tribes.
These friendly relations could not obviously long continue, since it was the iniere.si of
the squatter to get more from the Indian than he was willing to pay for. The goods
he had brought with him in the first case were limited in quantity, and had to go far.
The Indian, who- may correctly be termed “ a grown-up child,” was at first delighted
to have a white man with attractive articles to give away settling in his neiglibourliood.
and to bring in exchtuige india-rubber for these tempting trifles seemed ca-sy. Moreover,
the Amazon Indian is by nature docile and obedient. His weakness of character and
docility of temperament are no match for the dominating ability of those witli European
hlood in their veins. Yielding himself, first, perhaps, voluntarily, to the domination
of tliese uninvited guests, he soons finds that he has entered into relations which can
only be described as those of a slave to a master, and a master, be it observed, who can
appeal to no law that recognises his rights. The system is not merely illegal in civilised
parts of the world, but is equally illegal in the Amazon forests, since those regions are
all claimed by civilised Governments which absolutely prohibit any form of slax'ery in
their territories. The Barbados men on being brought into these region.s found them-
selves face to face with quite unexpected conditions and duties. Already at Manaos,
on their way up the river, some of them had been warned by outsiders that .in tlie
countries to which they were going they would not be employed as labourers, but would
he armed and used to force the Indians to work for their employers ; they were further
told that the Indians, being savages, would kill them. Several of them, taking alarm.
li;id protested at Manaos, and had even appealed to the British vice-consul to interfere
50 that they might be released from their engagement. This was not done. They were
assured that their contracts, having been lawfully entered into in a British eolony. would
he faithfully observed in Peru, and that they must fulfil them. In some caM’s die men
were not reassured, and liad to be taken on board the river steamer waiting to convey
them to the Putumayo under police supervision.
The first party to disembark in the Putumayo consisted of thirty men witli five
women. They were landed at La Chorrera, on tlic Igaraparana, the head-cjuarler.''
station of the Arana Brothers, in November 1904. Here they were armed with
Winchester rifles and a large sup])ly of cartridges for these weapons, and. headed by .a
I'olomhian named Ramdn Sanchez, with a man called Armando Norniand. who .served
as interpreter, and several other white men, Colom'oians or Pi'ruvians. they were
'lispatched on a long journey through the forest to ojicn up what were stxded trade
relations with an Indian tribe called the Andokes. This tribe inhabits a district between
the Igaraparana and the Japurd, but lying closer to the latter river. On arrival in this
region the men were employed at first in building a house, and then on raids Ihrough the
surrounding forests in order to capture Indians and compel them to come in and work
hr Senor Sanchez. They were also used on what wore termed punitive expeditions
'fnt out to capture or kill Indians who had killed not long before some Colombians wlio
W settled in the Andokes country with a view to enslaving that tribe and forcing it
to work rubber for them. These men had been killed by the Andokes Indians and their
nfles captured, and it was to recover these rifles that many of the first raids of the
Barbados men were directed by Sanchez and Normand. In this way the station of
llatanzas was founded, and the man Normand soon afterwards, on the retirement of
Sanchez, became its chief. At the date of my visit to tlie Putumayo he was still in
diargc of this district ns representative of the Peruvian Amazon Company. Th(> station.
'CMatanzas was founded at the very end of 1904. I visited it on foot in Octolu'r, 1010.
Blies some 70 miles by land from La Chorrera, ahd the route followed by the Barl)ados
nien would occupy some four to five days of hard marching. The forest tracks in the
Butiimayo prc-sent innumerable obstacles. Owing to the very heavy rainfall, water
[401] C 2

12
and mud accumulate, many streams—some of them even rivers—have to be crossed

either by fording or upon a fallen tree, roots of trees and fallen tree-trunks innumerable
bar the path, and the walker either knocks his shins against these or has to chmb over
obstacles sometimes breast high. No food is to be obtained on these routes except from
the few Indians who may be dwelling in the neighbourhood, and these poor people now
have little enough for themselves. For several years after its foundation all the rubber
collected at Matanzas was carried down this route by Indian carriers to La Chorrera.
The Indians were not supphed with food for this journey. They were guarded by
armed men both going and returning, and Barbados men frequently were employed for
this work, just as they were used, in the first instance, in forcing the Indians to collect
the rubber in the forest and bring it into Matanzas. During the last three years the
journey from Matanzas to Chorrera has been shortened by the placing of a small launch
on the river above the cataract which blocks river navigation at Chorrera. Rubber
from Matanzas still goes under armed escort a distance of 45 or 50 miles through the
forest to be shipped in this launch at a place called Puerto Peruano for conveyance
thence to Chorrera by water. The duties fulfilled by Barbados men at Matanzas were
those that they performed elsewhere throughout the district, and in citing this station
as an instance I am illustrating what took place at a dozen or more different centres of
rubber collection.
At the date- of my visit there were only two Barbados men left in Matanzas. one
of whom had been there six years Rom the foundation of that station. I found the
twenty men still remaining in the company’s service when I was on the Putumayo
scattered at various points. With the exception of three men at La Chorrera itself,
whose duties were those of ordinary labour, all the men still remaining at the time of
my visit were employed in guarding or coercing, or in actively maltreating, Indians to
force thorn to work and bring in india-rubber to the various sections. The men so
emplo3'ed at the time of my visit were two men at Matanzas, one man at Ultimo Eetiro,
four men at Santa Catahna, three at Sabana, one at Oriente, and three at Abisinia, and
two others temporarily employed on the river launches who had just come in from forest
duties. Another man was employed at the head-quarters station of the Caraparana
at the place called El Bncanto. This man was sent for to ChoiTera while I was there,
and I interrogated him. In addition to La Chorrera, the head-quarters station, I visited
in succession the following among its dependent stations, or “ succursales ” : Occidente,
Ultimo Retiro, Entre Rios, Matanzas, Atenas, and Sur, the latter practically an outpost
of La Chorrera, being situated less than two hours’ march away. With the exception
of Matanzas, which is situated in the Andokes country, all these stations are in the countr}-
inhabited by the Huitoto tribe. This tribe, formerly the most numerous of those
inhabiting the so-called Putumayo region, at the date of my visit was, said to have con-
siderably diminished in numbers. One informant assured me that there were now not
more than 10,000 Huitotos, if, indeed, so many. This decrease in population is attributed
to many causes. By some it is stated to be largely due to smallpox and other diseases
introduced by white settlers. The Indians themselves in their native state are singularly
free from disease. From trustworthy evddence placed before me during my visit I have
no doubt that, however high the deaths from imported diseases may have been, the
deaths from violence and hardship consequent upon the enforced tribute of rubber
required from these people have been muqh higher.
Statements made to me by the Barbados men, and which could not be controverted
on the spot, made this abundantly clear. Many, indeed all, of the men had been for
several years in the closest contact with the Indians, and their duties, as they averred,
chiefly consisted in compelling the Indians to work india-rubber for the white man’s
benefit, and otherwise to satisfy his many wants. It would be tedious to go through
statements made by these different British witnesses, and it may be sufficient to say
that thej left no doubt in my mind or in the minds of the commission sent out by tlie
Peruvian Amazon Company that the method of exacting rubber from the Indians was
arbitrary, illegal, and in many cases cruel in the extreme, and the direct cause of very
much of the depopulation brought to our notice. The Barbados men themselves com-
plained to me that they too had frequently suffered ill-treatment at the hands of agents
of the company, whose names were given to me in several cases, and several of whom
were still employed on the Putumayo in the service of the company at the date of my
visit.
On closer investigation I found that more than once these British employes of the
company had been subjected to criminal ill-treatment. To cite four cases, certainly the
worst that came under my direct notice, but which may stand for an indication of how
in those remote regions the so-called commercial agent will often deal with a subordinate

13
835
employe of his firm. I give the following among several s[)eei(ic complaints that were laid
before me :—
Clifjord Quintin.—This man was engaged in J3arbados with the first detachment
at the end of 1904,'and was brought to Chorrera by the man Xunnand. who acted as
interpreter for all the Barbados men at that time engaged. He formed one of the j)arty
that in December 1904 proceeded to the Andokes country under the command of Ramon
Sanchez. He remained two yeai’s in that district and returned to Clu)irera in Oru)ber
1900. During his stay at Matanzas he was twice tied up and cruelly flogged by tsanchez
and Normand. The first occasion was soon after he reached l\latanzas in the veiy eaily
months of 1905. His wrists were fa.stened behind his back, and he was then tied u}i
to a cross pole, the whole weight of the bodv hanging under Uie arms thins la^'lnal together
behind. In this posture he received fifty lashes applied with a twisted thong of tapir
hide. This man w\as examined by me on the 2nd November, 1910. at Chorrera. and
although the date of this flogging was considerably more than five years earlier, he bore
the marks of it in several places, notably one broad scar extending across the ribs, ddie
reason for this punishment was a very trifling one as he related it. All the men were
short of food, the rations they received from Sanchez being wholly insuflicient. They
were often forced to steal food from the Indians, or to go out into the forest and the
surrounding plantations and look for it and rob it. On the occasion in question he had
nothing to eat, and was trying to buy a piece of cassava bread from an Indian girl. A
Colombian employe interfered, a man named Munoz, and they quarrelled, whereupon
Normand had Quintin tied up as described, and the fifty lashes administereil by Sanchez
and himself. In addition to the marks upon his person, his statement w.i." borne out
bv the evidence of another man named Leavinc (a. Barb'ados man), who had been {ircsent
at the flogging, and who, at the date of my visit, was still in the service of Senor Normand
at Matanzas. The second occasion on which Quintin w.i.s beaten wa^ a '^lu)it time before
leaving Matanzas in October 190(3. On tb.is occasion he w.is bcMteii by Nmmaud and
a subordinate agent named Bucelli. He showed traces of thi.'' flogging ; one of hi." cai."
bore a scar upon it where Bucelli had cut him with the la."li. He was .su hmt by tlii"
flogging that he wa.s" brought down to La Chon-era sick. The reason for thi." second
flogging was a charge of immoral dealings with Indian women, brought against him bv
Bucelli. Bucelli had crossed the Japura on a raiding expedition into Colombia TU ( lOh
fugitive Indians. These Indians had run away to e.scaj)e the working of rubber .it
.Matanzas. The party, of whom (Quintin was one, had captured eight people—four
women, two grown-up men. and two little, boys, children of the others. The two men
were put in chains, and the whole jiarty were being driven back to Matanzas as prisoners.
\ Colombian named Diaz was in charge of the two men in chains, and they csiajied
iu the night with the chains on them. Bucelli, who was himself a Colombi.m. annoyed
at the e.scape-of these men, and not wishing to tell-Normand that this wa." due to the
fault of another Colombian, charged Quintin with not keeping jiroper guard thioughout
the night, and with being with the women instead of doing his duty in guaiding the
prisoners. Upon reaching Matanzas, on the .strength of this accii."arion. which he
(leprecatingly admitted had some truth in it, Quintin was flogged as described by
Normand and Bucelli together. He was so ill from this beating that he h.id to be kept
for nearH three months in Chorrera before being again actively einjiloyed. Tjuin
recovery from this illness he had been sent in the early part of 1907 to the st.ition of
Santa Catalina, where he was still employed at the time of my vi.îi to tlu- Putumayo.
As I could not ^^.sit Santa Catalina, this man, along with others, wa." i-alh‘d into La
Chorrera to be examined by me. He had spent the last three and a-half yi-.iis in the
section of Santa Catalina, and when I saw him in 1910 he was ill and bore evident traces
of ill-treatment as of short commons. In addition to the marks on his peison derived
from the flogging at Matanzas, he was wounded in oiie foot. This wound has been
c.'uiscd by a splinter of wood, probably poisoned, placed in the ground b\ the Indians
in order to obstruct the ajiproach to their dwelling-jilaces, in the hojie of thereby hindering
tlip armed raids made upon them to conqiel them to work lubbei. .Mthongh the wound
"M.s nearly a year old, it had not healed, and the man limped in his walk and got about
with difficulty. As he ])ointed out, he received this injury in the exercise of the dntii*s
required of him, which began and ended with i*ompelling the Indians to work lubber.
and that to buy a pair of .shoes cost him 10s. by the comjiany s prices, and he w.i" often
compelled to walk barefoot. The.se shoes, sold at this price from tlm company’s
stores, are the cheapest kind of woollen slipper, certaiuly not worth more tlun ]s. in
Europe. ,,
The second ca.se was that of a man named Augustus NValcidt. lie was born in

14
Antigua in 1887, and came from Barbados in October 1904 with the first contingent
brought by ISeiior Normand, and was sent to Matanzas along with the rest of the men
under Kamdn Sanchez. This man, according to the statement he made to me uii the
1st November, 1910, at La Chorrera, stayed at Matanzas under Sanchez and Nornuud
for about one year, engaged in the usual work of capturing Indians to make them work
rubber, and of guarding and forcing them to this einplo}mient. Towards the end of
this period he was ordered by Normand to take prisoner an Indian man wdio had escajjed
from the work imposed upon him. This he failed to do. The Indian in question was
caught by another employe, named Cordoba, was put in chains, but escaped before he
was brought into Matanzas. They fired after the fugitive, but did not hit him. Imme-
diately following this an Indian captive in the station was flogged. The “ capitan,"
or chief, of these Indians was also a prisoner, but his son was apparently at large, and
the chief sent this youth to fetch a rifle that was concealed in the chief’s house in the
forest, and to bring it to him in order that he might have a weapon handy to defend
himself whenever he could get free. The son went on this errand, but was found
bringing the rifle in, and was seized by Normand and Sanchez. He \vas hung up by
the neck in the station yard until he died. The father was then taken out and beaten
with swords or machetes and hung up by the neck until dead. Walcott, along with
other British subjects, w’as a wdtness of these crimes, and said in a loud voice that this
was not the way to punish people. He said it was a brutal act, and this remark was
overheard by Normand, who threatened to punish him for making it. Shortly after-
wards a dispute arose betw’een Walcott and another Barbados man about some food
that both were seeldng to buy from an Indian girl. Walcott wms accused by Normand
of stealing the food from the girl. He protested that this w\as not true, stating that he
could prove that he had bought it, but was not listened to. He was seized by
Normand’s orders, his arms tied behind his back, and then suspended by these from a
cross-pole. In bhics posture he was beaten with a machete by Sanchez. He was left
hanging by his arms in this posture until he became unconscious. When released liis
arms were useless, and he was so ill that he had to be carried down in a hammock to La
Chorrera. This man’s statement was confirmed by similar evidence given hi other
quarters.
The third incident I would cite is that of a native of Barbados named Joshua Byall.
He, like the tAvo preceding men, \vas engaged in Barbados at the end of 1904, and was
one of the party that went to Matanzas under Sanchez and Normand. This man, like
most of the Barbados men, was passed from one station to another, and in the year 1907
he was serving at the station of Ultimo Retiro, where he was grossly maltreated by the
agent, Alfredo Montt, who was then chief of that district, and who at the date of my
visit \vas the company’s representative in the district of Atenas. Montt charged Dyall
with having improper relations with the concubine of one of the white employes, all of
whom, it should be stated, kept Indian women, many of them more, than one. The
accused man was hung up by the neck, beaten with machetes, and then confined by the
legs in heavy wooden stocks, called locally a “ cepo.” Each station is furnished with
one of these places of detention. The stocks consist of two long and very heavy blocks
of wood, hinged together at one end and opening at the other, with a padlock to close
upon a staple. Leg-blocks so small as just to fit the ankle of an Indian are cut in the
wood. The top beam is hfted on the hinge, the legs of the victim are inserted in two
of these holes, and it is then closed down and padlocked at the other end. Thus
imprisoned by the ankles, which are often stretched several feet apart, the victim, lymg
upon his back, or possibly being turned face downwards, remains sometimes for hours,
sometimes for days, often for weeks, and sometimes for months in this painful confine-
ment. Prisoners so detained are released from these stocks only to obey the calls of
nature, when for' a few moments, guarded by armed men, they enjoy a brief release.
Some of these implements of torture that I saw ready for use had nineteen leg-holes.
In one case I counted twenty-one. The stocks at Ultimo Retiro,- where Dyall was
confined, were, in my opinion, the cruellest of those I actually saw. The ankle-holes
were so small that, even for an ordinarily well-built Indian, when closed the wood would
often have eaten into the flesh. For an ordinary-sized Europea.n or negro the top beam
could not close upon the leg without being forced down upon the ankle or shin boue,
and this was whit happened to Dyall. He and men who had witnessed his imprison-
ment assured me that to make the top beam close down so that the padlock could be
inserted in the staple two men had to sit upon it and force it down upon his legs.
Although more thi.n three years had passed since he suffered this punishment, both Ids
ankles were deeply scarred where the wood (almost as hard as metal) had cut into the
ankle flesh and sinews. The man’s feet had been placed four holes apart—a distauco,

15
837
1 slioulcl say, of from 3 to 4 feet —and witli his legs tluis extended, suflcring acute pain,
he liad been left all night for a space of fully twelve hours. When released next day
he was unable to stand upright, or to walk, and had to reach his quarters crawling on
his belly propelled by his hands and arms. I have no doubt of the truth of this man’s
statement. I saw the stocks just as they had been used to confine him. I caused a
man of ordinary stature, a Barbados man, to have his legs enclosed before me. The
stock did not close upon the legs, and to have locked the two beams together at the
end could only have been done by great pressure and weight exerted upon the top beam
so as to force it down upon the leg and thereby undoubtedly to inflict much pain, and
cause lasting wounds.
The fourth case that calls for grave comment was that of a Barbados man named
Edward Crichlow. I found this man serving at the station of Ultimo Ketiro at the date
of my visit, and I took his statement on the 8th October, 1910. His present age is 25,
and, like the three preceding men, he was engaged with the first batch in Barbados, anil
accompanied that party to Matanzas under Kamdn Sanchez. Like all of his countrymen
he was shifted about from station to station, performing the customary service of hunting
Indians in order to compel them to work rubber. This man had some knowledge of
carpentry, and had frequently been employed to make the benches, chairs, and tables,
or other articles of furniture needed for the stations at which he served. He was a more
intelhgent man than either of the three previously referred to, and some of the domestic
furniture in use at the station of Ultimo Ketiro had been made by him just prior to my
arrival. During the first part of 1908 Ci-ichlow had been employed in the station of Santa
Catahna, on the borders of the Boras country. The Boras tribe of Indians is a
numerous and physically powerful branch of the great Indian family which inhabits,
or it might be better to say inhabited, the stretch of country lying between the
Rivers Putumayo and Japura. The latter river is also known by the name of
Caqueta. Japurd is the name by which it is known in Brazil, Caqueta that by which
the Peruvian and Colombians term it. The Boras Indians, being physically stronger and
more courageous, had not submitted so readily as their neighbours, the Huitotos, to the
methods of rubber collection imposed upon them by the parties of invading white men,
whether Colombians or Peruvians. They had frequently resisted, sometimes with success,
nid on more than one occasion had killed individuals and even numerous parties of these
vegetable filibusters. B}^ 1908, however, they had been largely reduced to obedience,
nr had taken refuge'in flight, and at the stations of Santa Catalina and Abisinia the survivors
were worldng under strict compulsion to produce enough rubber to satisfy the agents of
the company in charge of those sections. The agent at Santa Catahna was a man named
Aurelio Kodriguez. This man is still ahve and resides in Iquitos, the capital of the Peruvian
Department of Loreto. He retired from the company's service in the summer of 1909.
While serving under this man Crichlow’s time had been largely occupied in carpentering
work when not employed on raiding the Indians. He had made, by Kodriguez’s direction,
a special “ cepo " or stocks, for the confinement, or torture rather, of the recalcitrant
india-rubber workers. Not satisfied with the ordinary stocks to detain an individual
by the legs alone, Kodriguez had designed a double “ cepo ” in two parts, so formed as
to hold the neck and arms at one end and to confine the ankles at the other. These stocks
were so constructed that the leg end could be moved up or down, so that they might fit
an individual of any size. For a full-grown man they could be extended to the length of
his figure, or contracted to fit the stature of quite a child. Small boys were often inserted
into this receptacle face downwards, and they, as well as grown-up people, women equally
with men, were flogged while extended in this posture. Crichlow, quite an intelligent
f’arpenter for an ordinary labouring man, had faithfully carried out the design of his master,
and this implement of Wture remained in use at the station at Santa Catalina until the
early part of 1909. In May 1908 Crichlow had a dispute with one of the other employes
named Pedro Torres. The quarrel was of no importance, but Torres was a white man
and Ci’ichlow was a black man. The former appealed to his chief, and Kodriguez at once
took the part of his Peruvian fellow-countryman. He struck Crichlow over the head
with a loaded revolver, and called other white employes to seize him. Crichlow tried to
defend himself with a stick, but was overpowered, and his hands were tied beliind his
lâck. He was then beaten by many of them and put in the “ cepo," or stocks, to spend the
night. When released next day for a few moments for an obvious reason he was chained
round the neck, one end of the chain being held in the hand of a guard. The same day,
"’ith his hands tied and this chain padlocked round his neck, he was dispatched under
guard to the neighbouring station of La Sabana, a full day’s inarch. A certain A’êlarde
'vas at the time the chief of this section, and at the date of my visit I found him chief
of the section Occidente. Velarde put Crichlow in the stocl^ at his station with his

16
legs five holes apart—an almost insupportable distance—in which posture he remained all
night. Next day a Senor Alcorta, employed at a neighbouring section, who was on a
visit to La Sabana, interceded for him and he was released from the stocks, but was sent
down to La Chorrera as a prisoner. Here he was again confined in the stocks bv the
sub-agent, Senor Delgado, and was finally only released through the friendly intervention
of the captain of the port of Iquitos, who happened to be on a visit to the Putumayo at
the time. Crichlow wrote a letter to this official complaining of the ill-treatment he had
received from his employers, and begged him to intercede with Senor Delgado, which
was done.
No compensation of any kind was ever offered to these injured men. On the contrary,
they had been forced to buy at their own expense medicines in addition to many other
things required (when ill from this bad treatment) that by the terms of their original
contract should have been supplied free by their employers. Not only were they not
compensated, but no reproof or punishment of any kind had been inflictecl upon the agents
so grossly maltreating them. AVith one exception, that of Rodriguez, these agents were
still in the service of the company at the time I was on the Putumayo, and I met
all three of them. I have dealt at some length with these four cases of assault upon the
British employes, because they are typical of the manner of dealing of co-called white
men with inferiors placed under their orders in that region. The Barbados men were
not savages; AVith few exceptions they could read and write, some of them well. I'hey
were much more civilised than the great majority of those placed over them—they were
certainly far more humane.
Most of the twenty men I actually’^ encountered in the service of the company were
in debt; that is to say, owing to their purchases from the company's stores of things
they needed from time to time, either for their own wants or those of their Indian wives
and possibly children, they had been debited with amounts which often considerably
exceeded the wages credited to them. Their average pay amounted to 50 soles* (or,
say, ol.) per month. Crichlow, for instance, at the date of my visit to Ultimo Rotiro.
where I took his deposition on the 8th October, was at that time some 24h in debt to
the company. He informed me (and I am convinced quite truthfully) that he had been
notified that, should he answer my questions untruthfully—in other words, deceive me in
the investigations that T was imstructed to carry out—this indebtedness would be wijied
out against him in the firm’s books. Similar promises (and even offers of money) were
made to more than one Barbados man to induce him to state what was not true or to conceal
the truth from the British official deputed to investigate the circumstances attending
his employment by this British company. The man Dyall, Avho had completed noaiiy
six years* service when I met him at Chorrera on the 24th September, appeared to be in
debt to the company to the sum of 440 soles (say, 44L) for goods nominally purchased
from its storas. Some of this indebtedness was for indispensable articles of food or clothing,
things that the working man could not do without. These are all sold at prices representing
often, I am convinced, 1,000 per cent, over their cost prices or prime value. Much of
the men’s indebtedness to the company was also due to the fact that they were married,
that is to say, that every so-called civilised employe receives from the agent of the
company, on arrival, an Indian woman to be his temporary wife. Sometimes the women
arc asked ; sometimes, I should say from what I observed, their wushes would not be
consulted—they certainly would not be consulted in the case of a white man who de.sired
a certain Indian woman. AVith the Barbados men it was no doubt a more or less voluntary
contract on each side. That is to say, the agent of the company would ask one of the
numerous Indian women kept in stock at each station whether she wished to five with
the new arrival. This man Dyall told me, in the presence of the chief agent of theHeruvian
Amazon Company at La Chorrera, that he had had nine different Indian women given
to him as “ wives ” at different times and at the various stations at which he had served.
When an employe so “ married ” leaves the station at which he is working to be trans-
ferred to some other district, he is sometimes allowed to take his Indian wife with him,
but .often not. It would depend entirely upon the good-will or caprice of the agent in
charge of that station. As a rule, if a man had a child by his Indian partner, he would
be allowed to take her and the child to his next post, but even this has been more than
once refused. In Dyall’s case he had changed his wives as often as he had changed
his stations, and always with the active approval of the white man in charge, since each
new wife was the direct gift or loan of this local authority. These wives had to be fed
and clothed, and if there were children tlien all had to be provided for. To this source
much of the prevailing indebtedness of the Barbados men was due.
* The Peruvian sole is of the value of 2s., 10 soles to the £ being the ofiioial rate of exchange, which
may vary somewliat in commercial quarters at Iquitos.

839
17
Aiiotliej- fruitful cause of debt was the unrestricted gambling that was openly carried
on up to the period at which I visited the district. The employes at all the stations passed
their time, when not hunting the Indians, either lying in their hammocks or in gambling.
As there is no money in circulation, gambling debts can only be paid by wilting an 10 U,
which the winner passes on to the chief agency at La Chorrera, where it is carried to the
debit of the loser in the company's books. From an inspection of the accounts of the
Barbados men I examined at La Chorrera, and the originals of many of which are in my
possession, it is clear that in many cases the duties of the chief accountant must have
largely consisted in debiting and crediting in the company’s ledgers the gambling debts
contracted between the company’s various employes. This evil system remained quite
unchecked, nay, openly aided and indulged in by numerous members of the stall’, up to
November 1910. The chief agent of a station would gamble with even his most subor-
dinate employes. A man who to-day might be tying up a Barbados man and flogging
him would next week be winning perhaps two months’ pay from the same man over the
dice. Articles of clothing were pledged ; everything, in fact, that an employe actually
posse.ssed would go until the loser had nothing left but to write a slip of paper for 70, 80,
or 100 soles {1l., 8l., or lOZ.), or whatever the sum lost might be. I saw numbers of these
“chits ” duly signed and endorsed at the chief agency in La Chorrera, and 1 hoard (but
not on altogether satisfactory eAddence) that in some cases documents of this kind had
been forged. AVhere detected, the forgery had been disallowed, so I was informed, and the
transaction had not been carried to account in the books. By its recognition of such
transactions the company assumed a full responsibihty for the continuance of this evil
practice, as I took occasion to point out to the chief agent when the assurance was given
me that in future no gambling would be allowed, or, at any rate, that none of these I 0 U’s
would be carried to the debit or credit account in the company’s books. This would
necessarily involve the cessation of playing for stakes other tlian articles of clothing,
food, or possibly “ wives.” Some of the Barbados men had informed me on first landing
at La Chorrera that for a space of nearly six years they had been occupied in purely agii-
ciiltural or domestic duties, such as planting food-stulfs around the stations, keeping
the ground clean, or building work and making rough articles of furniture. There was
a certain amount of truth in these statements, but, as first made to me, they were mis-
leading, or intended to mislead. Two such informants subsequently apologised for their
imtruthfuhiess, and retracted much of what they had said, and explained that they had
been induced to lay false evidence before me by the agents of the company they actually
served. It was true, no doubt, that in many cases Barbados men had been so employccl,
and certainly, so far as my observations went, several of them were the most trustworthy,
useful, and profitable employes the company possessed. Such rough furniture as existed
in the stations I passed through outside La Chorrera was mainly the work of their hands.
The houses themselves are all built by the Indians. The wild forest Indians of the Upper
Amazon are very skilful builders with the materials that lie to their hands in their forest
suiToundings. Their own dwellings are very ably constructed. Several Indian families
congregate togethei-, all of them united by close ties of blood, and this assembly of I'clatives,
called a tribe or “ nation,” may number anything from twent)'^ up to 150 human beings.
In many cases such a tribe would live practically in one lai’ge dwelling-house. A clearing
is made in the forest, and with the very straight trees that abound in the Amazon woods
it is easy to obtain suitable timber for house-building. The uprights are as straight as
the mast of a ship. The ridge-pole will often be from 30 to 40 feet from the ground, and
considerable skill is displayed in balancing the rough beams and adjusting the weight of
the thatch. This thatch is composed of the dried and twisted fronds of a small swamp
palm, which admirably excludes both rain and the rays of the sun. No tropical dwelling
I have ever been in is so cool as one roofed with this material. The roofs or thatches of
Indian houses extend right down to the ground. They arc designed to keep out wot and
sunlight, not to bar against intruders. They afford no protection against attack, and are
not (lesigned for defence, except against climatic conditions. The white settlers in the
forest from the first compelled the Indians tojbuild houses for them. The plan of the
house would bo the work of the white man, but the labour involved and all the materials
would be supplied by the neighbouring Indian tribe or tribes he had reduced to work for
him. All the houses that I visited outside the chief station of La Chorrera in which the
company’s agents lived, and where their goods were stored, were and are so constructed
hy the surrounding Indians, acting under the direct supervision of the agent and his
white or half-caste employes. This labour of the Indians goes unremimerated. Not
only do they build the houses and the stores for the white men, but they have to keep
them in repair and supply labour for this purpose whenever called upon. The Indian in
his native surroundings is satisfied with quite a small clearing in the forest around his own
[401] D

18
dwelling, but not so tlie white man who has come to live upon the Indian. These decree that
their dwelling-houses shall stand in the midst of a very extensive clearing, and the labour
of felling the forest trees, and clearing the ground over an area of often 200 acres, or even
more, falls upon the surrounding Indian population. Here again, neither pay nor food
is supplied. The Indians are brought in from their homes, men and women, and while
the men fell the trees, and undertake the heavier duties, women are put to clearing the
ground and planting a certain area of it. Those of the stations I visited outside La Chor-
rera, viz., Occidente, Ultimo Retiro, Entre Rios, Matanzas, Atenas, and Sur, in addition
to a large and extremely Avell-huilt dwelhng-house for* the Avhite man and his assistants,
as well as suitable dependencies for servants, women, &c., were each surrounded by
immense clearings which represented a considerable labour in the first case, and one which
liad fallen wholly upon the Indian families in the vicinity. Sometimes these clearances
were put to economic use—notably that at Entre Rios, where quite a large area was well
planted with cassava, maize, and sugar-cane, but this was the only station which can be
said to maintain itself, and all the work of clearing and of planting here had fallen not
upon the employes of the company, but upon the surrounding Indian population. At
other stations one found the dwelling-houses standing in the midst of a very extensive
clearing, which apparently served no other purpose beyond giving light and air. At
Atenas, for instance, the station houses are built on a slope above rhe River Cahuinari,
and an area of fully 200 acres has been cleared of its original forest trees, which lie in all
stages of decay encumbering the ground, but scarcely 1 acre is under any form of
cultivation. At Matanzas a somewhat similar state of neglect existed, and the same
might be said in varying degree of the stations of Ultimo Retiro and Occidente. Large
areas of fairly fertile cleared ground are lying waste and serve no useful purpose. Food
which might easily be raised locally is brought literally from thousands of miles away at
great expense, and often in insufficient quantity.
The regular station hands, that is to say, the employes in receipt of salaries, do no
work. Their duties consist in seeing that the surrounding forest Indians work rubber
and supply them so far as may be with what they need. For this purpose the principal
requisite is a rifle and a sufficiency of cartridges, and of these there are always ])lenty.
I have said the Barbados men were certainly the busiest in this assembly of armed idlers.
At Entre Rfos most of the furniture in the houses had been made by various Barbados
men wdio from time to time had served there. The room in which I spent nearly a fort-
night had been entirely furnished, with the exception of a bedstead, by the man Frederick
Bishop whom I engaged at Iquitos to accompany me as a guide and interpreter. Eveiy
article in it, including the window-frames, door-frames, and the doors themselves, had been
the work of his hands when, two years before, he had been an employe in that station.
So, too, at Ultimo Retiro, as also at Occidente, it was to the rough sldll of these black
servitors that the white and higher agents owed in the main such rough furniture as they
possessed. Some of the Barbados men had received extra remuneration for this work,
but in the majority of cases even skilful carpentering work had gone quite unrewarded.
Nominally, the men were well paid with from 5l. to Ql. per month, but this pay given
with one hand was generally taken back with the other, for the prices at which the men
were forced to satisfy their necessities from the company’s stores ate up each month’s
and even several months of their earnings before they became due. A man in debt any-
where in the Amazon rubber districts is not allowed to leave until the debt is paid, and
as the creditor makes out the account and keeps the books, the debtor frequently docs
not know how much he owes, and, even if he had the means, might not always be able to
satisfy the claim. Accounts are falsified, and men are kept in what becomes a perpetual
state of bondage, partly through their own thriftlessness (which is encouraged) and partly by
deliberate dishonesty. In some cases (the proof of which is in my possession) the dealings of
the company’s responsible agent with his black workers came perilously near this definition.
The man Edward Crichlow, for instance, produced the company’s invoices to show that
at the time when he was in debt in its books to the extent of 20L he was induced or per-
mitted to add to this indebtedness by a further purchase of 14L worth of goods, all of which,
it must be understood, could only be met by debiting his future wages with the goods so
bought. One of the articles which went to make this sum of 14L was a common accordion,
worth, I am sure, not ll. in England. This had been debited against him for lOl 10s.
He had played upon it four or five times, and then was obliged to leave it behind him at
Ultimo Retiro when coming away with me. He had decided at the last moment to leave
the company’s service and to return to Barbados with me, and preferred to sacrifice all
the things he owned at Ultimo Retiro in his hurried journey down-river so as not to miss
my departure. Owing to rejDresentations I made, this man obtained a largo refund for
the musical instrument, and of other sums as well against some of the things abandoned.

841
19
I cite the case to show how easy it is to tempt even a civilised subordinate to pledge himself
and months of his future to satisfy a want his employers have no right to gratify by
such means. Crichlow, like all negroes, was of a musical turn of mind, and the accordion,
dangled before him in the stores at La Chorrera, and temptingly offered again and again
at what was said to be a reduced price, he was quite unable to resist. He closed with the
offer, and thereby added a fresh period of two months’ detention to his stay in the com-
pany’s service.
Such incidents as this might be multiphed many times. More than one of the
twenty Barbados men I found employed owed from four to even nine months’ wages,
with no prospect of ever getting straight, .since their wants persisted, and no check opposed
their accumulating debts of this Idnd, which represented a considerable profit in the
company’s books to the agent selling. I did not hesitate to frankly state my opinion
of these transactions to those responsible at La Chorrera. A system of book-keeijing
which permitted the lowest class of gambling transactions to be fornially carried to
account for and against the employes of a great British company is iiot easily defended.
No serious defence Avas attempted. So, too, with the otherwise contracted indebtedness
of the men. However blameworthy or extravagant they may have been, they were not
nearly so blameworthy as their employers, AVIIO not only permitted but obviously en-
couraged them to run into the company’s debt upon terms highly unfavourable to the
men and profitable to the creditor. Perhaps the most extortionate of these charges
was where medicines were bought. These were charged to the men at outrageous prices,
seeing that m many if not all cases they should have been supplied Lee to the men by
the terms of their contracts of engagement. When I pointed out that medicine had
been stipulated for when the men were engaged in Barbados, I was told that their in-
debtedness in these accounts Avas “ for me^cines required for the men’s Indian Avives.”
As, hoAvever, the Avives formed part of the establishment, and Avere given to the men
in the first instance by the local heads of the company, AVIIO theuLselves had several
“ Avives ” for the most part, the excuse Avas not a very sound one. These AAmiien
nominally figured as Avorkpeople in the company’s service. It A\ms the local agent and
not the Barbados men AVIIO in the first instance had taken these people from their native
surroundings and caused them by force, or otherAvise, to dAvell in the AALite man’s Aucinity.
Here they Avere put to all maimer of domestic use, such as Avashing clothes, carrying
water from the river for the kitchen, bath-room, and various other household require-
ments, planting and clearing the ground around to some extent, but chiefly in order to
supply the agent and his subordinates Avith a helpmeet.
As the result of my remarks upon this system of dealing, the chief agent at La
Chorrera voluntarily offered to Avipe out 25 per cent, of all the purchases made by the
men I found actually on the spot since the formation of the British company, that is to
say, since the 30th June, 1907. This proposal Avas entirely .spontaneous, and Avas gladly
accepted by nineteen men I found serving under the La Chorrera agency. It Avas made
by the chief agent of the company in the name of the company, to these nineteen in-
dividuals in my presence, and was accepted by them. Nearly all of these men Avere
ill debt to the company. Before they could have left the Putumayo this indebtedness
Avould have had to be Aviped out. As nearly all the men expressed themselves as
anxious to leave that region along Avith me, I Avas prepared and fully intended to pay
all claims against them put foi’Avard by the company’s agent, and of this I informed him.
h a result of this offer, hoAvever, a considerable sum, aggregating over 800Z., accrued
to the men, and all of them found a balance in their favour. In some cases this balance
Avas quite a considerable one, and most of the men Avere able to come aAvay Avith me Avith
sums ranging from lOl. or 15l. to almost lOOZ. to their credit. Only one man, Joshua
Dyall, derived no real advantage from this transaction. He had stood in debt to the
company some 450 soles, or 44Z. IO5., and a refund of 25 per cent, of his purchases from
the company since the 30th June, 1907, left him Avith a credit balance of 7 soles 50 c., or,
say, 155.
The last of Lis nine Indian Avives sought to accompany him on board my departing
steamer, but Avas not permitted, and I think under the circumstances rightly, to do so.
A child by a former Indian consort, hoAvever, Avas suffered to leave A\dth this man, Avhose
fortune of 15s. earned after six years on the Putumayo disappeared at the first halting-
place en route to Iquitos.
I have described the state of things prevailing betAveen employers and employed
over a Avide region of the Amazon as “ peonage.” This Avould be a mild term to apply
to the relations existing betAveen “ caiicheros,” or rubber dealers, and the Avild oi* un-
cmlised Indians, but it pretty Avell applies to the civilised subordinates aAvay from the
immediate centres of Governmert authority, and Avas certainly applicable in many
[401] 2

20
cases to the Barbados men. Not only was theii’ liberty restricted, but arbitrary and
wholly illegal punishments were frequently inflicted upon them. I refer not to the
grosser forms of maltreatment, some of which have been specifically enumerated in the
earlier part of this report, but to corporal detention and insufFiciency of food for quite
trivial faults. Men were put in the stocks, unaccompanied by violent handling, and so
sometimes the}’- remained for days. One case of such detention, which lasted for nine
days, was reported to me as having occurred only a short time previous to my arrival on
the scene. Another case I might cite was that of the man who served as my interpreter,
Frederick Bishop, who had left the company’s service only in August, 1910, after five
and a-half years’ service. He had in January of last year been “ put in guns ” at La
Chorrera by order of the chief agent. “ Putting in guns ” is a form of punitive deten-
tion, in general use in the Peruvian army, I understand. It consists in trussing a man
with his legs and arms closely bound to a triangle formed by several crossed rifles, and
leaving him in this posture. As he is tightly lashed, any long detention in this position
of necessity liecomes very painful, and might, if too prolonged, have even serious con-
sequences. In the case of this man the punishment was applied for having loft his
post at Ultimo Eetiro without leave. Bishop, who during the greater part of 1909 had
served at the station of Entre Rios, had in December of that year been transferred lo
Ultimo Retiro, where he found scarcely any food for the use of the employes.
During the month of January, 1910, things went from bad to worse in this respect,
until he and others were forced to sustain themselves chiefly upon a wild herb called by
the Indians “ airambo.” As the chief of the station had gone away with several of the
white employes on a visit lo a neighbouring section, Bishop determined likewise to leave.
He set out without food, canying all his possessions he could himself transport, and with
his rifle and cartridges marched through the forest down to La Chorrera. The distance
is one of from 70 to 80 miles. He received some help from friendly Indians along the
way, whose language he had long since learned, and, arriving at La Chorrera wet, hungry,
and suffei’ing from fever, he reported himself to the chief representative of the company
and explained why he had abandoned his post. There and then he ivas “ put in guns ”
with his Avet garments upon him, and in this painful position remained till nightfall.
The order to put him in guns was executed by a Peruvian mihtary officer, who at the
time commanded a small detachment of men temporarily quartered in La Chorrera.
Tlie mnlc of this officer was that of a captain in the Peruvian army. The person who
ordered him to put this British subject in this form of military confinement was the
commercial agent of an English company. Nevertheless, he acted upon the order thus
given him, and when appealed to by Bishop said he was unable to interfere. The
sergeant of the soldiers, a kindly man, at nightfall released the Barbados man, saying,
“ I will let you out after dark, but you must come back so that they can see you by
daylight.” Bishop further appealed to the officer in command by a letter written in
Spanish, and he was ultimately released and again despatched up-country to the neigh-
bouring station of Atenas. Here the food supphes were as scarce as at'Ultimo Retiro.
In order to escape from this semi-starvation he was glad to be sent to a sub-station
where more food was obtainable, chiefly from the Indians, and where his duties mainly
consisted in flogging these same Indians. He assured me that he had flogged men and
women during the months of March, April, and May almost up to the date of his finally
leaving the company’s service. Tiring of enforced starvation, accompanied by enforced
flogging of those who in the main had fed him, this man in July begged to be allowed
to go away, and his wish was finally granted. On two previous occasions he had sought
to leave the Putumayo, but had not been permitted to do so.
I give particulars of this man’s complaint at some length because I saw more of
him than of any other Barbados man. I found him truthful, straightforward, and
honest, and I have no doubt whatever of the absolute truth of what he told me. Similar
statements involving similar accusations against their employers and often far more
gravely inculpating themselves in regard to their handling of the Indians, were made
to me by almost all of the twenty Barbados men I interrogated in the company’s service.
These men had, of course, their faults. Many of them had done wrong willingly, I
believe; some, no doubt, under compulsion. Some of these men accused themselves of
very grave crimes committed, as they averred, by order of their superiors, and often
under threats of physical maltreatment if they refused to obey. On the other hand, I
was informed of several cases where Barbados men had themselves performed cruel and
often revolting acts (not on the instigation or direct compulsion of their superiors) upon
the Indians who were at the time in captivity in the station where they worked. One
such case should, I think, be recorded, as no punishment whatever was meted out to tlie
crimmal. This was a man called Hilary Quales, who left the company’s service some

21
843
time ago, and has presumably returned to liis home in Barbados. This man was
employed along with several others of his fellow-countrymen in the section called Abisinia
then, as now, directed by an agent called Abelardo Aguero. On one occasion several
Indians had been tied up by the arms in the usual manner ; the arms were twisted behind
the men’s backs, and they were suspended by these. An eyewitness, who made his
declaration before me on the 2nd November, was one of the Barbados men sciwing at
the time in Abisinia. Aguero had the Indians tied up for “ running away” from the
rubber work, and they remained in this posture for about three hours. Whilst hanging
thus, the Barbados man Qt.ales, to amuse himself and his master Aguero, who was looking
on throughout, swung tliese unfortunate beings violently to and fro. Not satisfied ^yith
this comparatively gentle form of amusement, he began to bite their bare legs and
buttocks. One of the men kicked him in the face as he was being bitten. Angered at
this, Quales laid hold of one of the toes of the man and bit it oH. Incredible as this may
seem, it was vouched for to me by two other men, one of them, a Peruvian white man.
The injured Indian was, I was assured, in the station of Abisinia at the date of my visit,
and another Barbados man declared to me that a few weeks previously he had seen him
in the stocks of that station, and, noticing that one of his toes was gone, asked the
piisoner in his own language how he had lost it. He learned that it had been bitten
oh by one of the enquirer’s own countrymen, but had protested that this could not be,
and it was only on coming to La Cliorrera that he learned from the other Barbados man
(the eyewitness who related the incident to me) that the deed had actually been committed
by Hilary Quales. No punishment of any kind had been inflicted upon Quales for this
cowardly and abominable act. Senor Aguero had looked on and (as I was informed)
had merely laughed. It was not that punishment could not be inflicted or the proper
legal authorities informed of crimes committed on the Putumayo. In two instances
Barbados men charged with wrong-doing were actually sent to Iquitos to be tried by
the proper Peruvian courts.
At an early date a man belonging to the first contingent of Barbados men brought
to the Putumayo had shot an Indian woman. This man’s name was Cyril Atkins. He
was one of the thirty-six men and women who had gone up with Sanchez and Normand
to Matanzas in December 1904. Not long after their arrival Atkins had shot the Indian
woman under the following circumstances : He was married to a Barbados woman,
one of the five women who accompanied that first contingent, and, believing that his
wife had had intercourse with a young Colombian, a half-caste, he had had a violent
quarrel with her, and in a fit of blind pa.ssion had seized his rifle and fired at her. Instead
of hitting her he had killed an Indian woman who wms looking on. This man’s crime
was immediately taken notice of. He was seized, tied up, and sent down to La Cliorrera,
whence he was dispatched as a prisoner to Iquitos in one of the steamers plying to that
port. La Chorrera lies (by water) some 1,100 or 1,200 miles from Iquitos, the capital
of the department of Loreto, which claims jurisdiction over the Peruvian settlers on the
Putumayo. Between La Chorrera and Iquitos no police or magisterial authoi'ity of
Peru exists which could take cognisance of any offence committed on the Putumayo.
Atkins was sent from La Chorrera as a prisoner to Iquitos, where, charged with the crime,
he was at once lodged in gaol. Whilst detained in Iquitos gaol he became ill and died
tliere before being tried. Another case may also be cited. The man Crichlow, already
referred to, himself reported it to me. In 1906 he was at La Chorrera, and, with another
of his countrymen, wished to leave the service of Arana Brothers, but could not get away.
There is no means of exit from the Putumayo except on board one of the company’s
steamers, and passage by these can only be obtained with the consent of the company’s
representative. From La Chorrera the distance to the mouth of the Putumayo is fully
COO miles, and, although this journey might be made in a canoe, it would bo a very long
and trying one. Crichlow and the other Barbados man determined to steal some money
they had seen in the trunk of a white employe, and this Crichlow succeeded in doing.
He said he took 4^., but, failing to escape (Confessed his crime, and the money was
recovered by the owner. The agent in charge of La Chorrera, however, said that Crichlow
must purge his offence in Iquitos. He was accordingly sent there by steamer, and was
at once lodged in gaol. No witnesses against him were at any time brought forward.
The charge was sustained only by letters written 1,200 miles away and, although
admittedly guilty, he was never confronted with the accusers, or at any time brought to
public trial. He remained fifteen months in confinement in the gaol in Iquitos whilst
the charge against him was being investigated by correspondence with the Putumayo
and to defend himself he retained the services of a Peruvian lawyer, to whom he paid
the sum of 29Z. Asked how he had been able to pay so large a sum, he said that during
his fifteen months’ incarceration he had been permitted to follow his trade as a carpenter

22
and had more than sufficient to meet this legal expense at the end of the fifteen montlis.
Upon his release about the middle of 1907 he was sent back to the Putumayo, and
resumed his normal occupations there up to the time of my visit.
An analysis of a few of the invoices covering goods the Barbados men had
purchased from the company’s chief store at La Chorrera will show at a glance the
character of these transactions, and how it was that so many of the men figured in the
company’s books as debtors.
I take first two recent invoices carried to the debit of the man Edward Crichlow,
whose case I have just dealt with. These are both drawn up at La Chorrera, and are
dated respectively 31st August and 31st October, 1910. The first amounts to 140 soles
70 c., or, say, lU. ; the second to 238 soles 40 c., or, say, 2dl. The period covered is
from the 6th May to the 22nd October, and represents a total purchase by Crichlow during
that period of 37Z. worth of goods from the company’s stores, which sum would go to the
debit of his wages in the accountant’s books.
Of this sum of Sll. no less than 12L 6s. was expended on food-stuffs as
follows :—
£ s. d.
Cassava meal, called “ {arina,” 1 kilog 3 0
Rice, 30 kilog 1 10 0
Biscuits, 2 small tins 3 2^
,, 1 tin (about 2 lbs.) 5 0
„ 3 tins (each about 2 lbs.) 15 0
Flour, G kilog 9 U
Condensed milk, 20 tins 1 4 0
Cocoa and milk (tins), 3 tins
Preserved meat (1-lb. tin)
Sardines (small tins), 37 tins 1 2 1
Salmon (tinned, 1-lb. tins) 5 tins 10 0
Soda biscuits, 3 tins 1 10 0
Lard (2-lb. tiius), 6 tins ... 1 16 0
Sugar (in tins, each of 2 kilog.), 6 tins 1 16 0
Tea (in J-lb. paper packets), 2 packets 3 2i
Cod roes (1-lb. tins), 4 tins 9 7
Total 12 6 0
Of the remaining 241 14s. the accordion aheady referred to accounted for 10/. 10s.,
while the balance of 14/. 4s. was made up as follows;—
£ s. d.
1 wash basin (tin) 7 11
1 cooking pot (14 centim.) 5 7
1 cotton hammock 1 10 0
1 plug Peruvian tobacco 16 0
3 packets candles 4 101
2 packets matches 2 3
1 bottle rum (local distilled) 4 0
11 yards calico 10 0
10 yards cotton print 16 0
3 pairs under-drawers ... 18 0
16 yards cotton prints ... 1 5 9
4 small pieces of cotton 16 0
2 packets of sewing thread 4 0
1 cotton blanket 3 0 0
5 bars soap 6 0
2 6 0
2 pots tooth paste 6 7
2 cotton singlets 16 0
Total 12 14 2
The balance of some 30,s. was made up by a few bottles of ginger-ale, some packets
of cigarettes, six sheets of foolscap paper with six envelopes, and some cigarette papers,
a box of caps for a gun.
Another man produced his accounts covering a considerable period from which it
was seen that he had been debited with 109 soles 40 c. (or, say, 10/. 18s.) for medicines
that, had medical treatment been supplied in accordance with the terms of his contract,
should not have formed a charge against his wages. In this case a refund of 74. soles 50 c.
(or, say, 7/. 9s.) was made to him on my drawing attention to this charge.
As an instance of the evil results to the men of the unchecked gambling that was
premitted a third case may bo cited. I take it from the account current of one of the
men named Prestrn Johnson, drawn up by the chief accountant at La Chorrera for the

23
845
half-year dated the 30tli June, 1910. It is shown by this account that on the 1st
January, 1910, this man had a balance to his credit of 582 soles 48 c. (or, say, 5Sl.),
His wages from the 1st January to the 30t)\ June, at 50 soles (or oL) per month came to
300 soles (say, 30l.). Had he contracted no indebtedness during the six months he
should have had a sum of SSL to his credit, instead of which he stood in debt on the
30tli June to the sum of 42 soles 52 c. (or, roughly, 4.1.). This indebtedness was made up
of purchases from the company’s stores to the sum of 68 soles 56 c. (say, 6l. 16s.), while a
sum of 912 soles 19 c. (or, roughly, 91?. 4s.) was carried to his debit against eleven notes of
hand he had made out in favour of various fellow-employes.
Ill many of these cases the I 0 U’s were to meet gambling debts, as the man admitted
ill my presence, and in some cases they were for purchases of clothing. As a set-off against
his losses he was credited with the sum of 55 soles 75 c. (5?. 10«.) drawn in his favour by
two other employes to meet their losses to him. Little supervision was needed from La
Chorrera to prevent such a state of things as this, but no effort would seem to have
been made at any time to control the acts of subordinates towards a good end. Provided
rubber came in from the sections no question was asked as to what took place there. Each
chief of section did as he pleased, and even Peruvian subordinates had frequent cause of
complaint against their local superiors. Complaints, if made by a Barbados man or an
inferior workman, were not attended to, and the chief of each section knew no law but
his own will.
The controlling agency at La Chorrera occupied itself solely with the quarterly returns
of rubber each section produced and with keeping such accounts as those I have in part
analysed. Many of the white employes, including several of the leading agents of the
company, men who had for years directed large districts, were in debt to the company
at the date of my visit, often to the amount of several hundreds of pounds each. There
seemed no likelihood of the Barbados men in the midst of such demoralising surroundings
being ])ut to useful work or bettering their condition. Of eighteen men whose accounts
were submitted for my inspection, made up to the 29th October, twelve stood in debt
to the sum of 2,409 soles 82 c. (or, say, 240?.), while six men had credits amounting to
247?. Nearly half of this latter sum was due to a man who had been kept for nearly all
the time (some five and a-half years) at La Chorrera, where he had worked as baker,
and was much better paid (12?. per month) than any of his fellow-countrymen.
As a result of my investigation into the men’s accounts carried on during my stay
at La Chorrera, the chief agent of the company, as already stated, voluntarily proposed
to refund to all the Barabdos men still employed 25 per cent, on all their back purchases
from the company’s stores since the 30th June, 1907. This proposal, which the men
were naturally very pleased to have made to them, resulted in a refund, which in the
case of the nineteen men it affected (it was not offered to the one man employed at El
Encanto) amounted, along with one or two other refunds and allowances made at the
same time, to a sum of 8,641 soles 85 c. (or, roughly, 864?.). In consequence of this
unexpected consideration, men who had been in debt now found themselves with a
balance in their favour, and with few exceptions they determined to take advantage of
this change in their circumstances to leave the Putumayo, and to accompany me on
board the vessel wliich conveyed me to Iquitos.
Two men (one of them the baker referred to) preferred remaining at La Chorrera for
a few months longer, while two others entered the personal service of the commission
sent out by the Peruvian Amazon Company to remain as servants during its continued
stay in that region. The man stationed at El Encanto also preferred staying on, but
the remaining fourteen men, with four Indian wives and four children, accompanied me
on my journey down to the coast.
T had arrived at La Chorrera from Iquitos on the 15th September, and I quitted
it on the 16th November, having spent just over a month in visiting the out-stations
already mentioned, and some four weeks in La Chorrera itself and its immediate
neighbourhood. To have prolonged my stay to visit other sections, along with the
commission of the Peruvian Amazon Company, would have carried me beyond the
scope of the enquiry entrusted to me. I had seen all the British subjects in the
company’s employ, had received from them statements dealing with their actual
conclition and the causes that had led up to it, and had taken such action as was
possible under the circumstances to test the truth of their statements. I did not leave
until I was satisfied that these statements were substantially correct. The men were not
seeking to make out a case against others ; several of them gave their testimony with
reluctance, some with obvious unwilhngness. Where they incriminated others, they also
charged themselves, and very many of their charges were again and again confirmed by

24
the eviflcMice of niy own eyes and l)y coiToborative testimony that the course of mv
journey furnislied. From first to last during the two months I actually spent in the La
Chorrera agency, I must have seen at least from 1,500 to 1.600 native Indians—men,
women, and children. The condition of these people was itself the best proof of the
truth, and often of the singular accuracy of the Barbados men’s declarations.
1 have, &c.
ROGER CASEMENT.
Enclosure in No. 8.
Service Conlract.—Concluded the 27th day of September, 1904, between Sehor Ahel
Alarco, of Putumayo (Igaraparana), Peru, South America, as employer, and Sietfert
Greenidge, labourer, twenty years.
SAID Sehor Abel Alarco, per S. E. Brewster, emigration agent in Barbados, declares
himself willing to receive said laboui er at Putumayo (Igaraparana), Peru, South America,
as a general labourer for a term of two years, woj’k to commence the day after arrival
at* the above-mentioned ])lace, and to cease upon the completion of two years. In con-
sideration of a free passage, both ways, of a loan of 2l. Is. 8(1. hei’C and wages in cash at
the rate of 21. R-. 8cl. equal to gold paid monthly : with free food daily, namely, tea or
coffee, breakfast, and dinner, free doctor, and medicine, also free lodgings.
The said labourer binds himself to serve his employer faithfully and oljediently cluriirg
the term aforesaid.
The parties have agreed that the working days shall bo six per week, and that the
working hours shall be as follows dailv ; the work to commence at 7 o’clock A.M.. and
to cease at sunset, with one hour allowed for breakfast and one for dinner.
And the said Behor Abel Alarco (employer), through S. E. Brewster, emigration
agent in Barbados, agrees that the said above-named labourer shall not during his contract
be left destitute in the place to wh.ich he is going, and oji the termination of this contract
of service (should the said abo'^v-named labourer desire to be repatriated) he shall give
notice of his desire to be repatriated, and then his cmplo} er shall repatriate him by paying
his passage back to Barbados.
The advance of 21. l5. 8d., or any portion threcof, desired by the labourer herein-
mentioned, may be paid here, and the amount so ]>aid to be refunded by the laboui'er
at the rate of 4s. 2d. per month.
I agree to the above on behalf of Sehor Abel Alarco (employer).
S. E. BBEWSTER,
Government Emigration Agent.
In consideration of the foregoing lerins, and the money advanced me, I agree to
serve my employer faithfully and obediently, and declare that any claim on my part
whatever becomes null and void if I break this contract. I acknowledge receipt of
10 dollars advanced me in JBarbados. I will confirm this contract if required before
any legal authority at the place of my destination herein mentioned.
SEIFFERT GREENIDGE, his x mark.
Labourer.
Signed before me this 27th day of September, 1904.
R. B. RODEN, Police Magistrate,
District “ M.” Bridgetown, Barbados.
I certify this to be a true and faithful copy of the original contract produced to me
this 30th day of October, 1910, by the above-mentioned Sieffert Greenidge, at La Chorrera,
made by inc and compared with the original by me.
ROGER CASEMENT,
His Majesty’s Consul-General.
At La Chorrera, October 30, 1910.

847
25
No. 9.
Consul-General Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received March 20.)
Sir. London, March 17, 1911.
I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith a report dealing with the methods of rubber
collection and the treatment of the Indians in the region dominated by the Peruvian
Amazon Company on the Putumayo affluents of the Amazon.
The region termed “ the Putumayo/’ consisting principally of the area drained by
two tributaries of the Iga or Putumayo River, the Igaraparana and the Caraparana, lies
far from the main stream of the Amazon, and is rarely visited by any vessels save those
belonging to the Peruvian Amazon Company. The only other craft that penetrate that
district are steamers of the Peruvian Covernment sent occasionally from Iquitos. Brazi-
lian vessels may ascend the Japura, laiown in Peru and Colombia as the Caqueta, until
they draw near to the mouth of the Cahuinari, a river which flows into the Japura, flowing
ill a north-easterly direction largely parallel with the Igaraparana, Avhich empties into
the Putumayo after a south-easterly course. The region drained by these three water-
ways, the Caraparana, the Igaraparana, and the Cahuinari, represents the area in part
of which the operations of the Peruvian Amazon Company are carried on. It is impossible
to say what the Indian population of this region may be. Generally speaking, the upper
and middle com’ses of these rivers are, or were, the most populous regions. This is
accounted for by tlie greater absence of insect pests due to the higher nature of the ground
which rises at La Chorrera to a level of about 600 feet above the sea, Avith'neighbouring
heights fully 1,000 f at aboA^’e sea level. The loAver course of the Igaraparand, as Avell
as of the Putumayo itself, beloAV the junction of the Igaraparami doAvn to the Amazon,
is through a thick forest region of loAver elevation, subject largely to annual overfloAV from
the flooded lUA'êrs. Mosquitoes and sand flies and the SAvampy soil doubtless account for the
restriction of the Indians to those higher and drier levels Avhich begin after the Igaraparana
has been ascended for about 100 miles of its course. In this more elevated region there
are no mosquitoes and far feAver insect plagues, Avhile permanent habitations and
the cultivation of the soil are more easily secured than in the regions liable to annual
inundation.
In a work, officially issued by the Peruvian Government at Lima in 1907, entitled
“En el Putumayo y sus Afluentes/’ by Eugenio Robuchon, a French explorer AVIIO Avas
engaged in 1903 by Senor Juliu C. Arana in tiie name of the GoAêrnment to conduct an
exploring mission in the region claimed by the firm of Arana Brothers, the Indian popula-
tion of that firm’s possessions is given at 50,000 souls. M. Robuchon lost his life near
the mouth of the Cahuinari in 1906, and the Avork in question Avas edited from his diaries
by Senor Carlos Rey de Castro, Peruvian Consul-General for Northern Brazil. The
figure of 50,000 Indians is that given by this official as'' not a chance one.”
In the prospectus issued at the formation of the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company
in 1908, Senor Arana is represented as claiming that there Avere then 40,000 Indian
“ labourers ’ ’ dAvelling Avithin the area of his Putumayo enterprise.
Whatever the true figures may have been, it is certain that the region lying between
the Putumayo and the Japunl (or Caquetd) Avas for many years knoAvn to bo prolific in
native life, and furnished, therefore, the most attractive field for slave raiding in the
earlier years of the last century. No civilised settlements Avould seem to liaA'ê arisen in
this region until toAvards the close of the nineteenth century, and the Indian tribes
eontinued to dAvell in their primitive state subject only to visits from slave-searching
white or half-breed bands until a quite recent period.
[401] E

26
The four principal tribes were the Huitotos (pronounced Witotos), the Boras, the
Andokes, and the Ocainas, with certain smaller tribes of which the Ricigaros and the
Muinanes are frequently mentioned. These tribes wei’c all of kindred origin and identical
in habits and customs, although dill’eriiig in language and to some extent in feature,
complexion, and stature. The Huitotos are said to have been the most numerous and may
at one time recently have numbered 30,000 individuals, although to-day they amount
to nothing like that figure.
The Huitotos, although the most numerous, were physically the least sturdy of the
four chief tribes named. The name “ Huitoto’' is said to signify “ Mosquito,'' I know
not with what truth, and to have been applied to these people by their stouter neighbours
in derision of their attenuated extremities, for neither their arms nor legs are shapely or
muscular. The Boras are physically a much finer race than the Huitotos, and, geuerallv
speaking, are of a lighter hue. While some of the Huitotos are of a dark bronze or
chocolate complexion, I have seen Boras little, if at all, of darker skin than a Japanese
or Chinese. The Mongolian resemblance was not alone confined to similarity of colour,
but was often strikingly apparent in features as well as in stature, and in a singular approxi-
mation of gait to what may be termed “ the Asiatic walk." So, too, with the hair anti eyes.
Both are singularly Mongolian, or, at least, Asiatic in shape, colour, and the former in
texture, although the Indian hair is somewhat less coarse and more abundant than
either Chinese or Japanese.
A picture of a Sea Dyak of Borneo using his sumpitan, or blowpipe, might very well
stand for an actual presentment of a Boras Indian with his “ cerbatana." The weapons,
too, are identical in structure and use, and in several other respects a striking similarity
prevails between two races so widely sundered.
These Putumayo Indians were not only divided tribe from tribe, but within each
tribe more or less constant bickerings and disunion prevailed between the various
“families" or “naciones" into which each great branch was split up. Thus, while
Huitotos had a hereditary feud with Boras, or Ocainas, or Andokes, the numerous sub-
divisions of the Huitotos themselves were continually at war with one another. Robuchon
enumerates thirty-three sub-tribes or families among the Huitotos, and he by no moans
exhausts the list. Each of these, while intermarriage was common and a common sense
of origin, kinship, and language prevailed as-against all outsiders, would have their internal
causes of quarrel that often sharply divided neighbour from neigh bom clan.
Such conflicts led to frequent “ wars," kidnappings and thefts of women being,
doubtless, at the bottom of many disputes, while family grievances and accusations of
misuse of occult powers, involving charges of witchcraft and sorcery, made up the tale
of wrong. As a rule, each family or clan has its great central dwelling-house capable
often of housing 200 individuals, and around this, in the region recognised by tribal law
as belonging to that particular clan, individual members of it with their families would
have smaller dwellings scattered at difierent cultivated spots through the neighbouring
forest. The wars of those clans one with another were never bloodthirsty, for I believe
it is a fact that the Amazon Indian is averse to bloodshed, and is thoughtless rather
than cruel. Prisoners taken in these wars may have been, and no doubt were, eaten, or
in part eaten, for the Amazon cannibals do not seem to have killed to eat, as is the case
with many primitive races, but to have sometimes, possibly frequently, in part eaten
those they killed. More than one traveller in tropical South America records his impression
that the victims were not terrified at the prospect of being eaten, and in some cases regarded
it as an honourable end. Lieutenant Maw mentions the case of a girl on the Brazilian
Amazon in 1827 who refused to escape, to become the slave of a Portuguese “ trader,"
preferring to be eaten by her own kind.
The weapons of the Putumayo Indians were almost entirely confined to the blow-
pipe, with its poisoned darts, and small throwing-spears with poor wooden-tips, three or
more of which, grasped between the fingers, were thrown at one time. The forest must
have been fairly full of game up to quite recently, for the Indians seem to have had a
sufficiency of meat diet, and, with their plantations of cassava, maize, and the numerous
fruits and edible leaves their forest furnished, they were not so short of food that can-
nibalism could be accounted for as a necessity. They were also skilled fishermen, and as the
forests are everywhere channelled with streams of clear water, there must have been a
frequent addition of fish diet to their daily fare.
No missions or missionaries would seem to have ever penetrated to the regions here
in question. On the upper waters of the Putumayo itself religious instruction and

849
27
Christian worship appear to have been established by Colombian settlers, but these
civilising influences had not journeyed sufficiently far down-stream to reach the Hiiitotos
or their neighbours. Save for the raids of slavers coming up the Japura or Putumayo,
their contact with white men had been a distant and far-off story that in little affected
their home life, save possibly to add an element of demoralisation in the inducements
offered for the sale of human beings.
Lieutenant Maw, an officer of the Bi'itisb Navy who crossed from the Pacific to the
Atlantic b}'' way of the Amazon early in the last century, in his Avork, speaks of the
Putumayo in the vaguest terms, and it is clear that then, in 1827, and later on in 1851
wlien Lieutenant Herndon, of the United States Navy, went down the Amazon in a canoe,
nothing was really known either of the river or of its inhabitants. They Avere practically
an untouched, primitiAê people Avhen the fiist Colombian “ caucheros,'’ coming doAvn
the Putumayo from the settled regions on its iippc]’ Avaters, located themscNes at different
points along the head Avaters of the Caraparami and Igaraparana, and entered into Avhat
are termed trade dealings Avith tliesc unsophisticated tribes.
This first Colombian inAâsion of the Putumayo regions took place, I am informed,
in the early ’eighties, some of my informants stated about 1886. The earliest of these
“ conqui«tadores ” AAêre Crisostomo Hernandez and Benjamin Larranaga, Avbo entered
the region in search of the inferior kind of rubber there produced knoAA'ii as “ sernambi ”
or “ jebe debil ” (weak fine rubber). The banks of these tAvo rivers and the Avhole of
the region inhabited by the Huitotos, the Andokes, and the Boras Indians are fairly Avell
stocked AAuth trees that furnish the milk out of Avhich an inferior rubber is elabointed.
The Putumayo Indians merely gashed the tree Avith a knife or machete, and catching
the milk as it exudes in little baskets made of leaAês they Avash it in their streams of
running AAmter and pound it AA'ith Avooden pe.stles into long sausage-sbajjed rolls, termed
in PeruA'ian rubber parlance “ chorizos,” AA’hich ultimately are put upon the market
just as the Indian carries them in to AvhoeA'cr maA' be locally exploiting him and his
neighbourhood. That these AA'ild Indians Avelcomed the coming into their country of
Hernandez, Larranaga, and the other Colombians AA*ho succeeded these earliest of the
modern “ conquistadores,” it AVOUICI be absurd to assert. They Avere doubtless glad
to get machetes, poAvder, and caps for the few trade guns they possessed, Avith the prospect
even of acquiring more of these priceless Aveajjons themselves, alojig Avith such trifles
as beads, mirrors, tin boAvls, basins, fish-hooks, and tempting tins of sardines or potted
meats—all of them articles of little intrinsic A'alue, but of veiy attractiA'e cdiaracter to
the Indian dAvclliug in so inaccessible a region. Had any form of administrative authority
accompanied the early settlers or searchers for Indians, as they should rightly be termecl,
their relations Avitli these Avild inhabitants of the forest might haA’e been controlled and
directed to some mutually useful end. But the “ caucheros ” came as filibusters, not
as civilisers, and Avere unaccompanied by any executive officers rejjresenting a civilised
control. The region Avas practically a no-man’s land, lying remote fj’om any restraining
authority or ciAulising influence, and figuring on maps of South America as claimed by
three sej)arate republics.
Those Avho came in search of rubber had no intention of dAvclling longer in the
forest than the accumulation of the Avealth they hoped to amass necessitated. They
wantcf] to get rich quickly, not to stay and ciA’ilise the Indians oi' make their homes
among them. The rubber trees of tlieinselAVs were of no Aaluc : it AA'as Indians Avho
could he made or induced to taj) them and to bring in the jubber on the Avhitc man's
terms that all the invading “conquistadores ” Avere in search of. Generally, a leading
man fitted out an expedition Avith a fcAV companions, partners in effort and initial
e.xpenditure, and Avith a gang of hired “ peons,” or, as they are called in that region,
“ racionales ” (half-breeds mostly AVIIO can read and Avrite to distinguish them from the
“ Indios,” Avho are ignorant of all save forest lore), he journeyed to some part of the
forest in search of tribes of Avild Indians—“ infieles ” or “ infideis ”—Avho could be easily
subdued and reduced to Avork the wild rubber trees in the teri'itory they inhabited. An
Indian would promise anything for a gun, or for some of the other tempting things offered
as inducements to him to Avork rubbei’. Maii}'^ Indians submitted to the alluring offer
oidy to find that once in the ” concpiistadorcs’ ” books they had lost all liberty, and
were reduced to unending demands for more rubber and more Amricd tasks. A cacique
or ‘‘eapitiln ” might be bought over to dispose, of the labour of all his clan, and as the
cacique’s influence A\ms A’ery great and the natural docility of the Indian a remarkable
characteristic of the Itj)per Amazon tribes the Avmk of coiupiering a primitive people
and reducing them to a continual strain of rubber-finding Avas less difficult than might
[401[1 E 2

28
at first be supposed. Moreover, their arms of defence were puerile weapons to oppose
to the rifio^s of the “ blancos.”
Lieutenant Maw relates how, as long ago as 1827, the inferior fire-arms of that clay
filled the Indians with terror. He sa}’'s, speaking of the tlien Portuguese raids up the
Japurd:—
“ So great Ls the dread of white men among these Indians, who are said to fiylit
desperately if opposed to eacli other, that if, as is sometimes the case, a hundred or luoie
of them are seen dancing at night round a fire, seven or eight ‘ brancos " (whites) by
taking different stations and firing a few shots may seize as many as they can get liold
of, the others only thinking of escape. If the Indians get information of ‘ braiicos ’
being on any of these hunting expeditions they dig holes in the paths and different parts
of the woods, and fix strong poisoned spears in them, after which slight rotten sticks
are placed across and covered with leaves, earth, &c., and it requires much caution and
some experience to avoid them.’’
The foundations thus laid by Crisdstomo Hernandez, and Larraiiaga in 1886 grew,
not without bloodshed and many killings of the Indians, into a widespread scries of
Colombian settlements along the banlcs of the Caraparand and Igaraparana, and even
in the country stretching between the latter river and the Japura, and on the iipj)er
waters of the Cahuinari.
The “ cauchcros ” so established, to obtain fresh supplies and necessities of civilised
existence, as well as such barter goods as their dealings with the Indians called for, had
to look to the Brazilian and Peruvian territories down-stream instead of to the Colombian
towns whence they had first set out. It was comparatively easy to get supplies from
Iquitos by water, and in this way, about 1896, the firm of Arana Brothers first opened
up trade dealings with these Colombian '' cauchcros.'’ These reciprocal deaUngs grew,
and ultimately ended in the acquisition of almost all the Colombian settlements by the
firm of Arana Brothers. The' Indians went along vuth the trading establishments. It
is the commonest thing to hear on the Upper Amazon a trader speak of “ m}^ Indians ”
or of “ my river.” Men descend or ascend a hitherto unsettled river, establish them-
selves on its banks, reduce the forest tribe or tribes to work for them on thcii: terms, and
henceforth that river and those Indians become the close preserve, jealously guarded,
of the first adventurer. Any attempt to ascend that river by another is regarded as
piracy,” while to enter into friendly relations with the Indians is a capital offence,
and those attempting it must go with their fives in their hands. “ Bubber pirates ”
are shot at sight, while “ thefts ” of Indians involve bloody reprisals and private wars
that recall the feudal conflicts of the early middle ages. An Indian tribe once “ con-
quered ” becomes the exclusive property of the successful assailant, and this lawlc.'^s
claim is recognised as a right over a widely extended region, which is not limited to the
Putumayo district alone. Needless to say, it has no sanction in law, whether in Peru
or any other of the republics sharing the sovereignty of the I’emote forests in wliich it
prevails. Custom sanctioned by long traditions, and an evil usage whose maxim is that
“the Indian has no rights,” are far stronger than a distant law that rarely emerges into
practice. More than one instance of magistrates actively inteivening to capture oi’ compel
runaway Indians to return to the bondage they had fled from were brought to my notice
in regions much more effectively administered than the Putumayo. Aj^peals to the
constituted authorities to investigate and redress in cases of this kind, in more than
one instance I am aware of, have been of no avail. The established usage was far
stronger than law. I could cite man}^ cases, resting on what I am convinced was unim-
peachable testimony, that were brought to my notice by old-established residents on
the Upper Amazon in the course of my recent journey. I will content myself witli going
to official sources of information to illustrate the state of things that prevails over a very
wide area of the rubber-producing forests of the Upper Amazon and its tributaries.
In the annual report of the Minister of Just ice presented to the Peruvian Congicvs
in 1907, an official document, issued by the (loverninent press, there are publislied. under
the head of “ Instruccion y Culto,” two repoils addressed to the Minister from the heads
of the Catholic Church in the Upper Amazon regions of Peru. The first of these is dated
from Iquitos on 8th September, 1907, and is addressed to the Blinister of Justice.
Dr. Carlos A. Washbourne, by Fi'ei Pedro Prat, and deals with the condition of religious
instruction in the apostolic prefecture of San Leon del Amazonas, in Avhich are situated
both Iquitos and the region of the Lower Putumayo.

29
851
Writing of the district of Pebas, in the immediate vicinity of Iqiiitos, which is tlie
governing and judicial centre of the whole department of Loreto, Prei Prat records :—
“ Year 1903.—In the month of April of this year a mission was established by the
Most Keverend the Father Prefect at Pebas on the left bank of the Ainpiyaco, an ai'lluent
of the Maranon. The Pev. Fathers Pedro Prat and Placido Mallo were appointed to
this mission, who sought by every means to convert the infidel ‘ Yaguas,' some of whom
dwell in the vicinity of Pebas, but the greater part in more distant localities, ol)taining,
however, scanty results, owing to the very little sup])ort (‘ poquisimo apoyo ') of the
‘ caucheros ' (‘ explotadores de goma ehlstica who arc interested that the savages
should remain in the grossest ignorance (‘ cn la mas crasa ignorancia ’) in oixler to exploit
them with the greater ease.'"'
The reverend brother goes on to record how the Apostolic Prefect himself visited
these Yaguas Indians on foot, undergoing difficulty and privation to reach “ these
unhappy infidels,'' and how after so much labour the missionary often encountered
“ the opposition of the ‘ caucheros,' so that he should not learn the language of the
Yaguas."
Pebas lies only a few hours' steaming from Iquitos, on the main stream of the
Amazon itself, and is constantly passed by various steamers in search of rubber, as well
as by the ocean mail boats that ply from Liverpool to Iquitos. I visited this place on
my way back from the Putumayo, but my stay was a short one, and at night, and I saw
only four members of tlie Y'aguas tribe—two young men and then- wives. They struck
me as of particularly pleasing appearance, and of a quite winning simplicity.
Coming to more distant regions, where executive authority is necessarily weaker,
the missionary brother informs the Minister of Justice of the state of things on the
Putumayo itself :—
“ River Putumayo. In this river it is not possible to establish any mission owing
to the abuses of the ‘ caucheros' against the Indians (‘ los infieles'), whom they maltreat
and murder for no reason (‘ por motivos frivolos'), seizing their women and children."
(P. 782 of the Ministerial Report.)
Lest this may be thought a vague indictment, I append a further extract from the
same report, this time directed by the Apostolic Prefect of the district of San Francisco
de Ucayali to the Minister of Justice. It is dated from Contamana on the Ucayali, the
chief place of the province, on the 27th August, 1907, and deals at some length with the
condition of religion and education on that great river, the main feeder and source of
the Amazon, and one that has been largely occupied, and in civilised hands for the better
part of the last century. The Apostolic Prefect begins his report by stating that having
received a telegram from the Minister begging him to furnish a report upon the state of
his apostolic prefecture, he hastens to perform this task with every dispatch and pleasure.
After describing the state of more than one of the religious establishments under his
direction along the course of this great river and its affluents, and the influence for good
they liave exercised upon the numerous Indian tribes dwelling in that part of Peru, the
Apostolic Prefect addresses the Minister as follows :—
“ Before speaking of the region of the Ucayali I wish to draw the attention of the
Supreme Government to the infamous trade in buying and selling boys and girls which
for years has been practised in these parts of the montana {i.e., the forest region), in spite
of llie repeated prohibitions of the Government, just as if these poor savages were
irrational beings (‘ seres irracionales'), or, to be still more clear, just as if they were sheep
or horses. This is intolerable in such an illustrious country as Peru. This trade excites
and foments the hunting (‘ correrias,' literally ‘ chasings') so fi-equently indulged in of
these poor savages, so as to seize them in their houses in the moment when they least
c.xpect it. This is done by different traders (‘ comerciantes') by means of their ‘ peons,'
particularly some of those of the Upper Ucayali. I could cite many examples in con-
firmation of this, but 1 will cite one alone which took place last year (1906). Here it is :—
“ The Pampas Indians of the River Ubiriqui were dwelling peacefully in their houses
when suddenly, as is reported, there fell upon them men sent on a ‘ correria' by one of
the traders of the Upper Ucayali, who lives near Unini. These, without warning,
attacked the innocent Campas, seizing those whom they could, Idlling many of them
so that few escaped their cruelties, so that even up to now the number of their victims
is not known. It is certain that many bodies have been found in a state of putrefaction,

30
and that all the houses of the XJbiriqui are burnt. These deeds have exasperated the
Indians (‘ los infreles'), and if no cllective remedy is applied, later on we shall not be
safe even in the mission villages (‘ pueblocitos de la misibn’), nor shall we be able to
spread our winning over and civilising of the savages who dwell in our forests.”—(P. 783
and following of the Eeport.)
I do not know what steps were taken to deal with this state of things on the Upper
Ucayali, but no steps of any kind followed on the Putumayo the notification, as quoted,
made to the Minister of Justice by Frei Prat. That the representations of these Peruvian
missionaries had not escaped the eyes of the Minister himself is clear from his own
remarks. In his prefatory address to the members of Congress the Minister of Justice
states in his report (p. 48 of the Part “ Instruccion y Culto”) as follows :—
“ ‘ Prefecturas apostoheas ’:
“ The apostolic prefectures have continued their work of civilisation and evangelisa-
tion of the Indians of the Oriente, and in their reports, which are inserted as an annex,
will be found detailed accounts of its progress,”
Where such a system of dealing with wild people has been allowed to grow up and
to remain practically unchecked, it cannot be wondered at that these poor beings defend
themselves as best they can against their persecutors. This defence can take only one
form—to surprise, if possible, their hunters and take their lives. The Indian knows
the weakness of his own character as opposed to the resolute enterprise and enduring
purpose of the white man. He is aware that he cannot, intellectually, pit himself against
those whom he dreads, and that if he once surrenders to their control he has said good-
bye to freedom and to all the joys of' forest home and family life. His only resource
is to surprise and kill, and this very act of self-defence becomes to those who are enslaving
him a further incitement to frc.sh barbarities. Some of the more atrocious crimes
that were brought to my direct notice on the Putumayo were apologised for by their
perpetrators, on the grounds that the massacred or tortured Indians had first killed a
“bianco.” One of the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company, who was perhaps
the best of the white residents in that region, told me of how the Andokes Indians had
some years before killed a lai-ge party of Colombians, Peru^âns, and Brazilians, who
had ascended the Japura with the intention of “ conquistar ”-ing that tribe in order to
found rubber centres among them. This informant was a Peruvian, and he described
the methods of the Colombian “ conquistadores ” as “ very bad.” In 1903, when he
had come first to the place where I found him dominating a large section of the company’s
territories, the region had been chiefly filled with Colombian “ caucheros.” He described
a notable massacre of one party of these “ caucheros” that had taken place just about
the time of his arrival. This was a party led by a man named Gutierrez, and consisted
of sixty armed individuals, Colombians and Brazilians. They had ascended the Japura
in a steam launch, and then proceeded in search of a tribe of Indians, carrying their goods
with them. They were received in friendly guise by the Indians, so much so that
Gutierrez kept no guard that night and even omitted to have a lamp lit in the big Indian
house in which the party slept. Some of the Indians slept beside them, and in the
deepest hours of sleep a large party of Indians surrounded the house. These and the
men inside the house first quietly abstracted the rifles from the side of the sleeping men
and then fell upon the sleepers and Idlled every man of them with machetes. The heads
were cut off and the skulls cxjDOsed on the drum sheds of the Indian house. The bodies,
after the arms and legs had been cut off, were kept as long as possible in water to be
shown to all the neighbouring Indians as proof that this party of slavers had been
effectually dealt with. My informant had buried twelve of the bodies of this killing
or of a later one, for he gave me particu’ars of several incidents of the kind wherein the
Colombians had been killed by the Indians they were seeking to enslave. He had found
the bodies tied on stakes, and assured me the Indians had not eaten any of these men—
they “ had a repugnance to eating white men, whom they hated too mucli.”
Terrible reprisals subsequently fell upon these Indians and all in the neighbourhood
who were held responsible for this killing of the Colombians in 1903 and later years.
In 1905 the station of Matanzas or Andokes was the centre of a series of raids
organised by the Colombian head of it. one Ramon Sanchez, who was at the time a sort
of agent of Arana Brothers. To this man the first contingent of Barbados men, British
subjects, recruited by the firm of Arana Brothers as labourers, was handed over. This
contingent numbered, as far as I could determine, thirty-six men, accompanied by five

women, the wives of some of the men. They had foeen engaged by a partner of the firm,
one Abel Alarco, in Barbados before the local magistrates in October 1904, and Avere
brought to the Amazon by a Peruvian or Bolivian named Armando Noj-mand, acting
as interpreter in the pay of Arana. On anival at La Chorrej’a, tlie ]iead-(iuarters of
the Arana enterprise, Avliere the original “ conquistador,"^ Benjamin Larrahaga, had
died in 1903, these men were handed over to Eamon Sanchez to accompany him on a
mission of vengeance and rubber-gathering into the Andokes country, . Armajido
Normand was still in charge of the station then founded when I visited that part of the
country in October 1910, and I found more than one of the Barbados nieii who had
formed part of the original contingent still in the company’s service, and one of them
a man who had never left the actual station of Matanzas since being first brought there
ill November or December 1904. The testimony of these men, much of which wiil be
found attached to this report in the copies of depositions or statements made to me during
the course of my enquiry, was of the most atrocious description. Not only did they
accuse Sanchez and Normand of dreadful acts of cruelty, but they also, in more than one
instance, charged themselves with crimes that were revolting in the extreme. The
e.vcuse put forward for these initial attacks on the Indians in the first coming of the
Barbados men was that the Indians had massacred Colombian rubber workers and
appropriated their rifles.
The civilising wliite men were always, I found, particularly anxious that arms of
precision should not fall into the hands of the wild Indians, and if by theft or otherwise
Indians became possessed of them continual raids were made until the 2mssessors were
caught and the captured arms recovered. The only Indians who were permitted the
use of rifles were those young men—sometimes boys or chohtos ”—who were being
trained to oppress their countrymen in the interests of the ‘‘ caucheros.” These
“ muchachos"" were generally young Indians taken from one tribe and used in acts of
teiTorisation in another district over peoj)le who were not their immediate kinsmen.
No special qualification was needed to be a “ muchacho,” Just as the buUc of the male
adult Indians in any district “ conquered ” by the “ cauchei os ” were required to bring
in fixed quantities of rubber at stated periods, so some of the subdued tribesmen were
compelled to come into the white man’s dwelluig-house and there serve him in this
special capacity of “ muchacho.” Some “ muchachos ” would grow into the service
from being first “ cholitos,” or small Indian boys, possibly orjjhans. gj'owing up around
the white man’s station and trained to do his bidding. The “ muchachos ” would very
often be married, many of them with children, and they and their families dwelt in one
of the station buildings erected by the forced labour of the suiu-ounding tribes for the
white man’s use. Every station I visited had its so-called “ Indian house,” or dwelling
for the “ muchachos,” built like all the other dwellings by the conqûlsory labour of the
neighbouring forest Indians. The “ muchachos,” generally spealdng, were as bad as
those they served, and in some cases, by reason of the utter thoughtlessness of the
Indian’s character and his extreme proneness to obey without question any order given
him by a white man, the crimes they committed on their brethren were atrocious in the
extreme.
In fairness to the Indian character, however, it must be pointed out that the worst
crimes charged against Indian “ muchachos ” serving white masters were committed
under the direct orders of their white lords. Moreover, the “ muchacho,” no more
than the Indian rubber gatherer could refuse to obey the white man. If he did not
maltreat his brother Indian at the bidding of the white man who had invaded his country
he himself might be murdered. I came across very many ” muchachos ” during my
journey in the forest, and some of them gave the distinct inqjression of being thoroughly
demoralised, and capable of any crime in the calendar. Others, on the contrary, seemed
amiable Indian lads or men who not too Avillingly fulfilled their odious role of opj^ressor.
To he a “ muchacho ” was a species of promotion, of selection on a^^proval; and as it
quickly entailed the jpossession of a rifle and cartridges with which to terrorise the rubber-
gathering Indians, it followed that the “ muchacho ” was able to indulge his own pre-
datory instincts at the exp)ensc of his unarmed and defenceless countiymen. As long
as he successfully bullied those he Avas set to ojD^^ress, the “ muchacho ” might rob the
remainder of food-stuflts, of ornaments, of spears, or of anything the forest dAvellcr called
his oAvn, not even ahvays excluding his Avife or daughter, AAuthout the “ cauchero ” taldng
any severe notice of his conduct. 1 heard of more than one “ muchacho ” AALO Avas
killed by his master, and in some cases I learned of “ muchachos ” AVIIO had killed their
employers. One case might be cited, since the name of the jjrincijjal Avhite man killed
occurs more than once in the depositions of the Barbados men attached to tliis report.
This Avas a man named Bucelli, a Colombian attached to the station of Matanzas Avhen

32
it was founded in December 1904 by Ramdn Sanchez. This man is particularly referred
to in the statement of Clifford Quintin deahng with the ill-treatment that British subjects
sustained wliile serving in the Matanzas district, some of it at the hands of Biicelli.
Bucelh had continued in the employ of the Arana Brothers, and later of the Peruvian
Amazon Company, their successors, down to the autumn of 1909, when he met his death
along with three other white men at the hands of four “ muchachos who were servina
“
under theln, Bucelli and these other agents of the company were engaged on one of
the frequently recurring freebootering raids into the Republic of Colombia in pursuit
of Indians who had run away from the rul)ber slavery imposed upon them. My attention
was first drawn to the matter by meeting at two different stations two half-caste children,
sisters, who were acting as nursemaids to the children of the chief of the station, and,
on casually enquiring for the parents of these two girls, I was informed that the father
had died on the Caquetd. Subsequent enquiry in comiection with the treatment of
British subjects brought to fight that the father of these two children was the man
, Bucelli, and that his death on the Caquetd had been due to a mutiny or revolt of the
four armed “ muchachos who had accompanied the party.
”
Bucelli and his three white companions had been Idlled by these armed servitors
and their rifles taken possession of. Bucelh’s Indian “ wife,’' who accompanied him,
and who was the mother of three children by him—two of whom I met—had had so
much sympathy with the object of the “ muchachos ” that she had not warned her
husband of the plot against his life, although, as I was assured, aware of it. The four
“ muchachos ” had subsequently fought among themselves, and two had been killed in
this way. The two sur\dvors had after some months given themselves up to the station
of Entre Rios. They had been flogged repeatedly, and just before the date of my visit
had been confined in chains in the neighbouring station of Matanzas. Not long before
my visit to that station in October 1910 they had escaped from the house in whicli they
were confined, and had got off into the forest with the chains still on them. As they
were Huitotos, and their escape had occurred in the Andokes country, it was hkely that
they would meet their fate in the end at the hands of those Indians whom they had so
often been engaged in maltreating.
Flogging of Indians is so frequently referred to in connection with the methods of
rubber-getting practised on the Putumayo that some explanation of it is called for.
Many of the British subjects employed by the company admitted to me in the course of
their interrogation that they along with other “ peons ” or “ racionales ” {i.e., salaried
staff) employed at each station had been compelled to flog the Indians, This staff of
'' rational employes ” represented the so-called civilising element engaged in what was
termed with a singular disregard of accuracy trade dealings with the Indians. The
rational staff of a section or station varied in numbers according to the needs of tlie
Iccahty. I append to this report a full list of all the salaried staff, with their
distribution, belonging to the La Chorrera agency at the date of my arrival in September
1910. This fist is derived from the official fists as drawn up in the head-quarters
agency at La Chorrera. According to this fist, made up for September 1910, there were
distributed among the ten stations or sections making up the rubber-producing area of
the Igaraparand and Cahuinari districts, which were controlled Rom La Chorrera, 101
salaried employes, including also the chief of each section. The remuneration of the
chief of section was not by salary but by a percentage on the quantity of rubber he could
obtain from his section and send to Chorrera, These men were all armed with Win-
chester rifles, and never moved a step from their station without their rifle.
In addition many had revolvers, but these latter wei'e not supplied by the company,
whereas the rifle went with the salary. The stations with the largest staff of
racionales ” at the date of my visit were the following ;—
Civilised Staff.
Andokes or Matanzas 13
La Sabana 12
Abisinia fwith its sub-sections of Morelia and Palinera) 18
Santa Catalina 13
Entre Rios 11
Ultimo Retiro 11
The stations of Sur, Occidente, Atenas, and Oriente had a smaller staff, ranging
from nine individuals at Oriente to only three at Sur, the latter station being, however,
quite close to La Chorrera, the head-quarters agency, where a large staff of employ^
was maintained.
La Chorrera itself j)roduccd no rubber. It was the administrative centre con-
trolling the ten sections enumerated, supplying them witli armaments, provisions, &c.,

855
33
and receiving tlieir rubber to be stored and ultimately sent to Iquitos b}" one of the
steamers of the company, more or less regularly plying between the Putumayo and that
place.
In addition'to this staff of 101 armed men scattered through these ten rubber-
collecting centres, each section had also a stall’ of armed Indian “ muchachos,” As a
rule, I should say, the armed “ muchachos exceeded in numbers the stah of “ racionalcs''
”
at each post. Thus, for instance, at Entre Rios, where I spent some two weeks in
October 1910, two of the ele^êll “ racionales ” were at the time absent, tenqmrarih' lent
to neighbouring sections, and as against nine armed “ racionales " at the time of my
star there were actually twelve a.rmed “ muchachos.” The weapon of the ” muchacho ”
was also the Winchester rifle, supphed by the company. Thus the fighting strength
of Entre Rios (one of the best conducted of the stations I visited) was composed of eleven
armed “ blancos ” (some of them “ mestizos " or ladf-breeds) regularly engaged as a
rivilised salaried staff, and of twelve armed native Indians who in the first instance were
luess-ganged, and were not paid any regular or monej-ed wage at all. The total armed
force engaged in coercing the Indians in the ten sections might therefore be put at 100
“ blancos ” or “ racionales (of whom fifteen were Barbados men at the time I visited
the country), and possibly 200 armed “ muchachos,” with a reserve force of from 20 to
30 '■ blancos,” and plenty of guns and ammunition available at La Chorrera. As a
lule the flogging of defaulting Indian rubber workers was performed by one or more of
tht' rational staff deputed to that special duty by the chief of the section. A^Tiere
Barbados men formed part of the staff they were frequently assigned this task, but no
iionopoly of flogging was enjoyed by any emplo^'c as a right, although some men like
the Colombian negro, Simon Angulo (often referred to in connection with Abisinia),
seem to have liked the task and to have been specially chosen for their ability in
wielding the lash, so as, if desired, to draw blood or cut flesh at every blow. The chief
of section himself frequently took the lash, which, in turn, might be wielded by every
laember of the civilised or rational stafli. I did not gather that the “ muchachos ” were
frecpiently employed as floggers, that is to say, as regular floggers.
The Indian has a natural timidity, an inherent dislike to flogging, that while it
rendered this form of punishment one specially indicated for the end in view—namely,
to terrorise him into compliance with his captor's wishes—possibly militated against his
own employment as an active chastiser of his fellow Indian.
The Indian dread of the lash was early recognised by the followers of Pizzaio in
their first dealings with the population of the Andes, for we read in the records of Spanish
rule that the Viceroy, Don Francisco de Toledo, who came to Peru in 1569 and left it
in 1581, among other laws for civihsing the remnant of the Inca people prescribed that—
Any Indian who makes friendship with an Indian woman who is an infidel is to
receive 100 lashes for the first offence, that being the punishment they dislike most.”
The Indians I encountered in the stations of the La Chorrera agency in 1910 be-
trayed the same dislike of flogging. It was a potent means of persuading them to work
rubber or to renewed effort if they had failed to satisfy their civihsed masters. From
fii-st to last during my enquiry in that region, dating from the 22nd September, when I
landed at La Chorrera, to the 16th November, when I left it to return to Iquitos, I met
more than 1,600 native Indians I should say—men, women, and children, not counting
the numerous Indian staffs at the different stations visited. These 1,600 people were
the wild forest Indians—the so-called “labourers” of the company. As the women
go enthely naked and the men and boys wear only a strip of beaten bark “ cloth ”
tightly wound round their loins, their persons were fully exposed to view. The first
“ wild ’' Indians I actually saw were seven men of the Boras tribe from the section of
Abisinia who were in La Chorrera on my arrival, ha^dng been brought there by a higher
agent of the company named Miguel Flores, who had come Rom A&smia for stores, and
who left with these men to serve as carriers during my stay in Chorrera. Of these seven
nude figures five were scarred across the buttocks and thighs, with marks of the lash.
Prom this on, part of my observation at every station reached was directed to this
portion of the bodies of the many Indians encountered, and in the great majority of
cases of those I inspected the marks of the lash were more or less visible. These brands
were not confined to men. All classes of the native population—young as well as old
—women and children, youths and girls—caciques, or “capitanes” and their wives—
were marked, some only lightly, others with broad and often terrible scars. Some of
these marks were old, some quite recent, and in more than one case young men were
brought to me with raw scars upon then- hinder parts, with requests that I might give
some healing lotion. On one occasion, on the night of the 19th October, which I spent
[401] F

34
in a deserted Indian house in the forest with well over 100 Andokes and Boras Indians
around me, employed at the time in carrying heavy loads of rubber from the station
of Matanzas down to the Eiver Igaraparand for shipment to La Chorrera (a march of
some 40 miles), 1 applied such healing medicines as I had Avith me to a dozen young men
or boys who appealed for relief. The armed guards who were marching this caiavaji
down to the river were mainly behind at a point in the forest some miles away, and only
one or two armed “muchachos"" were actually sleeping vdth the party, where 1 too
was resting. I was able, therefore, to inspect them closely, and many of the wounds
were not yet healed. Some of the worst marked were quite small boys—childi-en of
10 or 12 years of age as I should judge. I was told by a resident who had spent nearly
six years in the region, and Avho himself confessed to me that he constantly flogged
Indians—women as well as men—that fully 90 per cent, of the entire population bore
traces of these floggings. I mentioned this figure to some of the English gentlemen
who accompanied me throughout the greater part of the journey, and they thought it
was an exaggeration. I am inclined to think it was approximately correct. The day
this statement was made to me Ave were out at Avhat Avas termed “ an Indian house in
the forest of the section of Occidente, Avhere the natives of that part had been oixlered
to get some crude rubber ready to be Avashed and pounded into “ chorizos'’ for the
inspection of the commission of English gentlemen sent out by the Peruvian Amazon
Company from London.
I was present at this operation, and the limbs of the four Indian men actually em-
ploy'-ed in the Avashing Avere fully exposed to us as they stooped forAvard in rhe stream
in their task. All four bore obvious scars across the buttocks—one of them, a middle-
aged man, was deeply marked. I Avent from the stream up to the Indian house itself—
100 yards aAvay—Avhere our lunch Avas being prepared, and finding eleven Indians of
the district in the house AA^ho had come in to “ compliment” us Avith small oflerings of
fruit, I took occasion to ask this assemblage, through my interpreter, hoAv many (jf
them had been flogged by the white men (AVIIO Avere at the time my hosts), and they
instantly replied, “ All of us,” and proceeded, as none of their local lords Averc in sight,
to prove their AAmrds by exhibiting their scarred limbs. The only individual not marked,
in this gathering Avas a young boy of about 12 years of age. Thus, out of this haphazard
gathering of fifteen persons of both sexes a quite unpremeditated enquiry proved that
all but one bore on their bodies the proof of the charges that Avere daily being brought to
our attention that in the production of Putumayo rubber the lash played an unceasing part.
Flogging of the Indians had been prohibited some time before our Ausit, I was
assured, by a circular letter sent out by the chief representative of the company, and
this gentleman, AA’^hen I first arriAêd at La Chorrera, sought to convince me that it had
actually ceased.
From the direct testimony laid before me at the station of Matanzas on the
18th October, to Avhich I invited this gentleman's attention, it Avas clear that in that
district at any rate his orders had not been obeyed, for I there learned, by ])ersonal
confession of one of the floggers himself, that less than six Aveeks before my visit, in
the month of September, a native chief had been flogged to death, and had died in
actual confinement in the station “ stocks” betAveen his Avife and one of his children.
Flogging Avas the least of the tortures inflicted on the failing rubber-gatherer, but it
Avas the most universal and indiscriminate. Every section visited had its “ cepo” or
stocks and its duly appointed floggers in ordinary. At some of the stations the principal
flogger Avas the station cook—two such men Avere directly named to me, and 1 ate the
food they prepared, Avhile many of their victims carried my baggage from station to
station, and shoAvecl often terrible scars on their limbs inflicted at the hands of these
men. Indians Avere often flogged while actually confined in the stocks, but this AA'ould
be a sort of extra or gratuitous beating. The general method of flogging described to
me by those who had themselves administered the lash was to apply it on the bare
buttocks, the back and thighs coming in for a share of the bloAvs, while the victim, male
or female, lay or Avas forcibly extended on the ground, sometimes pegged out. Needless
to say, I did not Avitness any of these executions.
As a rule the chief of each section, learning of the approaching Ausit of the
company’s commissioners and myself, gave orders to his subordinates to see that the
Avorst flogged specimens of the surrounding Indian population Avere kept out of
the Avay during our stay in that section. Despite this precaution, some of these
injured individuals became visible, and in some cases Indians who had been grossly
maltreated Avere actually produced for inspection as proof that the agent then in charge
had not himself flogged them. They Avere put foi'Avard as evidence of a former colleague’s
handiAvork.

857
35
Before my visit ended more than one Peruvian agent admitted to me that he had
continually flogged Indians, and accused more than one of his fellow agents by name of
far greater crimes. In many cases the Indian rubber worker—who knew roughly what
quantity of rubber was expected of him—when he brought his load to be weighed,
seeing that the needle of the balance did not touch the recpiired spot, Avould throw
himself face downwards on the ground, and in that posture av/ait the inevitable blows.
An individual who had often taken part in these floggings and who chargetl himself
with two murders of Indians has thus left on record the manner of flogging the Indians
at stations where he served. I quote this testimony, as this man’s evidence, which was
in my possession when I visited the region, was amply confirmed by OJIC of the British
subjects I examined, who had himself been charged in that evidence with flogging an
Indian girl whom the man in question had then shot, when her back after that flogging
had putrefied, so that it became full of maggots.” He states in his evidence—and the
assertion was frequently borne out by others 1 met and questioned :—
“ The Indian is so humble that as soon as he sees that the needle of the scale does
not mark the 10 kilog., he himself stretches out his hands and throws himself on the ground
to receive the punishment. Then the chief or a subordinate advances, bends down, takes
the Indian by his hair, strikes him, raises his head, drops it face downwards on the ground,
and after the face is beaten and kicked and covered vdth blood the Indian is scourged.”
This picture is true ; detailed descriptions of floggings of this kind were again and
again made to me by men who had been employed in the work. Indians were flogged
not only for shortage in rubber, but still more greviously if they dared to run away from
their houses, and, by flight to a distant region, to escape altogethei’ from the tasks laid
upon them. Such flight as this was counted a capital offence, and the fugitives, if captured,
were as often tortured and put to death as brutally flogged. Expeditions were fitted
out and carefully planned to track down and recover the fugitives, however far the flight
might have been. The undisputed territory of the neighbouring Republic of Colombia,
lying to the north of the River Japurd (or Caquetd) Avas again and again violated in these
pursuits, and the individuals captured Avere not alAAmys only Indians. Thii.^^, in an expedi-
tion Avhich set out from the station of Ultimo Retiro on the Upper Igaraparand in Maivli
1910, and Avhich was dispatched by the direct orders of the principal agent of the company
at La Chorrera (Senor Victor Macedo), the marauders Avere not content A\fith capturing
over a score of fugitive Indians in Colombia, but actually tied up and brought back to
La Chorrera three Avhite men, citizens of Colombia, Avho Avere found dAvelling at the spot
where the Indians Avere tracked doAvn and overtaken. One of these men, by name Ramfin
Vargas, had consented to enter the service of the company, and Avas actually employed
at the station of Atenas at the date of my visit there on the 26th October. The other
two men, named Mosqueiro and Tejo, after being brought to La Chorrera as prisoners,
had been sent doAvn stream b}^ Senor Macedo, and I could learn nothing of their ultimate
disposal or fate. This expedition had been led by the chief of Ultimo Retiro, Seiior
Augusto Jimenez, and tAvo of the British subjects I encountered, natives of Barbados,
named EdAvard CrichloAv and Reuben Phillips, had formed part of it. A Peruvian named
liUsebio Pinedo, Avho Avas one of the “ rational ” stafl’ of the station of Entrc Rios, Avhich
I visited after spending some days at Ultimo Retiro, at his OAVII request made a statement
to me covering his connection with this expedition. lie bore out the evidence of the
Barbados men, and added that tAvo Indians, one a Avoman and the other a young man,
had been Avaiitonly shot by another member of the expedition, a man named Aquileo
Torres. The tAvo Barbados men claimed a special “ gratification ” from the company
for (heir share in this raid, and cited in proof of their claim an order issued at the time
the expedition Avas being organised by Senor Macedo, the representatiAm of the company.
The original of this order signed by Senor Macedo 1 saw at Ultimo Retiro, and append
the folloAAung translation of it
“ Notice.
'• The employes Avho conduct themselves Avell on the Expedition to the Caquetd,
and Avho present a certificate on their return from the leader of the Expedition, Senor
Augusto Jimenez, Avill receive a reAvard. “ The Agent,
(Signed) “ V. E. MACEDO.
“ Ultimo Retiro, Febrmi'y 25, 1910.”
Both CrichloAV and Phillips, the tAvo British subjects concerned in it, obtained a gift
of 50 soles (or 5l.) each for their part in this raid into the territory of a friendly State by
the agents of a British trading company carrying on Avhat Avere said to be commercial
IjdOlO F 2

doalings inPci'uvian territory. Mneli later raids than tliis were conducted into Colombia
by tlie agent at Mataiizas or Andokes, Seuor Armando Normand, in which again two
British subjeets took ])art. The testimony of these two men, James Lane and ^Ycsterlnan
Lea vine, was first given to me at Matanzas static]] on tlie IStli October, and at once laid by
me before Sehor Tizon, tlie ])rineipal lepresentutive of the Peruvian Amazon Coinjiany,
who aeeoni[)anied me throughour. my journey. Sehor Normand it was clear, from the
evidence of these men and of others, had for years l)een engaged in hunting Indians who
had fled across the ('aqueta to escape from the inhuman cruelties he inflicted upon them
in his (dforts to make them work rubber for his profit. This man, by the official “ Planillas
de (rtueldos,” or pay slieet drawn up at La Chorrera in September 1910, to which I have
already lefei-red, received as remuneration from the company 20 per cent, on the gi'oss
output of ndiber of his section (“ 20 por ciento sobre productos peso bruto ”).
The crimes alleged against this man, dating from the end of the year 1904 up to the
month of October 1910, when I found him in charge of this station of Matanzas or Andokes,
seem well-nigh incredible. They included iniminerable murders and tortures of defenceless
Indians- -pouring kerosene oil on men and women and then setting fire to them ; biu-niiig
men at the stake ; dashing the brains out of children, and again and again cutting off
the arms and legs of Indians and leaving them to speedy death in this agony, 'riiese
charges were not made to me alone by Barbados men who had served under Normand,
but by some of his fellow “ racionaies."" A Peru^dan engineer in the company s seivice
vouched to me for the dashing out of the brains of children, and the chief representative
of the company, Sehor Tizon, told me he believed Normand had committed “ innumer-
able murders” of tlie Indians.
Westerman Leavine, whom Normand sought to bribe to withhold testimony from
me, fliially declared that he had again and again been an eye-witness of tliese deeds—
that he had seen Indians burned alive more than once, and often their limbs eaten by
the dogs kept by Normand at Matanzas. It was alleged, and I am convinced with truth,
that during the peroid of close on six years Normand had controlled the Andokes Indians
he had directly killed “ many hundreds ” of those Indians—men, women, and children.
The indirect deaths due to starvation, floggings, exposure, and hardship of various kinds
in collecting rubber or transferring it from Andokes down to Chorrera must have
accounted for a still larger number. Seuor Tizon told me that “ hund"eds ” of Indians
perished in the compulsory carriage of the rubber from the more distant sections down
to La Chorrera. No food is given by the company to these unfortunate people on these
forced marches, -which, on an average, take place three times a-year. I witnessed one
such march, on a small scale, -when I accompanied a caravan of some 200 Andokes and
Boras Indiaiis (men, women, and children) that left Matanzas station on the 19ch October
to carry their rubber that had been collected by them during the four or five preceding
months down- to a jflace on the banks of the Igaraparand, named Puerto Peruano (Peru-
vian Port), whence it was to be conveyed in lighters towed by a steam launch down to La
Chorrera. The distance from Matanzas to Puerto Peruano is one of some 40 miles, or
possibly more. The rubber had already been carried into Matanzas from different parts
of the forest lying often ten or twelve hours' march away, so that the total journey forced
upon each carrier was not less than 60 miles, and in some cases probably a longer one.
Tlie path to be followed was one of the w'orst imaginable—a fatiguing route for a good
walker c[uitc unburdened.
For twm days—that is to say, from Matanzas to Entrc Pios—I marched along ^yith
this caravan of very unhappy individuals, men with huge loads of rubber weighing.
I Ixdieve, sometimes up to 70 kilog. each, accompanied by their wives, also loaded with
rubber, and theii' sons- and daugliters, down to quite tiny things that could do no more
than carry a little cassava bread (jireparcd by the mothers before leaving their forest
home), to serve as food for parents and children on this trying march. Armed “ muclia-
chos,” with Winchesters, were scattered through the long column, and at the rear one
of the “ racionales ” of Matanzas, a man named Adan Negrete, beat up the stragglers.
Behind all, following a day later, came Seuor Normand himself, with more armed
“ racionales.” to see that none fell out or slipped home, ha-ving shed their burdens ol
rubber on the way. On tlie second day 1 reached Entre Bios in the early afternoon,
the bulk of the Indians having that morning started at 5.15 A.M. from the place where
we had slept together in the forest. At 5.15 that evening they arrived with Negrete
and the armed ” muchachos ” at Entre Ilios, where I had determined to stay for some
days. Instead of allowing these half-star .’cd and weary people, after twelve hours
march staggering under crushing loads, to rest in this comparatively comfortable station
of the company, where' a lai-ge j’est-house and even food were available, Negrete drove
them on into the forest beyond, where they were ordered to spend the night under guard

859
37
of the “ muchachos/’ This was clone in order that a member of the company’s commis-
sion (Mr. Walter Fox), who was at hntre Rios at the time along with myself, should not
have an opportunity of seeing too closely the eojiclition of these people—particularly,
I believe, that we should Jiot be able to weigh the loads of rubber they were carrying.
I had, however, seen enough on the i-oad during the two days 1 accompanied the 2)arty
alone to convince me of the cruelty they weie subjected to, and I had even taken several
photographs of those among them who were more dee])ly scarred with the lash.
Several of the women had fallen out sick on the way, and five of them 1 liad left
provided for with food in a deserted Indian house in the forest, and had left an aianed
Barbados man to guard them until Sehor Tizon, to whom 1 wi'ote, could reach the spot,
following me from Matanzas a day later. An oi)portunity arose the next day to weigh
one of these loads of laibber. A straggler, who had either fallen out or left Matanzas
after the main party, came into Ejitre Rios, staggering under a load of rubber, about
midday on the 21st October, when i\lr. Fox and 1 were about to sit down to lunch. The
man came through the hot sun across tlie station compound, and fell before our eves
at the foot of the ladder leading up to the verandah, where, with the chief of tlie section
(Sehor O'Donnell), we were sitting. He had collapsed, and we got him carried into the
shade and revived with whiskey, and later on some soup and food from our own table.
He was a young man, of slight build, with very thin arms and legs, and his load of rul'ber
by no means one of the hugest 1 had seen actually being cari’ied. I had it weighed there
and then, and its weight was just 50 kilog.
This man had not a scran of food with liini. Owing to our intervention he was not
forced to carry on this load, but was permitted the next day to go on to Puei’to Peruano
empty handed in company with Sehor Normand. I saw many of these people on their
way back to theii- liomes some days later after tlieir loads had been put into the hghters
at Puerto Peruano. They were returning footsore and utterly worn out through the
station of Entre Rios on their way back to their scattered houses in the Andokes or Boras
country. They had no food with them, and none was given to them at Entre Rios. I
stopped many of them, and inspected the little woven string or skin bags they carry,
and neither man nor woman had any food left. All that they had started with a week
before had been already eaten, and for the last day or two they had been subsisting on
roots and leaves and the berries of wild trees they had pulled down on the way. We
found, on our own subsec[uent journey down to Puerto Peniano, a few days later, many
traces of where they liad pulled down branches and even trees themselves in their search
for something to stay the cmving of hunger. In some places the path was blocked with
the branches and creepei's they had torn down in their search for food, and it was onl}'’
when Senors Tizon and O’Donnell assured me that this was done by “ Sehor Rorniand’s
Indians ” in their hungry desperation that I could believe it was not the work of wild
animals.
Indians were frecjuently flogged to death. Cases wore reported to me where men
or women had died actually under the lash, but this seems to have been infrequent.
Deaths due to flogging generally ensued some days afterwards, and not always in the
station itself where the lasli had been applied, but on the way home to the unfortunate’s
dwelling place. In many cases where men oi‘ women had been so cruelly flogged that
the wounds putrefied the victims were shot by one of tlie “ racionales ” acting under
the o]’ders of the chief of the section, or even by this individual himself. Salt and water
would be sometimes applied to these wounds, but in many cases a fatal flogging was
not attended even by this poor effort at healing, and the victim “ with maggots in the
flesh ” was turned adrift to die in the forest or was shot and the corpse burned or buried
—or often enough thrown into the “ bush ” near the station houses. At one station
that of Abisinia (which I did )iot visit), 1 was informed by a British subject who had
himself often flogged the Indians that he had seen mothei-s flogged, on account of shortage
of rubber by their little sons. These boys were held to be too small to chastise, and so,
while the httle boy stood terrified and crying at the siglit, liis mother would be beaten
“just a few strokes ” to make him into a better worker.
Men and women would be suspended by the arms, often twisted behind their backs
and tied together at the wrists, and in this agonising posture, their feet hanging high
above tlie ground, they were scourged on the nether limbs and lower back. The imple-
ment used for flogging was invariably a tivistcd strip, or several strips plaited together,
of dried tapir hide, a skin not so thick as the hippopotamus hide I have seen used in
Africa for flagellation, but still sufficiently stout to cut a human body to pieces. One
flogger told me the weapon he used was “ as thick as your thumb.”
After the prohibition of flogging by circular I have referred to, at some of the less
brutal or more cautious centres of rubber collection defaulting Indians were no longer,

I
38
during the later months of 1910, flogged with tapir hide, but were merely chastised with
strokes of a machete. These machetes are almost swords, and shaped something like
a cutlass. They are used for gashing the trees in tapping them for rubber milk, and
they also serve as weapons in the hands of the Indians. Blows with these laid across
the shoulder blades or back might be excessively painful, but would be unlikely to leave
any permanent scar or traces of the beating. At the station of Occidente this foim of
beating had in June 1910 been varied with a veiy cowardly torture instituted by the
chief of that section, a Peruvian named Fidel Velarde. This man, who wa.s found in
charge of that section when I visited it in October 1910, in order to still inspire terror
and vet leave no trace on the bodies of his victims, since Occidente lay close to La C'lior-
rera and might be visited unexpectedly by Sehor Tizon, had devised a new method of
punishment for those who did not bring in enougli rubber to satisfy him. Their amis
were tied behind their backs, and thus pinioned they were taken down to the river (the
Igaraparand), and forcibly held under water until they became insensible and h.df-
djowned.
During my stay at Occidente along with Sehor Tizon and the company’s commis-
sion, two chiefs (or “ capitanes ” as they are locally termed) of the surrounding Indians
came at night to my interpreter and told him of this new procedure, and how an Indian
had been quite recently drowned in this wise. They declared that two of their men had
been drowned by this process and not long before. I drew the attention of the com-
missioners as of Sehor Tizon to their statement, and begged that the two chiefs might
be interrogated and steps taken to verify this accusation. Two of the commissioners
(Messrs. Barnes and Bell) questioned the Indians through my interpreter, and the matter
was subsequently referred to Sehor Tizon for fuller enquir3^
Sehor Tizon employed as interpreter a “ mestizo,” and later on informed me that
the charge of holding the Indians under water was, he believed, true, but that the death
which had occurred had been due to an accident, the Indian having escaped from his
captors and drowned “ accidentally in the river.” I was not satisfied with this result
to the enquiry, and beheved that Sehor Tizon had been misled by faulty interpretation
on the part of the half-caste. The matter, however, lay outside those things I was
entitled to investigate, since no British employe of the company was, so far as I was aware
concerned in it, and I could do nothing more, although by no means satisfied that the
truth had been fully stated.
I learned later from one of my Barbados guides and interpreters that a fellow-
comitryman of his had actuall}’- been employed at Occidente at the time the alleged
drowning took place, and that when I should meet this man, who was then employed in
another part of the country, I might find out more about the matter. On my retm’ii to
La Chorrera at the very end of October I caused all the Barbados men to be brought
in from the out-stations I was not able to personally visit, in order that I might question
them and satisfy myself as to their actual condition. This man appeared before me
on the 2nd November, and in the course of my examination I questioned him as to his
employment at Occidente. He then related circumstantially how on the 20th June,
1910, only a few hours after Senor Tizon had quitted Occidente on a visit of inspection
proceeding up river to Ultimo Hetiro, four Indian youths had been ordered by Velarde
to be taken down to the river, their arms tied together, and to be then held under water
until they filled—or, as James Mapp, the Barbados man put it, until “ their bowels filled
with water.” Mapp had been ordered to perform this task, and had point-blank refused
to obey, declaring he would not lay a finger on the Indians, whereupon a “ racional ”
emlpoye, by name Eugenio Acosta (whom I had met at Occidente), had carried out Senor
Velarde’s orders. The four Indians, with their arms tied, had been thrust into the river
by Acosta and an Indian he forced to help him, and held forcibly under water. The
whole station and the friends and kinsmen of the four Indians were gathered on the high
bank to witness this degrading spectacle, the Indian women weeping and crying out.
One of the young men in his struggles had lacked free from the grasp of the man holding
him down, and as his arms were fastened he had been unable to save himself by swimming,
and had sunk in the deep strong current at the spot described. Mapp states he never
came to the surface. I had myself twice bathed in the very spot indicated, and found
that the water rapidly deepened from the bank. The body had been recovered on the
24th June floating in a backwater a couple of hundred yards below the beach at the
mouth of a little stream. I requested Senor Tizon to be present at Mapp’s examination
on this point, which fully satisfied him, as it did me, that the witness was stating the exact
truth.
As Senor Velarde was at the time in La Chorrera, nothing would have been easier
than to have probed the matter. James Mapp was perfectly willing to accuse him of

861
39
the crime to his face, and, as he declared, to prove it on the spot by appealing to eye-
witnesses who were also down at La Chorrera at the time. As the liead of the company
declared himself as fully satisfied of the truth of Mapp's charge without fuither evidence,
no action was taken to bring home to Sehor Velarde a ciime that was light in comparison
with a hundred others preferred agaiinst that man. He, along with many otheis of the
princij)al agents of the company accused by the British subjects 1 examined, I was
assured, would be pi’omptly dismissed. This promise of Sehor Tizoii’s has since been
carried out.
1 have dealt at length with cases of flogging because they so largely filled the
evidence of those who testified to me, and because the truth of these statemenls was so
abundantly supported by the scarred limbs of the Indians. It cannot be loo strongly
insisted on that these Hoggings, apart from the violence and brutality that went with
them, were wholly illegal. The excuse that the Indian submitted to them, male or
female, had done wrong or committed any crime could not be put forward by the agents
of this company to justify the use of the lash as a punishment. Punishment can be
applied only for an offence, but no offence had been committed by these poor beings,
and the agents of this trading company distinctly disclaimed any legal right to punish
individuals. To ninety-nine out of every hundred Indians flogged the lash was applied
as an instrument of torture and of terror, not to correct or chastise for some wi’ong-
doing, but to make the Indian bring in more rubber, or stand in sahitaiy dread of the
local agent. Those who ordered its application to this end were agents of a trading
company which paid a commission on results. The more rubber they could send to
Chorrera, the higher their income. A glance at the “ Planillas de Sueldos will make
this clear.
Some of these agents drew fully 1,000^. a-year from the rubber they forced by this
means and by other lawless methods from the surrounding native population.
Flogging was varied with other tortures, designecl like the semi-drownings of
Velarde to just stop short of taking life while inspiring the acute mental fear
aud inflicting much of the physical agony of death. Thus men and lads, rubber
defaulters or fugitives from its collection, were suspended by a chain fastened round
the neck to one of the beams of the house or store. Sometimes with the feet scarcely
touching the ground and the chain hauled taut they were left in this half-strangled
position until life was almost extinct. More than one eye-witness assured me that he
had seen Indians actually suspended by the neck until when let down they fell a senseless
iiia.^s upon the floor of the house with their tongues protruding.
Several informants declared they had witnessed Indians chained round the arms
hauled up to the ceilings of the houses or to trees, and the chain then suddenly loosed
so that the victim fell violently to the ground. One case of this kind was cii-cum-
stautially related to me where the Indian, a young man, dro])ped suddenly like this from
a height of several feet, fell backwards, and his head hit the ground so violently that
his tongue was bitten through and his mouth full of blood.
Deliberate starvation was again and again resorted to, but this not where it was
desired merely to frighten, but where the intention was to kill. Men and women were
kept prisoners in the station stocks until they died of hunger.
These starvations as specifically related to me by men who witnessed them and
were aware of the gravity of the charge they brought had not been due to chance neglect,
but to design. No food was given to the Indians, and none could be îven save by the
chief of the section. One man related how ho had seen Indians thus beiiig starved to
death in the stocks “scraping up the dirt with their fingers and eating itanother
declared he had actually seen Indians who had been flogged and were in extremity of
hunger in the stocks “ eating the maggots from their wounds.”
These dreadful charges could not be proved. I had no right or powers of
interrogation beyond the Bj-itish witnesses, but I invariably brought grave charges of
this kind, preferred against men still in the company’s service (most of whom I per-
sonally met), to the notice of Sehor Tizon and the company’s commission, and it was
by Sehor Tizon’s wish that no fuller investigation took place. These charges were
sometimes made unwillingly, the Barbados man himself being implicated, or not wishing
to be involved in accusations against those he had so long served. More than once
a witness only accused himself when he saw that I already possessed information from
other quarters that enabled me to test the truth or otherwise of what ho was saying.
Confirmation of some of the charges made, however, ai’ose in the course of our
journey. I might cite one instance of the kind —it did not stand alone. I had been
informed by the man Frederick Bishop at Iquitos in the early clays of September before
I reached the Putumayo of some of the things he had seen done during the period of
[401] C

40
(ivo and a-lialf years ho had spent in that region in the company’s service and that of
its predecessor, the Arana Brothers. I took this man into my service as guide and
interpreter, and lie accompanied me everywhere during my subsequent journey. One
of the crimes he denounced had been committed against an Indian girl by order of (lie
man Elias Martinengui, who had only just quitted the company’s service and had gone,
1 was told, to Lima.
It will be found referred to in the preliminary declaration of Bishop appended to
this report, and is of too revolting a character to be dwelt on.
Bishop repeated this charge at La Chorrera on the 23rd September before Senor
Tizon and the members of the commission, and added that he knew the girl well (he
had flogged her by Martinengui’s orders), and that he believed she was actually at one
of the stations in the vicinity of Chorrera.
On arrival at the sub-post of Naimenes a few days later, Bishop came and told me
that this girl was in the station, and he at once led me to her. I sought Senor Tizon
and one of the members of the commission, Mr. Barnes, and suggested that if doubt
still lingered as to the truth of Bishop’s charges it could there and then be put to
immediate test, for the girl could be independently questioned. Senor Tizon begged
that no such action should be taken, and said he had already assured me that be
accepted the Barbados men’s testimony. This was a crime of purely private or personal
malice, not directly connected with the larger crime of lawless rubber-getting.
Of this class of crime, mainly arising from the prevailing immorality that led
every agent to help himself to Indian women and often to intrigue with those kept by
his civilised companions, abundant evidence was forthcoming. I do not propose to deal
further with misdeeds of this character.
I more than once pointed out that in the eyes of the law the Indians were as much
citizens of the republic, since Peru claimed to possess sovereignty in that region, as the
chief agent of the company himself.
I bore with me a letter of authority, issued by the prefect of the department of
Loreto, addressed to the officers of the Government said to be in the Putumayo, which
ran as follows :—
(Translation.)
“ His Britannic l\lajesty’s Consul General in the Eepublic of Brazil goes to the
Putumayo and its affluents sent by his Government, and with the assent of ours, to
investigate and appreciate the conditions in which the subjects of His Britannic
Majesty may be found in that region.
‘‘ I hereby order all the Authorities of the district to afford him every kind of
facility, and to furnish such data and information as the Consul may be in need of for
the better discharge of his mission, and to lend him all the support he may require.
“ Iquitos, 2nd Seipteinber 1910.”
From first to last I met no authority of the Peruvian Government, and could
appeal for no assistance in my mission save to the agents of the Peruvian Amazon
Company, who were in absolute control not only of the persons and lives of the sur-
rounding Indians, but of all means of transport and, it might be said, of ingress to or
egress from that region. Had it not been for the presence of Senor Tizon and his ready
co-operation with me, my journey could not have been carried beyond Chorrera. The
perils, perhaps not to myself but to the Barbados men, would have been too great. An
officer of the Peruvian army, with a small file of soldiers, arrived at Chorrera a few days
before I left the ri\rer, travelling on the steamer of the comjjany that conveyed me
away, but he left at once for El Encanto on the Caraparana. A magistrate was said
to bo residing at one of the company’s stations on that river, but I never hoard him
once referred to, and, when peculiarly atrocious crimes were dragged to light, admitted,
and deplored, the criminal charged with them would be sitting at table with us, and
the members of the company’s commission and myself were appealed to to give no
indication of our disgust lest this man “might do worse things” to the Indians
or provoke an impossible situation with the armed bandits under his orders. The
apology for this extraordinary situation was that there was “ no authority, no adminis-
tration, no one near to whom any appeal could be made,” and that Iquitos was 1,200
miles away. Every chief of section was a law unto himself, and many of the principal
agents of this British company were branded by the representative of that company,
holding its power of attorney, in conversation with me as “ murderers, pirates, and
bandits.”

863
41
I have mentioned the stocks, termed locally tlie “ cepo,*’ as playing a prominent
part in the terrorisation of the Indians, Bach station or section had its stocks. Some-
times this apparatus was j)laced on the u])per verandah or residential part of the chief
dwelling-house, so that those confined in it miglit be under tlic direct eye of tlie chief
and his subordinates. This was the case at Idtimo llclii'o, where the stocks were
centrally situated in the middle of the house and near the cellar or black hole ]-cferred
to in the testimony of some of the Barbados men.
The houses were all raised on beams and ])oles from 12 to 15 feet above the ground,
the lower space being either left entirely open or else palisaded in to serve as a ruljber
store, and it was in this large stoi-e that, as a rule, the stocks were fixed. Tliis space
was open at the station of Matanzas, and two days before our arrival tliere the slocks
had been hurriedly removed and hidden under a pile of brushwood, so that when
(questioned the agent might be able to say they no longer existed. I heard this denial
actually being made to Sehor Tizon and the commissioners at the very time when in
my own room next door one of the British subjects was informing me of how it had been
hidden so that we should not see it, and after the double interrogatory was over, he
conveyed the commissioners and myself to the spot where we found the stocks concealed
under palm branches and rubbish. While this same witness was confe.ssing to me, with
some reluctance, how only a few weeks befoi'e an Indian chief had been flogged till he
died in the stocks, I hcarcl Senor Normand m the next room assuring tlie commissioners
that “ no Indian had been flogged for two years,” and that he only pei'initted an
implement, termed a “ palmatory ” in Africa—a flat board with holes—to be applied
to the palms of the hands, in light chastisement of those “ who had done wrong.”
Of Senor Normand's record of crime abundant evidence was obtained, and the task
of questioning him as to the conduct of his district was resorted to by the commissioners,
not in the hope of eliciting the truth, but as part of a formal task of no value that was
prescribed by the necessities of the situation.
The idea of stocks is associated in European minds with an obsolete instrument of
exposure rather than of permanent detention, a pillory where the wrong-doer was for
a brief time subjected to the gaze of the curious or to the insults and taunts of a Pharisaical
mob. In Peru it has endured as a recognised method of detention—possibly of punishment
—down to the present day. Lieutenant Herndon refers in his journey more than once
to the stocks and sometimes to floggings as being in use in the regions he trayerseci in
1851. The missionary fathers, who were often the governors of large areas inhabited
by Indians they were seeking to civilise, had stocks and wliijipings as part of the
machinery of government, but Heimdon, although he refers to the “ sacred cudgel ”
as an approved instrument of reform of Indian character in the eyes of some non-
ecclesiastical Peruvians of his day, nowhere speaks of a cruel abuse of either stocks or
floggings as coming under his observation. Even at Iquitos the stocks are still used,
or were up to almost the date of my visit. In the village of Punchana, one of the
outskirts of Iquitos, a village inhabited solely by civilised Jndians, there was still such
an implement. These stocks were in charge of the village schoolmistress, whose
authority over the gentle, good-natured, and kindly-tempered Indians was exerted
ill the absence of any better qualified magistrate.
On one occasion a Punchana Indian, in a state of intoxication, liad beaten his wife,
and the schoolmistress at once had the ofiendcr seized by hi.s fellow-villagers and his
legs fastened in the stocks. These were in an exposed part of the village square, so
that as the sun mounted the man exposed to the glare began to cry out in distress. The
srlioolniistrcss, however, was obdurate, and refused to release him, wliereupon the wife,
with tlie help of friends, forgetting her blows, had built over her offending husbaml a
screen of palm-fronds and thatch, and sat by him throughout the day to condob with
him and receive his apologies. The story was told to me in illustration of the friendly
and affectionate character of the Indians, and stocks as thus emjiloyed, merely to
reprove, arc not objectionable instruments of correction. But, as made use of on the
Putumayo, they were instruments of torture, lawless and cruel in the extreme.
Men, women, and children were confined in them for days, weeks, and often months,
only being released, under guard, to obey the calls of nature. Tlie overlapping beam
iniglit press so tightly on the confined ankle that the flesh would be cut, but even
without this added torment the long confinement in tliis cramped position, the legs
tiglitly held in the clasp of two immovable beams with the body finding its sole rest
on the hard ground, must have become well-nigh unendurable. When to this was added
the actual and positive starvation that often accompanied this method of confinement
[401] Cl 2

42
death, when it came, may well have been a happy release. The Indians had a terror
of the “ cepo,’' not less than of the lash. The Occidente “ cepo had twenty-one leg-
holes, the Entre Bios cepo twenty-four leg-holes, with a large neck-holc iu the
centre for inserting the head of a victim. In this latter case the body would have been
stretched on the gi-ouncl, and the arms inserted in two of the leg-holes next to this liead
aperture.
Indians were often flogged while confined in the “ cepo,” this notably in the special
flogging “ cepo,” with movable extremities, made by oi-dor of Aurelio Bodriguez at
Santa Catalina, and refen-ed to by its maker, Edward Crichlow, in his testimony to me.
Sometimes the most abominable oft’ences were committed upon Indians while held bv
the legs or leg in this defenceless position (see particularly the statement of James
Chase, borne out by Stanley Lewis, as to the crime committed by Jose Tnocente
Fonseca at Ultimo Betii-o upon a young Indian man). Some of the British subjects 1
questioned declared to me that they had known Indian women to be publicly violated
by the “ racionales while in this state of detention. As an added punishment, the
legs of a man or woman would be distended and confined several holes apart in
the stocks—some of the Barbados men asserted that they themselves had been confined
with their legs “ five holes apart,” a distance, I should say, intolerable to be borne for
any length of time. The Ultimo Betiro stocks were the worst I saw, for the leg-lioles
were smaller, and the beams to have locked on any ordinary sized leg must have been
forced down into the fle.sh.
The Occidente stocks, which I pemonally mea.sured on the 6th October, had the
following dimensions ;—
Length : 13 feet 3 inches.
Breadth of beams : 7-1 inches broad by 4 to 4i inches deep (squared and heavy
timbers of great weight).
Diameter of leg-holes: to 3i inches each, nearly round (the Ultimo Betiro leg-
holes were much smaller, being only 2J to 2.^ inches in diameter).
Distance of holes apart: about 5 inches. Measurement between five holes gave
from 33 to 36 inches.
An individual confined with his legs “ five holes apart ” would have had them
extended almost a yard at the extremities, and, if confined for a few hours in this
posture, he must have been in acute pain. Indians who spent long periods
in the stocks were sometimes confined by only one leg. Whole famihes were
so imprisoned—fathers, mothers, and children, and many cases were reported
of parents dying thus, either from starvation or from wounds caused by flogging,
while their offspring were attached alongside of them to watch in misery themselves
the dying agonies of their parents. One man at Ultimo Betiro, himself a living
witness to the enforced starvation he denounced, in the presence of Senor Jimenez
and Ills subordinates, related before me -"ud the members of the commission on the
8th October how, in Senor Month’s time, a y’êar previously, many of his countrymen
and ivomen had been so starved to death, or flogged to death, in the station “ cepo ’’
that we were then inspecting and experimenting with.
In addition to these permanent stocks which were in each station and remained
for years, a similar apparatus was often hastily constructed out in the forest when
Indians were collected after a raid, and I learned of them being roughly made even when
on the march, so that captives might be secured each night. As a rule, however,
Indian prisoners on the march were either tied up or heavily chained, and men
and women were often chained like this in the stations for months at a time. At
the first station of the company where the commission and myself set foot on
shore, a place called Indostan, which we stopped at to get firewood for the steamer
on our way to La Chorrera on the 21st September, I found an Indian boy thus chained
up. A length of chain about 8 feet long was wound round his neck and waist, and
fastened by a padlock at the ankle. This youth’s offence, so the white man in charge
of that station informed me, was that he had attempted to escape by steahng a canoe
belonging to the post and fleeing down to Brazil. AVc caused this youth to be released,
and he accompanied the commission to Chorrera.
It was not only the india-rubber gatherers who were put in stocks or chained like
this. I know of more than one white man even who was so treated. Colombians who
had poached upon the company’s “ territory ” and sought to obtain rubber-workers
for themselves, when not Id lied, were sometimes thus attached and marched from station
to station chained up, to be insulted, kicked, and buffeted. One such case is
worthy of special notice. A man named Aquileo Torres, along with a party

865
43
of Colombians, had been captured by Scuoi- Normand in, as far as I could place it,
(he begiimiug of 1907, when engaged in founding a rubber station in the Andokes
country, about two days’ march from the station of Matauzas. This party, consisting
of eleven men and two women (all of whose names arc in my jjossession), were led by
a Colombian named Felipe Cabrera, with Acpiileo Torres and a man named Jose de la
Paz Gutierrez as seconds in authority. This party were dispatched by the firm of
Crbaiio Gutierrez, and set out from Florencia, in the department of Tolima, Colombia,
towards the end of 190G. They descended the Japurii or Caquebi in six canoes until
reaching the point at which they intended begiimiug their dealings with the Andokes
Indians. While employed in building a house with a party of these Andokes they had
induced, or more likely compelled, to serve them, they were surprised by Normand, in
whose band of armed men were two British subjects, both of whom I still found in the
company’s service at the date of my visit. Most of the Indians escaped, being warned in
time, so I was informed by one of these Bai'bados men, but one or more was killed at the
time, and the whole party of Colombians caj^tured and taken as prisoners tied up with
ropes to Matanzas, along with some of the Indians, who were there clubbed to death.
The Colombians were sent on to different stations, and eight of them finally
dispatched to La Chorrera, where Senor Macedo, the chief agent of the firm of Arana
Brothers, as it then was, shipped them on a steamer to be conveyed to Icpiitos. On
the way they were set adrift in a canoe before reaching the Brazilian frontier, and left to
shift for themselves. They were succoured by the Brazilian customs authorities at the
frontier, and I know not what subsecjuently became of them. The three chiefs, Cabrera,
Torres, and Gutierrez were, however, kept at first in close confinement and then sejiarated
and quartered as prisoners in different stations, being subjected to varying kinds of
ill-usage. Two of them, Cabrera and Gutierrez, finally escaped in 1908 from Abisim'a,
where they were being detained, and one of tlie Barbados men, Stanley Sealy, who
formed my escort, had even passivel}^ assisted on the 28th July, 1908, at the escape of
Cabrera, as he himself told me.
Against Aquileo Torres a seemingly special rancour existed. This Colombian, who,
I was told, had been a “ corregidor,” or divisional magistrate, in the Colombian territory
of Caqueta, had himself once captured and held prisoner Elias Majlenengui, a Peruvian
agent of the company, who had left its service some two or three months before 1 reached
the Putumayo. Of Martenengui, the worst things were alleged to me by those who
had served under him. During his term of service at Atenas he had wasted that region,
and so oppressed the Indians that they were reduced to a condition of wholesale starva-
tion, from which they had by no means recovered when we visited the district in October.
Those Indians (some forty men and boys) who were ordered to act as cari’iei’s for the
English commissioners from Atenas to Puerto Peruano at the end of October, were many
of them living skeletons, and filled us with pity at their miserable condition. All
the evidence we obtaind showed that owing to the strain put upon them by
Martenengui, the Atenas Indians had been unable to cultivate their own clearings,
women as well as men being compelled to work rubber. Aquileo Torres, on his
capture by Normand in January 1907, was passed from hand to hand with a heavy
chain round his neck, waist, and ankles. Tic was seen thus by many witnesses
at, among other stations. Port Tarma and Oriente, where the man Velarde foi’
a long time held him a prisoner. Me was spat upon, kicked, and beaten. He
was not released until he agreed to take service in the company, and was first put
to flogging india-rubber workers. In May of 1908 he had been dispatched from La
Chorrera to Abisinia to assist Aguero and Jimenez in the terrorisation of the Boras
Indians. Mere he committed constant murders, and certainly fell no whit behind the
men he served under. Among other practices, he cut the cars off living Indians, a
pastime that to my knowledge was also indulged in by another subordinate still employed
by the company at the date of my visit, a man named Alfredo Zegarra. I traced Torres’s
career through more than one station—Sabana and Santa Catalina among them —until,
when the commission and myself arrived at Chorrera, he figured on the lists of t he district
of Ultimo Eetiro at a salary of 100 soles (lOZ.) per month.
When we were at Occidentc on our way to Ultimo Retiro this man arrived in the
evening of the 4th October, bound, we were told, for La Chorrera. We learned that
Senor Jimenez, the then chief of Ultimo Retiro, had dismissed him from the staff of
that station. Torres was sent from Chorrera again to Abisinia, where, at the date of
my departure on the IGtli November, he was still einplo3''cd as a salaried servant of the
company. I know not what has been his subsequent fate, but he was one of those who
figured on the “ black list” drawn up before 1 left. There were many others whose

44
record was as black as this man’s, and with perhaps less excuse for their criminality
He could never liave been anything but a very bad man, but his plea might well be that
in the crimes committed since his release, he was only paying the price stipulated for
freeing him. One of the Barbados men who accompanied me throughout my joinnoy
as guide and interpreter, Frederick Bishop, had on one occasion at the end of 1907, as
near as it could be put, come across Jose Inocente Fonseca, who was then in charge of
the district of Ultimo Retiro, on his way from Atenas home to his station.
Among his party of Indian carriers and armed “ muchachos ” was Aquileo Torres,
heavily chained, being taken by Fonseca to his station to undergo further insult and
confinement. Bishop accompanied the party for some distance, his path lying in the
same direction. He was himself out on what is termed a “ correrfa,” chasing Indians to
make them come in to work rubber, and before he parted from Fonseca he heard Torres
appealing to him to take the heavy chains off, as he could not keep up with the party.
Fonseca’s reply given in the Barbados man’s hearing had been that it was better for
Torres to be silent and hurry on, because if night fell on them still in the forest, he would
make him carry one of the heavy loads the Indians were bearing. More than a year
of this treatment, while it in no wise justified the brutal excesses Torres committed on the
Indians when he had entered the company’s service,, debarred those who had conspired
to brutalise him from complaining that he had improved on the methods of his mentors.
His crimes were wanton acts of savagery, almost purposeless crimes, ,the outcome of a
degraded and debased life. Like Jimenez, before going to Ultimo Retiro, he was a
subordinate, and might put forward the plea that he only did what was the order of
his chiefs. Those men were murderers and torturers by profession—as their ciiines
swelled so should their fortunes. Whole tribes were handed over to them by a la\vle.ss
syndicate which had no title-deed to one yard of land or one sapling rubber tree, and
they were supplied with the armaments necessary to reduce these people to a terrified
obedience and given a wholesale interest in the terror.
I was informed, for instance, that the arrangement come to with the brothers
Rodriguez—Aurelio now in Iquitos and Aristides dead—was that these two men should
control the neighbouring districts of Santa Catalina and La Sabana, and get 50 per cent,
each of the profits. Both these stations he in the Boras country. La Sabana actually on
the Cahuinari river, and Santa Catalina not far from it. Sefior Tizon assured me that
' their joint rule had meant the massacre of “ hundreds of Indians,” and, from the clear and
categoric depositions made to me by various British subjects who had served under
Aurelio Rodriguez up to the date of his retii-ement in the summer of 1909, “ on a small
fortune,” it is certain that this was the case in the district of Santa Catalina.
Wholesale murder and torture endured up to the end of Aurelio Rodriguez’s service,
and the wonder is that any Indians were left in the district at all to continue the tale
of rubber working on to 1910. This aspect of such continuous criminality is pointed to
by those who, not having encountered the demoralisation that attends the methods
described, happily infrequent, assert that no man will deliberately kill the goose that
lays the golden eggs. This argument would have force if applied to a settled country
or an estate it was designed to profitably develop. None of the freebooters on the
Putumayo had any such limitations in his view, or care for the hereafter to restrain him.
His first object was to get rubber, and the Indians would always last his time. He
hunted, killed, and tortured to-day in order to terrify fresh victims for to-morrow. Just
as the appetite comes in eating so each crime led on to fresh crimes, and many of the
worst men on the Putumayo fell to comparing their battues and boasting of the numbers
they had killed.
Everyone of these criminals kept a large staff of unfortunate Indian women for
immoral purposes—termed by a euphemism their “ wives.” Even “ pedns” had some-
times more than one Indian wife. The gratification of this appetite to excess wen< hand
in hand with the murderous instinct which led these men to torture and kill the very
parents and kinsmen of those they cohabited with.
Drink again played a part with some, or an outraged sense of “ pride,” of dominion
set at nought, would lead to a massacre of hunted fugitives—for those who dared to fly
had committed the unpardonable sin. Not only had they to be punished for flight, but
this evil example to others still working rubber had to be dealt with in exemplary
fashion. Revenge, too, called for victims. A variety of motives that unchecked
indulgence in crime may stimulate to activity Christian civilisation is unaware of moved
in these men. Aguero’s subordinate, Filomene, or Jermin Vasquez, for instance, whose
pursuit of the Boras chief Katenere is outlined in the statement of James Chase, l3oasted
on his return to Abisinia after the series of beheadings Chase had witnessed, and narrated
to me that “ he had left the road prctt5^” Such men had lost all sight or sense ol

867
46
rubber gathering—they were simply beasts of prey wlio lived upon the Indians and
delighted in shedding their blood. Aguero himself, despite his commission on results
of 5 soles per arroba* of all the rubber from the Abisinia district, was in debt to the
company 470/. at the date of our visit to La Chorrera. It had been 530/. on the 31st
December, 1909. So with many others. Their exploitatioJi of their districts was being
conducted at a loss to the company—a loss that in some sections ran into thousands of
pounds, I was informed, and they themselves figured as being always in debt to the
company as far back as the accounts produced were carried.
Normand alone of this category of superior criminals had any large balance to his
credit. He figured for some 1,600/. due to him in the La Chorrera books—a sum that
stood to be augmented by his share of the 8 tons of rubber I witnessed being diiven
down to Puerto Peruano on the backs of the 200 burdened Indians who left Matanzas
in mv company.
It may be wondered how numerous assemblages of men, not individually cowards,
could be so coerced and dealt with by a very small band of oppressors. Apart from the
dissension, already touched on, which sjjlit the se])aratc Indian communities into hostile
groups, the white men were organised and armed, and could always act as one man.
Moreover, they had proceeded from the first on a definite plan, and such poor arms
as the Indiaiis in their primitive state possessed had been unceasingly coiifiscatcd.
/ithough I passed through much of the district on foot and met many Indians,
thcii proper native arms were nowhere visible. Neither blow-pipe nor spears remained
to them. These had everywhere been long since seized, and I did not meet a single
Indian who openly retained his natural weapons. A few possessed the most inferior
kind of cap-gun I have ever met, and against the rifles and revolvers of their exploiters
these trade weapons, only obtained after a year’s rubber Avorking in each case, were
entirely worthless. Perhaps a greater defence than their spears and blow-jjipcs even
had been more ruthlessly destroyed. Their old people, both women and men, respected
for character and abihty to wisely advise, had been marked from the first as dangerous,
and in the early stages of the occupation were done to death. Their crime hacl been
the giving of “ bad advice.” To Avarn the more credulous or less experienced against
the Avhite enshiAêr and to exhort the Indian to flee or to resist rather than consent to
Avork rubber for the ncAv-coniers had brought about theii’ doom. I met no old Indian
man or Avoman, and fcAV had got beyond middle age. The Barbados men assured me
that Avhen they first came to the region in the beginning of 1905 old jjeoplc Avere still
to be found, vigorous and highly respected, but these had all disajjpeai’ed, so far as I
could gather, before my coming. At Entre Rios I learned of an Indian chief named
Chingamui, AALO at Sehor O’Doimcll’s arriA'al in 1903 had exercised a Avidespi’ead in-
fluence oAmr all the Huitotos in that district. This man had fallen at the hands of a
Colombian named Calderon, Avho then directed the neighbouring district of Atenas, but
not before he had shot at and Avounded his murderei’. So too, I learned of an “ old
woman ” who Avas beheaded in the station of Sur by order of its chief, and Avhose crime
had been the giving of “ bad advice.” Her head had been held up by the hair in the
presence of my informant as a Avarning to the assembled Indians of the fate they too
would incur if they did not obey the Avhite man.
Perhaps the bravest and most resolute opponent the murdcicrs had encountered
had met his death only a feAv months, or even Aveeks, befoj'e my arrival in the district.
This AAms a Boras cacique, or “ capitdn ”—often referred to in the depositions of those I
examined—named Katenere. This man, Avho Avas not an old man, but young and
strong, lived on the upper Avaters of the Pama, a small stream that empties into the
Cahuinari not far from its mouth in the Japiml. My interpreter. Bishop, had seen this
chief in 1907, Avhen Noimand had gone to find him in order to induce him to Avork
rubber. He had, from necessity no doubt, consented to bring in rubber, and for some
time had Avorked voluntarily for Normand, until, through bad treatment, he, like so
many others, had fled. He had been captured later on, along Avith his Avife and some
of his people, and confined in the stocks of the Abisinia district, to undergo the taming
process. AVhile thus himself a prisoner, his Avife, so I Avas informed by a Peruvian
white man holding a Avell-paid post in the company’s service, had been ])ublicly violated
before his eyes by one of the highest agents of the Syndicate, a Peruvian Avhose name
I and record Avas frequently brought foi’Avard in the course of my enc(uiry. This man
had been obhged to fly from the Caraparami agency on account of his crimes in that
i region in 1908. He had there murdered several Colombian “ caucheros ” and violated
1 °
I
I * Five Peruvian soles = 10s. An arroba is 15 Idlog., or, say, 32 lb. weight. Thus, Agucro’s commission
I came to about 34/. per metric tou of rubber.

46
their wives—^white women—and his crimes were so notorious that the Pci‘uvian military
authorities, in some force there at the time, liad, it was said, been ordered to arrest him.
That tlie intention to arrest was not rigorously prosecuted is evident, for he merely
transferred his residence from one part of the company's territory to another, and he
openly boasted of the hilling of the Colombians in his new quarters. He gave the man
Frederick Bishoj), who served me as interpreter and guide, a revolver, which he told
him he had taken from one of the Colombians he had helped to kill. This was at Ultimo
Ketiro in the beginning of 1908. Then he proceeded to the Abisinia district to join
Aguero and Jimenez in constant raids u])on the Boras Indians, and while here it was
that he outraged the wife of Katenere before the eyes of that captive chief. Katencie
escaped, aided, 1 was told, l)y an Indian girl, who lifted the top beam of the “ cepo ”
when no one was looking, lie not only got oil, but succeeded then or later in capturing
some Winchester rifles from “ muchachos " of the Abisinia district. With these he
armed others of his clan, and thenceforward waged an open war against the whiles and
all the Indians who helped them or worked rubber for them. More than one of
them he shot, and although a young man, he became as dangerous as Chingamui, as
renowned as a “ very bad Indian.” About May of 1909 he found the white man who
had so wronged him in the act of compelling a party of Indians to wash their rubber at
a stream, and shot him dead. Thenceforward he became an object of constant fear,
and expeditions were fitted out from Abisinia and Morelia to catch or kill Katenere.
It was on one of these missions that Filomene Vasquez and his party had gone in the
summer of 1910, when he had left the road pretty.” They had captured the wife of
Katenere, and she was brought back to Abisinia to act as a decoy, her captors feeling
sure that Katenere would come to look for his wife. This he had indeed done about
the beginning of August 1910 or end of July, and it was Avhile prepai'ing to attack
Abisinia in the dusk that he was shot by one of the young muchachos ” of that station,
as stated in the deposition of Evelyn Batson, which accompanies this report. His
brother, who was already a prisoner in the stocks, tried to escape that night, and was
murdered by Juan Zellada, one of the station “ racionales,” who often seems to have
taken charge of that district in the temporary absences of its chief, Aguero. The death
of Katenere was greatly to be deplored.
I have touched on the prevailing immorahty that was nowhere concealed from our
eyes. Many women and girls were put, it is true, to station services of one kind or
another, carrying water from the river for the house, and possibly even in planting
sugar cane or cassava, or in washing clothes or other light work of that land. None of
these females were paid for their work. At La Chorrera some of them were employed
in stitching stiips of very cheap cotton i^rints into pantaloons, which then served as a
form of remuneration for loads of rubber the Indian men brought in. Scores of these
pantaloons were stored at La Chorrera and were dispatched along with other goods to
the sections as requisitioned to meet payments for rubber workers.
Women engaged on “ household duties ” were not necessarily put to immoral use.
but every station we visited had a number of women, obviously the “ wives ” of the
chief and his subordinates. One gentleman, whose guest I was for several days, had
four native wives and three children by separate mothers—all ^^sibie daily in the one
menage. I rarely saw an agent or “ racional ” go a stej) from his door without being
dutifully followed by the Indian gbd or woman whom he called his “ wife.” The.sc
women accompanied their lords on “ correrias,” on the march, and even to the riverside
when the “ racional,” rifle over shoulder, went down to wash his person. The half-breed
who cooked for us on the march was everywhere accompanied by an Indian girl. A
chief of section, however, travelled in state. I met more than one en route, and, while
the half-starved Indians staggered under enormous baskets of rubber, a troop of
pleasant-faced girls and women, decently clad in long chemises or “ cushmas ” of bright
cotton prints, sleek, shining and well fed, waited upon the chief of section, or possibly
carried their infants and his.
Some of the wives of the agents were, like the “ cholitos ” and “ muchachos,” being
turned into muiderers of their own people. One witness declai-ed positively to me he
had seen Jimenez order his Boras wife—a young Indian woman I met more than once—
to take his rifle and go and shoot an Indian man, a prisoner at the time in Morelia,
and this order the girl had obeyed. She had put the rifle to his head and
killed liim.
Little or no regard to decency existed where lust impelled. At the ” fabrico ”
gathering at the beginning of November 1910, the chiefs of several sections came to
Chorrera with their usual train of dependent concubines and “ muchachos ” during the
stay there of the company’s commission and myself. Among others, Aguero arrived

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Normand, and-these and all their families come down to the port and carry each “ fab-
rico.” All these six years he has done no other work than this, namely, to go after
Indians to make them come in to work rubber, and also keeping guard at night. The
Indians have been flogged—they get “ palmetto ” as well. He has flogged Indians
himself, both here and at La China; the last man he flogged was about six days ago
- —the man that the consul-general saw a few minutes ago with two broad scars still raw
across his arm.
Note.—This was an Andokes Indian, with two bad cuts on the right arm above the
elbow, both still raw, with half-formed scabs, hlr. Casement’s Barbados servants were
feeding him with their own food—he and many others had just come in from the forest
with their heavy loads ok rubber, and jMr. Casement’s servants had called him in to see
this man, so recently flogged.
Leavine stated he had given these “ two cuts ” by Senor Normand’s orders at La
China six days before. He had flogged Indians in the ordinary way very many times.
He cannot say how many. At each puesta ” floggings were given to the “ bad ones,’’
who did not bring enough rubber. Many Indains died of fever, sometimes they died on
the road carrying rubber when they got fever, because sometimes fever will attack them
on the road. He had shot Indians. He was attacked by an Indian once, who wanted
to cut him with a machete, and he shot him in self-defence. Senor Hormand had not
ordered him to shoot this man, he was by himself, and did it himself. He has not been
ordered to shoot Indians, but has seen them shot by the “ muchachos.” These “ mucha-
chos ” did as they pleased on the march, and they did just what they liked.
The consul-general then read out a portion of Koso Espana’s narrative, dealing
with the capture of Aquileo Torres and the Colombians in the beginning of 1907, wherein
it was said that two Barbados negroes had accompanied the Peruvians who attacked
Torres!s party. Leavine confirms much of Espana’s statement. He does not remember
Indians being shot and rolling ofl the roof of the house that they were building, because
he says a httle Indian boy shouted out giving warning that the Peruvians were coming,
and these Indians had run away, but he remembers the Colombians all being taken
prisoners and brought into Matanzas. The two Barbados men were himself and Donald
Francis, now at La Chorrera. He heard of the Indian chief they caught at the time,
and the two men (Indians) with him being beaten to death on the hillock just outside
Matanzas. ' He had not seen this happen, but was told of it at the time. He has seen
twenty-five and thirty lashes given to Indians, and has known them to die from being
. flogged. He has known very many to die from being flogged. Asked if he has known
of Indians dying quite recently from a flogging at La China, he answers, after hesitation—
Yes, Sir, about four weeks ago. The boys beat him on the road going in, and
then. Sir, I flog him again.”
“ Who told you to flog him ? ”
No person did teU me to flog him that time.”
So you flogged him yourself without anyone telling you to flog him ? ”
“ Yes, Sir, I flogged him myself.”
And he died'? ”
“ Yes, but when I flog him I only give him three cuts. The boys had flogged him
on the road very much. That is why he died. I gave him* these three cuts because I
axed him why he did not pay me for what I gave him. I gave him a box of matches,
and he do not pay me nothing, so I gave him the three cuts. But he has not died from
that—ît was from what the boys done to him on the road he die.”
“ Was this man being brought in a prisoner by himself ? ”
The man was mth the boys, and James Lane was with them.”
“ Do you know his name ? ”
“ His name was Kodihinlca.”
“ Was he put in the ‘ cepo ’ ? ”
" Yes, Sir.”
“ Was he in the ‘ cepo ’ when you flogged him ? ”
“ No, Sir. When he came I gave him three lashes standing up, but his back was
very bad from the cutting the boys give him on the way. I did not do him no harm.”
‘‘ Was he in the ‘ cepo ’ when he.died • ” . .
“ He die when he were loose. Sir; he was not in the ‘ cepo ’ when he die.”
“ Where had he come from ? ”
“ He were fi’om Caquetd—^the other side.”
“ How many more people with him ? ”
[4D1] 0 2

“ He and his wife and child. There was one more man, who is working here now
—^not in Matanzas, but in La China.”
Then you say the man did not die in the ‘ cepo ’ ? ”
No, Sir, not in the ‘ cepo.’ ”
“ Then you are quite sure there were only four—^the man who died, his wife, his
child, and the man who is now working ? ”
‘'.Just these four.”
“Were they tied up ? ”
“ Yes, Sir, they were tied up.”
“ How were the boys allowed to beat this man so badly as you say on the road ? ”
“ The boys beat him with sticks on the road. There were James Lane and two
' muchachos ’ with him,' and it was the way they beat him he die.”
At this point, as witness’s statement differed so completely from that previously
made by James Lane referring to the same incident, the latter was sent for and
confronted Leavine. The evidence of the two men was then read over. It was
pointed out that one or other must be stating what was not true. Leavine then
began to excuse himself, and said the man had died in the “ cepo,” and had been
flogged in the station after he had been beaten by himself. As it was clear that he had
been lying, he was warned that he had better now speak the truth. The witness then
said he “ had not remembered,” although it was only a month before, and he now
admitted that what James Lane said was true. The party consisted of six Indians,
prisoners—^the big man Kodihinka, two boys or young men, a woman, a child, and a
girl. They were all flogged, and Jose Cordoba had given Kodihinka thicty lashes.
This after Leavine had admitted that the man’s back was abeady badly cut and bleeding
from the brutal ill-treatment he had received on the road plus the three cuts he had
himseK given to him on his arrival.
Senor Tizon having been requested to be present, Mr. Casement asked that
"VVesterman Leavine should at once be dismissed £’om the company’s service and not
be allowed to remain any longer serving under Senor Normand, but should leave
Matanzas with the commission. He, witness, then repeated, in Senor Tizon’s presence,
that he had seen very many persons shot or killed by flogging, or die from exposure and
hunger and sickness when carrying rubber. This he repeat^. He himself had flogged
very many people, and had “ brutally ” flogged them, but this had been done by the
orders of Senor Normand; that he had been employed in this way for nearly six years
doing only this kind of work, and nothing useful or good; that he had been used on
commissions only, and flogging the Indians, and on keeping guard at night, and this
only; that in flogging when he had given twenty-five or thbty lashes and got tired,
then Jose Cordoba, another employe, would take the lash and give more. Hifty lashes
were thus often given. On Senor Tizon asking with what instrument the floggings
were administered, he said with a piece of tapb-hide twisted, that there were t-wo of
these whips at La China.
Note.—Casement left Matanzas the following day, 19th October. Senor
Normand following two days later, and bringing Leavine -with him^. Senor Normand
endeavoured to send Leavine by a separate path, so that he should not again be
interrogated and refused to allow him to come to Entre Bios when ordered in writmg
by Senor Tizon to send back this Barbados man to the consul. It was necessary to
issue imperative orders for Leavine to be given up, and it was only on reaching La
Chorrera on 28th October that Leavine was again encountered. He was then inter-
rogated by Mr. Casement on several occasions, and finally on 19th November on board
the “ Liberal ” after having left La ChoiTera. He then said that Senor Normand had
told him in Matanzas before being questioned by MJ. Casement that he was to say
nothing about him, and he took him past Entre Rios on purpose to prevent the consul
from tother interrogating him, and on reaching La Chorrera promised him 30L if he
held his tongue. He did not get this money, because the consul-general interfered, and
he is now prepared to answer truthfully any questions that may be put to him. Lea\dnc
then confirms specifically the worst charges that had been brought against Normand
by various witnesses.
He confirms the statement made by Genaro Caporo, in the “ Truth ” charges read out
to him, who had declared what he saw in the middle of 1907. The statement made by
Caporo, that three old Indians and two young women, their daughters, were murdered by
Normand in cold blood and their bodies eaten by the dogs, was corroborated by Leavine.
He saw this take place, and saw the dogs eating them. As to the starving to death of
Indians in the “ cepo,” ii was a common occurrence, and the dead and stinjtdhg bodies

921
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left tkere alongside still living prisoners lie declares he more than once witnessed. The
statement made by Caporo as to an Indian chief who was burnt alive in the presence
of his wife and two children, and the wife then beheaded, and the children dismembered,
and all thrown on the fire, Leavine says he remembers, and was a witness to it. He
also remembers the occurrence narrated by Caporo of an Indian woman who was cut
to pieces by Normand himself, because she refused to five with one of his employes as
he dkected her to do. He was a witness to the woman being set fire to with the
Peruvian flag soaked in kerosene wrapped round her, and of her then being shot. The
statement made by Caporo as to the ground round Andokes being sown with skulls
was then read out by the consul-general to Leavine. He (Leavine) of himself stated
that there were days in 1906 and 1907 ‘‘ when you could not eat your food on account
of the dead Indians lying around the house.'’* He frequently saw the dogs eating them,
and dragging the limbs about. The bodies and arms were throvm all round and were
not buried.
With regard to the statement of Eoso Hspana, read over to him from the “ Truth ”
charges, he saw one child rammed head first down one of the holes being dug for the
house timbers.
The statement of Juho Muriedas made in the same quarter, who stated that he had
been at Matanzas, was then read over to Leavine. He remembers Muriedas. With
regard to the statement that 200 lashes were given to Indians, Leavine says this often
took place, also the burning alive of children to make them reveal where their parents
were hidden. This he declares he has seen Senor Normand do more than once. The
eating of the limbs of the dead people by the house-dogs attested by Muriedas he again
confirms, and says it was “ a common occurrence.** The statement of “ M. G.,** hcom
the “ Truth ” accusations, was then read to Leavine. He recalls this man, named
Marcial, being a short time at Matanzas when Senor Normand wished to make him
a station cook, and this man had refused and they had quarrelled. This man*s
statement that he had seen in one month and five days ten Indians killed and
burnt ** Leavine declares is in no wise remarkable. He has himself seen twenty Indians
killed in five days in Matanzas. As to the “ stmldng ** of this section referred to by
“M. G.** he afifens that this was often the case to a revoltmg degree. He recalls
“ M. G.,** or Marcial, shooting the httle Indian boy by Senor Normand*s orders as he,
“ M. G.,** accuses himself of doing.
Leavine finally declares that Senor Normand killed many hundreds of Indians
during his six years at Matanzas, during aU which time he, Leavine, served under him,
and by many kinds of torture, cutting off their heads and limbs and bmning them aUve.
He more than once saw Normand have Indians* hands and legs tied together, and the
men or women thus bound thrown alive on a fire. The employes on the station would
look on or assist at this. The station boys, or “ muchachos,** would get the firewood
ready, acting under Senor Normand*s orders. He saw Normand on one occasion take
three native men and tie them together in a line, and then with his Mauser rifle shoot
all of them with one bullet, the ball going right through. He would fire more than one
shot into them like this.
This man was taken away by Mr. Casement, and at Manaos, m Brazil, at his own
request, he was left with employment found for him.
(No. 19.)
Siaieinent of Evelyn Batson made to His Majesty’s Consul-General at La Cliorrera on
October 31,1910.
Age 25.
Born in Barbados.
Parents he believes to be living, both, but has not heard from or of them for some
time.
Date of engagement the 3rd April, 1905, on a contract made by Abel Alarco
through Mr. Brewster. Has not got his contract. Has given it to the house, i.e., the
company, in Iquitos, and gave it up in 1906. This is because the house wanted to send
him (and others) back to Barbados, and he had no wish to go, so he stayed on in this
country. He remained on at his own wish—working first in Iquitos as a fireman on
a river launch, and then he came here as fiireman on a launch.^
When first he came from Barbados he stopped at Leticia, where he stayed eleven
days, whence they proceeded to.the Arana estates at Pebas, where he remained as a
house-boy for about two weeks, serving the table. He and others were then taken on

to jSTanai, near Iquitos, where he remained eighteen mofiths, working as a house-hoy
and serving at table. He was then sent up to Iquitos and paid off and his return
passage to Barbados given to him, and his original contract with the iSrm terminated.
It was then he handed up the contract at request by the company.
He then got work at Booth and Co.’s port works and remained in Iquitos at this
and other work until the 15th February, 1907, when he was engaged as jBreman on the
launch “ Callao ” belonging to Arana Brothers and came to La Chorrera in her. His
wages were 60 soles Peruanos per month. Ho contract of any kind was made—no
agreement entered into save a verbal one. The captain of the “ Callao ” engaged him
on a verbal promise only, sent him to Arana Brothers, and gave him an advance of
4:1. in gold, and, he came away on this. He has been employed here at La Chorrera and
elsewhere in this agency ever since, and he has no form of contract or engagement
entered into of any land. Has not returned to Iquitos since that date, the 15th
February, 1907. He was for six months emj)loyed as fireman on the Callao ”: one
month on the journey from Iquitos and five months here in the agency on her. The
launch was engaged on the Lower Igaraparand to communicate with the sections in
that region and convey the rubber to La Chorrera for shipment thence to Iquitos.
He then got sick, and asked the chief agent, Senor Macedo, to send him to one of
the sections, where he thought he might get stronger, and he was sent to Santa
Catahna. This was entirely his own wish. The chief was Aureho Bodriguez. Edward
Crichlow arrived there while he was in Santa Catalina. He was employed on com-
missions at first. That was his first work. He made three or four commissions, going
out with a rifle and cartridges, fifty at a time, along with other men, to catch Indians.
Generally this was to look for Indians who were already engaged working rubber, and
it was to collect them and bring them into the station with their rubber.
He has not tied up any Indians on these commissions. He has flogged them and
seen them flogged in the station. He himself flogged Indians, but had to desist as he
had rheumatism in his right hand and wrist, and could not -wield the lash. The lash
he used and saw used was the sldn of a tapir, twisted (called ‘‘ suruma
Asked if he had seen Indians killed there, he replies, Yes, in the station itself by
the agent, Senor Aurelio Bodriguez.” He has not seen Indians killed in the forest when
out on commissions, but in the station itself.
Questions were then put as follows :—
Q. You have seen Indians killed by Senor Bodriguez ?—A. Yes. He has had then
heads cut off; and I have seen him take his revolver and shoot them—a good many
of them.
Q. How did he have, their heads cut off ?—A. With a machete. He would send
" muchachos ” to behead them, and I have seen this done—their heads cut off.
Q. Never by a Barbados man ?—A. Yes ; I have seen one Barbados man do it.
Q. Who was the Barbados man you saw do this ?—A. His name was Quintin—
Clifford Quintin.
Q. "Vên did you see him do this ?—A. I cannot remember the date, but the year
was 1907.
Q. You are sure it was 1907 1—A. Yes; the last part.
Q. AYhat had that Indian done 1—A. He had not worked rubber. He had not
brought in his rubber.
Q. And the manager told Quintin to kill him ?—A. Yes, Sir; he did. Sir.
Q. And he cut his head off 1—A. Yes, Sir ; he did.
Q. Do you remember the name of the Indian ?—A. No, Sir, I can’t.
Q. And you say you have seen this often done—Indians Idlled, either by being shot
or beheaded while you were in Santa Catalina, and always for the same thing—not
worldng rubber to the satisfaction of Senor Bodriguez 1—A. Yes. (To the whole
question put slowly.)
. Q. How many Indians do you recall being killed like this 1—A. I’ve seen plenty
killed.
Q. One hundred 1—A. More than that, Sir.
Q. But only that one Indian Idlled by a Barbados man 1—A. Yes, only that one.
(A pause.) He has kiUcd others, but I did not see him do it. I only know what he
has told me,
Q. And you have seen many Indians flogged in Santa Catalina 1—A. Yes, Sir, very
many.
Q. Badly flogged —A. Yes, Sir; very badly flogged, Sir.
Q. Have you known them to die from these floggings 1—A. Yes, Sir; some of
them died on the road going to their houses.

923
101
Q. But have you seen them die from floggings ?—A. Yes, Sir; I have been sent
by the manager to bm-y Indians who have died on the road, going back to their homes
after being flogged. I had to make a hole to bury them, and I could see that they had
died from the flogging.
Q. Have you seen an Indian die in the station itself from a flogging ?—A. No,
Sir; I havn’t. Sir.
Q. But you have seen them very badly flogged and cut from the flogging ?—
A. Yes, Sir, very badly.
Q. Have you seen women flogged ?—A. Yes, Sir, I have.
Q. What were they flogged for ?—A. Some of them would be flogged if their
husbands had not come in with “ caucho.”
Q. Yes ? and others ?—A. Some when working “ caucho ” themselves, and they
brought very little “ caucho,” and they were flogged.
Q. You mean the women had to work “ caucho ” too ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. did you leave Santa Catalina ?—A. In 1908, Sir—in July, 1908.
Q. And did you see Indians killed and flogged hke this up to the end of your stay
there ?—A. Yes, Sir, up to the very end; men and women were killed and flogged up
to the time I came away.
Q. And was Aureho Eodriguez there all the time ?—A. Yes, Sir; up to the end
when I came away.
Q. You saw Indians in “ cepo ” there ?—A. Yes, Sir, very many.
Q. And in chains ?—A. Yes, in chains, some of them.
Q. Would they be properly fed when in these stocks ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. Men, women, and children ?—A. Yes, Sir; men, women, and children.
Q. And they would not be properly fed ?—A. No, Sir ; some of the worldng men,
the “ empleados,” gave them their own food, often—in the morning and evening.
The manager gave them no food—Î myself have given them my own food—a little
sometimes. Otherwise they got no food.
Q. Were they often kept a long time in “ cepo ” like this ?—.4. Often, yes ; they
would often be kept for months in the “ cepo,” many months.
Q. Did you see when in Santa Catalina a double cepo ” made for the head and
arms and then for the feet ?—A. Yes, Sir, I did—one of my countrymen made it.
Q. Who was that ?—A. Edward Crichlow, Sir.
Q. And you have seen Indians flogged in that “ cepo,” extended thus head and
feet ?—A. Yes, Sir ; I have seen plenty flogged like that.
Q, Who flogged the Indians %—A. I myself, Sh, flogged, and Crichlow flogged,
and Quintm.
Q. And who else flogged Indians ?—A. Plenty more; the Permdans, too, flogged.
Most of the employes flogged.
Q. What work did you do besides going on commissions and flogging Indians ?—
4. Alter I took sick, Sir, and couldn’t go on expeditions I was working in the station
as a cook—I cooked for the other men.
Q. You have seen quite small children flogged ?—A. Yes, Sir, boys—little boys
(holding his hand about three feet from the floor), not girls.
Q. Do you remember how much caucho ” an Indian had to bring in to satisfy
the manager ? You, no doubt, sometimes helped to weigh it and can recall some of
those weights ?—A. Sometimes it would be 20 Idlog. for one time.
Q. That means one puesta ”—one fortnight or fifteen days ?—A. Yes, Sh.
Q. How much for a Avhole “ fabrico ” by one man ?—A. A fabrico ” I think,
Sh, was from 50 to 60 Idlog. on one man. Sometimes they brought more than that, Sh.
Q. How many “ fabricos ” in one year—in twelve months—when you were there ?
—A. Tliree, Sir.
Q. So that an Indian in your time had to bring in from 150 to perhaps 200 Idlog.
of rubber in the year ?—A. Yes, Sir, quite that.
Q. And how were they paid ?—A. Eor one “ fabrico ” for four months, he gave
them a machete. Nothing more. Sir.
Q. You would swear that ?—A. Yes, Sh.
Q. You have seen that ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. So that a man would be forced to bring in, say, 50 or 60 Idlogs. of rubber and
be cruelly flogged if ho did not do so, and have his wife and children flogged, too, and
imprisoned and starved, and would get as reward for tliis one single machete ?—A. Yes,
Sir, I would swear it anywhere; I have seen it many times. Others would get a
hammock.
Q. Por how much rubber 1—A. The same amount or more than that. Sir.

102
Q. And others would be paid what ?—A. A “ tasa/’ Sir.

Q. A what 'i—A. A “ tasa ”—one of those white iron bowls.
Q. That would be given for how much rubber ?—A. The same amount, Sir.
Q. For 50 kilog.?—A. Yes, Sir; for a whole “ fabrico of rubber.
Q. How much rubber for a gun—ân “ escopeta"" ?—A. An “ escopeta ” was for
two “ fabricos.'*^
Q. That is for 100 or 120 kilog. of rubber ?—A. Yes, Sir. I had to pay them often
myself. I stood there and he (the manager) say “ take that,"’ and I would take it and
give it to that Indian he told me. I have seen it often.
Q. The Indians—did they hke being paid in this poor way ?—A. No, Sir, some of
them would be very vexed.
Q. But they could do nothing ?—A. No, Sir, they could do nothing. I have seen
an Indian get one of those white cups (he means a jug) for a “ fabrico "" and he has thrown
it on the ground and go to his house.
Q, "When you were at Santa Catahna, did you see Crichlow get into trouble ?—
A. Yes, Sh, I did.
He was then asked to describe the circumstances of Crichlow’s case.
He gave a brief account, which almost word for word agrees with Crichlow’s de-
scription, as follows :—
He saw Crichlow running to his room, did not know why, and others, the Peruvians
after him—and Crichlow came out -with a stick to defend lumself, and they round him.
He swTing the stick to keep them off, but they caught him and threw him down and beat
him and put him in the “ cepo,” and then Senor Am’eho Kodriguez came and struck him
over the head with his revolver two or three times, and cut him.
Q. And now we leave Santa Catahna. You came away in July 1908 ?—A. Yes,
Sir. I came to Ghorrera and was worldng as a fireman in the laimch “ Huitoto.” I
was there for about ten months going up and down the river the same as in the “ Callao.”
Q. And after you left her ?—A. I asked Mr. Macedo to send me to El Encanto, but
he said he could not send me there, and he sent me to Abisinia.
Q. Do you remember the date of your going to Abisinia ?—A. I leave here in Jime
—June 1909.
Q. Did you go alone ?—A. I leave with the manager, Abel Agiiero, and two other
men—one of them wâs Allen Davis and the other a Peruvian named Antonio Ahuanari.
Q. And when you reached Abisinia—did you stay there or go to Moreha ?—A. I
stayed there two weeks and then he sent me to Moreha. I was in Moreha five months.
I was doing a kind of carpentering work about the place, maldng boards and vnndows.
I was not on commissions or flogging Indians. I am quite sure I did not flog. There
were only about ten Indians workmg “ caucho ” then in Moreha.
Q. What had become of the rest ?—A. They say they had run away—Î don’t know.
Very httle rubber was brought in—ît was only with those ten Indians.
Q. Did you see any Indians killed there ?—A. I saw a man by the name of Blondel,
Armando Blondel, kill an Indian with his fist. It was a woman, she was the wife of a
“ capitan,” a “ capitan ” by the name of Terakagwo (the name is hard to pronounce).
He was a Boras Indian. He was tfie “ capitan ” of these ten Indians, and his wife was
working the land round the “ ohacara ” for the house. Blondel was the chief of the
section, and this woman and a lot more were working the land. “ He didn’t give her or
the women any food. He give them a piece of ‘ cassava ’—^very small. That woman,
the ‘ capitan’s ’ wife, she been to her house not very far from Morelia, about two hours,
to get food, Sir. In the evening-time of the same day, Sir, the time she went away to get
food, she came back and the chief Blondel asked her why she did not tell him she was
going to her house. The Indian turned and said ‘ I hungry, I been to get food ’; and he
takes up a piece of stick and he gave her two stripes on the head with the piece of stick
and after that he gave her thre'e or four blows in the chest, in the ribs. Sir, with his fist;
and the last cuff he gave her he hit her here in the nose. Sir, and five minutes after that she
died. I stood up and witnessed it. I told him what the Indian said, that she Avas hungry
and had to go for food. I know the language of the Indians. I told him that, and he
still went on beating her, and in five minutes she died. She died there on the gi’ound.”
Q. Was she a young woman ?—A. No, Sir, she was a middle-aged woman—not so
very young. Sir.
Q. Was she buried ?—A. Yes, Sir, he did bury her.
Q. What did the capitan ” do ?—A. At that time he wore in the'' copo,” in chains.
Q. In chains too ?—A< Yes, Sir, ho was chained round the neck.

103
Q. What was he in “ cepo for ?—A. Some of his men would not work. They had
run to the Caqueta to get away from working the “ caucho.'’^
Q. Do you remember the date of that ?—A. I think it was in November—about
November last yeox, 1909.
Q. Was anj^hing done to Blondel for this ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. Why was nothing done ?—A. The chief wouldn’t do him anything, because the
cliief is the same sort of man. He likes to kill Indians.
Q. You mean Aguero ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Have you seen Aguero kill Indians ?—A. No, Sir; I haven’t seen him kill Indians
—but I have seen him send “ muchachos ” to kill Indians. He has taken an Indian
man and given him to the “ muchachos ” to eat, and they have a dance ofi it.
Q. Did you see that ?—A. Yes, Sir ; I seen that.
Q. You saw the man killed ?—A. Yes, Sir. They tied him to a stake and they
shot him, and they cut off his head after he was shot and his feet and hands, and they
carried them about in the section—în the yard—and they carries them up and down
and singing, and they carries them to their house and dances.
Q. But the body, where was it left ?—A. I did not see the body where they put it.
I did not stand at the spot where they killed him, but I could see them round him where
they shot him, and they carries off their pieces of him, and they pass in front of the
manager’s house with these—^his feet and his arms and hands and head, and took them
to their own house.
Q. How do you know they ate them ?—A. I heard that they eat them. I have
not witnessed it, Sh, but I heard the manager, Senor Aguero, tell that they eat this man.
Q. The manager said all this ?—A. Yes, Sir, he did.
Q. When was this ?—A. It happen in—(a pause)—ît’s about four months ago. Sir.
Q. Do you remember the name of the man ?—A. No, Sir, I don’t.
Q. Who was he ?—A. A Boras Indian.
Q. Did you hear what he had done ?—A. He ran away, Sh.
Q. Do you know if he was one of the men brought back by Filomen Vasquez, when
Chase was with him on an expedition ?—A. No, Sir, he was not one of those men.
Q. During the time you were at Moreha how many Indians did you see Idlled ?—
A. Only that one, the woman that Blondel Idlled.
Q. When did you leave Moreha ?—A. In December last, and returned to Abismia,
and I stayed there seven months and then I came here to Chorrefa.
Q. So it was during the last seven months jmu saw the Indian cut up and eaten ?—
A. Yes, Sir, about four months ; no, it was in March or April of this year. I left Abisinia
in June and came to Chorrera.
Q. During those six or seven months you were in Abisinia did you see any Indian
killed besides this man ?—A. I saw another man shot, by name Kateiiere, but there
was no person sent to shoot him.
Q. Tell me about Katenere and how he came to be shot.—A. One evening. Sir, I
came out of my room and I saw one Indian standing up on a stump of tree in the
“ chacara.”* I were in charge of cultivating the land, Sh, and I called three of the men
that were in the house to see that Indian, Sir, and two httle ‘‘ muchachos ” boys came
too, to look to see him. Sir. The two boys said they would go to see what he is doing.
I had a mind to go, but I wouldn’t go, but the two boys says: “ I vdll go to see what he
is doing.”
And I said ‘‘ If you are going there are Indians waUdng about here that are very
mid and have arms—and I think you had better take my gun with you.” Just as the
two boys got there. Sir, there were Indians behmd a stump with guns and they start to
shoot at the two boys. One got a bullet here, in the mouth. Sir, it was right through
his hps and cheek, and the next one, that had my gun, there was another Indian come
from behind a stump, what happened I did .not see, but I think the Indian that came
from behind the stump got a bullet that pass right through here (marking his right side)
and the boy got a bullet that pass through the same place. Both of the hoys came rumiiug
back crying. Sir, both wounded. At that time I didn’t know that they had shot that
Indian, too, Sir. The boys shouted “ Its Katenere ” ! The boy came back crjpng, and
I asked him “ "Where’s my gun ? ” and he told me its in the road. As it was night-time
—dusk-time—^none of the men been to see whether he had shot an Indian or not. The
boy was in so much pain he could not say whether he had shot an Indian or not. I took
him up and carried him up to the kitchen and put him down, and he died five minutes
after I laid him down.
* Chacara, the cleared plantation or garden roimd a dwelling place.
[401] P

■/. 104
Q. Was the manager there ?—A. No, Sir, the manager vras not there that time.
Q. Who was in charge of the section ?—A. Juan Zellada, Sir.
Then the next morning myself, Zellada, and another man go out in the “ chacara ”
next morning, and looking about we saw an Indian dead—^lain down dead. This was
Katenere. We took him to the house, and his wife she were in chains in the section and
she knew and said it was Katenere.
Q, That wife was the one Vasquez and Chase brought back fromPama?—A. Yes,
Sir, that one.
Q. So Katenere really had come to look for his wfe ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Were any other Indians Idlled besides him ?—A. No, Sir, this one—^that was
all, and the “ muchacho that he had shot too.
Q. What did they do with the body of Katenere ?—^Did they bury it ?—A. Yes,
Sir. Zellada out his head ofi, and his feet and his hands—^they put these in the grave
along with the body.
Q. Did they show these members to everyone in the station ?—A. Yes, Sh; the
head they put in the river till the manager come, that the manager could see it.
Q. How long ago was this ?—A. (He thinks a long time.) At present, Sir, Tve
forgot the month; it was this year when I was in Abisinia.
Q. What has become of that wife of Katenere ?—A. AVell, Sir, I left her in Abisinia ;
I don't know if she is still there or killed.
Q. Was she in “ cepo ” then ?—A. No, Sir ; she was walking about with a chain
round her neck and hooked to her feet. That was in June last when I left Abisinia.
Q. During these last six months have you seen Indians flogged in Abisinia 1—
A. Yes, Sir ; I have seen them flogged. Excuse me, Sir, I think I've made a mistake in
the month I left Abisinia. I think it was in August or July. I can't rightly recall.
Q. And you saw plenty of Indians flogged ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Right up to the time you left ?—A. Yes, Sir ; right up to the time I left. They
were flogged for bringing in very httle “ caucho," Sir ; and not coming to the time. The
man who flogged them was a chap named Simon Angulo, a Colombian—a black chap.
They put them in “ cepo," too, and in chains, and they were often hauled up by a rope
put over the top beam of the house—^like this. (Describes it.) Their hands were tied
together and they would be hauled up by their tied hands stretched above their heads,
with their feet well ofl the ground, and kept like that for flfteen or twenty minutes, hanging
by their hands, and they were then let down and flogged.
Q. Was this done to women too ?—A. No, Sir ; only to men and boys. Boys, too—
I have seen it done to boys as well as men.
Q. How many lashes would be given when they were flogged ?—A. Fifty, twenty,
thirty, twenty-five, ten, and fifteen and five, according as they had not brought enougb
caucho." Men and boys were flogged hlce this.
Q. Were women flogged ?—A. I have seen them flogged there, but not for “ caucho,"
Sir.
Q. What were they flogged for ?—A. They were flogged if they had a son who did
not brmg enough “ caucho " ; if it's a httle boy—^too httle to be flogged—they flog the
mother.
Q. You saw mothers flogged hire that ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. With their httle son standing by ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Would the women cry when they were flogged ?—A. Yes, Sir; they cried.
Q. And did the httle boys cry when they saw their mothers flogged ?—A. Yc.s, Sir,
they did. Sir.
Q. How many have you seen flogged hire that ?—A. I've seen plenty. Sir.
Q. AU within the last few months 1—A. Yes, Sir ; up to the time I left it were going
on.
Q. How were the Indians paid for the rubber at Abisinia ?—A. Some were getting
a hammock, some an axe, some a pants (i.e., pantaloons), and some a shirt.
Q. All this for a fabrico " ?—A. Yes, for one “ fabrico " ; it depends, some gets
one, some another.
Q. Did any Barbados man flog Indians in .hbisinia, these last six months ?—A. No,
Sir; no Barbados men have flogged. That one man, Angulo, is strong—that's all he
does—^he's there for licking.
Q. Have you known of your own knowledge any of these Indians you saw flogged
during these last six months at Abisinia die from the flogging—I mean of your o^vn personal
knowledge ?—A. No, Sir, I havn't.
Q. Have you been told of anyone who died from flogging ?—A. Yes, Sir ; I have
been told.

105 •
027
Q. AVlio told you ?—A. A Peruvian, Sir.
Q, Who was that ?—A. Several of them—Âhuanari, Simon Munoz, a • Colombian,
Fatino-Froilan Patino—^plenty of them speak about it, but I can’t remember their names.
Q They said they had seen Indians die from flogging ?—A. Yes, Sh.
Q. This year ?—A. I donT know if it was this year they have told me of the Indians
being beaten to death, but they have been there a long time. Sir—before me.
Q. So you have not seen anyone Idlled in Abisinia, except the man they cut up and
ate and Katenere ?—A. That's ah. Sir. I've heard they kill plenty on expeditions, but
IVe never been on expeditions there.
Q. You were in Abisinia when F. Vasquez brought back some prisoners from the
Fama when James Chase went with him this last summer ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Do you remember the number of prisoners that Vasquez brought back to Abismia
that time ?—A. I do not remember rightly; but I should think they were about seven.
I think there were three women and fom* men.
Q. What was done with them ?—A. The men were sick because they didn’t have
no food. Three of them died from sickness—I mean from hunger. They died in Abisinia ;
they were in chains underneath the house and they died in the chains. When they were
brought in not all were very thin; some were thin but some were fat, and they were
starved there in the chains.
You would swear that they were kept thus in chains under the house ? They
got no food, or so httle food that they died of starvation ?—A. (dehberately) Yes, Sir;
I will swear that upon my oath ; I would swear it if in a court.
Q. Three men died like that ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And the women ?—A. The women were sent to another Indian house in the
section and given to their nation or their tribe.
Q. And the one man who did not die from hunger ?—A. That man, they said, Sir,
was the brother of Katenere.
Q. And what did they do to him ?—A. They said he was a brother of Katenere.
Well, that day they shot Katenere the man was in the “ cepo " with a chain, and he lift
up the top of the “ cepo " and get one of his feet out. It was in the night, and the man
on the guard heard the chain rattling. It was about half-past 7 or 8 o’clock, and he
come and see the Indian getting his feet out of the '' cepo,” and he caught him, and he
call ZeUada—Âgiiero was not there—and he himself, ZelLida, took the man and chuck
him down the stahs and shot him.
Q. He killed him ?—A. Yes, Sir ; he killed him.
Q. Were you there and saw it ?—A. Yes, Sir ; I saw it. I wâs on gur.rd at the same
time. I was up on the verandah.
Q. Dia you hear the chain too ?—A. No, Sir, I didn’t. ZeUada quarrelled with
me about that. He said I was sitting down and didn't hear that.
Q. Did they bury that man ?—A. No, Sir ; they sent him out by two Indians and
tlirow him in the bushes.
Q. How did they know it was Katenere’s brother ?—A. I don’t Icnow, Sh—that's
what they said. Vasquez, who brought him, said he was Katenere’s brother.
Q. So, then, of all the prisoners Vasquez brought back, the four men—^you think
they were four—^were kiUed : one thus and the others starved to death ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. How long after they were brought to Abishiia was it that they were all dead ?
~A. About a month or a month and a-half.
Q. And did no one give these men food ?—A. AVhen I wants to take food bo them
1 go to the cook, and he refused, saying he had no orders to give it.
Q. And ZeUada gave them no food ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. Or Agiiero ?—A. No food. Sir.
Q. So they were dehberately starved to death ?—A. Yes, Sir. The men, the “ em-
plcados,” could not give them much food. We gets very little food ourselves there—
water and a few grains of rice in the water—and we could not help them.
Q, Were those three men who died of starvation buried or thrown in the bush ?—
A. They were buried. Sir. I myself buried them and two other Indians.
Q. Have you yourself been punished ?—A. Yes, Sir, I have.
Q. Who by ?—A. By Agiiero, the manager. Sir.
Q. What for ?—A. Well, Sh*, I have charge of fifteen Indian women clearing the
land, Sh', and an Indian woman that I had talks to the next and says that I had dealings
with another Iildian woman. And the chief heard of it and called me in, and I told
him it was not so—that I did not done the act. Before he struck me he call the Indian
woman and tied her two hands behind her back, and hung her up by a rope to the top
beam of the house, aud cafi att interpreter to ask her* And the Indian woman say it
[40X] . I* 2

106
wasn’t so, Sir, and lie started to beat me—to cuf£ me and kick me—and pnt me in the
cepo ” for two days and two nigbts.
Q. For two days and two nights ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And the woman ?—A. The woman she run away the same night they put me
in the cepo,” Sir. The woman they hadn’t found, Sh, when I left.
Q. Was that all —A. That’s all. Sir.
Q. You were not flogged ? You were beaten and cufled ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Were you fed when in “ cepo ” ?—A. Yes, Sh ; they did feed me.
Q. What was the name of this woman ?—A. Her name was (Tries to remember
a long time.) I can’t remember it.
Q. What was the name of your own woman ?—A. Her name in her own people is
“ Behiji.” She is a Boras. They calls he'*’ a difierent name ; I gave her the name
“ Sophie.”
Q. And where is she ?—A. She is here now in Chorrera.
Q. And you can talk properly to her in Boras ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Who gave her to you ?—A. Mr. Macedo, Sir.
Q. When 1—A. He gave her to me in November 1908—here in Chorrera—and she
has been with me ever since.
Q. Have you any children by her ?—A. No, Sk.
Q. Do you wish to marry her ?—A. No, Sir; I am married in Barbados. I have
my wife in Barbados.
Q. Any children ?—A. No, Sir ; one that’s died. Sic, in Barbados.
Q. Then when you leave, what will become of this Indian woman Behiji ?—A. I’ll
give her back to the “ house ” {i.e., the Peruvian Amazon Company).
Q. But does the " house ” own people—human beings ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And you don’t know what will become of her after you go away ?—A. No,
Sir.
Q. What do you intend doing—^staying on here, dr do you wish to return to Bar-
bados to your own wife ?—A. I would him to go back, but as I am away a long time I
would like to get a couple of pounds more to go straight on.
Q. You mean you want to earn more money before you go away ?—A. Yes, Sk.
Q. Do you Imow how much you have now ?—A. No, Sir; I couldn’t rightly say
now, Sir. They are maldng up the lists to-day to see what I have taken out.
{Note hy consul-general.—Ê. Batson appears, by a list handed to me to-day, to have
200*97 soles Peruanos to his credit, or nearly 20L His passage from Iquitos to Barbados,
however, will take I2l.)
Q. How much money do you want to have in hand before you go home ?—A. I
want to stay till June next year—I want to have about 501. to 601., Sk; then I want
to go away.
EVELYN BATSON.
The foregoing statement was read over to Evelyn Batson and signed by him in my
presence.
ROGER CASEMENT.
Evelyn Batson left the Putumayo along with Mr. Casement and went home to
Barbados in December.
(No. 20.)
Statement of Sidney Morris made to His Majesty's Consul-General at La Chorrera on
November 1, 1910.
Born in Barbados.
Twenty-six years of age in July, 1910.
His father not living; his mother was ahve the last time ho heard of her. Has
not heard of her for three years.
Date of contract to come to the Putumayo was in the end of February 1906. He
sailed from Barbados about the 3rd March, 1906, along with about fifty other meu,
natives of Barbados. Came to the place called Colonia Riojano, where he and the
others stayed some two or three weeks waiting for a launch to bring them up the Putu-
mayo to I)a Chorrera, Arrived here, at La Chorrera, in May 1906.

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He remained about sixteen months in this agency working here at La Chorrera

and in the sections and then went to Iquitos because he was taken very ill. He was
carried to Iquitos very sick, taken to the house of Arana Brothers, attended by the
doctor, and when he recovered was employed there, in the house, as a porter or messenger
boy. He remained thus for about one year, and then he left the Ai’ana Brothers’ service
and was engaged by Captain Goode, of the Booth Company, at their work.
Stayed there about three or four months and was then employed as a steward on
a launch owned by Don Louis Felipe Morrey named the “ San Pablo,” and remained
about four months. The launch not being busy, he decided to return here as he had
no employment at Iquitos, and he was accepted by the agent in Iquitos and sent back to
the Putumayo. He returned accordingly, coming here on the 12th May, 1908. Since that
date he has been all the time in the Chorrera agency, working chiefly in the rubber sections.
In regard to the first part of his service, his contract made at Barbados was handed
back to him when he left the service of Arana Brothers at Iquitos, and his return passage
money to Barbados was paid to him there. His second contract he has in his possession
—he has it here in La Chorrera.
In regard to the first part of his service, extending from May 1905 to July 1906 (he
states he left Matanzas or Andokes in May in a hammock very ill), he -makes the following
statement:—
He was here in La Chorrera for several months as a carpenter, as he had some
knowledge of that kind. He was then sent to Bntre E-ios under Andres O’Doimell,
where he stayed, he beheves, three or four months, and whence he returned to La
Chorrera, where he worked in the store for about three months. From this he was sent
to the section of Andokes, or Matanzas, as it is often called, where he stayed until he
got sick.
At Entre Rios, during his three or four months he was employed on commissions,”
after the Indians, to help in bmlding the house and planting the ground, and that land
of work. Correri'’3,” after Indians, and general work, trjdng to get the rubber brought
in; those were his duties.
Indians were flogged. He himself did not flog any Indians, but he saw them flogged.
They were not badly flogged, only five cuts or so.” Did not see any Indians killed
there, not by himself, but heard of one being shot there. Mr. O’Donnell was kind to
the Indians, or as well as he could be imder the circumstances. The Indians worked
willingly, he thinks. There was trouble with them, but they still worked.
During his stay at Andokes, which was for about three or four months, as far as
he can remember, from December 1905, when he left here to go to Andokes—it was after
Christmas Day—and he left Andokes in the following May very ill.
During that time he was employed in “ correrias ” after the Indians until he got sick.
He did not flog Indians there, but he saw them flogged. They were badly flogged, men
and women and children. He saw a boy, a small boy, flogged to death. The Indians
were flogged by the chief, Mr. Normand, and by the better part of the employes.
Mr. Normand would give the first strokes, and up to perhaps six lashes, and then
hand on the lash to others who completed the flogging.
He saw a girl flogged to death as well as the small boy. She did not die at the
time. She lay there on the floor all night. She was a gi 1 who belonged to one of the
employes—a Colombian—and she had gone home to visit her family—her “ nation ”
—without asking leave, and when she came back the chief, i\Ir. Normand, gave orders
for her to be flogged and she was flogged, as he states, to death. The number of lashes
given to her, he believes, was 200. She lay on the floor of the house all night, unable
to move, and in the morning she was dead. She was a young gul—she had no children.
He saw other Indians killed there. He saw them taken out of the “ cepo ” and
thrown down the steps to the ground some 10 or 12 feet below, and flogged. Some were
badly flogged, and died from the flogging. These were men.
Asked if he saw any Indians shot, he hesitates and says yes, he saw them shot. Did
not himself shoot an Indian, but saw an Indian burnt alive by Mr. Normand. This
inau was shot while burning. It was done in this way. The Indian was out for some
time; he had run away, and they hunted for him, and when they caught him he was
brought in to Matanzas, and Mr. Normand asked him where he had been and where were
the rest of his people.
And the man asnwered, but Mr. Normand was not satisfied, and he had some
kerosene, and put it on the man’s head, and set fire to it, and ho told the man to go away,
and as the man went away some one shot him in the back and he fell dead.
He cannot remember the name of that man. He was an Andokes Indian ; he was
a lad, not a fully grown man. Pie saw others killed too. One ho saw burnt alive,

lOS
He was a prisoner m the “ cepo,” upon the house floor, and he was taken out and his
feet tied together, and he was thrown alive on a burning fixe of wood. They made the
fire to burn the man. He was a young man also, a bit older than the fixst he saw burnt
on the head. Mr. Hormand himself was there and did this. He saw him giving
directions, giving orders to make the fire to burn this man. He was dn Andokes man.
He does not know what this man had done.
He remembers one more, a man being killed. He was taken out to the " chacara’’
—the plantation around the house. The deponent did not go to see it. He saw them
making the preparations to burn this man. They had firewood collected out on the
“ chacara.” He saw the “ muchachos ” take the man, but did not see him killed. He
knows he was lolled, and he believes he was bu ned, because it was so ordered, and he
heard it had been done. Mr. Normand was there at the time, and gave the orders. This
man was an Andokes, but he cannot state what this man had done or failed to do. Dyall
was not at Andokes then. There was a Barbados man named Downs there ; Woodmfi,
another, was there, and a man named King, now in El Encanto ; also one named Jordan
(C. Jordan) ; also one called Thomson, who got drowned; also a young lad named
Kollstone, who died there. There were others there too, at the time he was there, but
he cannot recall all their names. Clifford Quintin was there too. Some of these were
employed to flog Indians, and all were employed on “ correrias ” save those w'ho might
be ill.
Sidney Morris stayed at Andokes till May 1906, and then came to La Chorrera and
waited here, ill, for a launch to go to Iquitos, and sailed for Iquitos on the 7th Julv,
1906.
Since his return on the 12th May, 1908, he was at first in La Chorrera, for only two
days, and then was sent to Entre Rios a second time, where he stayed four months—
about four months.
During that period he saw Indians flogged—^but not killed. They were flogged by
the Peruvian employes. He returned to La Chorrera, and was employed here about
two and a-half months in the storeroom, and then was sent to Ultimo Eetiro, where
Alfredo Montt was the chief of section. He went there in the early part of February 1909,
and stayed there till April 1909—about two and a-half months.
During that time he was employed on commissions and “ correrias,” and saw
Indians flogged. Did not see many flogged. Pie saw one Indian killed. He was
killed by the muchachos ” in the station. He was brought in a prisoner by Sidney
Morris. He, Morris, fell sick in a ‘‘ correria,” and Senor Montt sent him to the station
and to bring this prisoner in. He was given to Senor Montt already tied up by his own
“ capitan.”
• Morris brought this prisoner in and handed him over to Ocampo, and Ocampo put
him in “ cepo.” When the chief, Senor Montt, returned, after four or five days, he
ordered him (Morris) to take this prisoner up the hill, with the muchachos,” and see
that he was killed. This he did—because he was ordered to.
The “ muchachos ” shot him—they turned his face away, and shot him in various
places in the back.
Augustus Walcott was present and saw this.
This Indian was a young boy—not a man—about 14 years of age.
He said he did not want to work rubber—that was his crime. So the “ capitan ”
tied him up, to save himself, and brought him to the chief, and this was the result.
He saw no other persons killed during his stay at Ultimo Retiro.
From that station, in May 1909, he returned to La Chorrera, went to El Encanlo
on an expedition, returned to La Chorrera, was sent on one journey to Atenas and
elsewhere just round Tâ Chorrera, and then was sent to Sabana.
Stayed at Sabana, he believes, about four months, but is not quite sure—because
ho was sent to Andokes. There had been trouble there. The muchachos ” had shot
“
“ four rational men ”—Senor Bucelli and his companions. This was in August 1909,
and he (Morris) and Stanley Sealy went as a relief expedition to help in Andokes. He
stayed in Andokes from middle of August to middle of November. He got ill in An-
dokes, and returned to La Chorrera. He worked here for some time-—he cannot say
how long—and then returned to Sabana, where he has been employed ever since.
When first at Sabana F. Velarde was chief, and Senor Fonseca all the last time.
During the first spell at Sabana under Velarde it was the same kind of work-
flogging Indians, but no killing that he saw.
During the two months at Andokes, it was to hunt Indians who had run away with
the guns and clothes of the four white men who had been killed by the two “ muchachos ”
These were recovei’ed. The “ muchachos ” were caughl;—he is not sure how, One of

931
109
tlie “ muoliachos,” named Segundo, was caught. He had killed another “ muchacho,”
because they quarrelled about a plan to attack Andokes, and the boy failed to carry out
the attack, so Segundo killed him. Morris states he saw two of these muchachos ”
captured—one was Segundo and the other was a boy who belonged to Senor Bucelli, one
of the men killed.
These two boys were kept prisoners and one was in chains. They escaped and got
clean away, and they have not been caught. One of the boys was flogged and died—
he corrects himself—the one who escaped got ol? with another man; this was Segundo.
The boy who had been Bucelli’s was flogged, and died a couple of days after, while
deponent was there.
Deponent returned to La Chorrera, where he worked about six months, he thinks,
with the mason and sometimes with the carpenter, and then went to Sabana under
Senor J. I. Fonseca.
During this last period he had seen no Indians killed, but has seen them flogged.
Often flogged, every time the rubber comes round, that is to say, every fifteen days or
each “ puesta.” Some do not get flogged, but some are always flogged.
Deponent has been employed on the same land of work, on “ correrias,” but as a
rule he remained in the section at carpentering work.
SYDNEY MOimiS.
Signed by the aforesaid Sydney Morris, to whom the foregoing statement has been
read, and which he admits to be a true and faithful rendering of his statement made
to me on the 1st day of November at La Chorrera tliis 6th day of November, 1910,
before me.
EOGEE CASEMENT.
This man left the Putumayo with Mr. Casement, and found work in Brazil.
(No. 21.)
Statement of Preston Johnson made to His Majesty's GonsulrGeneral at La Chorrera on
Novenibei' 1, 1910.
Born in Barbados.
Going on 27 years of age.
Parents both living, and are in Barbados, hving at Blaclaock.
Date of engagement in Barbados to come to the Putumayo—the 26th March, 1905,
be believes. Has still got his original contract. It is in the section at Sabana. Will
bring it. Has not been all the time here on Putumayo ; was first at Nanai, where he
stayed about sixteen months, and then he went to Iquitos. He broke the contract,
because he was not satisfied with its terms, and he went away and got work in Iquitos
from Booth and Co., where he stayed a very long time, but cannot say quite how long.
Then he left Booth and Co. and came to the Putumayo of his own accord. Came on a
contract—it, too, is in the Sabana section, where he left it. The date of that was the
25th April, 1908. It was the same time as Sealey and Chase. They all came together.
He arrived here, at La Chorrera, the 12th May, 1908, and has been employed in this
agency ever since at different sections.
He was sent to Santa Catalina as his first post, and stayed there about eighteen
months.
The chief of section when he arrived was Aurelio Rodriguez, who was followed by
Senor Seminario, who is there now.
After eighteen months deponent was sent from Santa Catalina to Sabana. He
tlmiks the date of his leaving Santa Catahna was the 25th September, 1909, at which
date Senor Seminario was the chief of that section.
Asked by consul-general to state what work he had done during those eighteen months
at Santa Catahna, and to describe his duties generally, he states :—
That he was generally employed going to the houses of the Indians and bringing
them into the station with ‘‘ caucho,’' going on what are termed commissions. We went
armed, always armed, and with about fifty Winchester cartridges.
During these commissions Indians were flogged sometimes by himself and by other
employes—all of them flogged as dhected. Women would be flogged as weU as men,
also children, httle boys of about 10 to 12 years of age. The whip used was a piece of
“ danta,'' t’.e., a tapir-hide. A hidewliip of this land was carried.on the commissions for
flogging. Indians were flogged out in the forest, very many wore thus flogged by himself,

110
and others for not bringing the proper quantity of rubber and for “ running away/'
Other Indians were flogged in tbe section itself—^they were put in a movable cepo ”
(as described by Criclilow, Batson, and Walcott) and flogged thus.
Their head and arms in one part and their legs in another. It was Crichlow made
this “ cepo." This “ cepo " is not there now, it is burnt. Aureho Tlodriguez had it
burnt—ît was going to pieces, and they took it down and burnt it. He cannot recall date.
Some Indians were badly flogged. He imows of Indians who have died from flogging.
States plenty died from flogging." Is sure they died from flogging. Has seen Indians
die from flogging. States he saw “ about four " die from flogging. They did not die
in the section, but on the way home after the flogging or in their houses w'hen they got
back. This was all in the tune of Aureho Rodriguez.
Does not remember the names of any Indians who died from flogging. He was not
there when Edward Crichlow was beaten and maltreated by Aureho Rodriguez. He
got to Santa Catahna on the 29th May, 1908, and Crichlow had just gone away and he
heard about it.
During the eighteen months he served at Catahna, in addition to the numerous flog-
gings of Indians by himseh and other employes, he states he has Imown Indians to be
kiUed in other ways than by flogging. Asked to describe how these other deaths occurred,
he states he saw Indians shot with rifles and also killed by having their heads cut ofi
with machetes. Asked how many, he declares they were so many he cannot say. They
were “ a great man3^"
He is prepared to swear that he saw a great many Indians killed. He can only
repeat a great many killed in this way, by being beheaded by machetes or shot vdth
'Winchester carbines.
Sometimes they were killed in the section—^that is in the station itself—and some
out m the forest.
Some were killed for running away, others for different other causes "—^such as if
an Indian ran away and they caught him, they IdUed him. The majority of these people
were killed for trying to run away.
Has not seen an Indian die in the “ cepo " or in the chains. Has seen Indians in
chains but has not known them die from that.
Asked if he has kno\vn of Indians d}-ing from starvation, replies that in Sabana
plenty have so died in the time of Aristides Rodriguez, the brother of Aureho Rodriguez,
but that he does not know if they so died in Santa Catahna.
The Indians, he declares, were killed for not working rubber—^for running away in
order to escape from this work. Some may hke to work rubber, but others do not, and
these latter are not asked if they hke to work rubber, but are chased and killed.
That was what he was really employed for: to chase Indians, often to flog them
and alw-ays for the same offence—their effort to evade the working of rubber.
He, himself, has not killed an Indian; he is prepared to swear it. The Indians
were mostly kiUed by the “ muchachos."
He only once saw an “ empleado " (a white man) kill an Indian. Did not ever see
Aureho Roîguez IdU an Indian himself. Is sure of that. This was put to him twice,
and he rephes each time he is quite sure he has not seen Aureho Rodriquez himself shoot
an Indian, but very many were Idlled by his orders, and their heads were cut off by his
orders. He, Aureho Rodriguez, gave the muchachos " orders to Idll the Indians, women
“
as well as men—and they would be taken aside and either shot or beheaded by the
“ muchachos." Many of the same “ muchachos " a.re there now.
On leaving Santa Catahna deponent, as stated, went to Sabana, where he has been
employed ever since.
He has been engaged there in the same wa}’’—on what he terms “ correrias,” i.e.,
runnings or chasings after Indians, and commissions with the same end in view, always
to get the Indians to work rubber.
He has been in Sabana since the 25tb September, 1909, until the 27th October, 1910,
he and the others who have arrived here having taken three days to come down to Chor-
rera, arriving here on Sunday last the 30th October.
He has not flogged any Indian, not one, in Sabana, during the whole of these
thirteen months. He has seen Indians flogged. He has seen many Indians flogged—
and badly flogged. Asked who flogged them he states E. Bishop, who is at present the
servant of the consul -general. Asked who else flogged Indians, he states, the manager,
Senor Eonseca. Velarde was the chief of Sabana when he arrived and he was succeeded
by Eonseca. Eonseca has been cMcf there for two “ fabricos." Velarde he did not
see flog with his own Hands, but he has seen Eonseca flog the Indiar^ many times with
his own hands.

Ill
Has not known any Indians die from flogging in Sabana, nor has he seen them shot
there, or Idlled by cutting off their heads. He ^vill swear he has not seen Indians killed
in Sabana during tliis last j'-ear—but flogged, put in chains and put in “ cepo."" AVlien
he left Sabana, five days ago, there were Indians in chains—four, one woman and three
men ; they had been in chains for three or four months.
The woman is kept to try and make her husband to come and work “ caucho,” and
the three men in order to make their wives come in to be kept as prisoners so that they
shall go out to work “ caucho.^^
Sidney Morris, called to identify the names of these prisoners says—the “ capitan ”
is one Ijoma, the woman is the wife of an Indian named Kananumea. She has a little
boy with her. Another man whose name is not known to Sidney Morris or deponent.
These prisoners are fed, and are not starving, and they are not beaten or maltreated.
Asked about himself, he owes money to the company—102 soles Peruanos—or,
say, lOZ., but his accounts are left in the section. Asked if he wishes to remain here in
the company’s service, he states he is very doubtful. He does not truly know what to
say. If he stays here and goes back to work in the sections, he does not know what will
happen to him. Is prepared to do whatever consul-general will advise—would prefer
to leave decision to him.
PRESTON JOHNSON.
Signed by the aforesaid Preston Johnson before me this 6th day of November, 1910,
at La Chorrera after the foregoing statement made by him to me on the 1st day of Novem-
ber, 1910, had been read over to him, to which he sets his signature as being a true and
faithful rendering of the statement then made before me.
ROGER CASEMENT.
This man left the Putumayo with Mr. Casement and was brought to Brazil where
work was found for him.
(No. 22.)
Statement of Augustus Walcott made to His Majesty’s Consul-General at La Chorrera on
November 1, 1910.
Augustus Walcott called, states his age as 23.
Born in Antigua.
His father is alive and resides in Barbados ; his mother is dead. Is not married.
Date of engagement in Barbados to come to Putumayo was in October, but he cannot
state the year of this engagement.* Beheves it was six years ago. It was on the 6th
October he left Barbados with many other Barbadians, all brought by Senor A. Normand.
It was the first contingent that came, and they were for Ramon Sanchez at Matanzas.
Has lost his original contract—ît was stolen from him in Oriente.
He stopped first at Colonia Riojano on the Amazon, in Brazil, and tlien they came
straight here and he has been employed here ever since.
Has no contract now—^no fresh agreement in writing has ever been made with him,
neither on expiry of original contract which was for two years nor when the Peruvian
Amazon Company was formed. (His present engagement rests simply on a verbal agree-
ment, and his pay is entered on the pay sheets as 60 soles Peruanos per month.) He
states it is bl., and then when this entry is pointed out in the pay lists, says he was told
lie was getting 50 soles per month.
He is in debt to the company, by last account made up, 385.67 soles Peruanos or,
say, 38Z.
When first arrived at Chorrera was sent to Matanzas along with many more Bar-
bados men ; all of them that came he states.
Q. How many ?—A. There were sixty men besides three women.
Q. But they did not all go up to Matanzas ?—A. Yes, all they went up.
Q. But other Barbados men have told me that only thirty-five or thirty-six all told
went up to Matanzas at that time. Also that there were five women. How do you
account for this ?—A. Yes, it is true—I now remember. I didn’t keep good date. I
did forget.
* It was October 1904.—R. 0.
[401] Q

112
Q. "^Vliat did you do at Matanzas 1—A. I did stop there before making the expedi-
tions and did build a house first.
Q, Did any Indians come in and help to build the house ?—A. Yes, they did.
Q. How many ?—A. One day about sixteen came in, one day, to help to build the
house.
Q. Were they tied up ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Chained up, or tied ?—A. Chained.
Q. Who brou^t them in ?—A. They send me to brought in, and I didn't went.
Q. Who went ?—A. A Colombian man named Cordoba, I cannot remember his
other name, but he is not here now.
Q. And when the house was built what did you do ?—A. We made expeditions.
Q. You mean commissions to catch Indians and make them work “caucho" ?—A. Yes.
Q. Did you catch many Indians then 'i—A. We haven't catch any the first voyage
we went out.
Q. But did you catch them later ?—A. Yes, we did.
Q. And what did you do ^vith them 1—A. We brought them in the house.
Q. How did you bring them in—^tied up ?—A. They brought them tied.
Q. And chained ?—A. YTien they came to the place they put chains on them.
Q. Put them in “ cepo " ?—A. Well, the “ cepo " didn't make that time {i.e., was not
then made).
Q. Well, what was done with these Indians ?—A. Well, they keep them there for
about a month—^they kept them in chains for a month and paid them and sent them to
work “ caucho."
Q. Did any of them die while they were in chains 1—A. Cne.
Q. Were any of them flogged 1—A. Yes.
Q. How many ?—A. Two of them that I see.
Q. Who flogged them ?—A. The manager and Mr. Normand.
Q. Do you mean they flogged them themselves with their own hands ?—A. Them
own hands flogged them.
Q. ^Vho was the manager 1—A. Ramon Sanchez.
Q. How long was it before he went away ?—A. He stop about a year.
Q. Did you not all go out also to get Indians who had taken rifles from some Colom-
bians they had Idlled ?—A. No, I didn't there.
Q. But you knew of expeditions going out for this ?—H. Yes, I knew of expeditions
going.
Q. Did you see these expeditions go 1—A. Yes, I see.
Q. And return ?—A. Yes, they did.
Q. Did they bring prisoners ?—A. Yes, Sir..
Q. Do you remember how many ?—A. Ten.
Q. Indians \—A. No, they didn't bring Indians along with them—I didn't see
Indians.
Q. Who were those prisoners %—A. Colombians.
Q. You did not go yourself on that expedition ?—A. I was to go, but I meet them
on the way.
Q. Cne of them was Aquileo Torres ?—A. Aquileo Torres, Paz Gutierrez, Juan
Felipe; the other names I didn't know, I can't remember.
Q. What was done with these men ?—A. They brought them to Matanzas and put
them in “ cepo " the night, then in the morning they bring them to Sabana. They take
them from Sabana and bring them to Criente. They was there for the time being. The
time that they was there was about four months. They carried the rest of them away
and leave three of them. They carry seven of them away (i.e., release ohem) and leave
three of them.
Q. Do you not remember if when these ten Colombians were brought to Matanzas
there were Indians as prisoners also with them 1—A. No, I cannot remember because
I didn’t see. I did not go exactly to the spot where they bring, because I wasn’t employe
of that section of Matanzas when they was brought there.
Q. "Vêre were you ?—A. I was in Criente.
Q. When did you leave Matanzas then ?—A. I leave Matanzas together with Ramon
Sanchez and he bring me to Chorrera. I have both my hands injured in Matanzas, my
arms, and he leave me there. Mr, Normand is the cause of that.
Q. What do you mean by that ?—A. He send me to bring this Indian to flog and
I didn't went for him ; and Cordoba went for him, the Indian himself. He Icnew that
them was going to flog him, and when they take the chain from the Indian neck he tell
him to follow him; and then he tell me to follow the Indian, and I could not follow him.

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and the Indian run, and they fire bullets after him ; well, they didn’t shoot him then.
Then after that another Indian that was inside in the yard they flog him. The “ capitan
of these Indians was a prisoner. His son was not prisoner; and he told the son to go
for the arm that he had—a gun—that they should let him go and not make him in prison
any more. And that same day, when the man bring the gun in, they hold down on him
—the same man that bring the gun.
Q. What did they do to him ?—A. They hanged him up.
Q. By the neck ?—A. Yes, he did die—^he died.
Q. And the father ?—A. The father, they killed him too.
Q. How did they kill him ?—A. They hanged him, and they beat him with dry
swords. (He means the “ sword or machete was used as a stick, not to cut and pierce.)
Q. And what has this to do with your arms being injured ?—A. Well, I am telling
you now.
Q. Go on ?—A. I say. that not the way to chastise any person.
Q. Who did you say it to ?—A. I say it to myself, and Mr. Normand hear.
Q. And what then ?—A. I say it was brutishness.
Q. Yes ?—A. And after that he heard me he say I’ll be punished for it. They didn’t
do me anything that time. We fall short of feed, and we needed to go out in the Indian
ground to look for something to eat. That day I didn’t went; and I was hungry, and
I see a girl had a Httle flour—farinha—and I beg her for a httle and she gave me a little.
Another young man named Arnold Benn, a Barbadian, at the night went and stole it—
Q. Stole what ?—A. Stole the balance of flour what the girl leave,* the Indian.
And they say I the person that stoled it, because they seen me with a little, with some
that the girl have give me. I told them no, that it did not so, that the girl has give me
a httle. They told me iio, that you’s the person that stoled it, and I had evidence to
see that didn’t stoled it.
Q. You had evidence ?—A. Yes, I did. I say, no. They tell that you be punished
and I say no, that not so. They sent two of my country men. Barbadians, to hold me.
I tell them, don’t you hold me, and neither one didn’t hold me. Mr. Normand he came
hisself and hold me. I asked him why the reason that he hold on to me, and he say I’s
to be punished, and he tied me up by the shoulders about half-an-hour he tie me up then.
They fling a rope across a post they had there, like a gallows, and they hang me up there
and the manager beat me with a sword—Êamon Sanchez. They had me there for half-
an-hour hanging, and then they let me go. I couldn’t use my hands for two months.
Q. Were you hung up again ?—A. Only one time—only that one time.
(Here the witness is confronted with John Brown’s statement to the Commissioner
of Montserrat that “ Augustus Walcott was hanged up by Normand in 1905 for six hours.”
He repHes that, “ that is so,” that he got unconscious and did not know how long he had
been hung up, and that some said it was half-an-hour and sorne six hours. It clearly
could not be both, and the man’s ignorance and slowness make it difficult to follow him,
or rather so tedious to come to the point that much time is lost in putting questions and
getting redundant ans.wers. He contradicts himself from stupidity.—R. C.)
Q. Did you see James Percy hung up by Normand ?—A. Yes, they did hanged
him up.
Q. Did you see it ?—A. Yes, I see it.
Q. How long was he hung up ?—A. About an hour. I didn’t have any watch to
keep the time, but I judge about that, about an hour.
Q, Was he beaten 1—A. Yes, they did, with the dry sword.
Q. Then how long were you in Matanzas altogether 1—A. I stop in Matanzas
thirteen months. . ^
Q. And during that period did you flog Indians yourself ?—A. No, I didn t.
Q. Did you see Indians flogged ?—A. Yes, I see the Indians flogged.
Q. Plenty ?—A. No, not many.
Q. Not many Indians flogged ?—A. Not many that I see. I see the Indians
flogged that Ramon Sanchez flogged, and they died from the flogging.
Q. How many died from this flogging ?—A. Two of them, that I see.
Q. What had they done, the Indians ?—A. They didn’t done; they said that the
Indians had killed white people.
Q. You only saw two die from flogging ?—A. Only two die from flogging.
Q. How many Indians did you see flogged in Matanzas ?—A. I only see two oi
them flogged.
* Had in her possession. ^
[401] Q 2

114
Q. No, you saw two die from flogging ?—A. Yes, but I see only two flogged.
Q. Then the two you saw flogged were both killed by the flogging ?—A. Yes, they
both died from the flogging.
Q. Who flogged these men to death %—A. Ramon Sanchez flogged them, both of
them, with Mr. Normand helping him.
Q. Did you see any other people killed ?—A. A white man got shot.
Q. Who shot him '?—A. A Colombian named Cordoba.
Q. But you saw no Indians shot ?—A. No—în Matanzas—no. I see them shot
out in the expeditions, but in the house not.
Q. How many did you see shot in the expeditions ?—A. I see a matter of about
ten of them, women and men.
Q. Were they running away ?—A. Yes, the Indians had run away, and they went
to the house.
Q. Did they burn the house ?—A. Yes.
Q. And shot the Indians as they came out ?—A. Yes.
Q. That’s what you saw ?—A. I saw that.
Q. Did you know of Indians who died of hunger in the '' cepo ” or in chains ?—
A. I hear after I leave of that, of plenty.
Q. You never saw Mr. Normand kill children ?—A. No, I didn’t see him; I didn’t
be there when he was manager.
Q. Have you heard that Mr. Normand killed Indian children ?—A. I heard so;
when I was in another section I heard it.
Q, Who told you 1—A. I heard the other whites speak about it.
Q. What section ?—A. In Oriente.
Q. What whites ?—A. Peruvians.
Q. Do you remember their names ?—A. No, I couldn’t.
Q. Then you yourself, when in Matanzas, did not flog any Indian or shoot one ?~
A. No, whatsoever neither one. Not shoot, nor flog, because they told the Indians
that we was Indians too, and eat those.*
Q. When you left Matanzas did you leave Joshua Dyall there ?—A. Yes, I leave
him there.
Q. You never saw DyaU kill an Indian 1—A. No, Sir.
Q. Did you hear that he killed an Indian ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. Never ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. Dyall told me that he himself had killed several Indians by Mr. Normaiid’s
orders. Did you never hear him speak of this ?—A, No, I haven’t heard it; I never
hear him speak of it. Only one time I meet Dyall here since I leave Matanzas.
Q. Then you know nothing about that ?—A. No, nothing.
After leaving Matanzas deponent came to La Chorrera and stayed about a month,
and then was sent to Oriente, where Fidel Velarde was chief. He stayed two years at
Oriente, he thinks, up to 1907. During those two years he was engaged nearly all the
time on expeditions and “ inspecting ” “ caucho.” These expeditions were not to catch
Indians—the Indians were working; it was only to see the caucho ” brought in.
The Indians were flogged during his stay in Oriente many times—men, he states,
only ; no women and no children—only those that were working ‘‘ caucho.” *
^ked if he was at Oriente when Edward Crichlow was there, he replies “ No,” but
explains that Crichlow came there while he was already there, and he thinks Crichlow
stayed there about three luonths, but is not quite sure.
Asked if he saw Indians killed while he was in Oriente, he says that he did, that
he saw about four get killed. Two died from flogging and two others were shot. They
were young men, all four. These were all he saw killed. He also saw Aquileo Torres
in chains there. He was beaten, lacked, and abused. He lost plenty of blood; he
saw this. He thinks that Aquileo Torres was in chains there for about two years, but
he didn’t keep the date.
After leaving Oriente the deponent was sent to Santa Catalina, where he remained
about eight months, where he was similarly employed on commissions to make the
Indians work “ caucho ” and to hunt for them, so as to make them, by force, come in
and work rubber.
Many Indians were caught in this way, and tied up, and brought in to the section
tied up. They were then put in “ cepo,” often in chains, too, and flogged also. Aurelio
Rodriguez was the chief of Santa Catalina then.
He saw there the double “ cepo,” for head and arms and for feet, as described by
See later. Explanation made on November 6,1910, ,

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Criclilow, and knows it was made by Crichlow. He saw children put into it, quite
small children—the legs of the “ cepo ” slid up so as to hold them—and saw these
children flogged like that while thus stretched in the “ cepo.”
He saw many Indians flogged during his time in Santa Catalina, repeats “ very
many ” men, and women, and children. States Batson was there during the time he
was there.
Saw many Indians killed during his stay in Santa Catalina.
Asked “ How many do you think ? ” he answers—
“ I imagine—I think that I see killed with my own eyes about twenty—women,
and men, and children—shot, and beheaded, their heads cut ofl with a machete.”
Q. And you say you saw Indians burnt ?—A. Yes.
Q. Burnt alive ?—A. Alive.
Q. How do you mean ? Describe this ?—A. Only one I see burnt alive.
Q. Well, tell me about that one ?—A. He had not work “ caucho,” he ran away
and he kill a “ muchacho,” a boy, and they cut off his two arms and his legs by the
knee and they burn his body.
Q. And he still living ?—A. Yes, he still living.
Q. Did they tie the body up and burn it so ?—A. They didn’t tie him up. They
drag the body and they put plenty of wood and set fire to it, and throw the man on it.
Q. Are you sure he was still alive—not dead when they threw him on the fire ?—
A. Yes, he did ahve. I’m sure of it—I see him move—open his eyes, he screamed out.
Q. Was he a young man ?—A. A young man—about 24 years of age.
Q. What tribe—^what family of Indians ?—A. Well, I could not say. I did not
know the people then because I newly went there.
Q. Was Aureho Eodriguez looking on—all the time ?—A. Yes, all the time.
Q. Giving directions ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. He told them to cut off the legs and the arms ?—A. Yes.
^ Q. And then to put the man on the fire ?—A. Yes.
Q. Where were you ?—A. I was standing up watching it.
Q. Had you a gun ?—A. No, I didn’t have no gun then—I was cooking that day.
Q. Did they burn the body to pieces ?—A. Yes, everything burnt to ashes.
Q. Did you know of any Indians die from flogging at Santa Catalina ?—A. No,
Sir.
Q. Did you hear of them dying from flogging ?—A. I heard that they died after
they went home.
From Santa Catalina deponent was sent to Ultimo Retiro, where he stayed about
eight* months under Alfredo Montt. Does not remember clearly, but thinlcs it was
November last year, 1909, because Montt left soon after. Saw many Indians flogged
by Montt’s orders when at Ultimo Retiro. Badly flogged—put in “ cepo ” too. Does
not know of Indians who died from flogging there, but saw three Indians killed in the
station itself. Corrects himself as to date. It was in November 1909 he left Ultimo
Rctiro, so that Montt was chief there all the time he was there ; that is from, say, about
March or April of 1909. During this period of eight months he saw three Indians—
two men, prisoners, and one woman, also a prisoner—who were killed. They were shot
by Montt’s orders. They had not been wilhng to work “ caucho.” He said they were
giving bad advice to the others telling them not to work. They were put in the “ cepo ”
and he then had them shot.
Q. Were they flogged ?—A. Yes.
Q. Badly flogged ?—A. No, not badly flogged.
Q. Who flogged them ?—A. He called me to flog them.
Q. Did you do it ?—A. I tell him that I didn’t know to do it, and he tell me No,
that you know, and you must flog them.
Q. And you did it 'i—A. Yes, Sir, the lashes I give half went on the earth—I try
not to hurt them, I don’t leave the wheal on them.
Q. Were they then taken away and shot ?—A. No.
Q. What happened then ?—A. He keep them in the “ cepo ”—they stop there
about a month—and after that their family didn’t come to show any face with “ caucho.”
He ordered them to be shot by the interpreters—the “ muohachos.”
Q. And you saw this done ?—A. Yes, I saw it done.
Q. Were they buried ?—A. Yes.
Q. This was about what date ?—A. I could not really tell the date, but it was
after April of last year. It was between April and November. I quickly leave there
after that and go to Bntre Bios.

116
Q. So it- was nearer November 1909 than April ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Those were the only people you saw killed in the section ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Did you see Indians killed out in the forests or on expeditions 1—A. Yes,
Sir, two.
Q. Men ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. How were they killed 1—A. Shotted.
Q. What for %—A. They didn’t work any ‘‘caucho.”
Q. Who shot them %—A. The “ muchachos.” The “ muchachos ” were told by
the manager, by Montt; they went and caught the Indians out in the house where
the Indians meet to put their “ caucho,” and they were shot there. The “ muchachos ”
caughted them and bring them there. I saw this. Those Indians had .runned and
wouldn’t work. Mr. Montt was there at the house inspecting the “ caucho,” and when
the muchachos ” brought in these two men he had them shot.
Q. Were they buried 1—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Did you see any more Indians killed ?—A. One woman, belonging to one of
the white men—one of the employes. She was shotted.
Q. Who by %—A. Montt. ^
Q. What for ?—A. He said she had dealing with another Indian, and she has a
white man for a husband, and so he shot her.
Q. Did he shoot her himself, with his own hand ?—A. Yes, Sir, three of them
shoot her.
Q. Who were the three ?—A, Montt, Plaza—
Q. This Plaza who is here to-day at Chorrera ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Go on.—A. Montt, Plaza—^beg pardon, it was not Plaza; there were only two
of them—^Montt, Lopez—only these two and then the muchacho ” boys finish her.
Q. Who was the white man who claimed her as his wife ?—A. Valasquez. He
want to shoot her.
Q. How long ago—before you left Ultimo Retiro was it ?—A. About two months
before I leave. '
From Ultimo Retiro, deponent was sent to Entre Rios, where he stayed about six
months under Andres O’Donnell.
Q. Did you see Indians flogged there ?—A. Yes, I did.
Q. Did you see many Indians flogged there 1—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Who by %—A. Me.
Q. By yourself ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Who told you to do it ?—A. The manager, O’Donnell.
Q. What did you flog them for 1—A. They didn’t work plenty “ caucho,” and some
ran away.
Q. Why did you flog them 1 Why did you not refuse to do so ?—A. I did refuse.
Q. Well ?—A. He tell me I must do it—that I am an employe of the house, and
I’se got to do whatever they send me to do.
Q. When did you leave Entre Rios 1—A. I leave there about two months ago.
Q. And where did you go to ?—A. I went to the Sabana section, and I’ve been
there till now.
Q. During those six months you were at Entre Rios ?—A. I told you eight months
I stop at Entre Rios. I stop there two “ caucho ” seasons for two “ fabricos.”
Q. I see. You went from Ultimo Retiro to Entre Rios in November 1909 and
you left for Sabana in August 1910—that would be about the dates ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Between nine and ten months ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And during those nine or ten months up to August last in Entre Rios you
yourself have flogged plenty of people ?—A. Yes, Sir. I have order to do it.
Q. You flogged them badly ?—A. No, Sir ; I take a part for the Indians.
Q. What do you mean ?—A. I would not like to have the Indians done in a
brutish way.
Q. What was the most number of blows you gave an Indian in Entre Riosi—
A. In Entre Rios only three lashes—every Indian three lashes.
Q: Did you flog women too 'i—A. No, Sir.
Q. During those nine months you were there did you see any Indians killed?—
A. No, Sir. .
Q. Or did you hear of any killed ?—A. No, Sir, he likes the Indians, the manager;
so as he don’t do them any danger. He chastises them to make them work.
Q. And then when you left Entre Rios you went to Sabana ?—A. Yes, Sir.’

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Q. Under whom ?—A, Fonseca.

Q. Have you flogged Indians there 'i—A. No, Sir.
Q. Have you seen them flogged ?—A, Yes, Sir.
Q. Who by ?—A. By the manager himself.
Q. With his own hands ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. How ?—A. With a sword, a machete.
Q. Not with a whip ?—A. No, Sir.
Q. None flogged with a whip ?— 4. He told me one day to flog two of them, and
I told him no.
Q. What then ?—A. Well, he flogged them his own self. With a sword he give
them three lashes apiece with a machete.
Q, Where do they flog with a machete ?—A. On the shoulders.
Q. Does it hurt very much ?—A. Yes, it do.
Q. Does it cut the skin ?—A. No, Sir ; it leaves the wheal on the back.
Q. It doesn’t break bones ?—A. No, Sir; but it hurts very much—it pains them.
Q. Do they scream out ?—A. No, Sir; when you gives them two or three lashes
they don’t scream.
Q. Did you see people killed in Sabana ?—A. Only one.
Q, This last time ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. Who was it ? Tell me the facts.—A. The “ muchachos ” killed him. "We was
out on an expedition, looking for Indians to get rubber, and one of the Indians we were
looking for have guns, and he was killing plenty of Indians, he was killing the Indians
that was working rubber, and we went to look for him. At the same time we went on
and we met signs of where the Indians had run, and we stopped to see if we could trace
the marks, and the manager told me to go and see, and the boys came back and told
him where the Indians were, and he sent them to see and we stopped there half-an-hour,
and then I was sent to see what it was with two other assistants, and we find one Indian
has died—^the boys had shot him. The manager was very annoyed about it. The house
give order not to shoot any Indians.
Q. When did the house give that order ?—A. The house give it many times, but
the managers in the bush would not mind it, they g9 on. They hide it from the
authority of the house.
Q. When you were in Santa Catalina was Evelyn Batson there ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And Clifford Quintin ?—A. Yes, Sir.
Q. And how many more Barbados men ?—A. Edward Crichlow—no others.
Q. Did you all flog Indians there ?—A. Yes, Sir, all. I flog, Crichlow flog, all flog
them.
Q. And you flog them badly there ?—A, No, Sir.
Q. None of you ?—H. No, Sir ; none of us flog them badly that I see with my eyes
—none of them flogged them badly.
Q. Did any Barbados man kill an Indian there while you were there ?—J. One,
that I knows, did—Crichlow—no, Quintin, Clifford Quintin.
Q How did he kill him ?—A. He cut off his head.
Q. Who told him to ?—A. I saw it done.
Q. Who told him to do it ?—.4. The man in charge of the expedition—Lopez
Rodriguez—I mean Eodolfo Rodriguez.
Q. That was the only one that a Barbados man killed ?—A. That was the only one.
Q. That woman that was Idlled at Ultimo Retiro by Montt and Lopez, was she the
wife of an Indian ?—A. No, Sir ; of a white man.
Q. I know. But had she been the wife of an Indian ?—A, Yes, Sir.
Q. Then she was taken ffom an Indian to give to Velasquez ?—A.. I could not
rightly say—I knew her as a white man’s wife—three whites had her, this same woman.
Q, Who were these white men had this one Indian woman ?—A. Ocampo, Cabrera,
Velasquez—the one I called Spice. All in Ultimo Retiro.
Q. She was passed from one on to the other ?—A, Yes, Sir, and the last time that
she leave she went to her people, and stay there two months and the last white man,
Velasquez, when she was with him she have an Indian for her husband, but she didn’t
tell the truth. He ask her if she have a husband, and she say no, and she had a husband,
and still told a lie. And she was sent home for a time, and then she went with the other
liusband, the Indian, that she have on the mountain,* and the manager hear of it, and
lie kill her for that, that she have dealing with the Indian.
Q, I see. I think that is all. You have told me all your dealings with the
company truthfully in answer to my questions ?—A, Yes, Sir.
* “ On the mountain,” i.e., in the forest.

118
Q. Is there anything you want to say to me 1—A. I'd ask you to help me to get
out of here. I want to get out of here, and if you can help me to get away and put me
in a place where I can work and get a few pence to go home to my coimtry I would like
to go.
AUGUSTUS WALCOTT, his x mark.
Witness to Augustus Walcott, his X mark :

WALTER FOX, Retired Civil Servant, late Superintendent
of Forests, Straits Settlements.
Signed before me by the aforesaid Augustus Walcott this 6th day of November,
1910, at La Chorrera, after the foregoing statement has been read over by me to him
which he declares to be a true and faithful rendering of his statement to and inten’ogatory
by me on the 1st day of November, 1910.
ROGER CASEMENT.
Explanations hy Augustus Walcott.

Augustus Walcott, called on to explain the answer given by him to one of the
questions put on the 1st November, namely, that wherein he stated : “ because he told
the Indians that we was Indians too, and eat those—”
States that this meant that Senor Normand to frighten the Indians told them that
the negroes were cannibals, and a fierce tribe of cannibals who eat people, and that if
they did not bring in rubber these blacl^T men would be sent to kill and eat them.
This is what he meant to say. Senor Normand had so described the Barbados men
on bringing them among the Andokes Indians, in order to terrify the Indians.
ROGER CASEMENT.
At La Chorrera, November 6, 1910.
(No. 23.)
Statement of James Mapp, a native of Barbados, made to His Majesty’s Consul-
General at La Chorrera on Novemhet' 2, 1910.
Age 26.
Parents : father dead, mother he is not sure of, because he has been away from the
island a long time.
Was engaged for Arana's by Abel Alarco, on the 6th October, 1904, and brought
here by Senor Normand. The contract was for two years. It is lost, but he has a second
contract made subsequently in Iquitos. It is in Santa Catalina where his wife and child
and his things are.
When first arrived from Barbados he came straight from Manaos to the Putumayo
in a launch called the “ Paz de Carvalho," which brought them to the mouth of the
Putumayo, and there they were transhipped into a launch called the “ Putumayo ” and
brought up to La Chorrera.
There were thirty-six Barbados men and five women came, all told. After a brief
stay in Chorrera the whole party, headed by Ramdn Sanchez and Normand, set out for
Andokes—J. Dyall, Clifford Quintin, Augustus Walcott, Ed. Crichlow, Allen Davis.
Siefert Greenidge, and W. Leavine, of the Barbados men still here, were of the party.
All the men were armed and each with 200 cartridges. On arrival at Andokes they
were set to build a house as there was only a small Indian hut and then they worked at
the plantation, or “ chacara," a little for two days. After that he was cooking in the
station for the other men. He had arrived there in the end of November 1904 and left
Andokes in January 1906. He was not sick.
During this period of about two months he was not on commissions but worked
only in the station. One day deponent saw Senoi: Ramdn Sanchez cause a young Indian
man to be tied up by his hands twisted beliind his back to a cross polo and then flog the
man. He beat him with a sword, or machete, first and then stabbed him with it, and
when the boy was released he fell dead on the ground. As far as the deponent could
understand the reason for this was that the young man had not guided Senor Sanchez

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correctly through, the forest. This was what Senor Sanchez said. Deponent also
saw an Indian chief, a “ capitan '' of the name of Nefideko, a Muinanes “ capitan,'' hung
up in the same way and very badly flogged. He was hung up thi-ee times in the same
way. He was flogged and then, stabbed with a machete in several places. He was cut
across the head also, and sickened and died. This treatment was going on for about
eighteen days until the man died.
James Mapp does not know what this chief had done. Did not see other Indians
killed but saw them flogged in the station. Was also witness of Augustus Walcott’s
ill-treatment by Senor Normand. Beheves that Walcott was hung u]3 for about one hour
and he was beaten with a sword, or machete, and when released he could not use his
arms.
Was not there when Cyril Atkins shot the woman. That occurred after he .left
Andokes. Has not heard Joshua Dyall speak of Indians he has killed. Knows nothing
about it.
During the time he was at Andokes no rubber was brought in, the employes under
Sanchez and Normand were hunting for Indians.
During these two months about 180 Indians came or were brought in to work
rubber, but owing to the bad treatment they got they ran away. They were often
flogged.
On leavinÂndokes he came to La Chorrera where he stayed twelve days ; he went
to a section called Gondar, since completely abandoned. It was done away with five
years ago. He stayed there about three months. The chief was a Mr. Richards, “ a
sort of American-Peruvian.” (This is Enoch Richards, since dead and buried in
Chorrera. His remains were brought to Chorrera in 1908.—R. C.)
During these three months James Mapp made one commission with Mr. Richards
hut did no other work. He was simply there to hunt Indians. They caught no Indians
at all, no one was killed. They got no rubber because they caught no Indians. Gondar
lay between Abisinia and Santa Juha in the Boras country. It lay one and a-half days
from Abisinia. This j\Ir. Richards went away from Gondar to Abisinia and was shot by
an Indian about six months after. James Mapp did not see this Mr. Richards Idll or
flog Indians, but he Imew of an Indian he ordered to be killed on a commission which
occurred while he (Mapp) was at Gondar.
On leaving Gondar he was sent on to Abisinia whei’e Senor Agiiero was chief.
Senor Agiiero, and this Mr. Richards were together as “ some kind of partners.” This
was about the middle of 1905. Mr. Richards was there up to August 1905 when he
got shot. James Mapp stayed in Abisinia for eighteen months, for he remembers the
actual date he left that section was the 19th October, 1906. During these eighteen
months his sole employment was going on commissions, hunting Indians, to try to catch
them to make them work rubber. Many Indians were caught—men, women, and
children—chiefly Boras Indians. They were tied up {ind brought into the station.
Many that refused to come or did not want to come in were killed. He has seen so
many killed there that he can’t remember all of thein. He lias seen men, women, and
childi’en Idlled—Idlled for no reason at all except that they would not work rubber.
Some were shot, some were beheaded with a machete. He has seen women and children
beheaded and has seen the little babies taken from their mothers and thrown away
alive.” Asked to explain this phrase he explains that sometimes when the mother was
killed they threw the babies away ahve, to die thus ; at other times they would smash
their heads against trees or throw them into the river. These crimes were committed
generally by the Indian boys or “ im,ichachos ” acting under orders from the chief, Senor
Agiiero. Indians were flogged, and he has seen Indians die from the flogging, women as
well as men. There were twenty-one Barbados men in Abisinia at the time he was
there. They were sent from Chortbra there to hunt the Indians thus under Senor
Agiiero’s orders.
Asked if he can recall the names of the Barbados men, he says, “ Yes,” and gives
the following list:—
John Brown. Joshua Ford.

James Henry. Alfred A. Voiss.
Albert AVest. Robert Scandleburg.
FitzGerald Archer. Albert Stuart.
Nathaniel Cadogan. James Clark.
Joseph Stokes. Eleazer Rock.
Sinclair Smith, Hemy Jacob.
Joshua Criohley. Robert Isaacs.

120 '
Caimot at present remember the names of others. Recalls now two more :—
Edgar Prescott. Mackay Clark
He cannot recall the remainder; will try to do so, and will tell consul-general
later on if he remembers.
All were armed, and were employed solely on commissions, hunting the Indians for
rubber. Has not seen a Barbados man kill an Indian in Abisinia. They did not flog
the Indians ; this was done by a Colombian negro named Simon Angiilo. This man is
still there.
Simon Angiilo was the flogger, and it v/as from floggings he gave that witness saw
Indians subsequently die. Elnows of Indians who died in ‘‘ cepo,” of starvation chiefly.
Many died hke that. He saw them die. Many of them from being starved to death.
They were often kept long in “ cepo and given no food. Never saw an Indian killed
by Agiiero as food for his dogs, nor has he heard of that; but has known of Indians who
were killed being “ casually ’’ eaten by the dogs. Has seen that actually “ about four
or five times in Abisinia station itself. He saw the dogs eating the limbs of dead
Indians—people who had been killed. Augusto Jimenez was there then. He was
acting as second chief, under Agiiero. He has seen Jimenez send his Indian wife to kill
an Indian man. She was sent with a rifle by Jimenez to kill the man, and James Mapp
saw it done. This was between Abisinia and Gondar, on a commission. That was
the same “ wife that Jimenez has now—^the very same. She was a young woman—
a girl.
Has seen Jimenez have Indians burned, but not burned alive. They were shot and
beheaded also, and then burned. This to men and children too, and to women. Many
cases ; he often saw this. Both Agiiero and Jimenez- would do this.
Never saw Jimenez put kerosene on an Indian and set fixe to him, but has heard
of it being done by him. He has heard the Barbados men talk of it, but did not see it
himself. Did not hear of it from Peruvians. In the month of January 1906 he saw
about thirty Indians, men and women, killed by Jimenez at night. This was on a
commission; he (Mapp) was one of it. They had caught these Indians in the forest
and were bringing them to Abisinia. Asked what happened, he states as follows ;—
“ About half-past 8 I was on guard, and I heard the Indians ‘ telephoning,' as we
call it—^beating the big drum, the ‘ manguare ’—and I told Jimenez that there was a
drum beating in such a direction, and he called out to the interpreter—a boy named
Jose Maria, a Boras, who is there now in Abisinia (he is an interpreter who speaks
Spanish), and he told him, ‘ Listen to the manguare " to hear what it says.’ And he
went out and hstens, and he comes and says that the ‘ manguare ’ says the Andokes is
calling the Boras to come and help to Idll us where we slept last night. And through
that he told him to take all those Indians out of the ‘ cepo ’ and have them Idlled.
There was one man that didn’t die—an old fellow—and he took leaves and set fire to
him, and. he was burning and calling out. He was alive when they burnt him because
he roUed about and called out. They cut his neck first, but he didn’t die then—not
tiU he was in the fire. Jimenez did not set fire to the house because we slept there.”
Asked if they did not run away that night after Idlling those Indians, he states
“ No ” ; that they slept there all night in that Indian house. These people were killed
not because Jimenez was frightened and wanted to run away, but only because the
“ manguare ” was beating and calhng the Indians—only for that reason.
This happened about six hours from Moreha in the Boras country. It was about
the month of January 1906. There were other Barbados men on that commission who
witnessed this act. John Brown was one of them, Nathaniel Cadogan also. Henry
Jacob, Sinclair Smith, and himself (James Mapp)—all were present, saw these Indians
Idlled, and the old man bmnt—and slept that night in the house.
I here read to James Mapp the paragraph &om Captain "Whiffen’s letter recording,
as affirmed by John Brown, tliis incident. James Mapp says it is not true as told by
Brown. Only the one man was burnt—and the party did not run away that night,
but slept there on the spot, and it was not one of the captives who read the drum’s
message to Jimdnez, but the “ rauchacho,” Jose Maria. Otherwise the story as related
by Captain 'Whiffen- is true, to the killing of the Indians, and jit occurred in January
1906. I also read to him the paragraph from Captain Wliiffen’s' letter in which occurs
Brown’s statement as to the shooting ofi of an Indian prisoner’s , to be the prize
in the competition between Agiiero and Jimdnez. He declares he did not witness this
spectacle, but has heard of it. It occurred after he left Abisinia when he was with

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Carlos Miranda, cliief then of Puerto Carlos, a station that is now abandoned. He has
heard it spoken .of by several of the Barbados men v/ho were left behind in Abisinia,
after he came away, who state they were eye-witnesses of this deed.
Proceeding with his general statement as to the condition of Abisinia in 1906,
James Mapp states he frequently saw women shot and beheaded. They were killed
for all sorts of reasons. They were innocent. They had not really done anything
wrong that he knew of. They were killed for sport by this man Agiiero now here in
La Chorrera to-day. He saw Agiiero send to have a man Idlled, in Abisinia, because
he had only one foot and could not walk. He sent a “ muchacho ” to kill this man.
There were about eight Indians killed that morning. Agiiero had just arrived from
Iquitos. He went to Iquitos sick and he returned; and the morning after, drinking
a couple of glasses, he went down below the house, underneath, and he saw some Indian
prisoners and he enquired where they came from, and he was told by Jimenez that those
Indians had not long been caught, and he sent and called the boys and sent these Indians
out one by one to the “ chacara ” to be Idlled.
“ They were aU shot. The man with one foot was one of them. He went hopping
along. I saw them shot; it made the water come in my eyes to see them. They had
been starved, too, before this. After shooi/ing them, they had them burned also.”
It was in 1906 this occurred, and James Mapp and other Barbados men then in
Abisioia saw it, some of the same men whose names he gave before.
I read to James Mapp some of the extracts from M. F. Camacho’s statement of the
20th February, 1908, which he says are true, except as regards the cutting up of the
chief and giving him to the dogs, of which he had no knowledge.
The floggings, he states, were almost daily, and that many Indians died from efiects
of them, becoming putrid and full of maggots. Also that quite small boys, “ chohtos,”
were armed and made to killed their defenceless countrymen, as described by Camacho.
James Mapp, on leaving Abisinia, came to Puerto Carlos at the mouth of the Avio
Parana, a stream that flows into the Cahuinari, in the Boras country, where he stayed
for nine months imder Carlos Miranda.
Asked was he a good man, he says, Yes, he was.” Asked if he had people killed,
he states that Miranda had no Indians there. They went there to foimd that station,
and for a time they were building a house, and made only one commission to try and
get Indians. On that commission they caught about six Indians, between men and
women, and brought them into the station. They were not tied or put in “ cepo,” they
were set free upstairs in a room and were fed and had clothes and several other things
given to them, and they agreed to work rubber and were allowed to go. They stayed
for some tune around the house, and were never ill-treated. During those nine months
he did not see Carlos Miranda ill-treat any Indians and neither flog nor kill them.
Nathaniel Cadogan, Joseph Stokes, F. Archer, and Sinclair Smith, as well as himself,
were at Puerto Carlos at this time.
On leaving Puerto Carlos he came to La Chorrera, in July 1907 he believes this was.
Senor Miranda was left at Puerto Carlos. James Mapp was kept here about eigliteen
days and was then sent back to Abisinia, where he stayed four months, until about the
end of November 1907.
During these four months he was not on commissions. He was kept in the house
doing guard and other Httle things, and he did not see flogging during those months.
He saw one man, the interpreter, Jose Maria, with his bowels protruding from a woimd
in the abdomen given with a “ sword,” or machete. He did not see how it occurred,
but he was told it had occurred in this way: Jose Maria was accused of plotting to loll
Agii,ero and Jimenez, and was made a prisoner, and one night Agiiero and Jimenez were
drinking, and Jimenez’s boy, “ Pedro,” took a sword and pierced him in the bowels.
{Note.—This was the same boy “ Pedro ” who waited on us at Ultimo Ketho.—R. C.)
Jose Maria recovered, a Colombian man there put his bowels back and sewed up
the wound—and he is there now. He, James Mapp, did not witness any kiUing of Indians
dining that time in Abisinia.
He saw four Indian men hung up by their arms twisted behind .their backs and kept
for about three hours like that, and both of them had a piece bitten out of them by a
Barbadian lad—when I say both of them I mean four of them, because there were all
four.”
Asked how this happened, that a Barbadian boy should do such a thing,^ James
Mapp declares that the “ lad ” did it only for sport. No one sent him to do it. His pame
was Hilary Quales —a boy about 24 years of age. He has returned to Barbados. He
went away in the end of November 1907. Asked if others had seen this, James Mapp
[.401] R 2

122
said Batson had heard of it, but did not believe it until he (Mapp) had told him the other
day. He saw it done with Ms own eyes. Quales bit the little toe off one of these men, and
he saw Mm spit it out on the floor. He bit the other tMee also—^he bit them in the legs
and in the thighs ; and the one whose toe he bit off he had bitten first in the calf, and
the Indian “ got vexed ” and kicked out at him, so Quales then bit his toe off. Nothing
was done to Quales. Aguero was looldng on and laughing. Jimenez was not there.
Asked if he (Mapp) had not done anytMng to Quales, he said he and his compamons
*• scolded Mm very much.” but he did not mind. Asked what became of the four men,
he states that after they were let down they were put back in the “ cepo.” While they
were hanging up for three hours Hilary Quales was swinging them by their legs, and playing
with them, and Aguero looking on. They were all fom* young men. He does not know
what became of them, but thinks they ran away, because some of them are in Abisinia
now. The man whose small toe Quales bit off is there now. Batson saw Mm in the
“ cepo ” the other day—a few weeks ago when he was in Abisinia in September last,
and saw that Ms toe had gone, and asked him how he lost it, and the man told him it was
done by a Barbados man, and Batson would not believe it true until a few days ago when
he (Mapp) told him how it had occurred. They met here only a few days ago when he
came down from Santa Catalina.
He left Abisinia in November 1907, and returned to Chorrera, where he stayed until
January 1908, and on the 18th February, 1908, he went to Iquitos and was paid off. He
worked a short time in Iquitos, but as he could not save any money he decided to return
to service in the Putumayo, and engaged in April 1908, and returned here in company
with Sealey, Chase, Sidney Morris, Johnson, Phillips, Hoyte, and James Lane. They
had all been working in Iquitos, but could not make enough money. He arrived here
on the 12th May, 1908, and was sent to Sur—^two hours’ journey only from Chorrera—
where he stayed for one month, under Carlos iliranda, the present cMef of that section.
He went on commissions and got Indians to work rubber. Saw only two Indians
flogged by jVlicanda one day. Those were the only cases he saw. No Indian was killed.
He returned to Chorrera, and was sent to Atenas, where Elias Martenegui was the cMef,
where he stayed four months. There he saw Indians flogged—^very many, but not badly
flogged. None died from flogging that he knew of. He himself (James Mapp) and a
Colombian named Darnel Alban, were the floggers, and flogged under Martinengui’s orders.
They flogged only men. He did not see women flogged there, nor did he do it. Little
boys were flogged—^for not bringing in sufficient rubber. He saw no Indians killed at
Atenas. He left Atenas and returned to Chorrera, and went to Ultimo Ketiro about
the 18th November, 1908, where he stayed three months under Alfredo Montt. There he
saw only one man flogged. He was badly flogged. He had fifty lashes. These lashes
were given by a Peruvian lad of the name of Manuel Pena; “ he is since drowned.”
He did not see any Indians killed there. He made only one commission during the time
he was there—^he was generally working as a carpenter in the house.
He left Ultimo Retico about February 1909, and came to Chorrera, where he stayed
only one day and was sent to Sabana, where Fidel Yelarde was cMef. He stayed there
eleven months up to March of tMs year—^he means, he says, thirteen months, up to a
date in March of this year.
During these thirteen months he was most of the time engaged on commissious
after the Indians to bring them in with the rubber. There were other Barbados men
there too ; Johnson, Morris, and Sealey were there.
Indians were flogged, but not ba^y. He and Sealey were floggers there, they did
not flog Indians too badly. He did not see Indians killed in Sabana at that time.
He left Sabana in March 1910. Before that Yelarde had gone away and Foiêca
came as cMef. He has seen two Indians hung up by their necks by Fonseca—that was
in February of this 3mar. They were hung up for about five minutes with a chain round
the tMoat. They could not be kept longer up without dying—they were nearly choked.
Their tongues were hanging out when let down. They could not walk. They lay down
about an hour, they gave no water, they just lay there with their tongues out—upstairs
in the house this was. He does not know what they had done—they were station Indians,
men worldng there at the time. They were both young men. They were released after
and he does not know what became of them. The Indians were often flogged for not
bringing sufficient rubber—^that was the reason. They were put in " cepo ” too, and
kept them there sometimes one month or fifteen days. Some would be put in chains—the
“ capitan ” would be put in chains if Ms people had not come in. He or his wife (the
“ capitan ” and Ms wife) were chained up there. This went on up to February last (1910)
and up to March of this year (1910) when James Mapp left Sabana. He came to Chor-
rera and was sent to Ocoidente under Fidel Yelarde.

123
There he was engaged on commissions also. He was there for four months from
March to July of this year. The work was the same at as other sections—^bringing in
the Indians. They were not tied up, he only walked behind them with a gun. Indians
were flogged right up to July last. He liimself flogged them. Eugenio Acosta also
flogged, and Velarde himself and “ Juanito ” Hodriguez also flogged them. They were
not badly flogged. They were flogged with whips and with machetes also. They were
not put in “ cepo ” or in chains during the time he was there. He saw an Indian drowned
there. Asked to describe how this occmred, he states :—
He was a young man; his rubber was not enough, and Acosta, Eugenio Acosta,
tied his two hands behind his back. Not him only, but several Indians were tied in
that way, and they were taken to the riverside and held under the water “ till their bowels
were swollen ” by drinking too much water. They were held under by another Indian
man sent by Acosta. Acosta could not reach the Indian to hold him imder. Mr. Velarde
sent him (James Mapp) to hold the Indians under the water, but he refused to obey;
and Acosta himself took the Indians, who were tied up, foiu- of them, and took them
down to the water, and after they got to the waterside Acosta made another Indian take
them one by one and hold them imder the water, by force, until they were nearly
drowned, and when they lost breath, they opened their mouths and swallowed water.
One.of them, while being held under water Mcked and got away from the Indian who
was holding him under, but as his arms were tied he was drowned. The body was found
on the fifth day afterwards—it was found down at the mouth of the river just below Occi-
dente, in the “ chacara.” This occurred on the 20th Jime of this year, and the body
was found on the 24th June.
Mr. Velarde himself gave the order for this—^he gave the order to Acosta and to
deponent—^who refused even to lay hands on the Inmans. Acosta tied the hands of
all four Indians. They were all men, young men. Does not remember their “ capitan’s ”
name. They were getting the rubber ready to send down to Chorrera, and a lot of Indians
were there. That very morning, the 20th June, Mr. Macedo and Mr. Tizon had left
Occidente for Entre Bios, and it was after they had gone away that it happened.
Mr. Velarde was very anxious to find the body before they retmned from Entre
Rios, as he was afraid they might see it floating on the river. The body was buried.
.4 lot of people saw it, and the station gkls were there, screaming out. The other three
Indians were taken out of the river unconscious. They lay on the banks half-drowned.
It was about twenty minutes before they opened then eyes or came to. They got better
and went to their homes.
{Note.—Senor Tizon was asked to come and hear the latter part of this statement
and he questioned James Mapp, who answered him fully, repeating the statement in^
its entirety. Asked by the consul why he had not reported this at Chorrera when he
came down in July, he said Senor Tizon had gone to Iquitos then and Senor Velarde had
asked him to say “ nothing about it unless he was questioned.” The dates as given
by him agree with Senor Tizon’s own record of his journey to Entre Rios. Senor
Velarde is m Chorrera to-day, having arrived from Occidente last night.—^R. C.)
The rest of James Mapp’s statement deals with his stay at Santa Catalina under
Senor Carlos Serninario up to three or four days ago, when he was sent for to come to
Chorrera to be interrogated by the consul-general.
During his stay at Santa Catalina he states he has seen no case of fll-treatment of
Indians by Senoic Serninario.
Not much flogging—only a few lashes given, and those by a boy who is not strong,
Senor Serninario “ not allow any strong man to flog.” The lashes are a few only, given
as a chastisement for not bringing in enough rubber. He does not know of any Indians
killed there now. Has seen a dead Indian when out on a commission but does not know
how he came by his death. The man was lolled he beUeves by the station “ muchachos.”
He has a 'vrae and child up in Santa Catalina. Is in debt to the company for 171.77
soles Peruanos (say 17Z.), and is very anxious to be allowed to stay on in the service at
Santa Catalina imtil he has earned enough money to go away with his Indian wife and
child. ■ .
JAMES MAPP.
The foregoing statement read over to James Mapp, yrho states that this is a fair
and truthful rendering of his statement made at La Chorrera on the 2nd day of November,
1910, to His Majesty’s consul-general and signs it in presence of
ROGER CASEMENT.

(Note—This man, along Wh Alfred Hoyte and Reuben Phillips, was directed by
Jlr. Casement to return to Santa Catalina to get his Indian wife and child and his effects,
so that he and the other men might be able to leave the Putumayo along with Case-
ment. The three men left La Chorrera on board the launch “ Huitoto ” on which Senor
Agiiero with his subordinate Armando Blohdel was returning to Santa Juha to go back
to his station of Abisinia. On arrival at the landing place for Santa Catahna, a port
called Providencia where the launch stopped all night, Agiiero and Blonde! had inter-
fered and refused to allow the three Barbados men to go up to Santa Catalina (a long
march of many hours through the forest) by dayhght. Agiiero ordered them to stay
on the beach at Providencia till nightfall, and said they were to set out for Santa Catalina
only after nightfall on the 3rd November.
A Brazilian named Pinheho, a servant of the company at Providencia, came to the
three Barbados men in the night and warned them not to set out for Santa Catalina, as
he had heard Agiiero and Blondel plotting to have them attacked in the dark on the
way by Indians—“ muchachos ” of these men who were to be put up to the job. James
Mapp and the others had refused to leave the launch ; Blondel had tried to force them
on shore, but they had resisted, and they returned to Chorrera on the 10th November
in the “ Huitoto ” without having left the launch or gone near Santa Catalina. The
statements of the three men were referred by Mr. Casement to Senor Tizon, who sent
messengers overland to Santa Catalina with these men to Senor Seminario, the clii'ef of
that station ; and the wives of the men, and the children of Ho}d;e and Mapp, and their
effects were sent by land in time to reach La Chorrera before Mr. Casement left on the
16th November, when aU three men and then* famihes accompanied him and in Brazil
found other employment.)
(No. 24.)
Staternent hy Alfred Hoyte made to His Majesty’s Cmisul-Gemral at La Chorrera on
November 2, 1910.
Born in Barbados.
Age 28.
Engaged in March 1905.
Came to Manaos along with ninety Barbados men. Went jSrst to Nanai, and there
stayed sixteen months, and then left the service of his own accord. Then worked in
Iquitos eighteen months, and then re-engaged in Iquitos on the 2oth April, 1908, to the
Putumayo, and arrived here at La Chorrera on the 12th May, 1908, at the same time
with Sealey, Chase, and others of his coirntrymen.
After a short stay in La Chorrera, was sent to Abisinia under Senor Agiiero, where
he stayed fom-teen months and some days. Corrects himself—was over sixteen months
in Abisinia, because he remembers he left it in October 1909—just a year ago.
From Abisinia he returned to La Chorrera and went to Santa Catahna, where he
has been ever since. His whole period of service has been at these two sections.
During his stay at Abisinia he went three times on commissions after Indians, and
then was put in the kitchen cooldng. He got sick with fever, remembem Captain 'Whiffen
comiiig to Abisinia, with John Brown as his servant. Was there cooking then all the
time, of Captain Whiffen^s stay at Abisinia.
When on the three commissions he saw many Indians killed—a. good many. He
saw Indians burned ahve. They were hung up by Jimenez and burned ahve. He saw
this with his own eyes. He saw only one burned ahve hke this—a man. This was out
on a commission. Other Indians he saw burned, but they were aheady dead;
Senor Jimenez ordered the Indian to be himg up by his arms behind his back, and
had a fire made under him and burned him alive, and then gave him a ball. States this
was on an expedition to the Caquetd; and asked if Sealey and Chase, were there too,
says “ yes."’ Pointed out by consul-general that those men both declared that two
persons were burned there—a woman as well as a man. He states he knows only of
one—^the man. Another person was beheaded.
Sfealey and Chase, called by the consul-general, repeat their statement exactly as
made before, and say that the woman was burned. Alfred Hoyte admits that it yat so;
that he had not remembered it at first, but that there was a woman biirhed alive also.
First they met a woman, and she was burned first. He remembers meeting two women
with a small boy, but he cannot rerhembei* clearly. He remembers the man being caught
and tied up by Jimenez, and burnt alive and then shot.

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He did not cross the CaqueU that time, but returned to Morelia with the rest of
the expedition. During the time he spent in this section he saw people killed by Cordaira
(a Spaniard), at Abisinia.
He saw people (Indians) flogged—flogged very badly too—for not bringing in rubber.
This was done by the orders of Agiiero and by Cordaira. He himself has not flogged
Indians. He has been punished; he has been confined in the “ cepo ” for cooking-
a httle rice dry—too dry—ând he was chastised by being put in “ cepo,” Avhere he wâs
left for one hour and a-haK. He has known Indians starved to death in Abisinia, delib'er-
ately starved to death. They were Icept prisoners underneath the house in the store.
He saAV a man starved thus. lie died on a Tuesday in March 1909. This man died of
starvation. He does not know the Indiana’s name ; he was an Indian they had caught
in the forest and brought in.
He left Abisinia in October 1900, and went to Santa Catalina on tlie 8th November
last, where Senor Seminario was the chief of the section. He had seen Indians flogged
at Santa Catahna, but not very badly flogged—only four or five lashes. Has seen Indians
put in “ cepo ” there, too. Has not seen an Indian killed there, but while on a commission
they found an Indian with his hands and feet cut off. He does not know Avho did it;
they said it was done by “ muchachos —^he never found out. The chief of section did
nothing in the matter. There w'ere two like this ; two vdth their hands and feet cut
off; both were men. This was the month before last—în September last (1910). The
“ muchachos were not punished. He thinlcs it was the “ muchachos ” who killed
these two men. He has not flogged anyone in Santa Catalina.
He has not been punished there either; he has been well treated there, and he
thinks the Indians are well treated there too.
He owes no money to the company—^has a credit balance of oo'83 soles Peruanos.
He has an Indian vife and a child. I£ his countrymen were staying on he would hke
to stay, but if they go he would go too. He does not know what to do, as he has no
money to go away with.
ALFREDO HOYTE.
See statement attached to James Mapp's deposition as to attenijit of Aguero to
ambush this man on the way to Santa Catalina on the 3rd November.
(No. 25.)
Statement hy Reulten Phillips, a native of Barbados, made to His Majesty’s Oomid-

Genei’ol at La CJiorrera on November 2, 1910.
Born about 1889 ; thinks he is 21 years of age.
Both parents living. His father is in the United States of America, his mother in
Barbados ; has heard Horn her since he came away.
Was engaged in Barbados at the same time as Stanley Sealey and James Lane
and the men who then came from Barbados, but cannot say exactly what date that was.
Was fast engaged at Nanai, and left the service of his own accord, and after
working at Iquitos he re-engaged in April 1908, and came to La Chorrera on the 12th
May, 1908, along with the other men who came then.
Was first sent to Abisinia, where he served nine months ; was then sent to Ultimo
Retiro, to serve under Senor Alfredo Montt, and then to Santa Catahna, where he has
been ever since.
Was not on a commission to the Caquetjf with Jimenez in 1908 from Morelia, and
does not Imow anything of that journey. Dming his stay in Abisinia he did not
himself flog Indians. The Indians were flogged by Simon Angfilo. He saw Indians
killed. He saw five Indians lolled in Abisinia—-a woman, a child, and three men.
They were IdUed in different places: three men were lolled in Moreha and the woman
and child out on a commission. These were the only Indians he saw killed with his
own eyes. He Imows of others, but did not see thern.
He saw Indians very badly flogged, both by Simon Angiilo and by Senor Aguero
himself with his own hands. Does not know if Indians died froin being flogged; did
not see them die, but they were dreadfully flogged. AYas punished himself. Qne,
night, when doing guard in Moreha, Bartolome Zumaeta struck him across the shouldei-s
with a sword, aiid another time he was sent to look for goods left by Captain Wliiffen
at a port, and as he was sent without food and was absent three days, he took a tin of
biscuits and two tins of sardines from an Indian boy, who had them in a case he was

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oarry^Tig. He thought they were goods belonging to Senor Agiiero, so he took them.
On getting back he was put in “ cepo,”^ and the boy—the Indian boy—was hung up
by his hands tied behind his back. He himself was kept in “ cepo ” there for a night.
At Ultimo Ketiro he did not flog Indians. Senor Montt was the chief of section.
He saw plenty of Indians killed by Senor Montt’s orders. They were shot like animals,
and they were killed in the “ cepo.” They were starved to death in the “ cepo.” They
were flogged too, badly flogged. This was about a year ago at Ultimo Ketiro, it was
after Captain Whiflen was here. He left Captain Whiffen in Morelia and went to
Ultimo Ketiro, and these things happened there. Very many Indians were killed and
flogged there.
On the expedition to the Caquetd this year in Mdrch to May, he went along with
Crichlow from Ultimo Ketiro.
Two Indians were killed on that journey—one was a boy and one a woman. They
were killed—Â(juileo Torres killed the first, an old woman on the way to the Caqueta.
He shot her with a revolver. Deponent saw this done himself. This was the fiirst day
the expedition left Ultimo Ketiro for the Caquet4.
Coming back from the Caquetd, a boy was killed; he does not know how, as he was
in front. Crichlow told him of it, but ddd not say who lolled him. This boy had been
a “ muchacho ” of Senor Montt before, and he had run away and they caught him now
this time. Deponent only knows that Zumaran, the cook, had guard over this boy,
and the night before he was shot the boy was tied up, his hands and^ feet stretched out
on the ground. His feet were in the “ cepo.” Every evening a “ cepo ” was made
for the prisoners, and, they were put in it before nightfall.
(j\Tofe _This was the Indian Aquileo Torres shot when he told him to “ blow down
his rifle.” See Pinedo’s statement at Entre Kios.—^K. C.)
There were twenty-three Indians prisoners and three Colombians—white men—
prisoners. One of them Kamdn Vargas is in Atenas now. The Indians were put in
the cepo ” every night and the Colombians too. The Colombians were put in the
“ cepo ” only across the Caquetd, not when they returned to this side, but the Indians
were put in every night until they reached Ultimo Ketiro. They were let go after
their return to Ultimo Ketiro—soon after—ând sent to work, all except the one boy
who was shot on the way. He does not know what has become of them since.
He saw Indin-ns flogged in Ultimo Ketiro this year, by Senor Montt, but not any
by Senor Jimenez. TT
He knows that Senor Montt had four “ muchachos ” shot this year. He did not
witness it, but knows well of it. They were wrongfully shot. He saw the four boys
taken out of the “ cepo,” and taken in chains to the bush with Senor Montt, Vasquez
Torres, Plaza (who is here to-day in La Chorrera on a visit from Sur), and another man
whose name he cannot recall. He thinks it was Juan Lopez. Senor Montt went on to
Entre Kfos, Lopez returned to Ultimo Ketiro.
He knows they were shot because some time after he passed that way on a com-
mission and he saw the bones on the path.
He declares that Senor Montt shot many more Indians than those. During the
time he was there, at Ultimo Ketiro, he saw many men and women shot by Montt’s
orders by his muchachos.” He saw a woman shot by Montt himseK and Lopez.
“
Also very many floggings and bad floggmgs. He was at Ultimo Ketiro up to about
August or July—ît was the 30th July, 1910, he remembers, and came to Chorrera on
the 2nd August,. 1910, and went to Santa Catalina, and has been there until the 28th
October, when he was called down here to meet the consul.
At Santa Catalina he has not been well treated. He has been put in the cepo
there for eight days and nine nights, and fed once a-day during that time. The facts
were as follows :—
He was buying food from an Indian woman, and Alfredo Zegara had a dispute with
him about this, and complained to Kodolfo Kodriguez, the second in charge of the
section, that he (Phillips) had told him “ to go to hell.” Senor Kodriguez wrote to the
chief, Senor Seminario, who was on a visit to Abisinia, and informed him, and ociior
Seminario wrote back ordering him to be put in the stoclcs, and this was done.
He was also punished by Alfredo Montt in Ultimo Ketiro. He was asleep on the
guard, and Montt found him and beat him and put him in the “ cepo.”
During these last three months in Santa Catalina he has seen Indiarc flogged—
not badly flogged. They were flogged for not bringing in rubber. They gor four to
five lashes each, Wornep or c]îldrer^ l>e dj.d UOt see flogged—only men were lioggeu.

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Rodolfo Rodriguez flogged them. He (Reuben Phillips) was also ordered to flog, but
lie refused, and was called names by Senor Seminario for not doing so. He has seen
no one killed in Santa Catalina. He wishes to leave the service and be taken away.
His woman is there at Santa Catalina about to become a mother, and he wishes to be
allowed to bring her. He owes the company 113'42 soles Peruanos, and has, he states,
no clothing at all. (He has no shirt, or singlet now, and has only the coat and trousers
he is standing up in at the present moment.) He wishes to buy more things from the
store here and has no means of doing so. He states that Senor Jimenez owes him
50 soles Peruanos and Aquileo Torres 30 soles Peruanos, but even if these debts are
admitted and credited to him, it is pointed out he will still owe the company some
Zl. odd.
The consul-general directs him to return to Santa Catalina along with James Mapp
and Alfred Hoyte by the launch going to-day to Providencia, so that they can get all
theh things and leave that place in time to catch the ‘‘ Liberal.”
REUBEN PHILLIPS.
See statement attached to deposition of James Mapp as to the journey to Santa

Catahna and attempt by Agiiero to ambusli these men.
(No. 26.)
Statement of Clifford Quintin, a native of Barbados, made to His Majesty’s Consul-
General at La Chorrera on November 2, 1910.
Born the 24th December, 1884, in Barbados. Father living in Barbados, but his
mother is dead.
Was engaged in Barbados with the first lot of men in end of (October) 1904 and
was brought here by Senor Normand, arriving at La Chorrera on the 10th November,
1904, along with thirty other Barbados men and five women. There were twenty-nine
others. He made thirty men.
. All of them wênt to Andokes in December 1904—^lie cannot recall the exact date—
led by Ramdn Sanchez with Armando Normand.
Deponent stopped at Andokes for two yearn wthout coming away. It was in
October 1906 that he left Andokes and came away and returned to La Chorrera. He
was sick, because he had been flogged there. He was twice beaten there, first by
Senor Normand soon after he arrived. He was tied up by the arms and was given fifty
lashes. (He shows one very large scar across the ribs, and other marks that date from
that flogging now much more than five years ago.) It was about a month after he got
to Andokes this occurred. They had nothing to eat at all, and he was tr}dng to get a
piece of cassava bread from an Indian girl. He was offering her a box of matches for
it, and a Colombian, named Munoz, came to tell him not to have any dealings with the
girl, and he shoved the Colombian away, whereupon Senor Normand had him tied up
with his arms behind him and he got fifty lashes. He calls Westerman Leavine (who
was standing below in the yard when this man's evidence v/as given) and asks him to
state the facts. Leavine admits that the flogging was given to Quintin by Normand,
that it was a very severe flogging, but he cannot recall the exact reasons for it. Quintin
was again beaten later on in Andokes, before coming away in October 1906, this time
by Senor Normand and Bucelh. Bucelli lashed him over the ear (he shows the- mark on
it) and Normand beat him with a stick. He was very badly beaten and came to La
Chorrera sick from it. The reason for the second flogging was as follows :—
Bucelli was on a commission to the Caquetd, of which he (Quintin) was a member.
They crossed the Caquetd, in search of Indians, and had captured eight of them—^four
women, two big men, and two little boys: quite young, small boys. These prisoners
were being brought back to Andokes, the two men in chains. A Colombian man named
Diaz was in charge of the two men in chains, and they escaped in the night with the
chains on them. Bucelli was vexed and did not want to tell Normand that these men
had escaped through the fault of a Colombian, so he charged hirn, Quintin, with not
having kept proper guard and being with the women that night instead of doing his
guard. So then Buculli and Normand both beat him. This was the chief cause of his
illness, and he came to La Chorrera very ill. He was nearly three months sick here m
La Chorrera.
[401] S

128
During tlie two years that he spent in Andokes his work was to go out hunting
Indians. All of them were employed hke that. He did not kill Indians then—not
in Matanzas. He saw plenty of Indians Idlled at that time. They were Idlled by
Senor Normand and by Sanchez, too. They were tied up and chains put round their
necks; and they were hung up, and he, Sanchez, would take a sword,"" or machete,
and stick it right through them. He saw Eambn Sanchez do this to plenty of Indians —
men, not women. One day Sanchez killed twenty-five men—he shot some, others he
cut their heads off—and some he hanged slowly with a chain round their necks till
their tongues came out, and they died like that. Altogether he saw Sanchez kill with
his own hands some thirty Indians, and this in two months.
He saw two Barbados men, Augustus Walcott and Percy Prancis, tied up by
Sanchez and flogged with swords, that was the last that Sanchez did in Andokes because
he left soon after they arrived there and Senor Normand then took charge.
Deponent often went on expeditions with Normand—always after Indians—and
very many Indians were killed by him (Normand) then. One day they came to an
Indian house in the Andokes country and caught all the Indians in the house—there
were women, and men, and young children, some about a month old, quite small. All
were killed except the httle children—^they were left ahve in the house to die there—
but their mothers were killed. He cut off the heads of all these Indians, Senor Normand
himself did it. Deponent will swear it—^he saw him do it. He cut off their heads
with a machete; he said, “ Those were to pay for the white people they had killed.""
The Andokes had killed some Colombians before this.
Another time the muchachos"" went out on an expedition from Matanzas, and
they brought in an Indian man—a “ capitan ""—^by name Nequen (as near as it can be
written). He was brought up to Senor Normand tied up, and he got his hands and his
feet both tied with native rope; and then Senor Normand ordered a fire to be made of
wood, and the boys did this, and then he (Senor Normand himself) took kerosene oil and
poured it over the Indian’s head.. He then took a match and lighted the man’s hair,
his long hair, and then threw him tied on the fire, and he was burned ahve. The man
died quickly ; it was a big fixe. He holloa-ed out and begged to be taken out, but he
died then and was burnt entirely in the fire. There was nothing left of him, he was
quite burnt up.
He saw it -svith his own eyes. Some of the Barbados men saw it too. One of
them. Downs, has now gone away. Leavine was there, and he saw it done. Dyall was
not there. He had run away from that section. This burning of Nequen was getting
towards the end of his (Quintin’s) stay at Andokes, say, autumn of 1906.
Another time Quintin accompanied Normand on an expedition, and they caught
another “ capitan,” and Normand cut off both his hands and both his feet, and left him
to die hke that on the road—în the path. The man was not dead when they left liim.
He does not remember that “ capitan’s ” name—he was a wild Indian in the forest.
Normand caught this Indian and ordered him to conduct him to the Indian house where
all his people were, and the Indian refused, and so Normand cut his feet and hands off
for that.
Soon after that Quintin left Andokes and came, as he described, to Chorrera, ill.
He stayed here three months to recover from the ill-treatment, and then was sent to
Santa Catalina, where Aurelio Rodriguez was the chief of section. This would be
about February 1907. He cannot fix the date nearer. He stayed at Santa Catalina
all the time—ever since—up to now. It is nearly four years since he went there, and
with the exception of four months he spent here in Chorrera about a year ago, -all the
rest of his time was spent there.
During the time he was there under Aurelio Rodriguez he was employed on
commissions and hunting Indians.
Very many Indians were Idlled there both by Rodriguez himseff and by his
“ muchachos.” They were shot; their heads were cut off too. He saw lots of them
killed hke this—men, and women, and little children too. Little children of only a few
days old—^some were thrown in the river (the Cahuinati) by Rodolfo Rodriguez, a
Colombian, who is now the second in charge of the section.
He saw this man Rodriguez shoot Indians, men and women, and heave children
into the river to drown.
He saw plenty of Indians flogged—Îndian women as well as men—they were all
flogged at that time. Some of them died of flogging—some died before they were
finished getting heked—they were tied out on four sticks. He saw Indians die thus
in the section under the lash—others died after it in their houses when they got home.
They were flogged for not bringing in rubber, or not enough rubber. Hejhimself has

051
129
flogged them—women as well as men. He was ordered to do it and did it. He does
not know of any who died from his flogging of them—he tried not to Idll them or hit
them too hard.
Asked how about the man whose head he cut off—he states he had “ a right to do
tliat.” Asked to explain, he says he went out on a commission and caught that man,
who had killed a “ muchacho and got off with his rifle, so they were all sent out after
liim. The Indian was caught; Rodolfo Rodriguez had him tied up. The Indian
would not tell them where the rest of his people were, and with that the manager in
charge of the expedition, Rodolfo Rodriguez, ordered him (Quintin) to cut the man’s
head off. He did not wish to do it, and he was forced. The manager said if he did
not do it, he would tie him up and carry him into Aurelio Rodriguez to put him in the
“ cepo."’ Quintin still refused, and then Rodriguez threatened him with his rifle, and
said if he did not do it, he would give him a ball—so then he did it. Asked how he did
it, he said the man was tied up and they covered his eyes, and he (Quintin) took a
machete and cut his head off against a tree. He cut the head off with one stroke against
the tree. That is the only man he killed—he did it because he was afraid. He dreaded
lieing put in the “ cepo ”—with his legs wide apart, and he was afraid, and he feels this
killing of the India.i very much. He did it solely from fear for himself because he was
forced to do it.
Aurelio Rodriguez was there as his chief nearly three years. He left for Iquitos
about June last year (1909). During that time he (Quintin) saw plenty of Indians
killed, more than he Can count, more than he can remember. He used to flog the
Indians, too, himself. He was ordered to do it. Sometimes he gave them twenty-five
lashes, and they would be badly flogged from it—cut badly.
"\^Tien Aureho Rodriguez left Santa Catahna, Senor Seminario came as chief of the
section, and he is there now.
Things are better with him—much better. He treats the Indians well. They
are flogged—^but not badly. The most they get now is four or five lashes.
He has not seen Senor Seminario Idll Indians, and does not think they are now
killed. So that for more than a year now the Indians have not been killed, and have
not been badly flogged, and when they come into the section with rubber he gives them
food from his own “ chacara.”
Deponent himself has not been ill-treated at Santa Catalina since Senor Seminario
took charge of the section. He has nothing to complain of. He gets good food and
so forth—^there is a big “ chacara ” there and he cannot complain. He came down
to La Chorrera about four days ago sick. His foot is bandaged up, and he is ill (he
looks very thin and sick).
He wishes to go away but has not money to go. He would like to go away. He
is tired and has been here a long time, and would hke to go away. He has got a
woman—an Indian woman in Santa Catahna, but no children. The woman is there
now. She will be given away to someone else. He has no means to carry her with
him. He owes the company 72*92 soles Peruanos after nearly six years’ continuous
work. Asked how it is that he has got no money saved, he states it is chiefly due to
buying food, as until lately they got httle to eat—often nothing to eat. He has got
his accounts, and he can show them. His pay is 50 soles Peruanos per month, and he
often had to spend much more than that on food, and medicine too.
The last time he was down here about a year ago (he left La Chorrera about seven
months ago to return to Santa Catalina), he spent about 162 soles Peruanos and much
of it on medicine. It was the same illness he has now ; this disease of his foot. He
has a hole in the sole of his right foot caused by a wound made by a spike—a poisoned
spike—put by the Indians in the roads. He got it about a year ago. The Indians do
this to defend themselves—to keep the company's people away from their houses if
they can. That is how he got his present sickness, and that is one reason he has no
mnney saved—that, and the food he bought, and the very high prices charged by the
company for the things sold to the men.
^ CLIFFORD QUINTYNB.
Signed by the aforesaid Clifford Quintin—spelling his name Quintyne—before me,
this 5th day of November, 1910, at La Chorrera, to whom the foregoing statement has
been read over, and to which he subscribes his name in my presence as assenting to its
being a true and faithful rendering of the statement made by him to me on the 2nd day
of November, 1910.
ROGER CASEMENT,
[401] S 2

130
Further Statement of Clifford Quintin made to His Majesty’s Consul-General on

November 5, 1910.
Clifford Quintin recalled, and that portion of Evelyn Batson’s statement wherein
Batson states that Quintin had told him of killing other Indians, besides the man whose
head he cut off, read out to him. He is asked if this is true ; and after some delay and
hesitation states it is true—that he has killed other Indians.
He confesses that he killed two other Indians, a man and a little girl—and that he
had not stated the truth in his first statement when asked if there had been others killed
by him besides the man whose head he cut off'.
Asked about the man, he states that he and Preston Johnson at nightfall went to
enter an Indian house in the Santa Catalina district. It was in 1908. They were
both on a commission to catch Indians, sent by Aurelio Rodriguez. He (Quintin)
sought to enter the Indian house first, and he stooped to go inside. An Indian man
inside aimed a blow at him with a machete, and he (Quintin) shot this man with his
carbine, and killed him. The Indian was shot through the heart.
The other Indians all rau away ; they all escaped. The body was left there where
it fell. This was a Boras Indian—a young man. The two Barbados men went on
and slept in a small Indian house about fifteen minutes away. Quintin reported this
to Aurelio Rodriguez, who said it was all right. He is positive he reported it, and this
was said.
Another time he (Quintin) was out on a commission with Rodolfo Rodriguez.
This was last year, 1909 ; he cannot exactly remember the date, but is certain it was
last year and still in the time of Aurelio Rodriguez as chief of section.
They were on a commission in the Boras country and came to an Indian homse
where they found a man and a little girl—quite a small child. Rodolfo Rodriguez took
the man prisoner and the little girl was left in the house alone. She had bad feet and
could not walk. She was quite lame and could not walk. There were only these two
—the man and the httle girl who lived in that house. He asked Rodolfo Rodriguez
if he (Quintin) might carry the httle girl into the section. They were two days away
from Santa Catahna. Rodolfo refused to allow this, and told him to leave the girl there
to suffer. Quintin protested, and said it was better to carry the child in to save her
from starvation. Rodriguez then said “ It is better to shoot her ” ; and he ordered him
(Quintin) to do it. He obeyed. He was ordered more than once to do it—ûnder threat
of punishment in Santa Catalina if he refused. He obeyed, and shot the girl. He shot
her in the left breast and she lay on the ground, and she died at once. She was left
there ; not buried at all. She saw him with a rifle and knew he was going to shoot her.
This act was reported to Aurelio Rodriguez, who said nothing.
He makes this further statement to His Majesty’s consul-general this 5th day of
November, declaring it to be true and that he conceals no fact.
CLIEFOR.D QUINTYNE.
Signed by the above-named Clifford Quintin—^spelhng his name as Quintyne—before
me this 5th day of November, 1910, at La Chorrera, to whom this statement has been
read over, and to which he sulDscribes his name as proof of it being a true and faithful
rendering of his statement made to me at La Chorrera this 5th day of November, 1910.
ROGER CASEMENT.
This man left the Putumayo with Mr. Casement and was bound for Barbados in
December, 1910.
(No. 27.)
Statement of Allan Davis, a native of Barbados, made to His Majesty’s Consul-
General at La Chorrera on November, 1910.
Born Cannot state his age. Thinlrs he is about 26 or 27.
Father he believes to be living, but is not sure, as he has not heard for a long time;
his mother is dead.
Came to the Putumayo in 1904; was engaged in Barbados with the very first
contingent, and arrived in Chorrera in November 1904.
Went to Andokes or Matanzas with a large party of his countrymen and others,
led by Ramdn Sanchez and by Seuor Normand, where he stayed only about six months.
Was employed there doing guard, working the ground too, cutting down trees, helping

953
to build a house. Went only once on a commission to look for Indians. They found
some : it was like this : Normand stayed at an Indian house and sent him, a Colombian
named Ortiz, and some ‘‘ muchachos on to another house where he knew Indians
were ; and when they arrived there the Indians ran away, and Ortiz fired and shot one
man through the back and out by his stomach—and the man died next morning. That
was the only Indian they got, and that one was killed. He did not go on more com-
missions then, he stayed in the section making doors and doing carpentering work.
He saw Indians brought in and killed. Kamdii Sanchez killed three with a sword,
lie cut them in the head, and they died some days after it. They got no rubber that
time. The Indians had not begun to work it then, they had not got them to work it.
Just when he was leaving they were beginning to bring in rubber, some of them. Did
not see Mr. Normand kill anyone at that time. He left Andokes about the time Cyril
Atkins left it as a prisoner for shooting the woman.*
He stayed in Cliorrera about a month and then he was sent to Entre Rios. That
would be about the middle of 1905. He served at Entre Rios, about two years and a
few days, all the time under Mr. O’Domiell as the chief of section.
He was chiefly employed on commissions to go out and see that the Indians got the
“ caucho.”
He flogged Indians then. The Indians would be flogged out in their own house if
the rubber was a little bit short, and thby were flogged in the station itself for the same
reason.
He flogged Indians whenever he was called on to do so.
Asked if Indians were killed there, he answers that two Indians ran away from
working rubber, and they were caught and brought into the station, and were shot there
by Mr. O’DonneU’s orders by the “ muchachos.” They were shot at the side of"
the compound. Janies Chase was not there at that time. These two Indians were
men. Did not see any women killed—and he knows only of those two men being killed
by Mr. O’Donnell’s orders in his time. Women were flogged as well as men, but he him-
self did not flog any women, he only flogged men. Boys were flogged too—little boys,
quite little boys were flogged. They got a small lash—so—or two to tell them they
must work ‘‘ caucho.” He himself was well treated at Entre Rios—all the time. He
had nothing to complain of.
From Entre Rios he returned to Chorrera, and Sehor Macedo kept him there to
work in the carpenter’s shop. He remained about a year and seven months here at
La Chorrera doing carpentering work, or it must have been longer perhaps, because he
has been a year and three months in Abisinia. It was therefore towards the latter end
of 1907 he left Entre Rios and came to Chorrera, and he left for Abisinia in July 1909.
He has been in that section ever since.
Asked what he has been doing there, answers he has been at carpentering work all
the time and in Abisinia all the time. He was in Morelia once, for a short time, with
Captain Whiflen. It was while he was here in Chorrera they sent him to Morelia with
Captain Whiflen, whose own servant, John Brown", was sick. He stayed there only a
short time and then returned to Chorrera. During this last fifteen months he has been
engaged all the time in Abisinia itself, except for one day and a night he went on a com-
mission. He went with the second chief, a man named Cordaira (as he pronounces it),
who has gone away and is now in Iquitos.
On that commission the chief was Juan Zellada, and Joseph Minggs and himself,
and “ muchachos.” They were looldng for an Indian by the name of Rochipo—a Boras
Indian. This was this year, but he cannot state the month ; he cannot remember except
that it was this year. When they reached the house of the Indians Rochipo ran away a
short distance, and a “ muchacho ” by the name of Michichineva shot him in the feet,
but it only grazed him and cut the skin. He (Davis) was then a little way off, and
Rochipo had an “ escopeta ” loaded (a trade gun, not a Winchester), and he pointed it
at him (Davis) and he stepped behind a tree and fired at Rochipo and hit him in the hand.
The wound was not serious. Zellada then came and shot Rochipo in the head and killed
him. Rochipo was killing Indians that were working “ caucho ”—walking about killing
the Indians who worked for the white man. “ Some of the Indians work fair because
they want things or don’t want to be flogged—others don’t like working.” That is the
only commission he went on. All the rest of the time he was in the station of Abisinia
doing carpentering work., During that time he has seen Indians flogged many times,
some severely flogged, by a Colombian named Simon Angdlo. Some were put in “ cepo ”
after being flogged, others were let go after being flogged. He had seen an Indian so
badly flogged by Cordaira that his back could not get better—it was stinking—so they
* I find by his uccounts in the Company’s ledgers that he was in Matanzas certainly on May 23, 1905.— R. C.

13^
send and shoot him. Cordaira ordered him to be shot—a Colombian named Munoz
shot him. That was because the Indian was so badly flogged he could not get better.
He was stinking, and could not be able to walk, so they did not put him in the “ cepo.”
He could not walk. He lived about four weeks after he was flogged, but could not get
better. They put medicine, but it would not get better. They put iodiform, but it
would not get better. The man was badly cut with the whip, and then they shot him
so—and he was buried. That man had run away from working “ caucho,” and he was
caught and made prisoner, and Agiiero ordered him to be flogged. He does not know
the Indian’s name. It was this year it happened, he cannot say what month but he
knows it was this year.
He has also seen Cordaira send “ muchachos ” to shoot two Indians—two Huitotos.
They were two brothers. They belonged to Entre Rios ; they were sent to Abisinia as
“ muchachos,” and they did not like being there, and they ran away to try and get home,
and they stayed to get food at an Indian house—^the house of Gwatipa, a “ capitan’s ”
house—and they stole some sardines, and Gwatipa* saw them stealing the sardines
and he shot one of them in the leg, but it did not break the leg. Gwatipa caught them
both and brought them into Abisinia. When they arrived there, Agiiero was not there.
Cordaira had the oldest of the two brothers shot when they were brought in, and the
other one was kept a prisoner, and he escaped again and ran away because he did not
like the place. They caught him again and brought him to Abisinia, and he was sent
to Morelia. He did not like Morelia ; and he stole an axe, and he came back to Abisinia
and hid in the “ chacara ” round the house; and one evening they saw some smoke,
and when they sent some “ muchachos ” to see, they found it was that Indian. They
brought him in and Cordaira gave him to a “ muchacho ” by the name of “ Reuben ”
and told him to shoot him. He was shot there and killed, and they buried him. Both
were killed this year, one was killed a few days before the other. He does not recall
the month, but is sure it was this year. Senor Agiiero was not there. Cordaira was
in charge, and 4id it.
He has not seen other Indians killed in the section. Corrects himself—he has seen
another Idlling. It was in October—last month. It was not the killing of Katenere
because then he was here in Chorrera; he had come here to get some things for his
family. When he went back from this, Batson did tell him about Katenere and there
is something else he should have told before.
He says, “ I did see Agiiero take an Indian from the ‘ cepo ’—this year—and give
him to the ‘ muchacho ’ boys to kill and eat. They did shoot him, and they cut him up,
and they had him in their house a day and a night dancing, and they cook him and eat
him. I did not see them eat him because I did not went to their house, but I see them
come along with his hands in their hands.”
He knows they eat him, because Agiiero went to the Indian house, the boys’ house,
when they were dancing that night, and he came back and he heard him say they were
eating him.
He was an Indian who would always run away and wouldn’t work. It is about
five months ago, he is not quite sure, but it is about that time.
Also another thing he forgot to tell was in October (1910); One day he was in the
“ chacara ” cutting a piece of wood to make a plane, and he saw Simon Angiilo and an
Indian man by the name of Pachacko. He saw Angiilo and “ a friend of his,” Juan
Zellada; Pachacko was behind Angiilo, they were taking him away to loll him. He
did not see Pachacko killed, but they were taking him to be killed. He was walking
behind them. He heard that they flogged Pachacko first and then they shot him.
They flogged him, and he did not die from that, so they shot him. Angiilo flogged him
and Juan Zellada shot him. This was last month in Abisinia. Pachacko was a
“ muchacho ” there. His brother is there too, all his family was there. He heard that
Pachacko had made a conspiracy against the station. He had talked with an Indian
named Dihe, and had said Come, let us attack the house.” That was what he heard,
and it was known by the chief Agiiero. Blondel was in charge at the time, Agiiero
was not there and Blondel was in charge. Agiiero was on the road trying to get the
launch across to the Cahuinari. Batson had come away, and he (Davis) was there alone
in Abisinia. Angiilo lied to him on coming back from killing Pachacko, and pretended
he had run away in the forest, but his (Davis’s) own woman came and told him about
3 o’clock. An Indian had seen them killing Pachacko, and had run and told Pachacko’s
wife, and she told his (Davis’s) woman. They caught Pachacko’s wife and put her in
the " cepo,” but after some time they let her go and sent her to an Indian house.
* Gwatipa apparently had charge of stores belonging to Abisinia that were stored in hij house on the
road up from the river to Abisinia.

955
133
Asked if he had not seen seven prisoners brought from Morelia (from Vasqiiez’s
raid as declared by James Chase and E. Batson)—three women and four men—he says
“ Yes,” and he remembers that two of the men died of starvation. That he did see with
his own eyes—their dead bodies—but he does not know about the others, or the killing
of Katenere, because it was when he was here in Chorrera. The women he knows were
given to other men and sent to other Indian houses to live. He knows notliing about
the commission to the Pama because he was not there, but he heard Jermin Vasquez
(or Filomene) say when he got back, “ I left the road pretty ” ; he meant he left it
“ pretty with dead people—that I did hear him say.”
Since he (Davis) heard that this Peruvian Amazon Company’s commission and the
consul-general were on the Putumayo they have not flogged Indians—“ even when they
don’t bring enough rubber.” They tell them, “ If you don’t bring enough I’se going to
flog you, but they doesn’t flog him.” This was about October—ît was the time Miguel
Flores got back to Abisinia from .Chorrera—in October. From that time that Flores
went back the place is changed. The food got changed too, the food got better. '
From October up to this time when he came away they were giving good food to
the people.
ALLAN DAVIS.
Signed by the aforesaid Allan Davis before me at La Chorrera this 10th day of Novem-
ber, 1910, after the foregoing statement has been read over to him which he declares
to be a true and faithful rendering of what he stated to the consul-general on the second
instant at La Chorrera.
PoGER CASEMENT.
This man left the Putumayo with his wife and child along with Mr. Casement and
returned to Barbados.
(No. 28.)
StatemeiU of Joseph Minggs imde to His Majestifs Consul-General at La Chorrera on
November 10, 1910.
Was born in Barbados.
Is 21 years of age.
His mother is dead, but his father is alive in Barbados.
Engaged in Barbados on contract to come to the Putumayo in 1905, on the 5th April,
1905, he thinks. Has lost his old contract. Came first to Nanai, near Iquitos, where
he stayed working as a labourer for a period of about eighteen months. Was then
discharged at Iquitos ; was paid in full, and got his retm-n passage money, viz., 121., to
return to Barbados, but preferred to stay on in Iquitos, where he got work as a sailor,
on board a German company’s launch named “ Emilia,” and then as a sailor on the
“ Yurimaguas,” a river steamer belonging to Arana Brothers. He then engaged on a
launch called the “ Anastasia,” and then engaged as a sailor on board the “ Liberal,”
also belonging to Arana Brothers, and then on leaving her went as a workman on the
pier or mole belonging to Booth and Company in Iquitos.
On leaving this he engaged voluntarily, along with other Barbados men, to come
to the Putumayo for the Peruvian Amazon Company (Limited), and on a similar contract
to that of Stanley Sealey and the others who arrived here on the 12th May, 1908. He
came with them, and landed here at La Chorrera on the 12th May, 1908. He has not
got his contract. He lost it on a “ commission ” when his clothes were all swept away
in the river.
He was sent to Abisinia. He left Chorrera with Aquileo Torres and another employe
of the company he calls Orre (?), who is now in Iquitos. He, James Chase, Stanley Sealey,
and Augustus Walcott all left for Abisinia together. He stayed at Abisinia a couple
of months, got side with fever there, and was sent back invalided to La Chorrera. He
was employed as cook then until he got sick. He went on short commissions—not
very far away from the station (Abisinia)—âs he could not waUe well.
These commissions were going to look after Indians with rubber and bring them
in to the station. There were Indians close to the station and they were working rubber;
they were not tied up.

134
He saw Indians flogged in the section at this time. He did not see Indians badly
flogged at that time. He saw no Indians killed at that time. He did not at that time
flog Indians himself.
He arrived back in Chorrera on the 3rd October, 1908, and stayed at Chorrera nearly
six months, employed on the launch “ Hiiitoto ” going up and down the lower river to
Providencia and other ports.
He was then sent to Entre Rios, cannot recall the date, but thinks it was about
April 1909, where he stayed three months.
He was employed then on commissions after the Indians to get them to bring in
the rubber. He always has carried a guu both on these commissions and while employed
on the launch.
At Entre Rios he himself flogged Indians, by direction of the manager, Senor O’Donnell.
Augustus Walcott was there at the same time; he was the only other Barbados man
there at that time. They both flogged Indians; they and the present cook at Entre
Rios who is there now, BasiUo Gama, did the flogging. They did not flog the Indians
badly not at his hands, or Augustus Walcott’s, or Basiho Gama’s that he saw. Asked
how it is that so many Indians at Entre Rios as elsewhere bear visible marks of having
been badly flogged, he states he saw that too; that he saw many Indians very badly marked
from flogging, but he did not do it, nor was it done so to his knowledge while he was there.
Asked who had flogged the Indians so badly as to leave these traces, he says he heard
that Frederick Bishop* had done it, also that Gama had done it too. He saw no Indians
killed at Entre Rios during his stay there. He states that Senor O’Donnell, the manager,
was fair to the Indians, and that he did not have them flogged “ too much.” Women
were flogged as well as men, but not by himself and Walcott. Senor O’Donnell himself
flogged the women with a small whip. They were standing up and net laid down. Senor
O’Donnell would not allow the others to flog the women, but did it himself. They were
not cut by the whipping. The men were cut; blood would come from the floggings
he, Walcott, and Gama, sometimes gave. He states he did not give at the outside more
than five or six lashes. To small boys, children, only two lashes. These were the
manager’s orders.
He left Entre Rios and came to Chorrera. He was discharged from Entre Rios,
he beheves, at Senor O’Donnell’s request. He had had “ a row ” with him. He had been
sent to Ultimo Retiro to bring some Indians on the road, to guard them on the way. The
Indians were despatched to Ultimo Retiro to bring some bags and provisions, and he
was in charge of them. One of these Indians “ got away ” ; he ran away back to his house,
and on arrival at Entre Rios Senor O’Donnell blamed him for this, and he was recalled
to Chorrera in consequence.
He cannot remember the date of this. He was kept at Chorrera two days, and
was then sent to Sabana, where Senor Fonseca was the chief. He cannot remember
the date exactly, but he believes it was in August of this year he went to Sabana. He
stayed there one month up to about September last. He was not on commissions there.
His feet were swollen and he could not walk, so he remained in the station as cook.' Did
not flog anyone then—Senor Fonseca himself flogged the Indians, he saw no one else flog
Indians there except Senor Fonseca. They were not badly flogged. He beat them with
a machete across the shoulders and back. The blows given were hard blows with a
bare machete given \vith its flat side and would hurt a man very much, but would not
leave marks as the skin would not be cut.
Indians were put in “ cepc.” Some were in for a week or four days. This was for
punishment. Some Indians had got guns and were using them against the “whites,”
and these prisoners would not tell where the guns were.
He was sent down to Chorrera because liis.legs were so bad he could hardly walk.
He took five days to walk from Sabana to Chorrera—înstead of one day, or one day and
a quarter as is ordinary. He remained four days here. He got some medicine for his
feet. He was then sent to Oriente where Senor Alcorta is the chief. This was done
for a change, to give him a chance of recovering. He stayed there about a month, but
as his leg did not get better he was sent here and has been employed ever since on the
launch “ Huitoto.” He was sent down because Senor Macedo had sent up for him to
come down to meet the consul on his retuiTi to Chorrera. His feet are not better yet.
Since coming back to Chorrera he has been working on the launch “ Huitoto ” as a fireman.
He knows that he is in debt to the company. This is duo to the high prices charged
the men for the things they need. He bought medicines, too, and things to eat often.
(He appears to be in debt to the company on the 29th October, 1910, to the sum of
* My servant interpreter.—E. 0.

957
136
463*47 soles Peruanos, or nearly 46Z.) He has got all his accounts, which can show
how this indebtedness has been incurred, and will bring them to the consul.
Dui'ing his stay m Oriente he saw no Indians flogged, neither men, women, nor
children. He did not see Indians beaten with machetes or in any way maltreated. He
is sure of this. Senor Alcorta treated the Indians well. He says he is “ a gentleman—
like Senor O’Donnell.” He heard of one Indian who was killed during the time he was
there. It was like this : Some women, three of them, came running up crying one day,
and they all heard what they said. They said that an Indian, “ belonging to Sabana,”
had come round and shot one of Senor Alcorta’s Indians, “ a cauchero,” an Indian who
was working rubber. This was done to try and stop Indians from working rubber for
the white men. Senor Alcorta went out to look for the man, but did not find him. They
found the man who was shot at his house out in the forest. He was not killed, and when
he, Minggs, left Santa Catalina he does not know if the man had recovered. They took
medicines out to him.
He wishes to correct the first part of his statement dealing with his stay m Abisinia.
It is that he had then gone only on short commissions just round the station. He went
on one long commission to the Caquetd,. It was soon after he got to Abisinia, about June
1908. Sealey, and Chase, and Alfred Hoyte were on that commission. Gibbs was not
on it. Augusto Jimenez was in command of the expedition. There were also '' plenty
of Peruvians ” on the commission, he cannot recall all their names. Aquileo Torres
was also on the commission. He went to the Caqueti,, but did not cross that river. He
did not see an old woman burnt to death, but he had heard of it; and on the return journey,
coming back from the Caquetd he saw the body of an old woman, that had been burned
partly, dead on the path; he saw the body of a small boy with the head cut off, and
also the partly burnt body of a man—but he did not witness the lolling of these people.
He heard from Sealey, and Chase, and Hoyte how these people had been killed, but he
did not see the burning of the two or the beheading of the child, but he saw the dead
bodies. He saw a fight between Jimenez and the leading part of the expedition with
Indians who were lying down in the bushes at the side of the path. He was ahead of
the other Barbados men part of the time. The Indians attacked them and the Peruvians
fired back, but he did not see anyone killed m that fight.
When Jimenez returned from the Caquetd. he brought “ plenty ” of Indians as
prisoners. Some were tied up—some not. They were men, women, and children. They
were taken to Morelia to make them work rubber. One of them, he believes, is still in
chains in Moreha, a man named Nuwiatchi, a Boras Indian. He left the other Indians
in Moreha to work rubber,” he does not know any more about them, only that this
“
one man was in chains.

Asked what he wishes to do now, states he would hke to go away with the consul
if he can get work. That he has no money at all, and has an Indian wife who expects
a child. If left in La Chorrera itself he would be willing to remain, but would not willingly
go to work on any of the sections after the consul-general goes away. He wishes to leave
it to the consul. He is not in a position to decide anything for himself, and begs to be
taken away if the consul thinks any work can be found for him.
He Avishes to correct his statement as to the dates of his moving from station to
station, seeing that the periods he assigns to his stay at each place do not accord with
tL. time elapsed since he arrived on the Putumayo up to this date. The error in calcula-
tion, he thinks, applies more hkely to the length of his stay at Abisinia. He stayed there,
he believes, till probably October 1909, not 1908, and his first statement that he spent
only two months ” there is incorrect. He meant to say two months in the station,
“
but he was much longer in the section of Abisinia, and stayed some time in Morelia.
He admits that his statement is incorrect in several particulars as to the dates of _ his
stay at particular places, and that he has made misstatements, but they were not inten-
tional, so he declares.
He admits that he has not answered the questions put to him in a straightforward
way because he did not remember.” He did not answer all the questions put to him
“
in a straightforward way because he was ‘‘ a bit upset.”

^ JOSEPH MINGGS.
Signed before me,
ROGER CASEMENT.
This man accompanied Mr. Casement to Manaos, in Brazil, where work was found
for him.
[4010

136
(No. 29.)
Statement of Armando King made to His Majesty's Consul-General at La Chorrem on

November 10,1910.
Native of Barbados.
About 25 years of age.
Engaged with the first lot of Barbados men in November 1904 to come to the Putu-
mayo on a contract entered into before Mr. Brewster by Abel Alarco and himself.
Has lost his contract.
Stopped first at Colonia Riojano and then came to La Chorrera. Was sent from
La Chorrera to Matanzas and Andokes along with many other Barbados men led by
Rambn Sanchez and Senor Normand.
Stayed there three months and returned to La Chorrera. Stayed here a short time
and then went to Occidente, where Senor Miguel Elores was the chief of section.
Stayed there about six months and returned to La Chorrera, whence he was dis-
patched on a journey to the Caquetd, along with E. Bishop and a young man named Norman,
as escort for hlr. Robuchon. That was about the end, or towards the end, of 1905. Mr.
Robuchon sent them from the mouth of the Cahuinari to look for help. He was not
seen again, and King, Bishop, and the rest of the expedition came out on the Putumayo
a good way below the Igaraparand, and got up to lia Chorrera by steamer.
On his return to La Chorrera from this expedition he was sent back to Matanzas,
where Senor Normand was chief. This would be in 1906, and he stayed there about
nine months, which completed the two years’ contract on which he had originally left
Barbados.
No fresh contract was made of any kind, and he has no contract now of any kind,
only a verbal agreement. His present agreement is with Senor Loayza at El Encanto,
and is not in writing, but this verbal agreement, he understands, is not with Senor Loayza
personally, but with the Peruvian Amazon Company (Limited), in whose name Senor
Loayza has re-engaged him.
At the termination of the two years or thereabouts in Matanzas of his contract he
returned to La Chorrera, and was sent to El Encanto, where he has been ever since. He
was transferred to El Encanto at his own wish, and he has been working there ever since.
He is cook at El Encanto at the present time, and has been in that capacity for about
three years and a-half. His present wages are lOZ. a-month—^not 100 soles. He does
not owe the company anything, and is quite free to go away at any time he wishes. He
is well treated and has nothing to complcin of. Has not been ordered to perform any
illegal tasks at El Encanto, to flog Indians or to exercise illegal force over them.
Asked if he knew a man named Hernandez, he asks what name, and is told Justino
Hernandez. After enquiring if this was a Columbian, he says “ Yes ”—he knew Justino
Hernandez.
Asked what has become of him, he says he is dead.
Asked how he died, he says he shot him.
Asked who ordered him to shoot Hernandez, he says the manager Senor Loayza.
He then proceeds to relate how the occurrence took place. Hernandez pointed
his revolver at him and threatened to shoot him, and he complained to Senor Loayza
who went to the room of Hernandez and asked him what was the cause of his conduct,
whereupon Hernandez fired two revolver shots through the door. Senor Loayza warned
deponent to arm himself, and if necessary to shoot Hernandez; and as Hernandez came
out from his room and pointed his gun at him, he shot him. Hernandez came to his
(deponent’s) room door with a revolver in his hand, and pointed it at him, and he (deponent)
struck up his arm and shot him. He thinks Ins shot killed him. There were plenty
of people firing there then, three bullets went through the cooldiouse. Among others he
remembers who were there: Senor LuizAlcorta (now at Oriente), and a man named Suarez,
but he cannot remember the names of all. It is about four years ago this ocomred. It
was about the beginning of 1907, as far as he can recall.
Hernandez was the manager of a section—and had come down to El Encanto. The
matter, as related by deponent, was in this wise.
AVlien the company, he means Arana Brothers, bought El Encanto from its
Colombian owners, some of the Colombians of the neighbourhood who had interests
in El Encanto came to make trouble. They did not agree to the sale. They wanted
to fight, but Mr. Loayza quieted them. He spoke to them ‘‘ Idndly ” and got them
to go away. A very short time after, a week or two at most, Justino Hernandez came
to El Encanto to protest against the sale, and came with a revolver in his hand and

137
attacked deponent. Hernandez was, as he declares, actually worldng for Arana

Brothers at the time as a chief of one of the sections, and he came to El Encaiito to
protest agamst the sale to Arana Brothers. liis section he believes was Esperanza.
He declares this was the only man he shot in the El Encaiito district.
Asked where he was in January 1908, answers he was in El Encanto but cannot
remember. He went to Iquitos once, but he is not sure where he was in January 1908,
except that he was in the El Encanto district.
Asked if he were present when others were shot, or if he knew the names of certain
Colombians read out, he admits to having heard of several, and of having known
Ildefonzo Gonzalez. He knew Eaymundo Caceres, had heard he had been shot, but
was not present.
He states he was promised a “ gi’atification ” for the joui'ney with Senor Eobuchon
but did not receive anything.
He has nothing to complain of now. He is well treated and is perfectly free to
go any time he likes.
He is asked if he has anything further he wishes to say to the consul-general and
lie saj^ no.
The foregoing, read over to Armando King, who states that in Barbados he was
baptised ALfonzo and has been called Armando here on the Putumayo, who declares
it is a true and faithful record of the statements made by him in reply to the
interrogatory of Hrs Majesty's consul-general, this tenth day of November, 1910,
at La Qborrera.
ALPHONZO KING.
Signed by the aforesaid Armando or AJfonzo King, before me this tenth day of
November, 1910, at La Chorrera.
EOGER CASEMENT.
This man remained on the Putumayo at his own \\TS1I. He was warned by
Mr. Casement that his shooting of Justino Hernandez by Senor Loayza's orders was
a crime, and that he might be held responsible for it, and answer for it with his life.
As he elected to work wth people who were murderers, and to stay with them, he must
take his chance. The charge of shooting Hernandez was not the only one brought
against this man.
(No. 30.)
Statement of John Bromn, a mtive of Moiitserrat, made to His Majesty's Consul-

General at Iquitos on December 3, 1910.
His age is 32.
He is not married. His mother lives in Montserrat; his father is dead.
Was engaged in Barbados in May 1905 for Abel AJarco, before Mr. Brewster.
Went to Colonia Eiojano first, and after a short delay there was sent up to La
Chorrera. On arrival there, after three days, he was sent to the section of Abisiuia
where Senors Agiiero and Enoch Eichafds were in charge of the district. A party of
Barbados men to the number of fifteen were sent along with Brown from La Chorrera
to Abisinia, and he found four of his countrymen already there. All were armed with
Winchester carbines.
His work began at once; after three days he and five other Barbados men, under
Agiiero himself, went out on a commission to the Boras country to try and catch Indians
to make them work rubber. They caught six women and tied them up with
“ chambira ” (native rope) and three men, who Avere also tied up in the same way, and
three children, who were not tied up. In the efiort to catch these nine adults and three
childi’en, six Indians were killed—^four men, one woman, and one little boy. The httle
boy was shot through liis bowels trying to run away. The man Avho shot him was
Filomene Vasquez, who is stiU employed at Abisinia. The capitan ” of these Indians
was shot by Mlomene Vasquez and Eodolfo Eodriguez, who is now at Santa Catalina.
The three men and the woman were decapitated. BroAvn saw it done. These four
persons were caught and beheaded. They were held by the hair and their heads
[401] T 2

138
hacked off with machetes. This was done by the “ muchachos ” under the direct orders
of Senor Agiiero, who stood by and saw it done. This was Brown's first commission,
and, so far as he can recall the date, it must have been in July of 1905. He believes
it was July because he remembers it was a Sunday in July 1905, and as it was the first
time he had seen human life taken it produced a great impression on him.
The prisoners were brought into Abisinia and put in “ cepo " there. One of these
prisoners was subsequently shot by Agiiero. He was one of six men who were in
“ cepo " in Abisinia long afterguards, and Agiiero, on coming back to Abisinia after an
absence in Iquitos, had the prisoners then in “ cepo " all shot. This was the occasion
related by James Mapp to the consul-general when one of the prisoners so killed bv
Agiiero was a man with one leg only who had limped or “ hopped " as he was being
taken to be shot.
The other men, prisoners all,, subsequently escaped, some from work in the
“ chacara " round the house; one of them while in his (John Brown's) charge, when
carrying a load of rice up from the port of Santa Julia to Abisinia, about two days’
journey. The man threw down the sack of rice and got away. He thinks the women
escaped too.
John Brown's stay in Abisinia was for two years and three months, some of which
was spent in commissions to other sections and going and coming upon various journeys
with Abisinia, however, as his head-quarters.
Enoch Eichards was at Gondar most of the time. He does not recall Caiio.^
hlicanda, except at the A^do Parand at its mouth. He saw very httle of him and
knows practically nothing of him. He does not know much of Enoch Eichards. When
he arrived at Abisinia, Augusto Jimenez was not there. Jimenez arrived in Abisinia
not long after Brown arrived there. He (Jimenez) was in charge of the port of Santa
Juha on Brown's arrival in the comitry and was soon after transferred to Abisinia itself.
During his two years and three months at Abisinia John Brown was generally on
commissions after the Indians and saw lots of Indians killed. He saw hundreds of
Indians killed. They were shot, they were beheaded; there were men, women, and
children killed. He has seen a woman suckhng a small baby at ner breast have her
head cut off and the baby killed, cut to pieces. This was done by a man named Esteban
Angulo, chief of the actual commission on which this orime occurred.
The Indians were raided the whole time of his stay in that section; they got no
peace. Commissions of armed men were continually being sent out to try to “ conquer ”
them and compel them to come in and submit to worl^g rubber, and these murders
were a part of the campaign against the Indians. The Indians he refers to were Bora.<=
Indians all the time. During the two and a-quarter years he spent in Abisinia section.
Brown was more than once sent to Santa Catalina, where Aureho Eodriguez was the
chief. One section would help the other vdth men when needed, and these sections lie
only two days' march apart. In Santa Catalina, dming the times he was lent for work
there, he frequently saw Aurelio Eodriguez and his conduct to the Indians was the
same as Agiiero's. These Indians were Boras, too. Aurelio Eodriguez sent out
frequent commissions in which he (Brown) and other Barbados men took part, and
Indians were frequently killed in the most brutal way.
He saw women and children often killed. He saw Aureho Eodriguez in an Indian
house where he spent ten days and whence esq)editions were being daily despatched to
the surroimding forest to catch Indians, and as they were brought in Eodriguez had
them beheaded—all that he did not want.
The murdering of the Indians between Santa Catalina and Abisinia by orders of
Agiiero and Eodriguez went on all the time of his stay in the region. He remembeis
the journey well when Jimenez killed the thirty-five Indian prisoners at night and
declares the facts were as related by James Mapp to Consul-General (that statement
read over to him) and not as recorded by Captain Whiffen from memory in his letter
to the Eoreign Office (read to him). He had misinformed Captain Whiffen or Captain
IVhiffen, writmg from memory, had not remembered clearly.
He was present when Jimenez and Agiiero had the six men taken from “cepo,"’
one being lame, and had them shot in Abisinia and the facts are as recorded by James
?tlapp. The only Indian he saw Jimenez burn alive was the man who was thro\vn
wounded on the fire the night they killed the thirty-five Indians.
He has seen Jim6nez kill very many Indians, but not by burning them ahve. He
left Abisinia section in October 1907, he thinks, and returned to La Chorrera where he
spent most of the balance of his time. He left Chorrera in June 1908 to come to
Iquitos with the intention of leaving the company’s service altogether—and here in
Iquitos, he thinks in July 1908, he met Captain Whiffen and was engaged by him.

961
139
During his stay at Chorrera up to June 1908 Indians were flogged there. They
were not flogged out in the open, but in the “ caucho ” store. They would be taken
in there, the door shut and flogged inside. This was usually done by Daiicuart, the
chief store-keeper. Brown more than once was despatched to the forest to bring in
Indians to be thus flogged. Senor Macedo was present at these floggings—they were
done by his orders. This went oii up to Captain Whift’en’s arrival. Diu-ing the time
he spent with Captain Whiflcn in the sections and at Chorrera the Indians were not
punished openly and everything was done to hide from Captain Whiffen the true facts
of the case.
In addition to the deliberate killing of Indians he so frequently witnessed in
Abisinia and Santa Catalina, John Brown saw many Indians, Avomen and men, who
were starved to death, who died by hunger, while kept chained up and in the “ cepo ”
at Abisinia. No food was given to them and these people often died of starvation.
He has seen Indians in ‘‘ cepo ” in this starving condition eat the dirt near the “ cepo
—the}’- Avould scrape it up with then fingers and eat it.
During his stay at Abisinia the principal employes who took pare in these crimes
were Abelardo Agiiero, the chief of the district; Esteban Angiilo, w^ho went away and
was replaced by Augusto Jimenez; Bucelli, since killed in Caquetd; Filomene Vasquez,
still in Abisinia ; Simon Angiilo, a Colombian who was kept for floggmg only and is
still at Abisinia in this capacity; and in Santa Catalina the worst characters were
Aurelio Rodriguez, the chief; Alejandro Vasquez, or Vasquez Torres,' still in the
company’s sendee and at Santa Catalina; Majioel Lopez and Rodolfo Rodi-iguez, still
at Santa Catalina.
In La Chorrera at that time the worst man was Dancuart who is now in the
Caraparand agency.
John Brown is not aware that any action was taken at any time by the Peruvian
authorities to prevent these crimes or punish their authors. There were troops in La
Chorrera during his stay there under an ofi&cer, and the method of dealing Avith the
Indians was well known. There were troops there in Cliorrera Avhen Dancuart flogged
Indians in the rubber store—but he caimot say if their officer knew that Indians were
being flogged as the door of the “ caucho ” store Avas shut so as to prevent the cries of
the Adetiras being heard—but often the Indians Avould have their mouths shut—and
AA'Ould be ordered to keep quiet or Avorse Avould be done to them. These Indians Avere
accused of not being willing to come into Chorrera to work. They wêre Indians of a
Capitan Akina on the other side of the river across from La Chorrera.
—Mr. Casement sent John Brown, at the prefect’s request, to be questioned
by him. During Lis interAdeAV wdth the prefect at Iquitos on the 30th November,
John Brown did not relate all the foregomg to the prefect but only as much as there
AA'as time to record. He told the prefect among other things of the hilling of the thirty-
five people by Jimenez; of the minder of the six men in the “ cepo ” % Agiiero and
Jimenez; of Aureho Rodriguez kilhng many Indians and flogging to death, and of
Alejandro Vasquez also, and Rodolfo Rodriguez, of Filomene Vasquez kiUing; of
Agiiero and Jimenez taking an Indian and maldng a target of him and shooting at him
until they killed him ; of Agiiero shooting a girl charged wdth immoral intercourse lAuth
a young Brazilian employe who is no longer there; of Jimenez murdering twelve
Inmans (men and women) in Morelia who had been brought in as prisoners. He Idlled
these Indians because they had " run aAvay and were bad and were not Avanted again.”
This covers briefly what John Brown related to the prefect, Avho thanked him for
the information, and said that if John Brown should be in Iquitos when the prefect
heard from Lima he would send for him and call him. This refers to expected
telegraphic instructions from Lima to dispatch an investigating judge to the Putumayo.
John Brown, at his ovm request, remains in Iquitos to obtain Avork there.
I suggested to the prefect that no eflort should be spared to obtain good inter-
preters and John BroAsm Imows the language of the Boras Indians fairly Avell.)
ROGER CASEMENT.
Iquitos, December 3, 1910.

140
Cofy of the Pay List of the La Ohorrera Agemy, gs drawn v/p for September 1910.
(Planillas de Sueldos.)
{Note.—One Peruvian sole equals 2s. One arroba equals 15 kilog.)
1. Seccion Sur—
Carlos Miranda (chief) 2 soles per arroba of rubber and 7 per cent.
Jose Plaza 100 soles per month.
Ezequiel Larato
2. Seccion Occidente—
Fidel Velarde (chief) 2 soles per arroba (“ peso bruto ”) and 7 per cent.
Manuel Torrioo 100 >> yf 99
Eugenio Acosta 100 soles per month.

Apolinar Atravea 80 yy
Augustin Pena 80 yy yy
3. Seccion Entre Rios—

Andres A. O’Donnell (chief) 3 soles per arroba and 7 per cent.
Juan B. Rodriguez 50 cts. (Is.) per arroba and 80 soles per month.
Florentine Santillan 125 soles per mouth.
Martin Arana 80 yy yy
Abel Ortiz 70 yy 99
Basilio Cama ... - ... 60 yy yy
Pedro Garcia 50 yy
Abel Valle 50 99
Maximo Borbolino 70 yy yy
Eu.sebio Pinedo 60 yy
Miguel Castillo 50 yy y»
4. Seccion Atenas—
Alfredo Montt (chief) 3 soles per arroba.
A. Vasques Torres loO. „
Jeremias Gusman 80 yy
Ismael Tortilla 50
Ramon Vargas 50 yy
Emilio Mozambito 120 yy yy
5. Seccion Ultimo Retiro—

Augusto Jimenez (chief) ... 3 soles per arroba.
Suen Lopez 80 soles per month.
Aquildo Torres 100 yy
Eleuterio Zamorra 80 99
Ehas Velasquez 60
Jose Dias 60
Fabian Montoya 100 99
*Edward Crichlow 50 yy
Pascal Zambrano 70 99
Manuel Becorra 50 99
Juan Vallejos 50 99
6. Seccion Oriente—
Luis Alcorta (chief) 2 soles per arroba and 7 per cent.
Federico Arias 60 soles per month.
Toribio Grandes 60 99
Esteban Angulo 100
Maximo Collazes 50 yy
Crisostomo Castillo 60 yy
Santiago La Calle 50
Oscar Euciso 70 yy
7. Seccion Aadokes (SlataniMs)—

Armando Nomiand (chief) 20 per cent. “ sobre productos peso bruto”
Cesar Bustamante 126 soles per mouth.
Juan Sifuentes 80 99 99
Udefonso Tachon 60 99
Adan Negrete 80 M
* Westerraou Leavtue 60 99 99
Francisc.0 Berber 60 99 99
* Barbados men.

141
963
7. Seccion Andokes (Matanzas) {continued)—
Elias Rodriguez 50 soles per month.
Jos6 Cordova 50
Nemesio Cuenca 50 >> »
Juan Villota 50 n f)
Adolfo Cortes 60 99 99
*James Layne (Lane) 50 99 99
8. Seccion Sabana—
Jose Inocente Fonseca (chief) 4 soles per arroba.
Remigio Vega 150 soles per month.
Alejandro Diva 80 99 99
Glorioso Rodriguez 60 99
Jose Burbano 80 99
*Preston Johnson 50 99
Juan Collazes 50 99
Rafael Ocana 80 99
♦Sydney Morris 60 99
Adolfo Castro Pol 60 99
♦Augustus Walcott 60 99
♦Josep}\ Minggs 60 99 99
9. Seccion Santa Catalina—

Carlos Seniinario (chief) 4 soles per arroba.
Rodolfo Rodriguez 80 soles per month and 30 cents per arroba.
Adolfo Lopez 70 soles per month.
Hipolito Medina 50 99 99
Lucas Trejo 60 99 99
Braulio Munoz 80 99 99
Victor Gusman 60 99 99
Alfredo Zegarra 80 99
♦Alfredo Hoyte 50 99 99
♦Clifford Quintyne 50 99 99
Vicente Cubides 50 99 99
♦James Mapp 50 99 99
♦Reuben Ph^ps 50 99 99
10. Seccion Abisinia—

Abelardo Agiiero (chief) 5 soles per arroba.
Sliguel Flores 200 soles per month.
Armando Blondel ... 100 „
Isaias Ocampo 60 „
♦Allen Davis 70 „
Antonio Ahanuari ... 80
♦Evelyn Batson 70 „
Jermin or Filomene Vasquez 70 „
Juan M. Lopez 70
Simon Angdlo 60
Simon Munoz 60 „
Juan 31. Zelada 80
Subscccion Morelia (under Abisinia)—
Abelardo Aguero (chief).
3Iiguel Montoya 50 soles per month.
3IarianQ Cuba 50 „ „
Subscccion Palmera (under Abisinia)—
Abelardo Aguero.
Ciriaco Ordonez 50 soles per month.
♦James Chase 50 „ „
Froilan Patino 50 „ „
Launches—
Launch “ Witoto ” (on Lower Igaraparana, below Chorrera)—
Guillermo Bruce.
Lorenzo Murayari.
Pedro Salinas.
C. Hammacari.
3Iigucl Davila.
♦Stanley Sealy.
Launch “ Veloz ” (on Igaraparand, above the cataract at La (ihorrera)—
Eudisio iVrevalo.
Launch “ Audaz ” (on Cahuinari River)—
Guillermo Burke (a British-Australian subject).
* Barbados meli.

]42
At La Chorrera, the chief agency, and at sub-posts under it, none of which produce rubber—
Remuneracion.
Victor Macedo, chief agent 315 soles per montLand 6 per cent, on the profits
of the agency, i.e., all sales of goods and all
produce of rubber from all the sections.
Jose S. Rodriguez, .doctor.
Francisco Ponce, accountant.
H. S. Parr, storekeeper.
Victoriano del Solar.
Luis Garece, chief steward.
Juan Cardenas, table steward.
* Manuel 0. Lopez.
Samuel Pelaez.
Jose M. Alvarado.
♦Philip Lawrence, cook.
Juan Pinheiro.
Isaac Puertas.
Publico Agudelo.
Davila Salazar.
fSiefert Greenidge, baker.
Jose C. Miranda.
Gregorio Arimuyu.
fDonald Francis.
Antonio Antis, mason.
Sabino Bendezu.
Pablo Canpoyo.
Manuel Perez.
At fishing station down river—
Arturo Macias.
Marcial Sifuentes.
Miguel Tapulima.
Jose Cerron.
At Indostan—
Zumaran.
Santiago Ortiz.
Near La Chorrera at the transport post over the cataract^—
Daniel Alvan ;
Domingo Quispe: also
Joshua Dyall, a Barbados man transferred from La Chorrera agency to El Encanto in Septomber.
♦ Jamaica boy. j Barbados men.
No. il.
Sir Edvjard Grey to Mr. Bryce.
Sir, - Foreign Office, March 30, 1911.

WITH reference to my despatch of the 10th instant, enclosing a copy of a
report* by Sir. Eoger Casement on his recent visit to the Putumayo district, I transmit
to Your Excellency herewith a copy of a despatchj to His Majesty’s representative at
Lima, instructing him to communicate the report in question unoflBcially to the Peruvian
Government, for their confidential information, intimating that a further report by
Mr. Casement on the general situation in the Putumayo as it afiects the Indians will he
similarly communicated to them later.
Copies of telegraphic correspondence with His Majesty’s representative at Lima,
showing the steps taken by His Majesty’s Government in the matter since Mr. Casement's
return, are also enclosed.
I have to request Your Excellency to communicate unofficially to the United States
Government, for their confidential information, Mr. Casement’s report, intimating that
his further report will similarly be communicated to them later, and to apprise them
generally at the same time of the action taken by His Majesty’s Government, as recorded
in the correspondence now enclosed, and of the present instruction to His Majesty’s
representative at Lima.
I am, &c.,
E. GREY.
• No. 8. t No. 12.

143
No. 12.
Sir 'Edward Ch'ey to Mr. Jerome.
it
Sir, Foreign Office, March 30, 1911.

WITH reference to previous correspondence, I transmit to you herewith copies
of a report di-awm up by Mr. Roger Casement, C.M.G., on his visit to the Putumayo
district to enquire into the state of’affans prevailing there as regards the British subjects
in the employ of the Peruvian Amazon Company.
A further report by Mr. Casement on the general situation hi the Putumayo, as it
affects the Indians there, is now under preparation, and will be sent you later.
You should communicate the report now enclosed unofficially to the Peru\dan
Government, for their confidential information, intimating that the further report ivill
be similarly communicated to them in due course.
I am requesting His Majesty’s representative at Washington to inform the United
States Government of this instruction, and of the steps taken by His Majesty’s Govern-
ment in the matter since Mr. Casement’s return, as recorded in the recent telegraphic
correspondence with Mi’, des Graz.
I am, &c.,
E. GREY.
No. 13.
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Jerome.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, Ayril 21, 1911.

INQUIRE of Peruvian Government whether they have succeeded in effecting the
arrest of any of the criminals mentioned in my telegram of January 16th. So
far as I am aware, Aureho Rodriguez alone has been discovered and he has been given
bail, while AquUdo Torres is reported to have been drowned; most of the others are
reported to have escaped, Aguero with an armed band into the Caquet^ district after
burning and destroying everything that he could in the hope of stirring up the Boras
Indians.
His Majesty’s Gk>vemment do not doubt that the Peruvian Government are
animated by a desire to investigate fuUy the proceedings of all those mentioned in my
telegram above referred to as being the worst offenders, but they would be glad to learn
at an early date what action the Peruvian Government propose to take with a view to
their arrest in order to be able to satisfy Parliament that the Peruvian Government are
resolutely determined to put a stop to the excesses committed against the natives and
to prevent their recurrence.
No. 14.
Mr. Jerome to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received April 27.)
(Telegraphic.) Lima, April 27, 1911.

I COMMUNICATED to hlinister for Foreign Affairs substance of your telegram of
the 21st instant.
I believe I have succeeded in convincing Peruvian Government of the friendly but
also earnest desire of His Majesty’s Government that the Peruvian Government should
take the necessary steps in Putumayo. Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has
communicated to me ensuing telegrams from Prefect at Iquitos, which are as follows :
Iquitos. February lUli.—Ârana firm has dismissed eleven employes accused, who
“
have gone to Brazil. Commission ^vill find few criminals. Normand and Velarde are
not in Iquitos. Rodriguez will be arrested.”
♦ No. 8.
[401] U

144
March Sth.—Ênglish commission, composed of Messrs. Barnes, Fox, Bell, Gielgud,

appointed by Peruvian Amazon Company have arrived bere after six montlis in tbe
Putumayo, sent to enquice into the accusations against their agents. This company has
taken the following steps to reform conditions : rubber gatherers to have a fixed salary
instead of a percentage commission, principal cause of ill-treatment of Indians. Manner
tells me measures have been taken to protect natives. The presence of Peruvian judicial
commission in the Putumayo will be highly beneficial from every point of view.^'
“ March lliJ^.—The] uncial investigation commission leave for Putumayo March 15th,
presided over by Paredes, on a gunboat. Court has given instructions. Expenses
defrayed by prefecture. Investigation will take three months.”
“ A'pril IZth.—Received yesterday from Putumayo indictment by Judge Paredes
of Fonseca, Aguero and Flores, who have fled to Manaos on rafts taking with them some
dozens of Huitotos Indians of both sexes to sell them on River Acre for 60Z. each. I
have ordered Paredes to accelerate proceedings so as to issue writs against above and
will endeavour to obtain their extradition from Brazil, as well as return to their own
home of enslaved Huitotos. Paredes said he would, the object of taking away these
Indians being to prevent them from giving evidence as to crimes: Huitotos village
destroyed.”
“ AprU \Zth {2nd telegromi).—Before leaving for Putumayo Paredes took evidence
from manager and ex-manager of Peruvian Amazon Company, also A. Rodriguez, under
prosecution, admitted to bail for 2,000Z. Fonseca and Montt fled ten days’ march into
bush of Rio Hapo; police sent to capture them. Aware of necessity of punishment;
will endeavour to overcome all difficulties notwithstanding forest and ffistance.”
No. 15.
(Telegraphic.)
YOUR telegram of yesterday. Foreign Ofxe, April 28, 1911.
I am glad that your representations have so far been successful, and entirely approve.
You may inform Peruvian Government that His Majesty’s Government are much
gratified at the determination of the Peruvian Government to alter state of afiairs in
Putumayo.
They will have the sympathy and moral support of His Majesty’s Government in
this humanitarian object, the achievement of which will greatly redound to their credit.
His Majesty’s Government earnestly trust that nothing will be left undone to secure
extradition from Brazil of Fonseca and the others, and return of natives to their homes.
No. 16.
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Bryce.
Sir, Foreign Office, May 13,1911.

WITH reference to my despatch of the 30th March last, I transmit hereivith
copies of two further reports from Mr. Casement on his recent investigations in the Putu-
mayo.*
I request that your Excellency will communicate these reports confidentially to
the United States (^vemment.
I am, &c.,
' E. GREY.
* NO3. 9 and 10.

967
146
Nc. 17.
Mr. Jerome to Sir E. Grey.—{Received June 13.)
Sir, Lima, May Uh, 1911.
WITH reference to previous correspondence on this subject, I have the honour to
report that I had an interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 2nd of May
in regard to the Putumayo affair. His Excellency said that certain criminals, taking with
them a number of Indians, had been stopped at Manaos, that the Brazilian Government
had promised to return the Indians to Peruvian territory, but that they had refused to
grant the extradition of the criminals on the ground that the laws of Brazil did not permit
of extradition ot xccused persons to countries that had no extradition treaty with Brazil,
which was the case of Peru ; he also told me that his Government had given instructions
to the Peruvian representative at Eio de Janiero to commence negotiations for the con-
clusion of such a treaty without delay.
Public opinion in Peru, His Excellency hoped, largely through the' influence of the
Asociacion Pro-Indigena, was being educated up to a better treatment of the Indians, and
lie requested me to assure His Majesty's Government that in so far as his Government
were able, they would do all they could to secure the punishment of the criminals.
I have, &c.
LUCISH J. JEROME.
Ho. 18.
Sir Edivard Grey to Mr. Jerome.
Sir, Foreign Office, June 20, 1911. -
WITH reference to my despatch of the 30th March last on the subject of the
Putumayo atrocities, I toansmit herewith three copies of Mr. Casement’s two
final reports, together with a Spanish translation of the same for communication to the
Peruvian Government.*
When forwardmg these documents to their destination you should say that His
■ Majesty’s Government do not doubt that the Peruvian Government, after perusal of
these reports, which contain more detailed information than that previously communi-
cated to them, will realise the necessity for prompt and energetic action.
His Majesty’s Government have hitherto refused the demand for publication of
JMT. Casement’s reports, being, as they were, in a position to inform Parliament that the
Peruvian Government have expressed then determination to deal effectively with the
evil and that the Peruvian Amazon Company are engaged in drawing up a scheme of
reform. His Majesty’s Government earnestly hope that when further questions are
put to them in Parhament they will be able to give more definite assurances with regard
to the steps actually being taken to put an end to the present state of affairs, which dates
from a period before the concern became a British company and for which it is clear
that the Arana Brothers are responsible.
I am, &c.,
E. GREY.
No. 19.
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Jero7ne.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, July 6, 1911.
INFORM Peruvian Minister for Foreign Affairs that I have read the report of your
conversation with H. E. contained in your despatch of 4th May, and impress upon him
that His Majesty’s Government attach the greatest importance to Peru giving visible
proof without further delay that she is determined to eradicate the present abuses
in the Putumayo, and to arrest and bring before a proper court the criminals impli-
cated. Failing such proof, they will have no alternative but to publish Sir R.
Casement’s reports (Spanish translations of which are now on their way to you for
communication to the Peruvian Government).
* Nos. 9Jand 10.

[401] U 2

146
No. 20.
(TeWrapMc.) Foreign Ojfi<^, July 6, 1911.

SEE my telegram of to-day to His Majesty’s Eepresentative at lima.
Please communicate substance to United States Government and say we sboiild
greatly appreciate any support they can give at Lima in this matter. It is public
knowledge that very great crimes have occurred, and that His Majesty’s Government
are in possession of the facts. His Majesty’s Government must confine their action to
the protection of British subjects, and this they have donebut unless they are in a
position to say that criminals have been punished and measures taken to prevent a
recurrence of such cruelties, they will have no choice but to publish what they know,
as publicity will then be the only chance of remedy.
No. 21.
Mr. Jerome to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received July 13.)
(Telegraphic.) Lima, July 13, 1911.

IN view of the êat importance attached hy His Majesty’s Government to the
adoption of immediate measures by the Peruvian Government for the suppression of
the abuses in the Putumayo, and in order to prevent any delay which might result from
the changes which I heard were contemplated in the Cabinet, I asked yesterday for a
private audience of the President. His Excellency received me late last night and I
handed him a memorandum giving the substance of my conversation with the Minister
for Poreign Afiiairs on 2nd May last, as reported in my despatch of the 4th, and the
tenor of the instructions conveyed to me in your telegram of the 6th instant.
I told his Excellency that I was afraid I had not succeeded in impressing the hlinister
for Poreign AEakswith the seriousness of the view taken by His Majesty’s Government
in this matter and that he had not realised either the full meam'ng or the value of the moral
support they had offered. I took upon myself to renew the offer on the condition that
the Peruvian Government took immediate steps in the desired direction.
The President was greatly impressed by my memorandum, and said that he would
lose no time in going mto the matter himself with the Minister for Poreign Affairs. It
was arranged, .however, to consider the memorandum as a private and unofficial
communication.
His Excellency begged me to let His Majesty’s Government know at once by tele-
graph that he is ready to take such steps as they may consider most likely to prove effective.
I said that, in addition to punishing the criminals whose names have already been com-
municated to the Peruvian Government, it was desirable to legislate with a view to
making slavery a criminal offence, and I reminded his Excellency of Peru’s treaty
obhgations to Great Britain in this respect.
I trust that my action may meet with your approval.
No. 22.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, July 21,1911.

YOUR telegram of 13th July.
I entirely approve your action, and.am much gratified to learn of the reception given
to your representations.
In view of the President’s assurance that he will take any action His Majesty’s
Government may consider most effective, you should m’ge that, first of aU, immediate
steps be taken to compel the local authorities to arrest and punish the criminals whose
names we have already communicated. This must still be possible, though it would,
of course, have been easier had prompt action been taken in the beguming.

969
147
In the second place, His Majesty’s Government are of opinion that considerable good
might be derived from the establishment of a religious mission in the Putumayo district,
wim headquarters at Iquitos or some other convenient centre. They trust that the
Peruvian Government would not only afford every facihty to such a mission, but would
give an earnest of their good intentions by granting it a substantial annual subsidy.
You should press the Peruvian Government for an early answer on these points.
No. 23.
Mr. Bryce to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received July 22.)
(Telegraphic.) Sealharbour, July 21, 1911.

yOUP telegram of 6th July.
I have received to-day reply from the United States Government to representations
made stating that the United States Government heartily sjunpathise with His Majesty’s
Government, and have sent instructions to the United States Minister at Lima to
express informally at a favourable opportunity pleasure of United States Government
at steps already taken by Peruvian Government to end excesses, and hopes that
further vigorous measures will follow to prevent renewal of cruelties towards the
natives.
No. 24.
(Telegraphic.) Lima, July 9,5,1^11.

HAVE received following from Peruvian Government:—
“ Telegrams from Prefect of Iquitos to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs :—
“ No. 72 of 19th July :—
“ ‘ Dr. Paredes returned here on the 15th. He visited all the twenty-six sections
separately, has issued 215 apprehension warrants, and confirms crimes and horrors
committed. He is communicating to me the names of culprits for theic immediate arrest.
Many have escaped to Brazil. Only accessories remain in Peruvian territory. Dr.
Paredes’s work is to be commended.’
“ Telegram No. 73 of 22nd July :—
“ I have to-day arrested Homero and Aurelio Eodriguez, Alpino Lopez, Zumaeta.’ ”
No. 25.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, July 27,1911.

YOUR telegram of 25th July.
Express satisfaction at measures taken. Ask Peruvian Government to communicate
to Brazilian Government names of criminals who have escaped to Brazil, and to ask latter
to keep an eye on them if possible and report if they leave Brazilian territory.
No. 26.
(Telegraphic.) . Lima, July 27, 1911.
FOLLOWING from the Prefect of Iquitos to the Minister for Foreign Affairs :—
“ Teleâm No. 102 of 24tii July.
“ Confom previous telegrarns of crimes in Putumayo ; cases now in hands of criminal
Judge Valcarcel, who is proceeding against criminals. Arrests continue to be made of
persons accused by Paredes, whose report consists of 1,300 pages.

148
Majority of crimes, suoli as reputed acts of cruelty and also barbarous massacres,
committed prior to 1907, more especially m 1901 and 1905, by Colombians and Pemvians.
Among criminals are Barbados negro^ who are in their own country or Brazil. Principal
ofienders—^Montt, O’Donnell, Fonseca, Agiiero, Velarde—are in Brazil. Martinengui is
at Callao.
Prisoners are arriving in next steam-boat from Putumayo.
“ There are so many warrants out gaol too small.
“ Acts of savage ferocity are fully proven against employes of the firm Arana up
to year 1907.”
No. 27.
Mr. Jerome to Sir Edward Grey.—[deceived October 3).
Sir, Lima, August 28, 1911.

I HAVE the honour to report that early in the present month I heard rumours
that Judge Valcarcel, in whose hands the case against the criminals of the Peruvian
Amazon Company had been placed on the return of Vacation Judge Paredes to Iquitos,
had left for luma; it was alleged at the Foreign Oflhce that no news to this effect had
been received. However, this morning’s “ Prensa ” contains a telegram, confirming
that Judge Valcarcel is not in Iquitos and that a more convenient magistrate has been
appointed.
The Lima “ Comercio ” also of this morning publishes another telegram from Iquitos
giving details of the culpabihty of Zumaeta, the Iquitos manager of the Peruvian Amazon
Company, and wliich also states that he has been permitted to escape.
I am writing this with the bag aheady prepared to be sent down to the Panama
steamer, and therefore must of necessity be brief. I propose to see the Minister for Foreign
Affairs to-morrow and to say that I have sent to His Majesty’s Government copies of
both telegrams and that these cannot fail to cause a most unfavourable impression.
I shall also draw the attention of the United States Minister to this new phase and
ask him, as the news has come through a pubhc channel, to mention to the Peruvian
Government the bad effect this news cannot fail to produce.
I have, &c.,
LUCIEN J. JEBOhlE.
No. 28.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 14,1911.

YOUR despatch of August 28th.
Enquire of Peruvian Government, unless you see strong objection, whether reports
that Zumaeta has been allowed to escape and Judge Valcarcel to throw up his appoint-
ment are correct, as they have come as a most painful surprise to His Majesty’s Govern-
ment, at a time when they thought the Peruvian authorities had awakened to a sense
of their responsibihties and were acting in a manner that could not fail to evoke the
approval of aU civilised nations.
Urge that a competent and unbiassed judge be appointed at once, in Valcarcel’s
place, to try the criminals already arrested and that ffesh efforts he made to capture
those that have escaped. In addition to those whose whereabouts we have already
communicated there is reason to beheve that Armando Normand is at Mendoza in the
Argentine, Victor Macedo at Lima and Ehas Martinengui at Callao.
Apart from their crimes against the Indians, most of the criminals have ill-treated
Barbadian British subjects formerly under their charge, and His Majesty’s Government
hope the Peruvian Government will shortly communicate to them a list of those
convicted and the sentences inflicted.
Telegraph result of interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs which you were
about to have.

149
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f
No. 29.
(TelegrapMc). Foreign Office, October 14, 1911.

MT telegram of to-day to His Majesty's Kepresentative at Lima.
Please imorm United States Government, and say His Majesty's Government would
be very glad if United States Minister at Lima could be instructed to support His Majesty's
charge d'affaires.
No. 30.
Mr. Jerome to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received October 20.)
(Telegraphic.) Lima, October 19, 1911.

YOUR telegram of the 14th instant.
Minister for Foreign Affairs gave assurances that Judge Valcurcel had noi- left
Iquitos. He promised to make enquiries about Zumaeta, but has not yet communicated
to me the res^t. From other sources his escape is confirmed.
.A private letter from Casement enabled me to ask for steps to be taken to extradite
Norniand from the Argentine and arrest Macedo.
It is now rumoured that prefect Paz Soldan has resigned.
United States Minister is supporting us.
No. 31.
Mr. Bryce to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received October 23.)
(Telegraphic.) Washington, October 23,1911.

Yôur telegram of 14th October.
Instructions have been sent to United States Minister at Lima to support His
Majesty's representative.
Despatch by next mail
No. 32.

Foreign Office, November 29, 1911.
(Telegraphic.) •
MR. JEROME'S telegram of 19th October.
It appears from despatch from Sir R. Casement that Fonseca and Montt were still
at large on 23rd October, and that Zumaeta was in hiding, though his whereabouts were
probably known to the Iquitos authorities. You should enquire of Peruvian Govern-
ment what steps have been taken to secure the arrest of these men and of the other criminals
mentioned in telegram referred to, and urge them to bring to trial the prisoners at Iquitos
wthout further delay.
No. 33.
Mr. des Graz to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received Dec. 4.)
(Telegraphic.) Lima, December 3,1911.

HT reply to enquiries whi.ch I made on receiving your telegram of the 29th ult.
Mioister 'for Foreign Affairs informs me that the orders to endeavour to arrest Fonseca
and Montt, if still on Peruvian soil, will now be repeated by telegraph. They were
despatched originaliy hy post towards the end of September.

160
The prefect of Callao was instructed to search for and arrest Martinengui, but the
latter was not found, and the .police who were told to watch for Jimdnez and Macedo
say that they have not come to Lima.
Orders will be despatched to the Court of Iquitos to send here the papers necessary
before application can be made to the Argentine Government for the extradition of
Normand.
The Peruvian Government have no cognisance of Dr. Paredes's report. Such a
thing would be contrary to judicial procedure.
The Minister for Foreign .Aitairs said there had been no interruption of the judicial
proceedings at Iquitos, and he reiterated his assurance that both the Government and
he personally were anxious to see the criminals suitably punished, and he promised to
do what he could to expedite matters. He alluded to the strong local opposition with
which the Government had to contend, but maintained that the numerous arrests were
a guarantee of their sincerity.
No. 34:.
Mr. des Graz to Sir Edtvard Grey.—{Received December 14.)
(Telegraphic.) * Lima, December 13,1911.

1^ telegram of 3rd December.
President telegraphed to prefect last night as follows:—
“ Slowness of proceedings against Putumayo criminals and failure to capture
them yet, including Fonseca and Montt, are cause of great harm to country in England,
where it is imagined that my Government has not done everything possible to capture
delinquents. It is my desire, in the interest of the country and my own, that you
should make every possible effort to capture refugees in Brazil and aU the others ; also
that trial should be pressed on and terminate in severe punishment of guilty."
No. 35;
Mr. des Graz to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received Decernber 27-)
Sir, Lima, November 17,1911.

I have the honour to report that I availed myself of the opportunity of being received
by President Leguia on my return from leave to speak of the Putumayo to his Excellency
and to reaflirm the interest taken by His Majesty's Government in the trial and punish-
ment of the men guilty of atrocities against the Indians in that region. I said that I
felt sure, from his language to me in the early part of the year, as well as to Mr. Jerome
' in July last, that the Peruvian Government were pursuing the same objects of humanity
and justice as His Majesty's Government,‘and that his Excellency was personally deter-
mined that the ends of justice should not be defeated. I had had ah opportunity of
assuring myself in conversation with you of your deep interest in the qûestion and of
the feeling produced upon you by the revelation of the terrible state of thhlgs which
had existed in the Putumayo, as shown by Sir Eoger Casement's report ^vihg the i:esults
of his personal investigations. On my asking his Excellency if he had read those reports,
he replied every line of them," and acquiescing with the sentiments which '1 had attri-
buted to him, expressed the horror with which he had read the details and the hec^sity
that the parties found guilty should receive due punishment.
I went) on to say that, being without recent news from Iquitos, I was very anxious to be
assured that the trial was proceeding. I had regretted to learn on my return, that the
judge appointed, Senor Valcarcel, had left Iquitos, and 1 trusted that another judge
had been appointed at once to take his place. I begged to be excused for aslmg him
these questions, which should more properly perhaps be addressed to the Minister for
Foreign Affairs. That I proposed to do on the first opportunity. . ■
President Leguia ans\vered that, as I no doubt was aware, a great number of of ders of
, arrest—froin 200 to 300—had been rnade, and that steps were being taken to secure the
persons of those meii who had fled to Brazil; that he was convinced the Court of Iquitos
was proceedmg with the case, and that, in fact, he recollected ha,ving seen recently a report
to that effect. His Excellency incidentally mentioned that the affairs of the. Peruvian

151
973
Amazon Company were being wound up privately, and I understood him to say that
the Peruvian Government liad lost 20,000/. iu drafts on the company Avhich had not
been met.
On the following day I saw the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Don German Leguia y
Martinez, and spoke in the same sense. His Excellency told me that, according to the latest
news from Iquitos (dated August 26), the trial was proceeding, and that Judge Valcarcehs
departure had been due to his requiring immediate treatment in Em’ope for beri-beri—
with which malady Colonel Bena^ddes, the Peruvian leader in the recent engagement
with the Colombians on the CaqueU, had also been attacked. A “con-juez" or acting
judge, had taken Senor Valcarcers place. I repeated what I had said to the President,
that I could not doubt that the two Governments had the same humanitarian view in
regard to the cruelties reported to have taken place and the necessity of bringing to justice
and adequately punishing their perpetrators, I had learned with regret that several of
those implicated were said to have effected their escape before airest—one even from
Callao.
His Excellency assured me the Peruvian Government were trying to obtain the
dehveryof the refugees in Brazil, and showed me what I understood to be a draft treaty
of extradition vdth that coimtry, whereupon I ventured to express the hope that the
delivery of the men in question would not have to await the conclusion of the treaty.
Don German Leguia dwelt at some length on the difficulties caused by distance,
delay of communication, and the lack of means possessed by the Government for enforcing
their authority in the Putumayo region. They had officials at one place only, La Chor-
rera, and their authority was practically limited to that place and a few military posts.
Like the President, he expressed the conviction that the case was proceeding. As
soon, however, as Mr. Jerome had called his attention to certain statements in the press
of October 28, he had at once communicated with the Mnister of Justice, fr-om, whom
he had not yet received a reply. His Excellency said that an average of thirteen days
was usually reckoned on for a telegi-am to reach Iquitos, and that there had been no
time for a reply, even if an answer should have been sent at once.
I asked his Excellency not to fail to remind the Minister of Justice again, and at
the same time begged him to commmiicate to me any information he received from the
prefect of Loreto on the subject of the prisoners or their trial.
I have learned to-day that my conversation with Don German Leguia y Martinez
has resulted in the despatch of a telegram direct to the prefect of Loreto enjoining on
tlie latter to keep the Mnister informed of the progress of the proceedings at Iquitos.
I have, &c,
C. DES GEAZ.
No. 36.
Mr. Bryce to Sir Edward Gi'ey.—{Received January 19.)
(Telegraphic.) Washington, January 19, 1912.

CASEMENT left for England on Saturday. Secretary of State proposes to send
following telegram to United States representative at Lima:—
“Casement, British Consul-General at Kio, has informed Department that he
has been convinced by his visit of observation to Iquitos that no really serious
efforts are now being made for prosecuting parties responsible for atrocities in
Putumayo region. Pie states that officials committed with judicial investigation,
though in possession of conclusive and sufficient evidence against well-known rubber
gatherers, have been forced to di’op action by corrupt local influence, and entire case
threatens to terminate, to great discredit of the good name of Peru, with perfunctory
punishment of a few underlings detained at Iquitos, while those responsible for iniquitous
system are seen daily on streets and remain unpunished. Co-operating with British
Minister when he is appropriately instructed by his Government, you will bring foregoing
unofficially and informally to the attention of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and add
that unless drastic and effective action demanded by the circumstances is taken by
Peru it would appear certain that general publication of details of the decimation of
the natives of the Tipper Amazon ■will be greedily exploited by the press. Such an
exposition of the situation as may be foreseen might induce the public ojînion of the
world to believe that Peru had shown herself unable properly to exercise sovereign
[401] X

152
rights over disputed regions. You are further instructed to request from the Peruvian
Government for transmission to the Department copy of Dr. Paredes’s pohtical report
to prefect of Loreto relative to Putumayo question.”
Secretary of State thinks that this last chance should be given to the Peruvian
Goveriunent, and that if it fails to rouse them to a full sense of then responsibility
publication should follow. If you wish to defer reply till you have discussed the matter
with Casement he will defer sending telegram mitil we hear from you. He has been
told that you may possibly have already given an undertaking to lay report before
Parliament.
No. 37.
Mr. Bryce to Sir E. Grey.—{Received, January 22.)
Sir, British Embassy, Washington, January 12,1912.

HAVING heard from Sir Koger Casement that he would be passing thi’ough New
York this week on his way home from his mission to the Putumayo district, I asked him
to be good enough to come and discuss the situation there with me, with special reference
to the relations of the United States Government to the matter.
I gather that as the matter now stands it is most probable that His Majesty’s Govern-
ment will decide to publish the report of Sir Roger Casement. In view of the painful
impression both in the United Kingdom and in the United States that is likely to bo
caused by pubhcation of the report, it seemed to me of importance to secure m the first
place that the United States Government should have the facts more fully brought home
to them by the opportunity of hearing about them directly from Sir Roger Casement,
and should duly reahse what were the aims and intentions of His Majesty’s Government
in publishing the Report, if they publish it.
The simplest and dnectest way of effecting this seemed to be to bring Sir Roger
Casement into personal contact with those ojBhcials here who would be responsible for
United States policy in the matter. And this seemed of sufficient importance to justify my
requesting Sir Roger Casement to remain here until the next sailing, which alloAVed him
three days in Washington, most of which he has spent in tallying with various officials and
President Taft. He will be able himself to give you a full report of the results of these
conversations, which seem to have been of considerable interest and importance. His
report had, of course, been communicated to the United States Government, and was
before the competent Department where it had been carefully studied ; but he was able
to create a personal interest in the matter among the higher authorities wliich gives
strong grounds for behevmg that pubhcation of the report will be welcomed by the
United States Government.
It is my behef that this would be a good moment for His Majesty’s Government to
suggest to the United States some definite Ime of action which the two Governments might
take in unison, in order to secure once for all the stopping of the cruelties and oppression
which have so long existed on the Putumayo.
Sir Roger thinlcs, and I concm’ in this view, that much good might be expected
from the appointment of a United States Consul at Iquitos, if clear and strong instructions
were given him to exert himself to secure the stoppage of these outrages, acting in con-
junction with the Consular official recently appointed by His Majesty’s Government
there. There is reason to think that the United States Government would be disposed
to do this; Sir Roger conceives that were it done it might be advantageous that such
instructions should be made pubhc, and adds that it is essential to supply any consular
officers with the means of such transport up the rivers through the regions where these
atrocities are committed, there being no other means of traveUing.
Pressure applied upon the Peruvian Government by. Great Britain and the United
States would i mbably have the effect of inducing the Peruvian Government, not only to
regularise its title to the district by negotiation or by arbitration with Colombia, but also to
establish a proper administration over such part as may be deemed or declared Peruvian.
I have, &o.
JAMES BRYCE.

975
153
No. 38.
Sir E. Grey to Mr. Bryce.
Sir, Foreign Office, January 23, 1912.

I TOLD the United States Charge d’Affaires to-day how ^jleased I was that Mr.
Knox was ready to take the action at Lima which he proposed as recorded in your
telegram of the 19 th instant.
Mr. Philhps said it was a question of humanity, and I observed that indeed this was
our only motive in the matter. It was most gratifying and encouraging to hear of the
action which hir. Knox proposed to take.
Sir K. Casement also had told me of the sympathy with which he had been received
at Washington, and how whole-heartedly Mr. Huntington Wilson had spoken to him. 1
was telegi’aphing to Your Excellency to say that our Minister would be instructed to co-
operate with his United States colleague at Lima. I should meanwhile suspend any
decision as to pubhcation of papers. I thought pubhcation would eventually be necessary
to prevent the recurrence of this deplorable state of affairs, but I should not take the
decision to publish -without consulting Mr. Knox again. I told Mr. Phillips that Sir 11.
Casement had heard that Arana, the man who had got up the British company here,
was saying that as soon as what he called “ this fuss was over the natives would be set
to work again, which meant that the remnant left would be exterminated.
I thought it would be of great practical advantage if the United States would appoint
a Consul at Iquitos who would be able to report on what went on in the district. Mi-.
Phillips said that he would report what I had told him to his Government.
I am, &c.
E. GBEY.
No. 39.
Sir Edtvard Gi'ey to Mr. Bryce.
(Telegraphic.)
YOUE. telegram of 19th January. Foreign Office, January 24, 1911.
I am exceedingly glad that the Secretary of State will take the action proposed.
British Minister at Lima is being instructed to co-operate with his United States colleague.
Meanwhile I suspend any decision as to publication. I think publication will probably be
necessary at some stage to ensure that deplorable state of things does not recur, but
1 shall not take any decision to publish without first consulting Secretary of State. It
would, I am siue, be of very great advantage if United States Government would
appoint a consul at Iquitos.
No. 40.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, January 24, 1911.

Mr. BKYCE'S telegram of 19th January, and my telegram to Mr. Bryce of
24th January.
You should concert with youi- United States colleague with the view of taking
joint action with him so soon as he has received his instructions, and should also ask for
a copy of the general report which I understand Dr. Paredes has addressed to his Govern-
ment and which has nothing to do with his judicial report.
[401] X 2

154
No. 41.
Consul-General Sir R. Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received Fehrutu'y 9.)
Sir, London, February 5,1912.

I HAVE the honour to report my return from Iquitos on the 20th ultimo, and
would beg to place before you the results of my observations upon the actual state of
things in connection with the promised reforms on the Putumayo itself, and the
punishment of the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company guilty of the long series
of crimes upon the Indians of that region.
At the beginning of August last we were informed by telegraph of the retui-n to
Iquitos of Dr. Paredes, the head of the judicial commission despatched by the Peruvian
Government to the Putumayo, and that his report fully confirmed the conclusions I
had arrived at as to the crimes committed b}" the agents of the firm of J. C. Arana
Brothers and of its later London embodiment, the Peruvian Amazon Compan}'’. We
were given to understand that many of the criminals had been or were being arrested
by the local authorities, and that the number of warrants issued by the judge threatenefi
to fill the gaol to overflowing. At the same time it was hoped that the Peruvian
Amazon Company, at length convinced of the deplorable state of things existing and
of the crimes done in its name on the Putumayo, would take active steps in the
region it controlled to end the criminal exploitation of the Indian inhabitants
conducted by its agents, and substitute for it a legitimate method of trade dealings.
It was in this hope that, with your sanction, I left England on the IGth August
last, in order to note on the spot how far these anticipated changes were being carried
out. I reached Iquitos on the 16th October, having travelled up the Amazon from
Pard by a small Brazilian ve.ssel, in order to touch at certain places en route, whei’e
information that might be useful was to be expected.
Two of the worst of the murderers who had fled from the Putumayo after my
visit in 1910, Peruvians named Josd Inocente Fonseca and Alfredo Montt, were said
to be engaged in- rubber-gathering by means of enslaved Indians they had carried
away from the Putumayo into Brazilian territory at a spot quite close to the Peruvian
frontier. Efforts were made, at my instance, by tlie Brazilian authorities to arrest
these men and expel them from Brazilian soil, but, unfortunately, owing to the
remote region in which they had established themselves, and to other causes, the
M'ell-meant efforts of the Brazilian Government failed in execution on the spot.
I became aware, in the course of these endeavours, of the gi-owing interest talpn
in Brazil in the protection of the tribes of wild or uncivilised Indians still dwelling
within the forest region of the interior of that republic, and of the organised steps
being taken by the Federal Government to develop executive control of matters
affecting the well-being of these scattered communities of very primitive people. An
active propaganda, supported by State funds, growing out of the newly-created
department for the protection of the Indians, is already affecting public opinion
in Brazil, and I feel assured that the kindly sentiments thus stimulated to activity
should provoke useful administrative results in those remote forest regions so rarely
visited hitherto, save by not very careful men in search of india-rubber. The M'arm-
hearted temperament of the Brazilian people, if it finds systematic expression through
the medium of a State department established with most unselfish mtent, should do
much to create a better state of tilings in the wdiole basin of the Amazon, where the
needs of the Indian inhabitants have been overlooked by Governments, no less than
by individuals, in the rapid growth of the india-rubber industry.
On arrival at Iquitos I learned from the Prefect of the Department of Loreto
that, although a total of 237 warrants had been issued by the investigating judge,
only nine arrests of those charged had been actually eftecced.
These men were the following :—
Aurelio Rodriguez, Homero Rodriguez, Alpino Lopez, Visitacidn Melendez, Manuel
Vargas, Juan Quevedo, Augustin Pena, and Juan Sifuentes. With the exception
of Aurelio Rodriguez, who had been one of the chiefs of section or principals
of the Peruvian Amazon Company, these men were inferior agents who had merely
carried out the orders of their superiors, and had derived no direct profit from the
crimes with which they Avere charged.

977
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The managing director of the company at Iquitos, Seiior Pablo Zumaeta, against
whom the Judge of First Instance, Dr. Valcarcel, had issued a warrant of arrest on
the 5th August, had not been arrested, I found, but, with the connivance of the police,
had merely remained in his private residence at Iquitos during the hearing of an
appeal he was permitted to lodge. This appeal being considered by the Superior Court
of Iquitos during my stay there, resulted in the court annulling the warrant issued by
the criminal court below, and the return to public life of the accused man without
trial or public investigation of the charges against him.
The superior court, while annulling the order of preliminary detention against
Zumaeta, issued an order of dismissal from his public functions of the judge.
Dr. Valcarcel, on the ground that he had abandoned his post, and at the same time
and on the same day took cognisance of a criminal action brought by the accused,
Zumaeta, against the judge, whom he charged with “ revealing public documents.”
The superior court, I gathered, had intimated that the preliminary proceedings
against the nine men in gaol could only enter on the “ plenario ” or second stage—
ill other words, these men could only be actually brought to trial—when certain men
charged by Dr. Paredes in his judicial investigations on the Putuma}^ were also
arrested. This would imply that even in the case of those actually in gaol the charges
could not come to trial unless others, equally implicated, were also brought to
judgment—an implication that I understand does not rest upon the laiv. Criminal
proceedings in Peru consist of the “ sumario ” (preliminary enquiry) and the
“ plenario,” or trial.
The object of the “ sumario ” is to discover the existence of the crime and the
person of the criminal, and proceedings under it are secret. If in a criminal case still
in this initial stage some of the accused are absent and some are present, at the
termination of the “ sumario ” the proceedings continue as regards those present, and
the judge passes to the “plenario” with regard to them, and sentence is pronounced.
In the case of the Putumayo crimes the judicial proceedings have remained, so far,
in the “sumario” stage, with only nine men out of some 240 indicted actually
arrested.
Dr. Paredes, as I have already pointed out, had issued 237 warrants of arrest
while on the Putumayo, to which Dr. Valcarcel, the criminal judge at Iquitos, bud
added, on the return of the judicial commission, warrants against Zumaeta, the
director, Victor Macedo, the late general manager at La Chorrera, and, I believe,
certain others as accessories to the crimes denounced. Many of those named in the
237 w’arrants of Dr. Paredes had already left the region before he arrived on the
Putumayo. Some of them were the Barbados men, negroes of that island who had
left the Putumayo at the date of my return in the end of 1910. Others, and these
the far larger number, were Peruvians (sometimes Colombians), who had gone away
following on mj visit and that of the commission despatched from London by the
Peruvian Amazon Company. A considerable number of the men included in the
warrants issued by Dr. Paredes, and among them several charged with the most
atrocious acts, had continued, however, to dwell on the Putumayo and to follow
their ordinary avocation of forcing the Indians to bring in rubber at stated intervals.
The date of Dr. Paredes’ return to Iquitos with this large batch of warrants had
been the 15th July last, when I understand the police were entrusted with their
execution on all such of the accused as were known to be still within Peruvian
jurisdiction. I received no explanation during my stay at Iquitos as to why so many
of the individuals incriminated had been left undisturbed on the Putumayo for a
period of some months, while others were even quite well known to be in Lima itself,
at Callao, and places easily reached from Iquitos.
Following my return to Iquitos on the 16th October, an effort was apparently made
to arrest some twenty of those still emplo}md by the company on the Putumayo to wards
the very end of October and in the early days of November. Although the localities
where all of them were at work were well known the “ coraisario ” or commissioner
of the Putumayo, one Amaddo Burga, a paid employ^ of the company, and a brother-
in-law of its managing director, in each case took action just too late, so that all those
incriminated were either absent in the forest or said to have gone away only a few
hours before the officer’s arrival. “ The vessel reporting this unsatisfactory ending to
this, the latest attempt to bring to justice the authors of so many crimes, returned to
h[uitos on the 26 th November, bringing only one man in custody, a suboi’dinate
named Portocariero, who was among those implicated. All the rest of the accused
were stated to have “ escaped,” in some cases, it was reported, taking with them largo

156
numbers of captive Indians, either for sale or for continued forced labour in other
regions of the rubber-bearing forests.
Some of those wanted, however, I learned subsequently had returned to their
stations when the officer, who had failed to find them, had left the neighbourhood,
and were at work again in the service of the company at the date of my departure
from the Amazon. Others of the individuals charged iDy the judge I found were, or
had been, actually in Iquitos at the time the police theie held warrants for their arrest,
and no attempt had been made to put these warrants into execution.
The evidence that I obtained during ray stay in Iquitos, coming as it did from
many quarters and much of it from the Putumayo itself, induced in me the conviction
that the punishment of the wrong-doers was a thing not to be expected, and from a
variety of causes I need not dwell upon here, possibly a matter beyond the ability of
the local executive to ensure. Suffice it to say, I saw no reason to modify the opinion
expressed in my report of the 17th March last, that “custom sanctioned by long
tradition and an evil usage whose maxim is that ‘ the Indian has no rights ’ are far
stronger than a distant law that rarely emerges into practice.”
I did not personally revisit the Putumayo, for I feared that my visit could be
productive of no useful result, and I had already learned from the prefect that the
report of Dr. Paredes entirely confirmed my own.
Of Dr. Paredes’ work on the Putumayo the prefect gave me the most satisfactoi y
assurances. The judge had visited every section of the district controlled by the
agents of the company, and, in addition to conducting an exhaustive examination into
the acts of the incriminated employes by means of testimony furnished by civilised
witnesses, he had also interrogated, through competent interpreters, numbers of native
Indians belonging to the various tribes of the region. Of the rigorous nature of the
judge’s enquiry, and the efficiency he had displayed in an investigation of great diffi-
culty conducted under very trying conditions of climate, travel and health, I could have
no doubt. His labours had resulted in an enormous volume of testimony, running to
something like 3,000 pages of written matter, and involving well nigh incredible
charges of cruelty and massacre. This dossier^ I was informed, the Judge of First
Instance, who had replaced Dr. Valcarcel, was studying in order to determine the
degree of guilt attaching to the ten men actually in custody out of the very much
larger number incriminated. Dr. Paredes had gone to the Putumayo on 15th March,
and had returned to Iquitos on 15,th July, 1911, his position in the judiciary of the
Department of Loreto at the time being that of Assistant Judge of First Instance,
charged with the preliminary prosecution of the Putumayo judicial enquiry. On his
return to Iquitos I gathered he had ceased to fill judicial functions, and was not any
longer officially comiected with the Tribunal of First Instance. He had, however,
furnished the prefect and the Peruvian Government with a report drawn up, I
understood, in September, and while it clearly confirmed the worst charges brought
against the criminal system of rubber getting on the Putumayo, it also outlined a
project of judicial and magisterial administration for that region which, if put into
execution by the Peruvian Government, should do much, I believe, to end the organised
enslavement and ill-treatment of the Indian inhabitants. This special report of
Dr. Paredes, the prefect informed me, he was then (17th October last) on the point of
dispatching to the Government in Lima, and I iissume that a copy of it will, in due
course, be furnished to His Majesty’s representative in Peru.
The prefect assured me that his Government would so act on the Putumayo as to
carry out the measures of reform the visit of the commissioners of the company and
the findings of Dr. Paredes in his report showed to be essential for the protection of
the Indians of the region. The prefect pointed out that he had been hampered in his
f ood intentions by the frontier conflict with Colombia; but despite these assurances
could not learn that any effective steps had been actually taken by the executive to
ensure the Indians that modicum of protection they were entitled to at the hands ol
a civilised administration. The only change so far made had been the substitution
of the “ comisario ” Burga (who throughout his tenure of that office had been the
compati} ’s salaried rubber collector and chief of their station of Puerto Argelia) by
an officer of the same category, whose instructions were of a similar character.
The only other public office that exists on the ITitumayo, that of “juez depaz” or
magistrate, is an unsalaried post, and one that has been always filled by an agent of
the company. The official w’ho held this empty title at the date of my visit in 1910 had
been the company’s agent at the section styled “ Sur-Este.” Both this man and the
“ comisario ” Burga were quite incapable of acting impartially, by reason of their

979
157
close and profitable association with the company and the primary duty of rubber
getting that service involved. This man was replaced as “ magistrate ” in November
last by another agent of the company, who, when I passed through the region, was
a subordinate employd at the station of Occidente—itself the theatre of innumerable
crimes against the Indians. From him no more than from his predecessor could any
public service be expected.
On the other hand, I learned that the work of planting rubber trees and of
substituting more humane methods whereby cultivation should partly take the place
of individual exploitation of the Indian had been arrested by order of the local
management of the company, and the gathering of wild rubber re-established as the
sole task of the various Indian communities of the Putumayo. These were openly
spoken of as having been “ demoralised ” by the visit of the company’s commission
and myself, and their return to the immediately profitable labour of collecting wild
rubber, under practically the old conditions, was announced as the first step of the local
management to restore the Putumayo to its normal condition of healthy and profitable
exploitation.
It was abundantly clear that the company, or those who locally controlled the
Putumayo in its name, having recovered from the shock of exposure and fear that
followed the visit of the commissioners and myself in 1910, had determined to retain
forcible exploitation of the Indians as their right by conquest and their surest means
of speedy gain.
That the Indians under this ruthless system were now admitted to have fallen
from 50,000 (the figure given by the Peruvian consul-general at Manaos in his official
reports of 1906) to not more than 8,000 in 1911 seems of no account to those exploiting
them—although in that interval the output of Putumayo rubber has also fiilleu from
645,000 kilog. in the former year to some 236,000 kilog. in 1911. There are still
enough Indians “to go round.” The disappearance of the London company as an
active factor restricts the necessities of profit finding to a narrower field. While it
needed a heavy output of hundreds of tons of rubber iu 1906 upon which to found
an appeal to British investors or speculators in 1907 for a hoped-for capital of
1,000,000^., a diminished yield of only 200 tons will still maintain many families and
individuals on the spot.
The fate of the Indian supporter of this fabric of civilised society is of no account.
The short-sighted policy which ends in working him to death, and denuding whole
regions of their entire population, is only what has been the settled custom
and practice of well nigh 400 years of Iberian occupation of that part of the
world.
It was not ever a fact, and is not now a fact, that the presence of the Peruvian or
Amazoniam Indian is incompatible with the existence or civilisation of the white man.
It was not ever, and is not now, a war of plough against tomahawk, of colonist and
cultivator against barbarism and warrior hunter.
On the contrary, the Peruvian Indian is a being of extreme docility of mind,
gentleness of temper, and strength of body, a hardy and excellent worker, needing
only to be dealt with justly and fairly to prove the most valuable asset the country
possesses. Instead of this he has been from the first enslaved, bent by extortion and
varying methods of forced labour to toil, not for his own advantage or the advance-
ment of his country, but for the sole gain and personal profit of individuals who have
ever placed their own desires above the common welfare.
In the Amazon territories of Peru—the great region termed the Montana—the
entire population, it may be said, consists of native Indians, some brought into close
toucli, as at Iquitos and in the settled mission centres of the Ucayali, with white
civilisation, but a great proportion of them, like those on the Putumayo, still dwelling
ill the forest, a rude and extremely primitive existence. To these remote people
civilisation has come, not iu the guise of settled occupation by men of European descent,
accompanied by executive control to assert the. supremacy of law, but by individuals in
search of Indian labour—a thing to be mercilessly used, and driven to the most
proHtable of tasks—rubber getting—by terror and oppression. That tlie Indian
lum disappeared and is disappearing rapidly under this process Is nothing to these
individuals. Enough Indians may remain to constitute, in the end, the nucleus ot
what is euphemistically termed a civilised centre.
The entire absence of government, which has not kept pace with the extension of
revenue-yielding communities, has left the weaker members of those communities
exposed to the ruthless greed of the stronger. The orimes of the Putumayo, horrible

158
as they are, have their counterpart, T am assured, in other remote regions of the
same lawless forest—although possibly not to the same terrifying extent.
In this instance the force of circumstance has brought to light what was being
done under British auspices—that is to say, through an enterprise with head-quarters
in London and employing both British capital and British labour—to ravage and
depopulate the wilderness. The fact that this British company should possibly cease
to direct the original families of Peruvian origin who first brought their forest wares
(50,000 slaves) to the English market will not, I apprehend, materially aflfect the
situation on the Putumayo. The Arana Syndicate still termed itself the Peruvian
Amazon Company (Limited) up to the date of my leaving Iquitos on the 7th December
last. Tlie wliole of the rubber output of the region, it should be borne in mind, is
placed upon the English market, and is conveyed from Iquitos in British bottoms.
Some few of the employes in its service are, or were when I left the Amazon, still
British subjects, and the commercial future of the Putumayo (if any commercial
future be possible to a region so wasted and mishandled) must largely depend on the
amount of foreign, chiefly British, support those exploiting the remnant of the Indians
may be able to secure.
It may be, perhaps, of interest here to show at a glance what has been the
quantity of india-rubber derived from the labour of the Putumayo Indians since those
tribes came to be actively exploited by Senor J. C. Arana and his partners, and later
by the Peruvian Amazon Company (Limited).
The following table is compiled from official sources (the Iquitos Custom-house)
up to 30th June last, while the figures in the last six months of 1911 (up to the
beginning of December) are derived from private sources that I know to be reliable ^
YIELD of India-rubber from the Putumayo Indians, shipped to England through

the Iquitos Custom-house.
Quantity of rubber
in kilogs.
1900 15.863
1901 54,180
1902 123,210
1903 201,656
1904 343,499
1905 470,592
1900 644,897
1907* 627,661
1908 489,016
1909 398,723
1910 316,913
kilogs.
1911 (up to the 30th June) 95,448
From the 1st July to the 1st lecember, shipped from the
Putumayo to Iquitos... 141,000
236,448
Total output of slave labour in twelve years 8,922,710
* The Peruvian Amazon Comijauy formed 80th June, 1907.
The value of these, roughly speaking, 4,000 tons of rubber it would be impossible
for me to give here—they might be computed by an expert—but from a written
statement made by one of the directors of the Peruvian Amazon Company in the
spring of last year, I find that the returns of Putumayo rubber for the six years ended
the 3ist December, 1910, gave 966,000/. on the London market. Those six years
yielded 2,947,802 kilog. of rubber, so that the monetary yield of the Putumayo Indians
to those raiding them during the first twelve years of the present century must have
considerably exceeded 1,000,000/., and possibly may not have fallen very far short of
1,500,000/.
The number of Indians killed either by starvation—often purposely brought
about by destruction of crops over whole distidcts or inflicted as a form of death
penalty on individuals who failed to bring in their quota of rubber—or by deliberate
murdtjr by bullet, fire, beheading, or flogging to death, and accompanied by a
variety of atrocious tortures, during the course of these twelve years, in order to
extort these 4,000 tons of rubber, cannot have been less than 30,000, and possibly
came to many more.

981
159
A population officially put at 50,000 should in ten years have grown by natural
increase to certainly 52,000 or 53,000 souls, seeing that every Indian marries—a
bachelor or spinster Indian is unknown—and that respect for marriage is ingrained in
uncivilised Indian nature and love of children, probably the strongest affection these
people display. By computations made last year and the year before by officials and
by those interested in the prosperity of the Peruvian Amazon Company, the existing
population of the entire region is now put at from 7,000 Indians (the lowest
calculation) to 10,000, the highest. Around some of the sections or rubber centres
whence this drain of rubber has been forced, the human sacrifices attained such
proportions that human bones, the remains of lost tribes of Indians, are so scattered
through the forests that, as one informant stated, these spots “ resemble battlefields.”
A Peruvian officer, who had been through the Putumayo since the date of my visit
in 1910, said that the neighbourhood of one particular section he had visited recalled
to him the battlefield of Miraflores—the bloodiest battle of the Chilean war.
Moreover, these unai-med and defenceless people, termed indeed in the language of
prospectuses the “labourers” of this particular company, were killed for no crime
or offence, and were murdered by the men who drew the highest profits from that
company. They comprised women and children—very often babies in arms—as well
as men and boys. Neither age nor sex was spared, all had to work rubber, to perform
impossible tasks, to abandon home and cultivation of their forest clearings and to
search week by week and month by month for the juice of rubber-yielding trees, until
death came as sudden penalty for failing strength and non-compliance, or more gently
overtook them by the way in the form of starvation or disease. With all that it has
given to the Amazon Valley of prosperity, of flourishing steamship communications,
of port works, of growing towns and centres of civilisation with electric light and
tramways, of well-kept hospitals and drainage schemes, it may well be asked whether
the rubber tree has not, perhaps, taken more away.
However this be, it is certainly in the best interests of commercial civilisation
itself and of the vital needs of the trading communities upon the Amazon River that
the system of ruthless and destructive human exploitation which has been permitted
• to grow up on the Putumayo should be sternly repressed. Peru herself can only
greatly benefit from the establishment of a civilised and humane administration—a
task of no great magnitude—in those regions hitherto abandoned to the “ cauchero ”
and the vegetable filibuster. The healthy development of the Amazon rubber
industry, one of the foremost of Brazilian needs, calls for that humanity of intercourse
civilisation seeks to spread by commerce, not for its degradation by the most cruel
forms of slavery and greed.
All that is sensible of this among those interested in the rubber industry, whether
of Europe, the United States, or Brazil, should heartily unite in assisting the best
elements of Peruvian life to strengthen the arm of justice, and to establish upon the
Putumayo and throughout the Montana, wherever the rubber seeker seeks his profits,
a rule of right dealing and legality. It maybe long before a demoralisation draAving
its sanction from so many centuries of indifference and oppression can be uprooted,
but Christianity owns schools and missions as well as Dreadnoughts and dividends.
In bringing to that neglected region and to those terrorised people something of
the suavity of life, the gentleness of mind, the equity of intercourse between man and
man that Christianity seeks to extend, the former implements of her authority should
be more potent than the latter.
I have, &c.
ROGER CASEMENT.
No. 42.
Mr. des Graz to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received February 18.)
(Telegraphic.) Lima^ February 17, 1912.

YOUR telegram of 24th January. /
United States Minister and I have seen President as well as Minister for Foreign
Affairs, explaining situation and joint action unofficially and informally in accordance
with instructions of United States Minister.
[401] Y

160
President reiterated his interest in the question and desire for punishment of
criminals and purification of Putumayo. He mentioned steps taken by Peruvian
Government (subsequent to Casement’s departure from Iquitos). Case was now
proceeding against prisoners, and would remain open against other criminals, and in
spite of difficult nature of country every effort was being made to capture fugitives. I
said that I had reported all the steps as communicated to me.
President alluded to the judicial authorities being independent of the executive, and
said that liberation of Zumaeta on appeal was stated to be due to lack of evidence
against him. Peruvian Government was desirous of doing all in its power, and the
President asked for our suggestions. We said that we had no instructions to make
suggestions, but that we agreed in thinking, as regards judicial proceedings, that
sustained interest of the Central Government should be re-affirmed to court at Iquitos
and to the prefect. His Excellency volunteered promise that Minister of Justice
should again telegraph to court to accelerate procedure as far as possible, and specially
mentioning that evidence or certified copies should be sent to Supreme Court here as
soon as proceedings ceased to be secret.
As regards the future and the project of reform said to be included in report of
Paredes, we strongly urged importance of his testimony and knowledge. In present
virulent state of party politics it is most unfortunate that he should be said to be
head of anti-Government party at Iquitos. President, however, promised us to receive
him and to hear his views. Paredes should arrive soon. Copy of report promised.
United States Minister has seen this telegram.
No. 43.
Sir Echmrd Grey to Mr. B'i'yce.
(Telegraphic.) , Foreign Office, February 23, 1912.

MR DES GRAZ’S telegram of 17th February.
We have carefully considered the President’s reply to the representations made by
the British and United States Ministers. It contains nothing that we have not been
told before, and the request for suggestions cannot be regarded seriously, as we have
not ceased to make suggestions ever since the receipt of Sir R Casement’s report, all
of which have been disregarded.
We feel that nothing will be done by the present Government, and that no progress
Avill be made without pumication of Sir R Casement’s report.
Please inform the United States Government, and ask whether they do not share
this view.
No. 44.
Foreign Ofjioe to Consul MiclielL
Sir, ^ Foreign Office, Feh'uary 26, 1912.

WITH reference to the letter from this office of 4th August, 1911, appointing you
to bo His Majesty’s Consul at Iquitos, I am directed by the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs to instruct you to study and report upon the conditions of the rubber industry on
the affluents of the Upper Amazon and the labour conditions under which it is being
developed, with special reference to those regions where British capital and British subjects
are or have been recently employed.
^ In pm’suanco of this direction, you should visit personally from time to time the
various centres of rubber jjroduotion in your district such as the Putumayo, Javari,
Ucayali and other rivers, and should report upon all matters of interest that may tend
to throw light upon the character of the industry and the conditions under which india-
rubber or other products of the region are placed upon the British market.
I am, &c.
LOUIS MALLET.

161
No. 45.
Foreign Office to Consul-General Sir B. Casement.
Sir, Foreign Office, March 7, 1912.

I AM directed by Secretary Sir E. Grey to inform you that he has received and
read with interest your report of the 5th February, summarising the results of your
observations, during your recent sojourn in Iquitos and its vicinity, upon the actual
state of affairs in connection with the promised reforms on the Putumayo itself and
with the punishment of the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company guilty of crimes
against the Indians of that region.
I am to take this opportunity of informing you that your proceedings throughout
your visit to the district in question are entirely approved by Sir E. Grey.
I am, &c.
LOUIS MALLET.
No. 46.
Mr, Bryce to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received March 28.)

(Telegraphic.) Washington, March 28, 1912.
YOUR telegram of the 23rd ult.
Note received from Acting Secretary of State, which, while palliating to a certain
extent attitude and action of Peruvian Government, defers to judgment of His Majesty’s
Government as to date of publication of report. Such publication, he considers, is
recommended by professed interest of Peruvian Government in establishing mission to
labour among Indians, and should be regarded as additional effort to support policies
repeatedly traced by President of Peru to British and United States Ministers at Lima.
No. 47.
Sir Edward Gt'ey to Mr. Bi'yce.
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, Ma/rch 30, 1912.

YOUR telegram of 28th March.
Yôu may thank the State Department, inform them that I shall now proceed with
publication, and that I agree with their view that it should assist Peruvian Govermeut.
No. 48.
Mr. Bmjce to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received April 9.)

Sir, Washington, March 28, 1912.
I HAVE received the reply of the State Department to my note asking for an
expression of opinion is respects the proposed pubUcation of Sir Roger Casement’s
reports on the Putumayo atrocities. I to-day reported by telegraph the substance of it,
and now enclose a copy.
I have, &c.,
JAMES BRYCE.
Enclosure in No 48.
Mr. Wilsoî to Mr. Bryce.

My "dear Mr. Ambassador, Washington, March 26, 1912.
I TAKE pleasure m acknowledging the receipt of your note of the 23rd ultimo,
regarding the failure of the Peruvian authorities to punish those responsible for the
atrocities in the rubber forests of the Putumayo, and the report received from the
[401] Y 2

162
British Minister concerning the recent unsatisfactory interview of j the representative

of the United States and Great Britain at Lima with the President of Peru in this
matter. You state that your Government is convinced that no progress can be made
in the efforts of those interested in the welfare of the native inhabitants of the Upper
Amazon until Sir Eoger Casement’s reports have beer given pubhcity. You add that
it appears to you that the Peruvian Government is merely temporising, while the
persons chargeable with the crimes are guaranteed impunity by the inefficiency of the
Peruvian local administration, and horrors which are a disgrace to civilisation are
permitted to continue. You enquire, upon instructions from your Government,
regarding the views of the United States on the present status of the matter in which
this Government has been so keenly desirous of co-operating with the British
Government in order to secure a permanent amehoration of the shocking conditions
attending the gathering of rubber by native labour m the Peruvian montana.
I feel, my dear J\fr. Ambassador, the strongest regret that the Peruvian Govern-
ment has not been able to put into effect the reforms to safeguard the interests of the
native population, but I cannot altogether doubt the sincerity of the Central
Government at Lima in expressing its desire and purpose of carrying out these
reforms. The difficulties presented by the remoteness of the provinces, the dearth of
citizens on the frontier available for judicial and civil functions, and the attenuated
form in which, whatever pressure the Central Government can bring to bear, neces-
sarily reaches the local authorities, particularly ov/ing to the inadequate means of
communication between Iquitos and the Peruvian capital, reveal the fact that the task
of radical reform which the Peruvian Government has before it is no easy one.
As to your observations regarding the advisability of the immediate publication
of the reports of Sir Roger Casement, of his personal investigation of the situation of
the indigenes of the Putumayo, I am frankly inclined to defer to the judgment of the
British Government, in view of all the circumstances attending the case, as to the
date on which this pubhcation may be deemed necessary and opportune. This course
is undoubtedly recommended by the professed interest of the Peruvian Government
in the estabhshing of missions to labour among the Indians of the region, and so
should properly be regarded as an additional effort to support the policies which have
been repeatedly traced by the President of Peru to the British and American repre-
sentatives at Lima, and in the prosecution of which the Peruvian Government has, up
to the present, emphasised the almost insurmountable obstacles that confront the
Central Administration in the pecuhar character of local conditions at Iquitos.
I have, &c.,
HUNTINGTON "iVILSON,
Acting Secretary of State,
No. 49. ^
Mr. Mitchell Innes to Sir Edward Grey.—[Received June 4.)

Sir, Washitigton, May 25, 1912.
IN accord-'nee with your instructions, I communicated to the State Department
a proof of the papers which you propose to lay before Parliament respecting the charges
brought against the employes of the Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo.
I have the honour to enclose herewith copy of Mir. Knox’s reply.
I have, &c.,
A. MITCHELL INNES.
Mr. Knox to Mr, Mitchell Innes.

Sir, Washington^ May 24,1912.
I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 10th instant, in
which you transmit a proof of papers which it is proposed to lay before Parhamont
respecting the charges brought against the employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company
of the Putunmyo, and in which you enquire whether the Government of the United

163
States has any objections to the inclusion among the papers of the telegrams and
despatches relating to its attitude in the matter. I hasten to inform you that the
Department sees no objection to the inclusion of these communications in the
contemplated pubhcation.
In connection with this subject, the Department is in recent receipt of despatches
from the American Minister in Lima regarding the efforts of the central Government of
Peru to formulate needed reforms for the Putumayo and enclosing copies in Spanish of
the Paredes report on conditions in that region and of an important presidential decree
looking to a general reorganization of administration on the Putumayo, concerning
which your Government has undoubtedly already obtained full information. The
Department has read with great interest the Paredes report, which places before the
Peruvian Government indisputable evidence of the atrocities committed in the Putumayo
and full corroboration of the statement of conditions made in the reports of Sir Eoger
Casement, of which copies were so courteously furnished 'this Government through the
Embassy. The presidential decree of 22nd April, 1912, to which reference is above made,
is understood by the Department to be the result of conferences between the President
of Peru, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Doctor Paredes, and estabhshes a
commission “to formulate a general plan of reform, of an administrative, as well as
pohtical and judicial nature, which, put into effect in the Putumayo and similar regions,
may lead to appheation of the law in a rapid and efficacious manner. The commission
thus constituted is directed to conclude its labours before the 28th of July next in order
that its project of reform may be submitted to the consideration and approval of the
Peruvian Congress.
I am sure that His British Majesty’s Government has been glad to learn of this
action of the Peruvian Government, which seems to indicate that there will now be no
delay in framing comprehensive legislation imposing the restraints of law upon the
hitherto imbridled excesses of this wild frontier region of the upper Amazon and throwing
about the natives of the rubber forests the protection which the natural humanitarian
impulses of a civihzed community should guarantee to them.
In view of this positive manifestation of the purposes of the Government of Peru, I
have the honour to inquire whether His British Majesty’s Government might not be of
the opinion that it would be most conducive to the attainment of the ends desired, to
postpone for the present the publication of the correspondence transmitted with your
note under acknowledgment.
In the event, however, that it should be deemed advisable to proceed to the
publication of these papers, this Government would request that this present com-
munication also be included. A copy of the translation of the decree of the President
of Peru of April 22, 1912, is enclosed for the information of the Embassy.
Accept, &c.,
P. C. EHOX.
Decree of President of Peru, dated A'pril 22, 1912.

«
AUGUSTO B. LEGUIA,
President of the PeimUic.

IN view of,the confidential report transmitted to'this office by the Prefectm’e of
Loreto and referring to the crimes which, before the year 1907, were committed in the
Putumayo region, as well as to the measures which it is deemed best to adopt to avoid
their repetition; and considering the necessity of estabUshing on the said fi’ontier and
similsT’ regions, a regime which, while affirming the sovereignty and interests of Peru
therein assures the rights of its inhabitants, especially of the natives; the proper
authorities not ceasing to efficaciously co-operate with the action initiated by the
judicial power for the discovery and imprisonment of the guilty parties.
DECREED :
1. A commission is created composed of: Dr. J. Salvaddr Cavero, Fiscal of the

Supremo Court and Prosecutor of the crimes of the Putumayo; Dr. Javier Prado y
Ugarteche, ex-President of the Cabinet and ex-Minister of Foreign Relations; Dr. Felipe

164
de Osma, President of the Tribunal, Mayor de Cuentas and ex-M:nister of Foreign

Kelations; Dr. Julio Ego-Aguirre, Senator; and Julio Abel Kaigada, Deputy.
2. This commission will have for ite object the formation of a general plan of
reform, administrative as weU as political and judicial, which put into effect in the
Putumayo and similar regions may lead to application of the law in a rapid and
efficacious manner.
3. The plan of reform announced will be presented before the 28th of July of the
present year, to be duly submitted for the study and approval of the National Congress
in the next Legislature.
4. The Minister of Foreign Affairs will give the Commission such data and
information as may be necessary for the following out of the plan alluded to and will
summon for that purpose such persons as he may deem it expedient to hear.
Gi'ên in the Government House, Lima, April 22, 1912.
A. B. LBGUIA.
G. I.BGDIA Y MARTINEZ.
No. 50.
Sir Edivard Grey to Mr. Mitchell Innes.
Sir, Foreign Office, June 2*1 th, 1912.

I DULY received your despatch of May 25th last, forwarding a copy of a note
from the United States Secretary of State in reply to the enquiry which you were
instructed to make in regard to the inclusion of certain correspondence with the United
States Government among the papers which I propose to lay before Parliament
concerning the charges brought against the employees of the Peruvian Amazon
Company formerly engaged in the rubber industry on the Putumayo.
hir. Knox states that the State Department have no objection to the inclusion of
the-correspondence in question, but in the course of his note he suggests that it might
be advisable to postpone publication of the papers in view of the recent appointment by
the Peruvian Government of a commission to formulate a general scheme of reform, a
step which he anticipates will shortly lead to comprehensive legislation to meet tire
needs of the case.
While fully appreciating the spirit with which the Peruvian Government are
animated, I am unable to fall in with Mr. Knox’s view that publication might with
advantage be deferred, as I am convinced that an authoritative account of the facts of
the case cannot but assist the Peruvian Government in their reforming efforts and
direct them to the proper channels. My information leads me to the belief that fresh
legislation is not so much required as a more rigid application of existing laws which
should be perfectly adequate for the suppression of the state of affairs revealed by
Sir R. Casement’s investigations and suteequently confirmed by Dr. Paredes, the
Peruvian judicial commissioner, and that the most satisfactory course in the first
instance would lie in the immediate adoption of the programme of reforms suggested
by the latter in the general report of his mission as communicated by the Peruvian
Government.
Moreover, I have since leaimt that the decree of which a translation was enclosed
in Mr. Knox’s note and which provided that the commission should terminate its
labours by the end of next month has been superseded by a decree of the 30th ultimo
creating an auxiliary commission, in addition to the commission at Lima, and charging
Dr. Paredes to return to the Putumayo to prepare a plan of reform, while the
presentation of a definitive scheme is deferred till January 1st, 1913. Such delay even
if it is not exceeded is greatly to be deprecated, especially in the light of the facts,
which have recently come to my knowledge, that oyer 75 tons of rubber were
shipped from Iquitos in April last as the result of one of the largest single consignments
derived from the Piftumayo during the past few years, and that the amount exported
from January 1st up to'the end .of April this year equalled three-quarters of the total
output for 1911,. figures which can only have been rendered possible by a continuance
of the old system of forced labour.

165
987
Further, I have always been of opinion that one of the principal sources of reform
is to be looked for in private enterprise in the shape of the establishment of missions in
the regions of the Putumayo. The successful organisation of such missions and the
collection of the requisite funds can only follow publication of the facts which I believe
for this reason to be in the best interests of the Peruvian Government, a view which I
gather from Mr. Huntington Wilson’s note to Mr. Bryce of March 26th last, is shared
by the United States Government.
In these circumstances I propose, when this despatch shall have reached the
United States Government, whom you are authorised to furnish with a copy of it, to
lose no further time in laying before Parliament the papers already communicated to
the United States Government, with the addition of Mr. Knox’s note of May 24th, in
compliance with the request expressed therein, and of this present despatch.
I am, &c.,
E. GREY.

869
47
from Abisinia with several of his subordinates on the 1st November. He and they left
again in a small steam launch of the com23any the “ Huitoto,” in the evening of the 2nd
November. The vessel started about 8 P.M., and I heard (‘rying not long before the
vessel left the bank only some 20 yards away. In the morning two of the Barbados men
who had beeji seeing three of their countrymen off by the “ .Huitoto ” informed me of
the cause of the crying. Aguero had taken a fancy to one of the humble Indian women
workers of La Chorrera—a woman, indeed, who daih' swet^t out the dining j’oom and
the verandah jjast the door of the rooms wliere the commissioners and myself resided.
We had often noticed her at this task, and had been stniek by her gentle, pensive face.
I was told her Indian husband was dead, and so slie was gathered into the La Chorrera
liousehold to help make pantaloons and otherwise serve (not in an immoral capacity)
the needs of that large station.
The caprice of Aguero, who aheady had a harem of eleven women at Abisinia,
was, liowever, gratified, and this poor being, against her entreaties and in open tears,
liad been forced on board the company’s steamer to add to the numbers of those degraded
bv tlie favours of this higher agent. I drew tlie attention of tlie company’s commission,
as of Seiior Tizon, to this disgraceful act, aiid we hoped that some stej3 would follow to
release this poor woman and have her returned to La Chorrera, where at least she was
spared attentions of this kind and might have been comparatively happy.
Of Jose Iiioccnte Fonseca, who also spent some days at Chorrera during this period,
I learned of graver crimes than this—deeds committed to allow him to possess himself
of the wives of Indians whom he coveted. As a rule, the criminals who controlled the
Indian jjopulation of the Putumayo were chary of robbing an Indian husband of his wife.
The harems were maintained mainly b}' orphans, generally girls whose parents were
“ dead.” Asking once why it was that the wives of the Indians seemed usually to be
spared this contamination, a reliable witness answered me : “ .Because, Sir, if they takes
an Indian’s wife, that Indian don’t work rubber.” I urged that since these men stuck
at no act of terrorisation to make Indians work rubber, a husband could be forced, even
if robbed of his wife, to go and get rubber. “ No, Sir,” my informant said, “ the
Indians loves their wives, and if she is taken they won’t work rubber. They can kill
them, do anything they hke to them, but the Indian won’t work rubber.”
This assertion was made more than once by men wlio, like this man, had taken an
active part in making Indians work rubber, and I beheve that this obstinate prejudice
of the Indian preserved a native marriage from invasion more surely than any respect
the “ cauchero ” has for its sanctity. An Indian marriage is not a ceremony, but a choice
sanctioned by the parents of the bride, and once a child or children result from the union
there is rarely infidehty or separation. The very conditions of Indian life, open and
above board, and every act of every day known to well nigh every neighbour, precluded,
I should say, very widespread sexual immorality before the coming of the white man.
Certain it is that inunoral intercourse among Indians, loading their natural lives, is rare,
and as polygamy scarcely existed, only a few of the bigger men having more than one
wife, the affection that grew up between an Indian man and his wife was very often
sincere and deep-rooted just as the love of parents for their children was.
My interpreter, Bishop, related of Fonseca the following incident, declaring that he
knew the circumstances well, and I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of this state-
ment. Bishop declared that once at Atenas section, when Fonseca was in charge there, he
had coveted the wife of an Indian, and at length had annexed her. The husband ]3ro-
testing, Fonseca had promised to restore the woman if the Indian brought in a certain
quantity of rubber. This the man did ; whei'cniôn Fonseca had declared the rubber
was insufficent, and a further supply must be provided. This, too, was done, aiid again
the same excuse was made. The Indian once more complied, and a third delivery of
rubber took place, when Fonseca, instead of restoring the wife, gave to the husband a
girl, one of his concubines, saying that she must serve instead. The Indian refused to
be contented, refused to work rubber, and then was disposed of by Fonseca’s “ mucha-
chos,” and the wife of the murdered man, as well as tlie substitute given in her îlace,
remained in the household of Fonseca, where my informant saw them frequently after
the husband had disappeared.
The Indians often displayed a fortitude in the face of impending torture and death
that spealcs for itself of the excellence of some of their quahties. Thus it will be seen
in tlie depositions accompanying this rejiort how, on more than one occasion, men had
refused to betray the hiding place of fugitives under terrible threats of torture if they
did not [Doint out the retreat of the runaways. Normand is charged with having cut
[401] H

48
the arms and legs off a chief he captured and questioned, who preferred to suffer such
a death to betraying the refuge of those who had fled. I learned of more than one case
of the kind, and have no doubt of the truth of the accusation against the white man as
of the fortitude of the Indian. The tribes of the Putumayo in the hands of good men
could be made into good men and women, useful and intelligent workers mider an honest
administration. Trained to be murderers, with the worst example men ever gave to
men daily held up for imitation, with lust and greed and cruelty so often appealed to,
I daily wondered that so much goodness still survived among the remnant we encoun-
tered. That that remnant itself would soon be gone I became convinced. A Peruvian
who spoke good English, having spent some years in England, confessed as much to
me two days before I left Chorrera. I said to this man that under the actual regime 1
feared the entire Indian population would be gone in ten years, and he answered, “ I
give it six years—not ten."’
Apart from the wholesale murdering that arose merely from the criminal instincts
of so many of the agents hving a hfe of unrestrained power, there was a pressure put upon
the Indians, that originated in other quarters, and was set up and maintained for wliat
may be termed financial reasons. Even in the pages of the official pubheation of
M. Eobuchon’s diaries, it is made clear that the operations he described were in no
sense commercial, but were an armed and forcible exploitation of savages.
M. Robuchon states :—
“ The above sections employ Huitoto Indians who are placed in charge of a rational
employe, assisted by five or six companions.
“ The principal employe or chief of the section receives ordinarily as salary a per-
centage of the produce collected in his section, and nearly always succeeds in making
important gains. I know several who in two years have been able to accumulate a small
fortune. But to direct a section means to be brave, to be very active, and to know the
language and customs of the Indians over whom it is necessary to watch day and night
with arms in the hand. The production of rubber in the Putumayo and its affluents
is 500,000 kilog.” (to which the Peru^ân consul-general editing the work appends a
footnote that it had reached 644,000 kilog. m 1906).*
M. Robuchon goes on to say; “ The production will increase as more savage
tribes submit to the work of exploitation ” (pp. 24 and 25 of the official publication).
Further on the explorer records how he was present one night at a dance of these
wild Indians in the forest. The Indians were under the influence of the “ chupe del
tabaco,” their sole intoxicant, a drink that excites them greatly, and is said to be admi-
nistered when it is sought to bind them to solemn engagements by an irrevocable
promise.
“ From the beginning,” Robuchon writes, “ the scene interested me keenly, and in
order to better regard it I laid aside my papers. It was indeed no other ceremony
than the ‘chupe deF'tabaco," in which the Indians recall their lost hberty and their
actual sufferings, and formulate terrible vows of vengeance against the whites”
(p. 59).
The payments made to the Indians for the rubber they were compelled by this law-
less organisation to furnish were as capricious as were the names of the sections.
No fixed or recognised scale of payments or of rubber values seem to have anywhere
existed. Various statements were from time to time made to tlie commission by chiefs
of sections in answer to enquiries upon this head, but I do not think much rehance could
be placed upon these answers. As proof of payment they were not above suspicion,
* The Peruvian consul-general thus VTites:—

“ The success of the work of the firm of Arana Brothers is proved by the following table of e.vports of
rubber coming from the districts to which we have referred, as detailed in the Custom-house returns of
Iquitos:—
Kilog.
1900.. 15,863
1901.. 54,180
1902 .. 123,210
1903.. 201,666
1904.. 343,499
1905.. 470,692
1906.. 644,897
Total • •* » 1,853,897 ”

49
871
and if one turned to the store room attached to each station it furnished wholly negative
evidence, for as a rule the store room was empty of almost all save a very few things the
white employes might need for their personal wants. I took an inventory of the contents
of one of these store rooms, that at Ultimo Retiro, and append herewith the list:—
13 tin CIIJ5S of enamelled iron.
3 glass globe^s for candlestick lamps.
10 enamelled iron plates.
12 cotton hammocks.
6 or 7 pairs of hemp soled canvas shoes.
3 empty bottles.
1 cooking pot.
Some drugs of different kinds
1 metal jug.
3 small rolls of lampwick.
3 (single) cotton handkerchicLs.
27 trade guns and Winchester rifles (the latter in addition to the rifles in active use).
13 old Sniders and muzzle loadeis, 0 with bayonets.
Several packages of Winchester cartridges.
lo enamelled iron chamber utensils (13 vdth lids).
Scarcely anything of this scanty assortment was of use or value to the Indians. The
store room at Entre Rios was even emptier. When I sought an explanation of this state
of things I was assured that the Indians were only paid for their rubber each “ fabrico ”
on its delivery at La Chorrera, where the general store for the whole agency was kept.
A “ fabrico ” varied in length of time at different sections. The general period was
from seventy-five to, perhaps, one hundred days at the date of our visit, although at
Matanzas and, I believe, Abisinia there were only two “ fabricos in the year. There
is no Enghsh translation of the word in the sense used that I can furnish, but a “ fabrico ”
was the general gathering in of all tlie rub])er of five or more ‘‘ puestas.” A “ puesta,”
literally a setting down or putting down of the rubber, took place every fifteen or, perhaps,
twenty days, according to locality. The Indians of a certain district were collected
with their rubber by “ muchachos ” or “ racionales ” sent out fi’om the section and
marched in to the deposit where their rubber was stored, each man knowing what he
had brought. If at these “ puestas ” the quantity brought by an individual was insuffi-
cient, he (or she, as the case might be) was flogged or otherwise punished in order to
stimulate him to greater exertion before next “ puesta.” AVhen the full quantity of,
say, five “ puestas had been thus brought in, the whole rubber-worldng population
of the section—men, women, and children—were marched down with this “ fabrico ”
either to La Chorrera itself or to the nearest point on the River Igaraparand, whence the
rubber might be shipped to that station.
The Indians were at no time fed by the company during this collecting or delivery
of rubber, save only when the actual “ fabrico ” was brought in or sometimes if detained
ill the station at a “ puesta.” They got no food for the long march to La Chorrera,
and no food during the lengthy periods of .collecting, tapping, and washing the rubber
between each “ puesta.” Their own plantations and the efforts of their families had to
supply this. Such food, scanty enough, as was given in the stations or at La Cliorrera
consisted of beans and rice, boiled in a big pot by a racional ” and ladled out to each
individual, who brought palm leaves or bits of wood on which to receive his or her
portion, which was swallowed as often standing up as sitting down.
Payments for rubber were not made at a “ puesta,” but only on completion of a
“fabrico,” and these payments were termed “advances,” i.e., advances for the next
“ fabrico.” The principle here is that the Indian having accepted an advance must
work it off. He is a “ debtor ” ; on the Putumayo a compulsory’debtor, for he could
not evade the next “ fabrico ” by rejecting this advance. The cliief kept the lists,
often unreliable, of all such “ workers ” in his section—that is to say, of all the
Indians he had sufficiently reduced to compel to work for him. These lists continually
altered—by flight of whole “ naciones ” or tribes across the Caquetd or elsewhere in
•search of safety, or by death from various causes.
Tire Central Agency at La Cliorrera was supposed to know the numbers of the Indians
actually working rubber in each section, but these numbers as suppfied at La Chorrera
did not always agree with the numbers as furnished by the chief of a section on the spot.
Thus it was said that at the section of Atenas there were 790 laboiu'ers, while Senor
Moutt, the cliief of that section asserted, when questioned by the commissioners, that
he had only “ about 250 ” Indians. Discrepant statements of this kind met one at every
turn.
[401il H[2

60
It Avas no part of my mission to investigate this aspect of the company's affairs,

and I do not claim that the conclusions I draAV in this regard are final or authoritative!
But, the inconclusive statements made in my hearing or mentioned to me during my
journey left it abundantly clear that the payment of the Indians for their labour was
uncontrolled from head-quarters and dependent solely upon the humour, good or bad,
of the chief of section, and that it bore no true relation to the value of the produce forced
from the Indian and but little to his needs or Avishes.
Each chief of section put his OAVII Amlue on the rubber his Indians brought in, and
paid them according to this arbitrary scale. He fixed the quantity of rubber for each
article ohered as “ pay ” or “ adAmnce,” and equally fixed the quantity of rubber each
man must supply to make up each “ fabrico." Thus, Senor Normand informed the
commission at Matanzas on the 18th October that he required the folloAving quantities
of rubber against the articles stated :—
Quantity of
rubber required.
Elilog.
An “ escopeta,” or trade gun (of very inferior make, Avorth only a
very few shillings) 75
A cotton hammock 55
A cotton shirt (cost price, about Is. 3d.) 20
A pair of cotton trousers (made at La Chorrera, certainly not
worth 2s.) 20
A leather strap—called a belt 5
One :^-Ib. flask of powder, Avith a handful of shot and caps for the
trade gun 20
One cotton blanket 20
One felt hat (value about 9d.) 15
Senor Month, at Atenas, furnished the commission with the foUoAving as his scale of
prices for similar articles ;—
A single-barrelled trade gun About 35 kilog.
A double-barrelled trade gun ij j)
A cotton hammock From 25 to 35 kilog.

A machete „ 12 to 15 „
A pair of trousers and a sliirt 15 kilog.
A flask of poAvder Avith shot and caps 15 „
A cotton blanket ’25 ,,
A felt hat Not stated.
I purchased several of these articles from the store at La Chorrera, and brought
them home Avith me as samples of the kind of goods and quality furnished the Indians.
They are the most inferior kind of trade goods, and cannot compare with the articles supplied
in any part of tropical Africa I have been in. A note Avas appended to the Atenas price
lists—“ Prices not certain ; dependent upon circumstances "—the circumstances that
might alter respective values Avere not stated definitely.
Another chief of section said in my hearing ;—

“ The Indians never ask the price,” and on being questioned replied, “ We tell the
Indians to bring a certain amount of rubber; no specific Aveight named, as they Avoiild
not understand it,” and he, the chief of section, then fixed the quantity due by each
individual according to the “ advance.”
This may be taken as a fairly correct statement—everything depended on the chief

of section. The Indian took his advance and made off—glad to escape. The Barbados
men, Avho Avere fairly trustworthy Avitne.sses of the manner of dealing Avith the Indians,
frequently gave mo details of hoAV they had seen “ fabricos ’’ paid for. Thus, Evelyn
Bateon at Santa Catahna had seen an Indian receive a tin boAvl as payment for an ciifiio
fabrico ” (Avhich might be put at possibly 80 Idlog.), Avhich he had throAvn on the ground
and left behind him in disgust. Frederick Bisliop declared that he had been present
at payments wdvere a single, coin—a Peruvian “ sole,” or tAvo-shilling piece—had been
given to an Indian as rewai’d for 70 or 80 kilog. of rubber. I met numbers of Indian
Avoraen Avho wore these coins .strung round their necks as ornaments. On one occasion
Bishop had seen a harassed indiAddual asked Avliat he wanted for his “ fabrico,” declare

51
873
that all he wanted was food, and this man got four 1 lb. tins of “ roast beef,’" and made
off without a word.
Another man, at another section, had accepted a puppy dog and disappeared to
his forest home, glad to have escaped so easily. There was often a sense of the comic
in these swindling transactions, as when Aguero, for instance, made one dog serve for
several “fabricos.^’ An Indian had asked fora dog as the price of his five months’
rubber supply, and Aguero had given him this animal, which “ he knew would not
stay with an Indian.” In a few days the. dog had retm’ned to its white master, and
figured more than once in similar subsequent transactions,
A “fabrico” of rubber would represent anything from 50 kilog. up from each
Indian, according to his capacity to gather it, and the fictitious value of the “ advance”
entered against him. At Matanzas the weight of a full-grown man’s “fabrico” was
even up to 80-100 kilog., more than could be carried by a single individual. In such
a case the Indian would have his wife and children to help in carrying it down to Puerto
Peruano for shipment to Chorrera. The loads of some of the men I journeyed with
on this road were, I am convinced, fully 70 kilog., but I was denied opportunity of
weighing them. The heaviest load I actually weighed, borne by a single Indian, was
at La Chorrera, where a Naimanes Indian brought in his “fabrico” fi’om Sur section.
This load I caused to be weighed, as the man brought it in on his back from the forest
to the station store, and it came to 63-| kilog., or, say, 138 lb. I caused several loads
of rubber in this same caravan, borne by quite small boys, to be also weighed, and
found in many cases that the load outweighed the bearer. In one case a boy of 12 or
13 years of age was carrying a weight of 29 kilog. of rubber, while he himself when put
in the scales came to only 25 kilog. The forest track over which this heavy weight
had been carried is trying enough to an unburthened walker; and how many of
these people succeeded in getting such loads over the fallen tree stumps, through
interlocking boughs, across mud and water and deep hollows was a mystery that
only the lash,, the “cepo” and the unfailing Winchester explained.
Senor Tizon placed himself in the hands of the commission and myself, and loyally
co-operated with us throughout our journey. He pledged himself to not only get rid
of every criminal agent charged by the Barbados men, but to at once begin sweeping
reforms in the whole method of dealing with the Indians. The worst stations,
Matanzas and Abisinia, he determined to abolish altogether, and, as far as possible, to
withdraw the work oi rubber collection to posts along the riverway which could be
more frequently inspected, and where the long marches with heavy loads of rubber
would become unnecessary. The scheme of reform as outlined by Senor Tizon and
generally approved by the commissioners, who added valuable suggestions to it, if
honestly set going by the company, must bring changes for good to the Indian
dwellers in the forest and ultimately to the company’s financial prospects in that region.
' Not only had the methods so long in force cut down the Indian population by possibly
three-fourths of its former total, but they had directly injured the economic resources
of a large area of country, and gravely imperilled the financial prospects of the
enterprise with which they were associated. It was time, as Senor Tizon more
than once asserted, that this commission had come. The rubber output had already
fallen to some 400 tons of rubber per annum, with every prospect, so far as I could
see, of continued decrease if the wholesale abuses dcuounced to us were not speedily
stopped. That Senor Tizon would faithfully carry out the promises he repeatedly
made to the commissioners and myself we had every right to believe. ITie work of
punishing the wrong-doers lay not with him, but in other and far distant hands.
The unrelieved barbarity of this report does not rest alone on the testimony of the
Barl)ados men, whose depositions accompany it. I had other evidence to go by at the
outset, and tins was found to be in more than one instance amply confirmed by the
independent statements of the British witnesses, and again and again borne out by the
evi(l(Mice of our wn eyes and the general condition of the Indians. Could these people
have been theiuoolves fully interrogated the weight of testimony would hare been far
grealer, but could not have been more convincing. The circumstances under which
the British witnesses testified to me placed their evidence beyond controversy. I
asked that it should be challenged, that rebutting testimony should be brought
forward. None was produced—I was informed that none could be. That every detail
of this testimony is ec|ually trustworthy I do not assert. It is evident that men of this
rlass, some of them illiterate, all of humble calling, many demoralised by long years of
savage indulgence, would sometimes be untruthful from fear or unworthy motive.

62
Tiieir memories, no more than those of white men, could recall, step by step,
actions and incidents that had transpired years before, but that the great majority of
them honestly sought to state the truth to me I was convinced—a conviction that the
commissioners of the company, I beheve, fully shared before we separated.
Senor Tizon refused to accept the challenge made at the outset of my examination
of these men, that their accusations against the agents of the company should be put
to the test of confronting them with those they charged. Joshua Dyall, Frederick
Bishop, Stanley Lewis, three of the British subjects I fest submitted to interrogation
after reaching La Chorrera, were all wUling that this should be done. These men, Dyall
and Bishop, charged themselves (as later on did others) with grave crimes against tbe
Indians, and I suggested, in the presence of Senor Tizon and the commissioners, that
if judicial enquiry- Were desired, I was perfectly prepared that the British subjects
should be put upon their trial, and that I would telegraph to His Majesty^s Government
for support, and that legal assistance should be furnished to ensure a full and fair
hearing. Senor Tizon deprecated fuller investigation, and declared categorically, in
the presence of the commissioners, that he accepted the evidence of the British witnesses
I brought before him, and would act upon it, against all the agents they incrimmated,
without putting it to further test.
These agents, he declared, in the absence of a Peruvian authority upon the
Putumayo, could not be arrested or submitted to any form of trial there. He
was content to get rid of them as quickly as could be. Many of the Barbados men
were aware that the crimes they charged themselves with were, capital offences. They
only pleaded that these crimes had been committed under the dhect orders of the
superior agents of the company, whom they were required to obey, and that however
guilty they might themselves be those who ordered these deeds and profited from them
were far more guilty parties. In this contention I supported them, and pointed out
that the first parties to be brought to justice must be those higher agents. The members
of the company’s commission co-operated loyally throughout this investigation, and
I handed a “ black list” to them before leaving Chorrera of those chiefiy impheated
before me. I also left a copy of this document with Mr. David Gazes, His Majesty’s
consul at Iquitos, for such use as might be advisable in that chief centre of Peruvian
administration east of the Andes.
I took occasion at Iquitos to impress personally upon the prefect of the department
the urgent need for prompt action by the Peruvian Government. If the disgraceful
state of things existing on the Putumayo was not dealt with, and the principal wrong-
doers arrested, I assured him a deplorable impression would be created. The
prefect promised that immediate action would be taken, and gave repeated
assurances that not only should the Indians henceforth be protected, but that those
found guilty of the many crimes alleged, some of which I laid personally before him
and supported with the verbal testimony of eye-witnesses (one a wbate Peruvian
employe of the company who had appealed to me on the Putumayo to listen to him,
and who accompanied my return from that river), should be adequately dealt with.
The prefect informed me that he had telegraphed to Lima an outlme of what I had
laid before him, and that at an early date in December—so he hoped—a Government
judicial commission would be dispatched to the Putumayo \vith large powers.
The prefect’s promises of speedy action were reiterated to me on the morning of
the 6th December, when I called to take leave of him on the point of sailing horn
Iquitos, which I left in the forenoon of that day on the mail-steamer “ Atahualpa.”
I have, &c.
KOGEE CASEMENT.
No. 10.
GomulrGeneral Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received March 23.)
Sh, ' London^ March 21,1911.

WITH reference to my report of the 17th instant, dealing with the methods of
rubber production and the treatment of tlie native Indians in the region dominated
by the Peruvian Amazon Company, I have now the honour to transmit the statements
of the Barbados men made to me in the course of my investigations on the Putumayo.

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As far as possible I have given these statements in the men’s words taken down
at the time, but it would have required a shorthand writer and clerical assistance to
have fully transcribed all that was stated at these lengthy examinations, some of which
extended over many hours in the case of a single individual. Several of the depositions
were later read over by me to the deponents and signed by them, but it was not always
possible to adopt this course. As transmitted, the statements are as faithful records
under the circumstances as it was possible for me to take down, of a mass of evidence
that ran to great length, and was offered sometimes in circumstances of dijSiculty for
the witness to state, and often for me to record.
"Where contradictions occur, and even obvious mis-statements, I think these can
be attributed chiefly to failure of memory and not to intentional prevarication. It
would be a very trying ordeal for any person to be called upon to state precisely what
he had been doing over a lengthy period, often covering more than five years, and ro
make no error of statement in an extended appeal to memory of that kind would be
very remarkable, even for a highly trained and well-educated person. I have no doubt
that the majority of the men answered truthfully the questions put to them, although
more than one sought to minimise his own share in the wrongdoing he had for so long
taken part in.
It would have been easy to have put the statements of these men to open test upon
the spot—a course I was willing should be followed. This would have involved, how-
ever, their confrontation with the agents of the company implicated; and it was this
step that Senor Tizon, as representing the company, begged me earnestly to abstain
from, and to use my influence to dissuade the company’s commissioners from insisting on.
In the course of our subsequent journey it became clearer every day that the
statements of the Barbados.men were only too well founded, and before I left the
Putumayo it was definitely established that their indictment could not be called in
question.
My contention from the first day’s examination at La Chorrera had been that either
it must be called in question then and there .and rebutting testimony brought forsvard,
or it must stand. If it could not be challenged successfully on the spot I should form
the independent and impartial conclusion I was authorised to form from this the only
evidence laid before me, or that I was empowered to call for. No attempt was made to
challenge the evidence of the Barbados men at any time during my stay in that
region, although every agent in the district knew that I was submitting the men to
lengthy and exhaustive examinations, the results of which were being communicated to
the company’s commissioners and to Senor Tizon. On the contrary, instead of
seeking to upset the testimony of these British employes of the company made
to a British consular officer, the higher agents of the company often sought to bribe
these men to deceive the officer sent to enquii'e into there circumstances.
In this they failed; the evidence of these men was given often in the face of
intimidation and in opposition to what many of them thought to be their own interests.
Instead of being contradicted, the highest agents incriminated by that evidence were
jndged on it and dismissed by the principal representative of the company.
I have, &c.
ROGER CASEMENT. I

List of British Svhjects, Natives of Barbados, all coloured men, examined by
Consul-General Casement in the course of his Mission to the Putumayo.
1. FREDEEIOK BISHOP.—Êirst on the 1st September, 1910, at Iquitos, and subsequent
days there. This man was engaged by Mr. Casement as guide and interpreter,
as he spoke the Huitoto language, and accompanied Mr. Casement throughout
his subsequent journey, beiug sent home to Barbados in December 1910. His
early statements were added to throughout the journey in the rubber districts
on many occasions. He gave evidence to the Prefect at Iquitos in December
at Mr. Casement’s request. The Prefect asked for it.
2. NELLIOE, OR NELLIS WALKER.—At Iquitos on the 1st.September, 1910. This
man had not at any time served in the rubber districts, his acquaintance with
the Putumayo being limited to service on river launches or at the statipn of
El Encanto in the Caraparand agency which Mr. Casement did not visit.

64
3. NORMAN WALCOTT.—At Iquitos on tlie 9tli September, 1910. Had been employed
only on river launches in the Putumayo region on brief runs from Iquitos;
never in any work connected with rubber getting.
4. PRESTON FORD.—Ât Iquitos on the 9th September, 1910. In a similar capacity
and identical circumstances.
5. JOSEPH JONES.—At Iquitos on the 9th September, 1910. In a similar capacity
and identical circumstances.
6. JOSEPH LABADIE.—At Iquitos on the 9th September, 1910. This man was worldug
in Iquitos at independent employment at the time he was examined. He
remained in Iquitos, and was there in December, 1910, when Mr. Casement
left for Europe. He was not again examined after this interrogation.
7. ADOLPHUS GIBBS.—Ât Iquitos on the 13th September, 1910.
8. STANLEY S. LEWIS.—On board steam-ship “ Liberal ” on way to Putumayo from
Iquitos. First on the 20th September, 1910, then on the 22nd September,
and subsequently at La Chorrera on the 24th September before Senor Tizon
and the commission, and later at Iquitos. Testified to the Prefect of Loreto
at Iquitos in December, being sent to give e^ddence by Mx. Casement.
9. JAMES CLARK.—On board steam-ship “ Liberal ” on way to Putumayo on the
22nd September. Had never been on shore in Putumayo or at work in rubber
districts.
*10. DONALD FRANCIS.—At La Chorrera on the 23rd September, 1910, and sub-
sequently.
*11. PHILIP LAWRENCE.—Ât La Chorrera on the 23rd September.
*12. SIEEERT GREENIDGE.—Ât La Chorrera on the 23rd September.
*13. JAMES CHASE.—First at La Chorrera on the 23rd September and subsequently on
many occasions. This man remained with the Peruvian Amazon Company’s
commission of enquiry in personal attendance throughout their jornmey.
*14. STANLEY SEALEY.—^First at La Chorrera on the 23rd September and subsequently
on many occasions. This man was engaged by Mr. Casement as guide and
escort, and remained with him and the commission up to Mr. Casement’s
departure from the Putumayo, when he was taken over by the commission
on same terms as the preceding man.
*^15. JOSHUA DYALL.—Ât La Chorrera on the 24th September, and again at La Chorrera
in November, 1910.
*16. EDWARD CRICHLOW.—Ât Ultimo Retiro on the 8th October, 1910.
*17. JAMES LANE.—At Matanzas Station. First on the 18th October, and subsequently
at Entre Rios and La Chorrera.
*18. WESTERMAN LEAVINE.—Ât Matanzas Station. First on the 18th October and
subsequently.
*19. EVELYN BATSON.—Ât La Chorrera on the 31st October.
*20. SYDNEY MORRIS.—Ât La Chorrera on the 1st November.
*21. PRESTON JOHNSON.—Ât La Chorrera on the 1st November.
*22. AUGUSTUS WALCOTT.—At La Chorrera on the 1st November.
*23. JAMES MAPP.—Ât La Chorrera on the 2nd November.
*24. ALFRED HOYTE.—Ât La Chorrera on the 2nd November.
*25. REUBEN PHILLIPS.—Ât La Chorrera on the 2nd November.
*26. CLIFFORD QUINTYNE.—Ât La Chorrera on the 2nd November.
*27. ALLEN DAVIS.—Ât La Chorrera on the 2nd November.
*28. JOSEPH MINGGS.—Ât La Chorrera on the 10th November.
*29. ARMANDO KING.—Ât La Chorrera on the 10th November.
30. JOHN BROWN.—Ât Iquitos on the 3rd December. This man was sent by the
Governor of Barbados to join Mr. Casement at Pard, but arrived too late, and
only met Mr. Casement in November as he was leaving the Putumayo to return
to Iquitos. He gave evidence before the Prefect at Iquitos at Mr. Casement’s
request.
* NO3. 10 to 29 found actually employed iu the Putumayo region and examined there after
Mr. Casement’s arrivabat La Chorrera.

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65
(No. 1.)
Statement made to Consul-General Casement by Frederick Bishop, age 29.
The first Barbadian examined at Iqnitos by Mr. Casement was Frederick Bishop.
This man, along with another named NeiHs WaDier, was brought to Mr. Casement
on the 1st September, 1910, through a Barbadian resident in Iquitos named Carlton
Morris, who had been requested by Mr. Cazes, the British consul, to inform any
Barbadians actually in Iquitos that they should come to the consulate to see
]\Ir. Casement.
Both men had only just returned from the Putumayo, having landed in Iquitos
from the Peruvian Amazon Company's steamer ‘‘ Liberal ” only three days before, the
28tli August.
This witness, in the course of his examination stated that he had been in the
Putumayo region from the first period of his engagement by Arana Brothers, so that
his residence in that district covers a period of some five years and three months, from
end of April or beginning of May, 1905, to August, 1910.
This man's statements were made to me on the 1st September in the presence of
Jh. Cazes and Mr. Barnes, again on the 4th September, in. the presence of all the
members of the commission and of j\Ir. Cazes, and again late in the day of the 4th
September, before Mr. Cazes and myself. Most of his statement was made in the form
of answers to questions put to him, chiefly by myself, but sometimes by hir. Cazes or
a member of the commission. From the notes of his replies the following summary
of his various declarations is drawn up :—
He states that he was engaged in Barbados in 1904 (subsequently corrected to
1905) about the month of March. He came with the same batch of men as John Brown,
of Montserrat, whom he knew. He was engaged by iMr. Brewster, of Barbados, for
iVi’ana and Co., as a ‘‘ workman." He was sent to the Putumayo on arrival and was
engaged “ maldng commissions," i.e., “ correrfas," to make the Indians work at
“ cutting " rubber in the forest. He was armed. His duties were to see that the
Indians brought in, each man, his quantity of rubber at fixed dates. If they did not
bring in rubber when it was due, he was sent out, with others, in an expedition to search
for them.
These Indians were not station hands or labourers engaged by the company; they
were forest Indians, members of tlie various tribes dwelling in the districts. They
are not asked if they want to work rubber; they are forced to do it, just like slaves.
If the)'^ do not bring in rubber they are flogged, or put in chains, or in the “ cepo " or
stocks.
He himself had several times fiogged Indians for not bringing in rubber, acting
under the direct orders of the chief of the section he was ernployed in at the time. He
did not like doing it, but had to. Asked by the consul-general if he did not know this
to be wrong, he said he could not refuse—^that a man might be a man down in Iquitos,
but “ you couldn't be a man up there." Some of the chiefs of sections who had ordered
bim to flog Indians, which orders he had obeyed, were Andreas O'Donnell (Entre Bios),
Elias Martinengui (Atenas), Inocente Fonseca (Sabana), and Alfredo Montt (written
“Moung" in John Brown's statement to Commissioner of Montserrat) (Ultimo Betiro).
(The chiefs of sections change localities often.)
Some Indians would lie dov/n of themselves and take the flogging, others would
‘struggle and have to be held by the arms and legs, laid flat on the ground. He had
seen Indians pegged out to stakes in the ground and flogged.
The flogging would be given on their bare buttocks. They were often cut and
bleeding, and healing washes would be rubbed into the wounds, such as vinegar or salt,
so that they might be able to go to the forest for more rubber. He has fiogged Indians
himself withm the last year —within the last six months — always for not bringing
ill their rubber or bringing in insuflicient quantities of rubber. He has himself flogged
Indians this year, between April and May, for not bringing in rubber at Sabana section,
by order of Jos6 Inocente Fonseca.
The system was not trade at all; it was a lie to call it so—the Indians were slaves,
and had to do what they were ordered. In answer to a question put by Mr. Cazes he
said they are paid “ in a way." The man who brings in plenty of rubber gets, perhaps,
[401] * ’ I

%
66
a sh.ot-gun or something good—ît depends on the quantity of the rubber. Others

would get gowns, or axes, or knives. These payments were not made every time
rubber was brought in, but every two or three months.
The Indians were not given food to go into the forest; they were fed while on the
stations with anytliing that could be got, but often it was not enough—^not nearly
enough, and many of them were half starved. At Atenas section now the Indians were
starving. He had seen them this year when he was coming down to La Chorrera Just
the- other day. There was no food in the place, and their own plantations had been
neglected on account of the rubber-getting, and they were now not able to continue getting
it, they were so weak from hunger, and the rubber at Atenas was less now than before.
He believed it was on this account, viz., that the Indians were starving.
This was due to the driving of them by Ehas Martinengui, who, as he was leaving
the coihpany's service, wanted to make plenty of money. Martinengui came down to
Iquitos % the last “ Liberalbefore he (Bishop) did, and has gone to Lima, he hears.
As he was leaving he wanted a big commission, and so drove the Indians to get more
rubber so that they could not attend to their own wants and plantations. He declares
that all the chiefs get profits according to the quantity of rubber—he believes in every
section.
In answer to a question put by the consul-general if he had himself seen any Indians
killed by agents of the company, he said yes. First, he remembered that when he first
came, long ago, he had seen two Indians killed. They had “ run awaybecause they
did not want to work. They were pursued, captured, and their heads were cut off by
order of Senor Martinengui. This he saw with his own ey’-es, but it was long ago. Their
heads were cut off with machetes. It was done in section Urania—a section that
Mr. Gielgud stated now no longer exists.
Kecently, during the course of the present year, he saw Senor Montt (Ultimo lletiro)
take four youths (‘‘ muchachos "”), who had been in the stocks, or “ cepo."" They were
taken away in chains by two muchachos de confianza ” out into the forest. He found
their dead bodies on the path about three and a-half hours from the station some days
after when he passed that way. They were in a high state of decomposition, and be
had to go around them.
He is sure they were the same four young men, and he met the two confidential
men, who had shot them, coming back with the chains. He has no doubt at all about
it. These four youths were charged by Senor Montt with trying to get up a rising of
the Indians against him. He does not know anything about that, but he is sure that
many of the Indians hate and dread the “ whites,” and would kill them if they could,
but they are too timid and cowed and have no arms. Sometimes some Indian will try
to do that, to get others to come and attack the whites, so as to stop the rubber drives.
That was how Bartolome Zumaeta was killed “ a few months ago.” He was shot by a
Boras Indian named Katenere down by a stream when he and Zumaeta were making
Indians work the rubber. This Indian was shot subsequently by Indians armed by the
compaiiy, and he heard that one of the Boras under Katenere had then killed the
company's Indian who had shot Katenere by shooting him. It was not far from the
place where he himself had left M. Robuchon, the Frenchman, that Zumaeta was killed.
He had been sent with Hobuchon as one of his guard, and Robuchon had sent him and
others to Moreha to try and get rehef. They were without food, and he and the others
nearly died before they got to Moreha ; they did not know their way, and had no food.
Robuchon was never seen again. This wms in the Boras country, and the Boras are the
wildest and fiercest of the Indians, and many of them have not yet been “ conquered ”
and made to work rubber.
Asked if he knew of any more people who had been killed, he said he knew of a
girl, an Indian girl, who had been in the stocks at Ultimo Retiro. It was this year in
January.
She was taken out of the stocks at night and taken up on a hill Just outside the
station and shot. Asked how he knew, he said he heard the shot and saw the man go
off with her, guarding her with the gun. Everyone Imew she had been shot. The
consul-general said she might have escaped, or been released by the man conducting
her. He said with a smile that tliis was not possible. This girl was charged by Montt
with wanting to “ run away.”
Some of the statements made by John Brown in his letter to the commissioner of
Montserrat were read to him. He recognised the names of nearly all the Barbadian
therein mentioned, particularly the case of Dial, whose name he says is Byall. This
man and he had been together in the same section, when> as stated by Brown, Dyall was
hung up in chains.

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Bishop then gave a long account of DyalFs ill-treatment. He had been charged
with having connection with one of the Indian station women belonging to one of the
white employes at Ultimo Ketiro.
He was put in the stocks and kept there for hours by Montt the chief of the section.
The leg-holes of the stocks were too small for his ankles and the wood cut into his legs
badly, and he was screaming out. The holes were so small that when they tried to
close the stocks on his legs they could not shut them, and a man sat on the stocks and
pressed with all the weight of his body to make them shut, and Dyall groaned and cried
with pain. After he had been a long time hke that they turned the stocks over so that
be lay upon his belly, and he lay like that all night, groaning and crying. When released
from the stocks Dyall could not wallc, but had to crawl on all fours back to his house.
He was also chained up with a chain round his neck and hauled up like this, so that his
feet just touched the ground.
Putting Barbadians “ into guns was a common enough practice. He had been
“ put into guns this year, just before he came away, by order of Senor Macedo, the
chief agent of the company at La Chorrera. This Avas done because he had left his
section without leave. He had left Ultimo Hetiro Avdthout permission—^ran away, in
fact—but he did so because they gave him no food, only the leaves of some bush.”*
”
He could give no other explanation of it, but said it was not proper or sufficient food
and he had to get out. ^^Tien he got to La Chorrera Senor Macedo ordered him to be
put “ in guns ” as described by John Brown. He complained to the officer in command
of the Peru^dan detachment there, who said he could do nothing, but he would speak to
Senor Macedo. He was subsequently released after perhaps an hour “ in guns.”"}*
Asked if the Peruvian officer and soldiers were not there to exercise control, he
laughed, and said they were there “ for sham,” that the company's agents did as they
pleased, and the officer could not stop them—they were all one.
Asked why he had stayed so long, he said he wanted to get enough money—that he
stayed on only for that; but he came away as he was sick of the whole thing and the
“ rules ” of that company and the work they put him to, slave-driving the Indians.
Asked if Indians bore marks of flogging, he said, yes, he had seen many with scars
and weals.
Asked did he think Indians would be found who, if an interpreter were there they
could trust, would speak out and say how they were treated, he said yes, he thought
some Indians would; others would not because they were too frightened, and there
were others who did not mind ; they got pay and they knew no other method of treat-
ment—^they were too ignorant. The white men came for rubber, they were told to get
it and flogged if they did not, and that was what they were used to. Others of them
were paid as “ muchachos de confianza,” and others—some of the chiefe—^were rewarded
by the company's agents for making their people work.
Asked if the woman Dyall was charged with having had connection with was the
wife of the aggrieved employe, he said no, not his wife, but his “ woman,” that some
of the chiefs of section he knew had plenty of wives,” and he said “ some have twenty
or thirty.” He (Bishop) had complained to Montt at the time about Dyall’s treatment,
and said it was too severe, that a man should not be treated Hke that even if he had done,
wrong with the woman.
.^ked if the Indians were very numerous, he said it depended on the places—
sometimes there were none for days. He thought there were not so many Indians now
as when he first came, because they were often’ starving and working rubber in the
forest. He said the whole business was to make them work rubber; that was the
truth, and it was a He to say they were workmen ” or engaged, or that it was trading
or commerce or anything resembling it.
Asked if he would be afraid to go back to the Putumayo and to say any of these
things in the face of the men named, he said no, he was not afraid; he would speak
the truth. The consul-general assured him that if he did that he would be protected,
and offered to take him to the Putumayo as his servant-interpreter to show him the
country. To this he agreed, and declared repeatedly that he had spokon only the
truth and that all he said could be proved. He stated that when Mr. Whiffen came
with John Brown everything Avas “ cleared up before he arrived at a section. They
knoAv beforehand where he A\ms going to, and word Avould be sent so that everything
bad Avas put aAvay, but he thinks John BroAvn told Mr. Whiffen a lot of things and
slioAved him things. He saAv Mr. Gielgud last year (when he Avas out auditing the
* Airambo is the name of it—a native shrub used in starvation times.-j—R. C.
t This in August 1910, at the chief station on the Putumayo.
[401] , I 2

68
company’s books), and be knows that the same was done with him. ^^Tien Mr. Gielgud
came to the station where he (Bishop)' then was, they sent all the “ prisoners"" who
were in chains away into the forest guarded and kept them there until he left. They
put the stocks away too.
Further Statement of F. Bishop, evening of September 6, 1910.
The story of burning Indians related by Captain Whiffen as witnessed by his boy
John Brown was to-day read by me to F. Bishop. He states he heard that story too,
and others just as bad. Things told of Agjiero and Jimenez taking women and killing
Indians and-torturing them he had heard.
The chief agent at La Chorrera would not know what was going on in the sections;
often things would be done he would never hear of. He was told this year by a young
Colombian named Okanya (Ocana), now at Sabana (or Atenas), that Macedo has warned
him this year to get as much rubber as he can because there were Englishmen coming
out, and when they heard what he (Macedo) and Ocana had done, killing and flogging
the Indians, they would both be sent away, and so they must get as much money as
possible before they were dismissed. Ocana told him this in secret, and said Macedo
had brought him (Ocana) into the service and was giving this friendly hint to make
hay while the sun shone. Macedo might be better than the others—^he could not say,
but Macedo knew what happened often in the sections, as he visited them and saw
prisoners and flogging. The “ comisario ” of the Peruvian Government, he states, rarely
left the chief station, and did not visit the sections, and was no good to Indians or
anyone. He (Bishop) has been flve years and some months there, and never met the
‘‘ comisario ” that he knows, or saw any Peruvian ofiicial in any of the sections where
he was. Normand,* he says, speaks English, and, he believes, was once in London. He
was brought first as an interpreter when the first batch of Barbadians was brought to
the Putumayo. He does not know, but has heard that Normand is not a Peruvian, but
does not know what nationahty he is. He is quite certain that the Peruvian officials
and soldiers are useless in the Putumayo ; those, at La Chorrera now are simply under
the orders of Mr. Macedo, and do what he tells them, and as for protecting the Indians
from abuse, the company’s agents own the Indians just Him the rubber trees and do
what they please with them.
Asked again as to the cause of the starving condition of the Indians at Atenas
when he passed through recently, he said it was due to Ehas Martineugui alone, who
had driven them too hard to get rubber «o that he might have a big “ commission ” to
go to Lima with. This same Martinengui, Bishop said, was a brute, and he then related
an incident he had been an eyewitness of. Martinengui had an Indian girl—one of
several—^he kept, and one night when with her he discovered that she was sick with
venereal disease—^so he said. So in the morning he had her tied up and flogged in the
station yard, and then made one of the young Indians—^Bishop called him ‘ân Indian
boy ”—insert burning firebrands into her body. Bishop did not Hke to say where, but
indicated with his hand. I said, “ Did you actually see that ? ” and he rephed, “ Yes,
Sir, I saw that done with my own eyes. That girl nearly died, but she got better in
the end. She is at Occidente now.” (This is one of the sections in the Chorrera
division.) I then asked, “ What did the Indian boy do after being forced to perforin
such an act % ” Bishop answered, “ That boy ran away, Sir; we never saw him again.”
Bishop said that, as to flogging, it was done in many ways. One of the approved
ways was to cut a tree ofl about 8 feet from the ground with a flat top, and then cut a
wedge, V-shaped, into the tree. This became a whipping post. A chain was passed
roimd the neck of the victim, male or female, man, woman, or child, and they were dragged
up, with their feet off the ground, by the chain being pulled thi'ough the wedge and made
taut. He had seen lots of Indians flogged like this, and sometimes they would, when
released, fall back Hke people dead. Once ho saw an Indian man. or youm thus flogged
who fell back so violently, hitting his head on the ground, that he bit his tongue clean
through. This flogging is done at all the sections nearly.
.^ked how he, a decent enough man, who knew the difference between right and
wrong, could have stayed on so long among such scenes, and himself aiding the male-
factors, he said it was all for money; that he wanted to have some money before he came
* This is the chief of Matanzas, Armando Normand.—K. 0.

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out; tliat at one time he owed the company 267 soles (= 26Z. 14s.)» and that after he
had wiped that out he stayed on to earn enough to take him clear away. He now has
nearly 501, and the company are keeping it to his credit and will pay him interest on it,
and, if he hkes, take him back again. I advised him to get his money out of* the com-
pany’s hands and to leave it with Mr. Cazes, with directions as to where he wished it
to be sent in case of his death when up the Putumayo.
ROGER CASEMENT.
(No. 2.)
Statement tnade to Consul-General Casement hy Nellice Walker, age 27.
Born in Barbados. Father and mother both living there. Engaged by Mr. Brewster
in 1906, in February, in Barbados, to come to Peru to Alarco Arana and Co. Ninety
others came at the same time, all for the same employment.
Came to Manaos, and horn Manaos to Pevas. Stayed at Pevas seven days and
tlien was brought to Nanai.
Stayed at Nanai one month at plantation work, clearing, &c. He then left of his
own accord, breaking his contract, but was paid for his month’s work. His salary was
21 per month, and he left because it was too small, and he was not used to the work.
He came to Iquitos seeldng work, and got it as fireman on the America,” a Gov-
ernment launch, at 71 per month. Stayed six months and left her of his own accord,
and opened a shoemaker’s shop in Iquitos. Stayed in Iquitos as a shoemaker a year
and six months. Having made some money, he closed this shop, thinking to go to Lima,
but changed his mind and went to the Putumayo. A Peruvian friend advised him to
go to the Putumayo, where he thought he’ could make more money as a shoemaker. He
therefore signed a contract with Arana and Co. to go to the Putumayo a workman for
one year at 50 soles per month, thinking that at the end of the year he would be free to
start his shoemaking business.
His Peruvian friend, named Reyes, went with him as a mason in the company’s
service. They both went to El Encanto, where they arrived the 24th July, 1907. He
remained in the company’s service as a worker until the 16th August, 1910. His pay
was increased, and he stayed on on that account.
He was employed as cook and steward on the launch Callao,” with head-quarters
at El Encanto. He was well treated. Has been properly paid, and received his wages
all the time. He was never filogged, or put ‘‘ in guns,” or ill-treated. There was one
other Barbadian at El Encanto named Ajcmando King. He is there now. He is chief
cook in the house. He was never employed on a commission, or on a “ correria.” He was
a cook and steward on the launch.
He heard of no ill-treatment of Barbadians at El Encanto, and saw none, there
being only the one other, King, the whole of his time. He knows oL no cases of ill-
treatment of Barbadians of his own knowledge,but heard of some at Chorrera, but knows
nothing of facts, only hearsay.
His chief was Senor Loayza, who was a very kind man.
He knows there are some Barbadians at La Chorrera in the company’s service ; he
knows about nine in the company’s service, but thinks there must be more.
In answer to some questions put by Mr. Cazes and Mr. L. H. Barnes, the deponent
stated that so far as he had ever observed the Indians at El Encanto and elsewhere where
he had been were well treated.
Senor Loayza certainly treated thorn well, and they were paid for their work every
week when they might be acting as station hands, while the Indians who brought in
rubber were given gowns (“ cushmas ”), hatchets, knives, &c., and he never saw them
abused or ill-treated. He was generally on the launch au his work, and was once at La
Chorrera.
He did not go up the river in January 1908, but remembers steamers going up,
and thinks that Senor Loayza went up then. This last reply was to a question put by
Mu. Casement.

60.
(No. 3.)
Statement made to Consul-General Casement on September 9, 1910.
Name, Norman Walcott, age 20 (ke thinlcs). Engaged in Barbados 20th May, 1904,
by Mr. Brewster for Arana y Hermanos.
Arrived in Iquitos 21st June, 1904. Employed at Nanai about two years at plan-
tation work, and then after that in Iquitos, and then was in the Putumayo ; was sent
there five times on launches as a fireman on the “ Liberal ” and ‘‘ Cosmopohta.” Left
the service of Aranas on the 25th August, 1910, on “ Cosmopolita."’ Never worked on
shore there at all. AVas always employed on the launches.
Were you well treated ?—It can pass—according to the country.
Were you flogged ?—Yes, on board the launches.
Who flogged you ?—The captain of the “ Cosmopolita."’ Other men held him,
and he was flogged with a piece of wood—only once flogged. This was because he com-
plained of bad food, and the captain was angry and flogged him ; it was on the way from
Putumayo here. He was cut and bled, and was bruised. Cannot remember the captain’s
name. The captain has left the company’s service a long time.”
During the time he was up the Putumayo, he was only at El Encanto and La
Chorrera; sometimes the launch would be for three weeks at one place in the river. Did
he ever see people flogged there ? Yes, once he saw an Indian boy flogged at La Chor-
rera. The boy was tied up, naked, and was badly flogged with a twisted coW’s hide.
The boy bled. He was a youth, about 18 years of age, and was cut.
Did you hear what the Indian boy had done ?—^No, never heard.
. Mr. Macedo was the chief of La Chorrera. A Peruvian “ white man ”—^he was
flogging the Indian boy. It was out in the open—în the compound.
How long ago ?—Ît was about 10th November, 1909r~he is sure it was in November
last year.
He never saw any other cases of ill-treatment; he himself was properly paid all his
wages.
He explained, in answer to questions as to his age, that he had left Barbados quite,
a small boy. There were others left Barbados very young. One of them was here now,
a small boy who had been servant to Juho C. Arana. He is in the Peruvian army now.
The deponent is now worldng for Booth and Co. in the customs sheds, clearing
cargo, &c.
BOGBB CASEMENT.
In the presence of D. Cazes at Iquitos.
September 9, 1910.
(No. 4.)
Statement made to Consul-General Casement on September 9, 1910, by Preston Ford, age 19.
Engaged September 1906, by.Mr. Goodrich, for Olegario del Castillo, of Iquitos.
at Barbados.
AVorked seven months, and then, as he was badly treated, he left him and came
to the Mole to work. Stayed there two months and then engaged with Arana y Hermanos
and went as a trimmer on the Liberal ” to El Encanto. This about two years ago.
AAâs about five mouths in the service of Arana y Hermanos, always as a trimmer and
always on the '' Liberal.”
He left the “ Liberal ” and went on the “ Cosmopohta,” after some months ashore
—altogether about seven months in their service. He left the “ Cosmopolita ” about
three months.
On the “ Liberal ” he was well treated, never flogged, and got enough to eat.
On the “ Cosmopohta'” were you well'treated ?—They put m'o in the hatchhold.
He was never flogged. He got enough to eat and was properly paid, and has no com-
plaint against the company.
ROGER CASEMENT.
In the presence of D. Cazes, British Consul,
Iquitos, September 9, 1910.

883
61
(No. 5.)
»
Statement made to Consul-General Casement on September 9, 1910, T)ij Joseph Jones, age 26.
Born in Barbados. Engaged about six years ago—the 3rd April, 1904—by Arana
y Hermanos. Mr. Moniz brought ninety Barbadians to Iquitos—to Nanai.
He worked at Nanai eight months ; he then left Nanai and came to Iquitos, leaving
Arana y Hermanos. He left Aranas because the pay was not enough and the food was
not suited to him.
The food was not bad, but was not suited. He then worked at the Mole for Booth
and Co.
When did you go back ?—Not until three months ago, when he went up in the
“ Cosmopolita ” as a steward to La Chorrera—otily to La Chorrera.
This was the only time he was in the Putumayo. He was well treated all the time,
waiting on the table on board ship.
Did you see anyone ill-treated when you were there ?—Not of my colour, not
Barbadians.
"Whom did you see ill-treated when you were there ?—He saw one Peruvian “ gen-
tleman lack another Peruvian all round the yard. The man kicked was not hurt, but
he was knocked down, and the other man kicked him when he was down. The man
kicked “ cried like a child."' He does not loiow the name of the white man who was
kicking, or the name of the other man. The latter was a working man. The man kicking
was a jefe "—a big man over the Indians. He saw no Indians flogged, or in stocks,
or ill-treated.
He was only in La Chorrera a few days—nine or ten days. ’
Another Barbadian then at La Chorrera, the baker at the station, was put in stocks
as follows : The blades of the propeller of their launch had gone wrong, and he and several
other Barbadians were trying to put them right. This man, the loaker, whose name
he forgets, came to help his countrymen at the job. They were given something to
drink after it was done, and the baker got “ salt,” i.e., a little tipsy. Mr. Macedo came
and ordered some Peruvian soldiers to put the baker in the stocks. It was at 10 A.M.,
and he was not let out until 6 P.M., and it was very hot. The baker is there now at La
Chorrera, and can tell about it himself, also about ot]ier things, how the Indians are
treated—not in La Chorrera, there everything loolcs right, but out in the sections. He
himself heard lots of things said about flogging Indians. Stanley Lewis, now on
“ Liberal,” knows all about ill-treatment of Indians. He lives with Jones when on shore
iu same house here in Iquitos. He will tell Stanley Lewis to come and see me when ^
the “ Liberal ” returns from down river.
ROGER CASEMENT.
In the presence of D. Cazes, Esq.
Iquitos, September 9, 1910.
(No. 6.)
Statement made to Consul-General Casement on September 9, 1910, at Iquitos, by

Joseph Labadie.
Born in Dominica. How old ? 22, he thinlrs.

Engaged in Barbados five and a-half years ago by Amna Brothers’ agent by Mr.
Moniz for Mr. Brewster.
Came to Nanai. Stayed there eight months and took his pay and left the company.
He ran away, ke corrected himself. He could not stand the treatment; the food was
little and bad, and the 2l. was not enough.
When you left Nanai, where did you go ?—He came to join l\Ir. Cazes’s boat, the
“ Beatriz,” where he was well treated, and then on the “ San Paulo ” as a steward and
cook. Then he left this service after four months and went up the Putumayo as cook
to work on launch at lOl. per month. The first launch was the " Huitoto,” where he
stayed two and a-half months, and then he was put to work on shore at El Encanto.
It might have been three years ago, but he can’t remember. He was cook on shore at
same pay.

"V
62
The chief was Senor Loayza. Then from Encanto he was sent to Ba Chorrera;
he was not employed as cook when he arrived in La Chorrera, but was sent out " on
the mountain/"’
He was put to work the Indians. He had a gun. The first section was Sur, and
he went with two Peruvians, rational men empleados racionalesalways armed,
to look after the Indians, to see they bring in the rubber.
Were the Indians paid for the rubber ?—^They give them shirts ; they give them
very little things.
Did you ever seen the Indians flogged ?—Oh, yes ; many times. Yes; I saw them
flogged many times, many times—^badly flogged.
Who flogged the Indians ?—^The chief of the section gave the orders, and if you
don’t flog them he flog you.
Did you flog the Indians 1—^No ; because I was a new man, and they take old men
who know the language, who can ask them questions and tell why they flog them.
Who did you see flog the Indians 1—^The boss of the expedition; the chief man was
Miranda, and the other man was Puet.* The first, Miranda, was a very bad man. All
the chiefe of the sections, very many of them kill Indians.
How do you know ?—Î hear the men who do it talk about it; sometimes they boast
of it. This was in Spanish at Sur, and at other stations, too. He has heard plenty of
taUr about it.
Did you ever see any Indians Idlled ?—^Yes; I saw one Idlled at Sur. It was a
woman.
How was she killed ?—^Miranda sent to call her, and I saw her brought in from the
bushes. A boy was sent to call her; she was brought in chained round her neck.
Miranda sent an Indian boy to take her about 25 yards from the house and shoot her.
You saw her shot ?—^Yes ; I saw her. She got two shots.
How old was the boy 1young boy, perhaps 20.
Was she buried ?—^Ho ; they have burned her.
lou saw her burnt ?—^Yes; I saw her body burnt. They cut ofi her head, after
shooting her, and it was brought in to them all and shown to the Indians, and they were
told if they did bad ” they would be treated the same.
What had she done ?—Î don’t know ; they said she was a “ bad ” woman. She
was not a station woman; she was an old woman. I never saw her till they brought
her in and Idlled her, and I don’t Imow what she had done. This was about two years
ago. He is not quite sure of the‘date.
He left the company’s service about a year ago ; he ran away and got sick. It was
like this : He was sent back to La Chorrera, and he was then sent to Abisinia, a veiy
bad section, and he did not want to go.
He*was told he must go, but that he would only go and come back at once. On
the way one of the men of the party told him he would not be allowed back; that he
would be kept a year at Abisinia. He got sick on the way. He was not used to the
walldng in the bush, and he got sick, and he was frightened, so he ran away back to La
Chorrera. Senor Macedo was vexed with him, but would not let him go away. He was
cook again at La Chorrera, and Senor Macedo told hes about him and did tricks. He said
he had “ pinched ” rice to give to his chickens, because he kept two chickens; and so
when the launch came up-river again he left and came back to Iquitos.
He explained that he had seen “ lots of Indians ” flogged at the sections ; that at
La Chorrera one would not know what was being done in the sections ; that in the sections
the men in charge did just as they pleased; they flogged Indians, and Idlled them and
burnt them, without anyone stopping them.
He had seen men, women, and.children—even little children — flogged at Sur.
They would be really flogged, badly cut, and bleeding, and sometimes they would be
put in the “ cepo ” (the stocks) after being flogged, and left there without medicine or
without food. Sometimes they might get food, but not often, and theii’ families would
bring them “ seeds ” to eat. If the Indians were not flogged, they would not bring in
rubber ; some might if they were well paid, but many would not; they bring the rubber
now because if they do not they get flogged and they are frightened; nothing else—
they are flogged only because they don’t bring enough rubber to please the jefe ” of
the section.
ROGEK CASEMENT.
In the presence of D. Cazes at Iquitos.
Septcnibei' 9,1910.
* This is the way the name was pronounced, but spelling is probably incorrect.

885
63
(No. 7.)
Examination of Adolfus Gibbs, a native of Barbados, hj His Majesty’s Consul-General
at Iquitos on September 13, 1910, in presence of Mr. Louis Barnes, a Member of the
Peruviam Amazon Company’s Commission.
Aged 24.
ifis motiier alive—îs in Barbados, in St. lllichaers parish. He writes to her, but
has not heard for some months from her. Is now at work on the Peru^dan Amazon
Company’s steamer “ Liberal,” which pHes between Iquitos and the Putumayo.
Engaged first at Barbados on the 3rd April, 1905, along with about ninety-two men,
all engaged by Arana Brothers through Abel Alarco. Was engaged as a labourer at
a. Is. Bd. (10 dollars) per month.
Came first to Nanai, close to Iquitos here, along with others, and was there for eight
months, workmg at farm and plantation work. He then left Nanai of his own accord,
forfeiting his return passage to Barbados, because the pay was too small for this country,
and the food was not suited—beans and rice.
After leaving Nanai he came up to Iquitos and got work, first at the brickwoj’ks
at Morona Cocha (a suburb of Iquitos).
He left that and took work at Booth and Company’s dock works, on the Mole. He
then engaged voluntarily to go the Putumayo for the Peruvian Amazon Company.
Some of his countrymen were going, and they told him he could get better mone}^
there, so he engaged himself to go at 5l. per month. His contract is lost. He went to
“look out for Indians.” It was in 1908. He went first to La Chorrera, and then was
sent to Abisinia. Abelardo Aguero was the chief of Abisinia. He was put “ on general
work,” and often on commissions ” to see after the Indians.
Sometimes twenty men went; sometimes ten—always armed with Winchesters.
They would go out under a headman to gather the Indians together, and bring them
into the station with rubber. If the Indians did not come willingly they were chained
up. Indians would be hung up with their hands tied behind them, or with a chain round
then neck.
Simon Angiilo, a Columbian, “ a coloured fellow hlce himself,” would fiog the Indians
in Abisinia. He himseK never did flog them; he was not ordered to, but he saw it done.
It was done in the station itself, in the yard. Indians were tied up and flogged;
he did not see them tied to a tree, but laid on the ground and flogged.
In Moreha, the section under Abisinia, where Jimenez was the chief, he saw a man’s
liead cut off. An Indian was in chains there. He was thin and sick. He got out of the
“ cepo ” or stoclrs, and was running away with the chain on him ; Jimenez sent a boy, a
“ muchacho,” a young man about 18, after him to catch him, and he overtook him and
brought him back. The boy cut his head off with a “ sword ”—a machete..
Jimenez stood by and ordered it, and the boy cut the other Indian’s head off against
a tree-stump. The murdered man was a young man, too ; he was a cacique or head-
man of the Boras Indians. He and his men had escaped, but he had been caught and
brought back, and put in chains and in the '' cepo,” and not fed properly—so he was
weak Avhen he tried to escape and get away. He had been about three weeks in chains.
He saw two old Indian women flogged at Moreha, badly flogged, and out and
bleeding. They had pulled up some sweet potatoes, because they were hungry. The
Indians get nothing to eat; they are driven for rubber, and are flogged if they don’t
brmg it. They are just slaves. He came back to Iquitos on the 29th July. His last
section was Morelia, whore he was sick for seven months. He got no medicine, and a
little starch, mixed with water for food. (He means cassava meal or farinha.)
There is a man, a Barbadian, now with Normand at Matanzas, named Lea\mie.
Leavine came from Barbados before him; he knows how the Indians have been treated,
he has seen it all, he is a small chap. He saw many people flogged. Senor Jimdnez
and Senor Macedo, in July, when he was at La Chorrera and \vanted to come away,
struck bitn in the face because he would not stay and go to another station. He was
ill and sick, and caid he would not stay, but must go to Iquitos, so they beat him, and
at first tried to keep him.
Note by Consul-General Casement. »
This man had been most unwilling to appear before Mr. Casement.
Mr. Casement had heard that there were four Barbados men employed on the
"Liberal ” then in Iquitos, and they were sent for by Mr. Cazes,,the British consul, but
[4or] K

64
failed to appear. Finally, this man presented himself before Mr. Casement on the morn-
ing of the 13th September.
As Mr. Casement was embarking the next day on the “ Liberal ” he did not take
further steps in Iquitos to interrogate these men, beheving that he would have occasion
to do so on board ship on the way to the Putumayo. On.going on board the “ Liberal"
on the 14th September it was found that Gibbs and another Barbados man, named Cresset,
had deserted that morning.
Only two Barbados men still remained on board, and their depositions were taken
on the journey to the Putumayo.
Gibbs and Cresset deserted because they did not wish to be involved—so they
informed Mr. Casement's interpreter—în charges against the company in whose employ
they were. They said they were frightened.
On Mr. Casement's return to Iquitos from the Putumayo in December he found
that Cresset had already gone to Brazil, and he subsequently met this man’ at Manaos.
Gibbs was still in Iquitos, but left for Manaos at the same time as Mi. Casement, shipping
as a sailor on a BraziUan steam-launch.
(No. 8.)
Precis of the Statement of Stanley S. Lewis, a natim of Barbados, made to His Majesty’^
Consul-General on hoard the Liberal ” on September 20 and 22, 1910, and on subse-
quent occasions.
[This man is referred to in one of the declarations published in “ Truth ” by Mr.
Hardenburg. A deponent who refused to give his name, publishing only his initials," M. G.,”
refers in his declaration to “ an Englishman named Estan Luiz " who had flogged the girl
Simona, who " M. G.” stated he himself was afterwards forced to shoot. During my stay in
Iquitos, before leaving for the Putumayo, I was informed that this Barbados man, Stanley
Lewis, was actually employed on the company’s steamer, " Liberal,” in which I was
about to embark for the Putumayo. I sent twice to call him to the British consulate
in order that I might question him, but he refused to come, and I was told by Bishop,
the Barbados man taken into my service, that Lewis was afraid to appear before me.
After embarking on the " Liberal ” I told the captain I wished to interrogate two Barbados
men he then had employed on board, these being Lewis and a sailor named James Clark.
Lewis appeared before me on the 20th September, and I questioned him as to his con-
nection with the Putumayo and actual employment there. His statement was to the
following effect:—]
His age, he beheved, was about 21. He had been engaged-in Barbados in 1905,
when he was about 15 years old. He stated that some even younger Barbados hoys
came away in the service of the Arana Brothers at that time. He was brought direct
to the Putumayo in May 1906 ; he thinlcs he landed about the 10th May. The pay was
10 dollars per month, the work stipulated in the contract as that of a labourer. On
lana'ng at La Chorrera, where Sehor Macedo was the chief, he was sent to a station called
Santa Catalina. It lay in the country of the Boras Indians, beyond a place called Santa
Barbara. He was only there about one week, as he was sent from La Chorrera to help
hi guarding the Indians who were to carry rubber from that station down to La'Chorrera.
Although so young, he was arm.ed with a rifle. He and others, armed hke himself, marched
a great number of Indians down through the forest to La Chorrera. There were more
than 600 Indians, he thinks. Each armed man had about 100 Indians to guard on the
way and see that they did not escape. There were also Indian " muchachos ” or hoys,
in the service of the company, armed with rifles, who also acted as interpreters. Each
armed man had, or was supposed to have, 100 cartridges for his Winchester.
After this his first service, he was sent to La Sabana, a neighboming station to Santa
Catalina, where one Rodriquez was chief.* He was at Sabana four months keeping
guard with his rifle either at the house or going on what are termed " commissions ”
against runaway Indians, to find them and bring them in to work rubber.
No questions were put to him by Mr. Casement as to the specific nature of his duties
on these commissions at La Sabana.
From La ♦Sabana he was sent back to La Chorrera where he remained about three
months, he thinks, employed in cooking. He was then sent up the river to the station
* This was Aristides Rodriquez, now dead, a brother to Aurelio Rodriguez, the Chief of Santa Catalina.

887
65
of Ultimo Ketiro where Jose Innocente Fonseca was chief and where he stayed the
balance of his time/^ or as he believed about eighteen months. At Ultimo Ketiro he
was employed chiefly on “ commissions ” against the Indians and in compelling them
to work and bring in rubber.
Asked by the consul-general who it was had ordered him to flog the girl Simona,
as referred to by M. he was surprised, and then said he did it by order of one
Argaluza, a subordinate white man who acted under the orders of Fonseca, the chief.
Asked who was the other Barbados man the deponent “ M. G.’" had referred to as “ El
Irailecito who had flogged this girl along with Lewis, he says it was a fellow country-
man, named Ernest Seales, who has since gone home to Barbados. Asked who was
“ M. G.,” he says it was a man named Marcial, employed by the company. He forgets
]iis other name, but thinlis it was Gomez. After he had flogged Simona along with Seales,
Marcial took this girl out to the bush and shot her. That happened very soon after he
went to Ultimo Ketiro ; he thinks it must have been the end of 1905 or thereabouts.
Simona was the only Indian he flogged at that time. He objected when ordered to flog
her, but was threatened, and in fear he obeyed. He was subsequently ordered to flog
people, but refused, and he was punished by Fonseca for refusing. He was put in stocks
and was beaten by Fonseca for refusing to flog other Indians. He confirms several
statements made by “ M. G."’ and Juan Castanos in their declarations. He often saw
Indians flogged at Ultimo Ketiro, very often ; they were badly cut, sometimes each time
they got a lash the flesh would be cut. They were staked to the ground, and naked,
and he has known them to die after flogging. The wounds would get maggots in them
and then fester, and the house even became foul smelling from the number of these people
in this condition. They would then be taken away and shot. He has seen men and
women shot like this. He saw it often in Ultimo Ketiro.
Asked by consul-general had he seen Indians Idlled in La Chorrera, he said he had
seen them flogged, and very badly flogged there, but not shot aftervmrds, as in Ultimo
Retiro.
He then recounts at length how Fonseca ordered him to kill an Indian who was in
what he terms a “ cellar,” or black hole, that had been constructed under the house at
Ultimo Ketiro for the better confinement of Indians This Indian was being kept a prisoner
in this cellar, or black hole, because his people had run away from the rubber work. He
was ordered by Fonseca to shoot him. He refused, and Fonseca threatened to kill him,
and then put him in the stocks and down in this cellar for two days and nights without
food or water. He would perhaps have died, he thinlcs, only Juan Castanos came secretly
and gave him food and water. Fonseca hated him for this refusal to kill the Indian,
and afterward treated him so badly that when his time was up he insisted on going to
La Chorrera.
He worked there for some time, and on one occasion Fonseca came down country
on business, and seeing him there tried to coax him to go back to Ultimo Ketiro, ofiering
liim higher pay, but he refused. As soon as his whole time was up, he left La Chorrera,
refusing to stay at Senor Macedo’s request, and went to Iquitos in the steamer called
the “ Cosmopohta.” He had only Bl. balance of wages due to him; all the rest of his
pay had gone in various expenses and in buying things at the company’s stores.
Since that time he has been working on different launches on the river, sometimes
as a fireman, sometimes, as now, as a steward. He gets now Ql. per month, but never has
any money saved, and has none now. He describes how harshly he and other Barbados
men have sometimes been treated on the launches. He declares that since he left La
Chorrera he has tried to forget all the dreadful things he saw committed in Ultimo
Retiro.
When he was in Iquitos once, Castanos was there, and one day took him to a house
where he made a statement about the things he had seen done at Ultimo Ketiro. The
statement was made some time ago, and he does not remember the name of the gentleman
to whom he made it, but it was taken down in writing.
He further confirms in many particulars statements of Castanos dealing with that
man’s stay at Porvenii^.
On the 22nd September, whilst still on board the Liberal/’ I again requested Lewis
to appear before nie in my cabin in order that I might further interrogate him. I then
read over to him several statements that had been made to Mr. Hardenburg by various
deponents, and he confirmed in more than one particular that testimony. He went
on to say that during his stay at Ultimo Ketiro he had seen the most atrocious crimes
committed by Jose Innooente Fonseca ^n4 his subordinates at that station,
[AOl] K 2

66
He says:—
“ I have seen Indians Idlled for sport, tied up to trees, and shot at by Fonseca and
the others. After they were drinking they would sometimes do this. They would take
a man out of the ‘ cepo ’ and tie him to a tree, and shoot at- him for a target. 1 liavc
often seen Indians Idlled thus, and also shot after they had been flogged and their flesh
was rotten through maggots. Others I have seen Idlled by the ' cholitos ’—the small
Indian boys being trained into ‘ muchachos.’ These boys were armed with machetes,
and they would cut their heads off against the tree stumps. I once saw Fonseca do the
following thing : He had an Indian nurse gnl minding a child of his, a baby he had by
one of his Indian women. This nurse was quite a young girl, and she was carrying the
baby, and it picked up a leaf of tobacco and put it in its month. Fonseca came along
just then, and because the baby was crying and he saw why, he beat the girl with his
fists, and when she was knocked about a lot and her mouth was cut, he sent her down
to the river to wash, and then when she came up he di’ew his revolver and shot her, and
one of his men, named Chicodino '' (a nickname—his right name was Orsavio or Miguel
Kengifo), “ came out and drew his revolver and shot the giil too, and so they Idlled her.
Her body was buried. ’
“ Another thing there I saw was this Kengifo kill a girl. This was a girl that he
had, and she was friends with me, too, and with several of us. She was sent by Kengifo
to wash clothes, and she went to a stream in the forest where he had told her not to go;
so he took his gun and shot her right through the back and belly, and she fell down aud
cried out, and lay there on the ground crying, and died. Both these things I saw witli
my own eyes, just as I saw Indians tied to the trees and shot at, or shot after they had
been flogged or killed mth machetes.’'
On the 24th September, after arrival at La Chorrera, Lewis was again called—tliib
time in the presence of Senor Tizon, the representative of the Peruvian Amazon Cmii-
pany, and of all the members of that company’s commission. The statement of a Barbadub
man named Joshua Dyall was being made to the consul-general in the presence of these
persons. In confirmation of certain things Dyall was asserting which Senor Tizun
questioned, the consul-general summoned Frederick Bishop, and later Stanley Lewib
from his work on board the “ Liberal.” Lewis then repeated the substance of the fure-
going in the presence of these gentlemen and declared himself prepared, if requiied,
to repeat his accusations before Senor Fonseca himself, who is now the representative
of the company at the station of La Sabana in the Boras country. Lewis declares fm-ther
that Fonseca had threatened to shoot him if he ever met him again. Despite this he
would go up to Sabana in company with the consul-general and the commission if desired.
Senor Tizon ultimately accepted as substantially true the statement made by Lewis
and begged that no confrontation of this man with Senor Fonseca should take place.
In consequence of this it was decided by the commission that Lewis’s testmioiiy
should be accepted as sufficient proof as it stood, seeing that the representative of the
company declined to put it to the only test available, namely, the confrontation of the
acccuser with the accused.
Note.—^Lewis remained as servant on board the “ Liberal ” upon her return voyage
to Iquitos in October 1910, where he left her to await Mr. Casement’s return from the
Putumayo. At his request he was conveyed by Mr. Casement to Pard, in Brazil, Avliere
employment was found for him.
While at Iquitos at the end of November and beginning of December, at the request
of the Prefect, Lewis was sent to be interrogated along with other persons, hb’. Case-
ment desired the Prefect to question him as to the reality of the crimes alleged against
actual agents in the employ of the Peruvian Amazon Company.
On the 30th November the Prefect questioned Lewis, and took down something
of the foregoing evidence in writing. From first to last Mr. Casement saw a good deal
of Lewis, and had no doubt of his sincerity or of the truthfulness of his statements in
so far as his recollection held good. He had gone to the Putumayo when very young,
and since leaving it more than four years before, had sought, as he said, to forget as
much as he could or to wipe out from his mind the recollection of many crimes he had
witnessed. His statements wore again and again tested during the course of hK. Case-
ment’s investigations on the Piit-umayo itself and were borne out quite independently
by the testimony of other witn.. ^^ês. Lewis was present one'e when, as described in
one of the declarations made to IVIr. Hardenburg, the heads of various Indians whom

67
Fonseca had sent liis “ mucliaclios to kill were brought in for his inspection wi’apped
up in leaves. Lewis stated that he saw Fonseca undo the coverings, take out the heads,
holding them up by the hair, regaj’ding the features vnth a langli, even naming the dead
individuals, and throwing the heads away. He saw Fonseca commit the atrocious
crime declared to by James Chase in his statement the details of which ai’c unprintable.
See James Chase's statement.
KOC-ER CASEMENT.
(No. 9.)
Examination of James ClarJc, a native of Barbados, by His Majesty's Consul-General
on board the Steam-ship “ Liberal,” on the way to the Putumayo, on September 22,
1910.
Age, 24.
Born in Babados.
Parents both dead.
States he was engaged in 1905, in Barbados, by Arana Brothers, through Abel
Alarco.
He worked for one year on his first contract, which was for 2l. I5. 2>d. per month.
He was sent to Nanai, and left it of his own accord.
He then went to Iquitos, and worked as a sailor on the “ Urimaguas ” (a steamer
of the Peruvian Amazon Company’s flotilla, now at Manaos).
He never worked on shore in the Putumayo ; only on launches all the time. Has
worked on and ofl on different launches; this one the “Liberal,” the “ Cosmopohta,” and
others, but has never been on shore at work or in any of the rubber sections.
Never went past La Chorrera, and only there for a few days at a time, on board
one of the launches.
His present wages are 9?. per month. He states this is his last voyage he hopes,
in the Peruvian Amazon Company’s service; he hopes to go to Brazil again. He
worked there on board launches before coming up to take his present service.
This man left Iquitos early in December, on Mr. Casement’s return from the Putu-
mayo, but has since retmmed and is now working there.
(No. 10.)
Vr>'cis of the Statement of Donald Francis made to His Majesty's Consul-General in the
presence of Seiior Tizon and Mr. Barnes at La Chorrci-a on Seplembei' 23, 1910.
This man was the first Barbados man interrogated by Mr. Casement on reaching
La Chorrera from Iquitos. He was found working at La Chorrera as a sort of head man,
and appeared to be trusted by Senor Macedo, the head of the company. There were
five Barbados men actually at La Chorrera on the arrival of hir. Casement and the
commissioners on the 22nd September, and on j\Ir. Casement notifying Senor Tizon of
liis wish to interrogate these five men, they were all brought up by Senor Macedo. As
Jh’. Casement had been informed privately that the men had been threatened by Senor
Macedo, he thought it was undesirable that this gentleman should be present when they
were first examined. He informed Senor Tizon that he did not wish Seiior Macedo to
be present, but that of course he could be told of all that the men had declared in
answer to the questions put to them by Mr. Casement in his presence and that of Mr.
Barnes.
Donald Francis was the first of these five men sent in by Senor Macedo to answer
the questions put to him. He gave his age as 27, botli his parents_being still hving in
Barbados. He was engaged in 1906 on the ordinary contract—10 dollars per month for
two years, as a labourer. He was first employed at Colouia Riojano, on the Amazon,
waiting for a steamer to bring him up the Putumayo to La Chorrera, where he arrived
on the 6th May, 1906, along with several fellow workers. Asked where he had been
worldng since, he answers :—
“ Not all the time in La Chorrera, but sometimes in the sections, but most of the
time here at La Chorrera.”

68
Asked the natiiie of his work, he answers :—

“ I was planting yucca {i.e., cassava) and so forth, and sugar cane. I was growing
plantains ; also guarding myself against the wild Indians, who were savages, and would
attack the sections.’'
The first section was Santa Catalina, where he spent five months. During these
five months the work he did was “ planting yucca and guarding himself.” From Santa
Catalina he returned to La ClioiTera, where he remained two months, and was then sent
to Ultimo Eetii’o, where he remained at the “ same land of work.” He stayed there six
months and then returned to La Chorrera, where he stayed one month, and was sent to
Andokes—to Matanzas station—where he stayed one year and nine months, under
Senor Normand. He came hack to La Chorrera and worked “ cutting boards ”—i.c,, as
a carpenter here—and then went to Occidente, where he sawed hoards,” and then
“
returned to La Chorrera, where he had been employed ever since. His present pay Ls
6?. per month, food, and lodging, and he has received a promise that it shall be increased
to *ll. He is not married, but has one child in Barbados and one dead here by an Indian
wife. He has an Indian wife now whom he wishes to take away with him whenever he
leaves. He is well treated and camiot find any fault. Has not been punished either in
La Chorrera or any of the sections. Asked had he ever flogged anyone in the sections
or elsewhere, he answers :—
No, Sir ; never.”
Asked if he owes any money to the company, he says he does not owe any money.
He is quite free now, if he liked he could go away at any time.
Note.—It was quite plain that this man was not spealdng the truth. From first
to last he never held up his head or looked Mr. Casement in the face. As there were
other men waiting to be interrogated, it was not thought desirable at that time to press
this man to be more explicit, or to bring about an open rupture. Prior to being
summoned "by the consul-general, this man had informed Frederick Bishop that Senor
Macedo had some time before threatened to have him shot if he told anything about
him. Since this he has been promised an increase of pay, and he is very anxious about
his Indian wife. She is about to become a mother, and he has declared that he is
determined not to marry anyone but her, and will certainly take her to Barbados when
he goes, if he is allowed. He fears that should he state the truth and incriminate his
superiors he would be prevented from taking her with him and possibly his child also.
Later, on the afternoon of the 24th September, after Dyall’s interrogatory and the
very full evidence brought out before the commission and Senor Tizon by the evidence
of Dyall, Bishop, and Stanley Lewis, Donald Francis sent a message to the consul-
general by Bishop to say that he had not told the truth in his statement made the
previous day, and that he had done so from two motives : he had not hked to speak
out before Senor Tizon, and also Macedo had begged him not to say anything against
him and had promised to increase his pay to 8Z. per month. No further action was
taken by Mr. Casement at this time, but on his return to La Chorrera from his jom’iiey
through the forest, Francis made repeated overtures to be again heard m order that
he might retract the statement he had falsely made and supplement it with a truthful
record of his doings. Finally, on the 3rd Novemebr, 1910, he was allowed to again
appear, when at his own request he signed a written statement to the following effect
Farther Statement oj Donald Francis made at his oxon request to Ilis Majestx/s
Consul-General at La Chorrera on Novexnber 3, 1910.
Donald Francis appears at his own reiterated request before His Majesty’s consul-
general to state that when first called on to speak before the consul-general on the
23rd September, 1910, he did not state the truth. ^ -
He wishes to make this voluntary and spontaneous admission of his former
untruthfulness because he is ashamed of the pai't he then played and desires to correct
the wrong impression that his former statement may create. >
He is prepared to state his reasons for having spoken untruthfully and to answer
now with full truth any questions the consul-general may put to him.
He wishes that his former statement of the 23rd September last may be cancelled,
and he will make a full statement of all his acts and of the proceedings he is acquainted
with, concealing nothing since the date of his arrival on the Putumayo.

891
69
He desires that this spontaneous declaration of his may be recorded as proof of his
regret that he did not at first and from the first do his duty when called on to speak by
His Majesty’s consul-general. '
DONALD FRANCIS.
Signed by the aforesaid Donald Francis before me, Roger Casement, Ilis Majesty’s
consul-general, this fifth day of November, 1910, at La Chorrera.
ROCER CASEhlENT.
As Mr. Casement already knew from other quarters sufiicient as to what this man
had done in the Putumayo, and as httle time remained to him, he did not take down
the further evidence that this man voluntarily ofiered. It was known that it confirmed
the worst charges brought against Senor Normaiid as to the torture and murder of
Indians at Matanzas, and also incriminated other agents, including Macedo, the com-
pany’s representative at La Chorrera, and incriminated Donald Francis himseK; for he
had previously admitted that he had killed Indians sometimes, not acting on orders to
do so, and that one of his motives at the first for trying to deceive Mr. Casement had
been his fear that, if he accused Senor Normand and others of their mm’ders, they might
in turn accuse him, and as he was a black ma?i he feared it would have gone hard for
him.
This man at his own request was left woridng at La Chorrera when Mr. Casement
came away on the 15th November. He had not sufficient money saved to take his
Indian wife to Barbados. It was distinctly promised that he should be employed only
in La Chorrera, and only upon the ordinary duties of a labouring man, and that under no
circumstances should he be used for compelling Indians to v/ork or bring in rubber, and
that at an early date, when the state of his wife’s health permitted him to travel, he
should be free to go home to Barbados.
ROGER CASEMENT.
(No. 11.)
Precis of the Statement of Philip Lamence made to His Majesty's Consyd-General in the
presence of Senor Tizon and Mr. Barnes at La Chorrera on Septeinber 23, 1910.
This man was found on arrival at La Chorrera employed as a cook, and appeared
to be the trusted servant of Senor Macedo. He was a young boy of only 19, and had
been engaged in Jamaica, of which place he was a native, by Juan B. Vega, a former
manager of La Chorrera before Senor Macedo’s time. He had been engaged by Vega as
a personal servant, and on that agent’s departure had been left in La Chorrera at his own
consent, where he had been acting as cook. He states that his wages are a month ;
that he is well treated and happy. He has never been punished, and has never done any
wrong. He expects to leave in December, and will then go straight homo to Jarnaica.
Ho has been saving his money, and has something due to him no^ -enough to go home
with. As all his service had been that purely of a servant here in La Chorrera, and he
had not at any time been engaged in outdoor labour or in the rubber sections, he was not
further questioned. Mr. Casement, seeing that he was only a boy, and believing that he
stated quite truthfully that he knew nothing of himself of the general condition of things
outside La Chorrera, refrained from questioning him beyond ascertaining that he was
well and in no need of assistance. Upon Mr. Casement’s departure, on the 15th No-
vember, this boy came and said he also wished to leave with him, and he was brought
away and taken down river, and ultimately sent on board ship bound for Jamaica at
Para.
(No. 12.)
Prkis of the Statement of Siefert Greenidge made to His Majesty's Consul-Gen&i'al in the
presence of Sefwr Tizon and Mr. Barnes at La Chorrera on September 23,1910.
This man was the third witness interrogated by Mr. Casement after his arrival at
La Chorrera. He was serving there as the baker, having sole charge of a large bake-
house where bread for quite a large number of people was daily baked under lus direc-
tion. Though he could neither read nor wite, he was a very intelligent man, and

70
certainly the hardest working employe that was encountered anywhere in the company’s
service. He had built himself quite a good house and lived in comparative comfort, and
the two Indians worldng under him were well cared for, weU clothed, and obviously well
treated. He gave his age as 23, having been born in Barbados, both his parents being
dead now. He had been engaged in October 1904 along with the first contingent and
upon the terms specified in all cases, namely, 10 dollars per month. He had
retained his original contract, which he produced after his examination. He states
that he went first to Colonia Eiojano, was then transferred to a Peruvian steamer, and
brought here to La Chorrera on the 16th November, 1904. He was one of those sent
up to Andokes under Eamdn Sanchez and Normand immediately after arrival. He
stayed there only one month and a few days, and then came back sick to La Chorrera.
Upon his recovery he was made a cook, and was thus employed for two years and four
months here in La Chorrera. He was then promoted to be baker, and is baker here now,
so that, except for one month and a few days spent in Andokes, all his time has been
here at La Chorrera. He stated he has always been well treated and properly fed, and
when sick had some one to attend to him. His wages at present are lOl. per month,
and he gets 2l. per month extra for outside work, and he has saved money and can leave
at any tune he Kkes. He does not know of any Barbados man who has been kept prisoner
in the company’s service; as far as he is concerned he is quite free.
The following admission was not voluntary. It was drawn from him by a question
put by Mr. Casement, who had been informed of the circumstances elsewhere. He
admits that he has been locked up once for having been drunk. He has not seen any
Barbados men here at La Chorrera flogged, put in stocks, or ill-treated. When he was
in Andokes there were many Barbados men there, but it was five years ago, and he
cannot recollect.
The following, again, was not voluntary—ît was in answer to M[r. Casement’s
direct questions. He remembers a man named Cyril Atkins ; he knew him; he is dead.
He died at Iquitos when a prisoner.
“ What was the charge against him ? ”
“ That he shot a woman in Andokes.”
It was in 1904 or thereabouts. The witness thinks it was an accident, because after
Atkins had done it he cried out. He himself was in a hanunock, sick, and heard the
.shot, and got up and saw the woman lying down. She died soon after. Cyril Atkins
was arrested and sent down to La Chorrera. There were \vitnesses sent down too. That
was the only Indian he saw lulled in Andokes. He never flogged any Indians himself,
either in Andokes or here in La Chorrera. He would swear that he has never seen any
Indians flogged by Barbados men. He is quite contented, and will go home in December
to Barbados.
Note.—^This witness spoke frankly enough, but he, too, like Francis, gave the impres-
sion of not saying anything of himself. Much of the foregoing brief statement was ehcited
by questions put to him by Mr. Casement who had learned beforehand something of the
facts. For instance, when flrst asked if he had ever been punished, he said promptly,
“ No, never ” ; and it was only when the consul remarked, “ except when you got dmnk
and were locked up here in La ChoiTcra ” (this had been learnt from the declarations
of a Barbados man named Jones, made at Iquitos), that he had admitted to his confine-
ment under these circunistances. He added ;—
‘‘ I should have been punished in Barbados for being drunk, too.”
He denied that he had been put in the stoclrs on that occasion as Jones averred,
“ only locked up in the house.”
The evidence as to Cyril Atkins did not come voluntarily : Mr. Casement seeing that
the man was unwillmg to make any franlc statement of Mmself, and having heard by
chance that a Barbados man named Cyril Atkins had been confined in gaol in Iquitos,
for some offence committed in the Putumayo, asked suddenly :—
" Did you know a man named Cyril Atkins ? ”
and it was then that the facts concerning the shooting of the woman in Matanzao were
drawn from the witness. As it was not desirable to press this man at the first examina-
tion, he was dismissed. He stated the next day, in answer to the consul, that he had
been tipsy more than once; that the chiefs of sections, i.e., the head employ^ of the
company and all the hands got drunk sometimes; that everyone could buy liquor at
the store. Mr. Casement subsequently learnt that this witness was in the confidence of
Senor Macedo to a considerable extent, and was so well treated by him and So well paid.

893
71
thafc he was liimself unwilling to say anything detrimental to the interests, as he beheved,
of his employer.^ He was stated to have been employed as gaoler of the Indians who
were kept as prisoners at La Chorrera, and that the bakehouse, Avith its strong walls,
was frequently used as a gaol where Indians were confined under his orders. This man
at his own request stayed on at La Chorrera when Mx. Casement came away on the 15th
November. He had then a considerable sum, close upon 200?., to his credit, and he
desired to add to this before returning to Barbados. He was to perform no other duties
than those he performed at the time, and in no case was to be put to any task involving
the imprisonment and ill-treatment of the Indians, and it was clearly understood that
he should leave La Chorrera whenever he wished.
(No. 13.)
Precis of the Staiem&)U of James Chase, a native of Barlados, made to His Majesty’s Consul-
General at La Chorrera on September 23,1910, and subsequently.
This man was found by Mr. Casement at work at La Chorrera on his arrival there,
and was one of the five Barbados men summoned to appear before hL. Casement on the
23rd September, in the presence of Senor Tizon and Mi-. Barnes, the chief of the commission.
Chase stated his age, as he believed, to be 23. He was engaged in 1904 with the
third contingent brought from Barbados, under contract with the Arana Brothers, as a
labourer, at a salary of 10 dollars per month. They were brought fii-st to Manaos, where
they stayed some time awaiting the means to get up river, he thinks about two months, •
and were then conveyed to a place on the Amazon called Colonia Riojano, whence they
were brought on to La Chorrera, where Senor Macedo was the chief, where Chase remained,
he thinlrs, for about twelve months. After that he was sent to Ultimo Retiro, where
he stayed about three months under Fonseca. He was then sent back to La Chorrera,
where he remained about three months, and was sent down to Iquitos sick. He re-engaged
to return to the Putumayo, at Iquitos, in April 1908, his new salary being 50 soles per
month, or, say, 5?., the pay he is at present getting. Has not saved any money, and
believes he is now in debt to the company. Except for possibly owing this money he is
free, and could go away if he lilced.
On his return in 1908, he stayed only two or three days in La Chorrera, and was
then dispatched to Abisinia, where Senor Agiiero was chief, and is still chief.
This man^s evidence was given evidently under a sense of fear; his agitation was
plainly marked, and he was greatly disconcerted.
Asked by the consul-general what his chief duties had been as an employe of the
company, he stated that when at Abisinia he had been employed “ maldng commissions ”
against the Indians. He explained fully that these consisted in bringing the Indians .
ill under arms with rubber, and that often they were flogged for not bringing it in, and
that they often were killed too. He declares he has seen them Idlled, shot after being
flogged, and even shot sometimes by Barbados men. He persisted in this in spite of Senor
Tizon’s interruptions, who sought to assure the consul-general that such deeds were
matters of past history, and that to-day, or recently, Indians were neither flogged nor
killed. Asked by the consul-general if this was so. Chase stated distinctly that he had
seen Indians flogged quite recently and Idlled quite recently, but as time pressed it was
not possible to take down precise details of such occurrences, as other men were to be
interrogated.
Having learnt from another quarter that one of the Barbados men actually employed
at Abisinia, by name Allen Davis, had been ordered by the chief of that station, SenUr
Agiievo, to kill an Indian whose name has been given as “ Chico,"' Mr. Casement asked
Chase: “ Who Idlled the Indian ‘ Chico " 1 ” Chase, who had only left Abisinia a short
time before, said that he had heard of a Boras Indian named like that who had been
killed by his countryman, Allen Davis, now in Abishiia. Davis had told him that he
had taken part in the shooting of this Indian along with a Peruvian named Juan Zellada,
and that they had been sent by“ Agiiero to do it.
Senor Tizon frequently interveiied durmg this interrogation to point out that this
“ Chico was ** a very bad Boras Indian ” who had stolon a rifle and was in revolt, trying
to Idll white men and Indians whp were woiidng rubber for them. Ho sought to justify
the shooting of “ Chico ” -Toy Agiiero’s 'orders as an act required by the danger of the
situation and the entire absence of any respoilsible authority in the country. Chase
maintained that Agiiero, ho had been told by Dayis, had given orders that the men sent
[401] L

72
after “ Chico "" were to bring him in alive or dead, and that Davis had admitted to him
to firing the first shot. There was an Indian muchacho along with Zellada and Davis
who had helped in the killing of “ Chico.
Chase, in answer to further questions, stated that he had seen Indians shot in Ultimo
Ketiro under the orders of Fonseca in 1906 when he was there. He has seen Indians
die from flogging in Ultimo Hetiro, and within the last year he has seen an Indian Idlled
from a flogging given to him in Abisinia. He was flogged by a man named Simon Angiilo
acting under Senor Agiiero^s orders. In this case the Indian had run away and was
flogged for this oflience, and the man died from the flogging. He was hero again inter-
rupted by Senor Tizon who endeavoured to make him retract, or at least to shake his
statement as to the period when this death from flogging took place. The witness
persisted, although evidently in great distress of mind, and agam and again averred that
he had seen In(hans die from flogging. He had seen Indians shot after flogging and
had seen Indians shot without being flogged. That was in Ultimo Ketiro long ago, but
he had seen Indians flogged up to quite recently, and killed too.
Asked by Senor Tizon if flogging had not now quite ceased, he said “ No ; that
perhaps it might be better to-day in Abisinia because they had heard that strange white
men were coming to enquire.
This man's interrogation constituted for him a trying ordeal. It was evident that
the man was seeldng to speak out in the face of what seemed to him considerable danger.
AVhen he had gone Senor Tizon sought to minimise the irqportance of his testimony,
and said that with regard to the shooting of the Indian “ Chico " by the other Barbados
man Davis, Chase had probably charged Davis because they were probably “not friends.”
To this view the consul-general took exception, and said, with the concurrence of hir.
Barnes, that he beheved Chase was stating what he was aware of or believed to be true.
As five witnesses were being examined that afternoon it was not possible to continue
the interrogation of Chase at that time, but it was decided he should again be called upon
to speak.
On the 25th September he was again sent for by the consul-general and was then,
in the presence of >Senor Tizon and of the four members of the Peruvian Amazon Com-
pany’s commission, further questioned. Senor Tizon had sought to impress upon Mr.
Casement and the commission that flogging of Indians, having been abolished by him
by a chcular letter addressed to the agents, had ceased several months before. Cliase,
recalled, and asked when was the last date he had seen Indians flogged, rephed : “ Quite
recently in Abisinia.” Indians were still flogged, perhaps not so badly or so often as
formerly. “ They were flogged for not bringing in enough rubber—âlways for that, for
nothing else, and were badly cut and bled.” To a question put whether flogging was
not a mere light chastisement, he answers : “ No, it is not child’s play now any more
than before.” Flogguigs had been less of late because Agiiero and the wliite men in
, Abisinia Imew that this commission of strange gentlemen were coming. He has seen
Indians flogged withm the last two months in Abisinia. He has known Indians die from
flogging ; the last case of such death was less than one year ago. It was a boy, an Indian
“ muchacho,” i.e., one of those being brought up to guard the working Indians and prevent
them from running away. This boy had been employed on one of the launches here
at La Chorrera itself and had run back to his own country. They had caught him at
Abisinia and flogged him there so badly that he died. He died from that flogging and
from nothing else. His death followed the flogging in about three weelcs.
Senor Tizon, as principal representative of the Peruvian Amazon Company, at the
end of a lengthy discussion, this day agreed to accept the e^ddence of the Barbados men
called uy)on by the consul-general as substantially correct, and declined to put it to further
test on the ground that he could not controvert it. James Chase was engaged as a body
servant and escort for the commissioners of the company to accompany them on their
subsequent jom'ney of investigation.
During the six weeks that followed, Mx. Casement accompanied the commission
and Senor Thzon. Much further evidence was received from Chase of the gravest kind
wliioh was amply borne out by the testimony of other Barbados men, and was communi-
cated from time to time to Senor Tizon and the commission by Mr. Casement.
On the first occasion when he had been called up in the pr(?sencc of Senor Tizon at
La Chorrera there was no time to take doAvn a detailed account of his extended experience
in the company’s service, but on the 1st October, when at the station, of Occidento,
Mr. Casement again called James Chase along with Stanley Sealey to be intmi’ogated as to
certain charges that he had heard brought against Augusto Jimenez, the actual chief at
Ultimo Ketiro, who was said to have committed grave crimes against the Indians ’^vhea
m charge of the sub-section of under Agiiero at Abisinia, Both these Barbados

73
men liad been for a considerable time serving either at Abisinia or at Morelia subsequent
to May 1908. This evidence, as laid before the consul-general on the 1st October, is given
in the statement of Sealey, all of which Chase confirmed; and on the following day, the
2nd October, Mr. Casement requested the full commission of the Peruvian Amazon Com-
pany and Senor Tizon to hear these catagorical declarations as to the murders committed
by Jimenez, whose station at Ultimo Eetii’o the commission was then about to visit on
leaving Occidente.
On the 13th October at the station of Entre Bios a further interrogatory of James
Chase was held by Mr. Casement. The man had declared at Occidente on the 1st and
2nd October that he had other things to state referring to his term of service at Abisinia,
and the present was the first occasion that had presented itself of taking down at length
this further statement.
His further examination is as follows :—
He states that about four months ago whilst engaged at Abisinia he was sent on a
commission towards the Caquetd, Biver. The expedition set out from Abisinia, and
was commanded by a man he calls Jermin Vasquez, whose right name is found to be
Fernand Vasquez, but usually called Eilomene Vasquez. There were also two other
Peruvians, one named Armando Blondel, and the other Esias Ocampo, he‘him .elf, the
deponent James Chase, and eight Indian “ muchachos,"' all from the station of Abisinia.
All were armed with Winchester rifles, he himself having thirty-six cartridges. They
were sent by Agiiero to go towards Gavilanes, an Indian “ house"" on the Biver Pam{l,
a tributary of the Cahuinari, which is itself a tributary of the Caquetd. They were
sent to look for fugitive Indians who had run away from the district of Morelia, of which
Armando Blondel was then sub-chief. The date would be about May 1910. They
were also to hunt for a Boras Indian named Katenere, a former rubber worker of the
district of Abisinia, who had escaped, and, having captured some rifles, had raised a
band of his fellow Indians, and had successfully resisted all attempts at his recapture.
Katenere had shot Bartoleme Zumaeta, the brother-in-law of Julio C. Arana, and was
counted a brave man and a terror to the Peruvian rubber workers. The expedition set
out from Morelia, and at the fiu'st Indian " house ” they reached in the forest they caught
eight Indians, five men and three women. They were all tied up with ropes, their hands
tied behind their backs, and marched on further. At the next house they reached they
caught four Indians, one woman and three men. Vasquez, who was in charge, ordered
one of the “ muchachos to cut this woman's head off. He ordered this for no apparent
reason that James Chase knows of, simply because “ he was in command, and could
do what he liked." The “ muchacho " cut the woman’s head off; he held her by the
hair of her head, and, flinging her down, hacked her head ofi with a machete. It took
more than one blow to sever the head—^three or four blows. The remains were left there
on the path, and the expedition went on with the three fresh male prisoners tied up
with the others.
They were then approaching the house where they beheved Katenere to be living.
He was the chief of the Indians in whose dhection they were going—the fugitives from v
the rubber work. At a point about half-an-hour’s walk from this Indian house Vasquez
ordered him, Ocampo, and two or the muchachos ’’ to remain there to guard the
prisoners, wliHe he himself (Vasquez) went on with the rest of the expedition. This
party, so Vasquez told them when he had returned, reached the house of Katenere about
six ill the evening. Katenere and his wfe, or one of his wives, wore in the house—only
these two persons. Vasquez caught the woman, but Katenere got away. Vasquez
stayed there and sent four of the ^ muchachos ’’ into the forest to find and capture the
rifles that Katenere had got. When the “ muchachos ’’ got to this other house in the
forest they found several Hidians in it, whom they captured, and four rifles. The Indians
were tied up with their hands behind them, but after a time the head “ muchacho," a
Boras Indian, nicloiamed “ Hemique," ordered them to be released. He then sent on
liis three “ muchacos " to another house to bring in some Indians whilst he stayed with
file men whom he had just released. These Indians it should be noted were all Boras
liidians, “ Henrique " as well as the rest of the “ muchachos." VHiilst “ Henrique "
was with these men he found amongst them an Indian girl of whom he was very fond
aud who had probably joined them in their flight. He endeavoured to seize this girl,
aiid in a quarrel that followed he was Idlled. The three “ muchachos," on then’ return
with two prisoners, found their leader Idlled and his rifle in the hands of the released
Indians with the four guns they aheady had belonging to Katenere. Each party fired
at the other, the forest Indians without effect. The three ** muchachos " killed two of the
[401] E 2

74
Boras Indians and then returned to the house where Vasquez was spending the night
and where he held the wife of Katenere prisoner. In the morning Vasquez returned
to Ocampo and Chase, bringing only this woman with them. It was then that Chase
learned faom Vasquez's own lips what had happened. They had then, Chase states,
twelve Indians as prisoners who included Katenere’s wife,- and also of the original party
that left Abisinia two Indians, who were in chains, who had been brought as guides to
point out where Katenere and his fugitive people were living. These were some of
Katenere’s men who had not succeeded in escaping when he got away. The whole party
set out to return to Moreha through the forest, having lost “ Henrique ” and his rifle.
Soon after they began their march in the morning they met in the path a child—a little
gid—^who was said to be a daughter of Katenere by another wife he had once had, not
the woman they now held as a prisoner. This child. Chase states, was quite a young
girl, some six or eight years of age. She was frightened at the sight of the armed men,
the Indians in chains and tied up, and began to cry as they approached. Vasquez at once
ordered her head to be cut off. He knew it was Katenere's child because Katenere’s wife,
in their hands, told them so. There was no reason that Chase knew for their crime, save
that the child was crying. Her head was cut off by a “ miichaoho named Cherey, a
Eecigiro Indian boy. He was quite a young boy. They came on about half-an-hour’s
march past that, leaving the decapitated body in the path, and as one of the women
prisoners they had was not walking as fast as the rest Vasquez ordered a “ muchacho ”
to cut her head off. This was done by the same boy Cherey in the same way, he flinging
the woman on the ground and chopping her head off with several blows of his machete.
They left this body and severed head right in the path and went on again towards Morelia.
They were walking very fast because they were a bit frightened thinking the Indians
were pursuing them. About three-quarters-of-an-hour’s walk further on, one of the
male Indian prisoners, a boy about 15 or 16 (Chase indicates the boy’s height with his
hand), a lad who could work rubber, was lagging behind and could not keep up with them
as they were going very fast. The Indian wms hungry and probably weak. Vasquez
ordered his head to be cut off. This execution took place there and then in the same way
and was performed by the same boy Cherey. The Indians hands were tied behind him.
Cherey took hold of the lad’s long hair, threw him on the ground and ,cut his head off.
They came on after this towards MoreHa, walking as fast as they could, and when they
were getting near it in the evening-time and perhaps three-quarters-of-an-hour’s dis-
tance, Vasquez was in a great hurry to reach the station. Three of the Indian men who
were weak through hunger and not able to walk fast could not keep up with them, so
Vasquez himself shot one and he ordered Cherey, the “ muchacho,” to shoot the other
two. These were all grown-up men, Boras Indians, and belonging to Gavilanes, and
were part of Katenere’s people. The three bodies were leE lying there on the path, and
the place where they were killed was so near Moreha that when they reached it they
learned that the station hands had heard the shots of the rifles that had killed
the men.
Chase stated that they arrived in Moreha with only flve people, a woman, three
men, and a httle child. It was pointed out* to him that these numbers^ did not
correspond with those of the original iiumber of prisoners. He repeats he is certain
of the number that actually returned. There were five persons ahve, and he is equally
certain of those he saw killed as described. On the way back the others, too, may have
been Idlled without his actually seeing. He was told that they had Idlled thirteen
Indians on this expedition, and ho knows positively of those he saw Idlled.
They reached Moreha in the evening, and of their five prisoners three were put with
their feet in the “ cepo,” while the fourth was hung up by his neck with a chain round it.
The chain was pulled taut over a beam in the roof of the house, so that the man’s toes rested
on the ground, but he could not budge or even move his head. He had to stand like
this with his head and neck stretched up all night. . Those in the ‘‘ cepo,” two men
and a woman, also had chains round their neolm. The little child was not tied up, but
kept beside its mother all night. They did not get food—^he is certain of this—âll night.
He is quite positive they received no food. The next day the expedition, i,e., Vasquez
and Ocampo, with seven armed “ muchachos,” took these .four prisoner’s in chains and
the child on to Abisinia. Again they gpt no food before starthig frorq Morelia in the
morning. Of that he is certain, .A^ked again whether they receiyed nothing to eat,
ho declares “ No.” That ho saw them go in that starving condition in chains, and that
the journey from Moreha to Abisinia is one of from five to seven hour’s,’ jparch over a
very bad track thr’oiigh the forest. He himself wqs kept at Morelia, ip coiitinud working
there under Blondel. He oarmot positively state the dcrte. He is certain it was this
year, 1910, and he believes not more than four months ago, he thinks, about May.

897
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(iVoie.—James Chase reads and mites only very poorly, and his English is that of
a wholly uneducated man; but on the other hand, he gives the impression that he is
honestly and sincerely relating just what he saw, heard, and believes, and the mistakes
or apparent contradictions that occur from time to time are due rather to inability to
express himself very clearly than to any intention to deceive.
Evidence confirmatory of James Chase'’s statement with regard to this expedition
of Vasquez was subsequently obtained by the consul-general from other quarters.
Allan Davis, a Barbados man,’ who was in Abisinia when Vasquez andved there,
stated in his examination that Vasquez declared on arrival “ he had left the road pretty.”
Davis saw him arrive with the emaciated prisoners, who were put in stocks, and all of
whom subsequently met their deaths in Abisinia, as averred by Davis and Evelyn
Baston, another Barbados man, whose testimony was subsequently taken. One of
them was murdered by being shot, and the others were dehberately starved to death
while confined in the stocks.)
The distance from Morelia to Katenere's house he reckons about a day and a
quarter's march, perhaps 30 miles. He fixes the period of this march by the
following deductions: He stayed in Moreha tluee months with Blondel, and was then
sent to the headquarter station at Abisinia, where he was forced to remain some time
longer to get his belongings that had been left behind in Morelia. His clothes and his
Indian wife were both stolen, he declares, and after waiting some time in Abisinia, in
hopes of their recovery, he came on down to La Chorrera, where he had been twelve
(lays, when the consul-general arrived there from Iquitos on the 22nd September.
Chase desires to correct the date of his first engagement. He now states it was
ill 1905 that he was first engaged and not in 1904 as he had stated in error, because he
came to Putumayo along with Frederick Bishop, the consul’s interpreter and other
Barbados men.
After his first stay at La Chorrera, he was first sent to Ultimo Eetho as he had
already stated. He remembered some of the other Barbados men w'ho were there at
that time with him. They were James Seales, a man niclmamed “ El Frailecito ” (or
" the httle monkey ”), Stanley Lewis, now a steward on the “ Liberal,” a man called
Gill, and Donald Francis, now at La Chorrera. He thinks he stayed at Ultimo Retiro
then about three months. During that time he was chiefly engaged on commissions
after Indians; he also had worked in the house as a servant. In answer to questions
by the consul, he states he saw Fonseca himself kill Indians at that time as well as the
other station hands, including the “ machachos,” or trained Indian murderers.
Aske(i if he had seen women thus Idlled, he replies, “ Yes. They were sliot and
(hed from blows ” (from floggings). They were cut to pieces sometimes and smelt
dreadfully. Once he himself was put in “ cepo ” alongside some of these rotting human
beings who had been inhumanly flogged, and the smell was so bacl he begge<i and im-
plored to be taken out—^he could not stand it, but Fonseca kept him in all night. He
saw these people die from these floggings; their bodies would sometimes be dragged
away and thrown in the bush around the station, or burnt. He has seen the
“ muchachos ” shoot Indians under the order of Fonseca. Continual floggings^ went on
at that time among women and children. He was not there when Stanley Lewis flogged
the girl Simona. That occurred he laiows after he had left Ultimo Retiro.
From Ultimo Retho he was sent back to La Chorrera, where he spent most of the
rest of his time before going away to Iquitos sick.
He was sent up once on an expedition and came here to Entre Rios where we now
are. He stayed three weeks here at Entre Rios ; there were other Barbados men with
him, one boy whom they called Dick, but whose other name he cannot no\v remember.
During the three weeks he spent in Entre Rios he and others were sent on expeditions
around to make Indians brmg in rubber. He describes the customary methods of going
down to collect the Indians in theh forest dwelHngs and see the fixed quantity of rubber
brought in by each person. He saw many Indians flogged both hi the station at Entre
Ihos and out on these expeditions.
Asked who flogged the Indians here in Entre Rios, ho says he cannot remember;
it was white men who did it. He did not sec the chief, AiidiAs O’Domiell, flog Indians
with his own hands, but he was in charge here and the flogging was done by his orders.
He saw IiKlians bgdly flogged here at Entre Rios, also in the forests around, badly out,
but did not knoiv of any Indians who died from flogging here at Entre Rios during his
tbree-weeks^ stay. Asked had he seen anyone Idlled here, ho answers, “ Yes, one man.”
iVsked to describe how, lie states that ho. does not Imow the reason. “ An Indian caihe
ill one day from the forest and the present chief, G’Donnell, spoke to a ^ muchaoho ' up

hfere on the verandah where we now are, and the Indian was standing down below in
the compound. His hands were not tied, he had apparently come in of his own accord;
he had been sent 'for probably. The ‘ muchacho ' went straight away from tallying
with Senor O'Donnell and took his shot-gun, not his carbine, and shot the Indian in
the face, in the head." He states it was here in the compound before all their eyes;
he and others were all looking on. The Indian feU down, but not dead ; he was groaning
on the ground so the “ muchacho " took a bow and arrow—a poisoned arrow, he thinks
—ând shot him as he lay on the ground. O'Donnell was looking on from the verandah.
He does not Imow what the Indian had done nor his name. He loiows the “ muchacho's "
name, but cannot recall it now ; he will try to do so. He loiew that “ muchacho " well.
He is not here in Entre Kios now—at least he has not seen him since our arrival yester-
day afternoon. He and the Barbados man, Dick, returned to La Chorrera after these
three weelcs. He remembers they went with " a white fellow,” by name, Galvez. His
memory is not clear as to dates. He thinks that it was not long after his return to La
Chorrera that he went down to Iquitos sick. He was kept in the house of the Arana
Brothers, at Iquitos, he thinlrs about eighteen months. He worked lilre an office boy
—swept, cleaned up, and ran messages and did other things in the house, and then he
asked himself to return to the Putumayo and came back in the “ CosmopoUta'' to
Chorrera. He does not know the date, but it was the same time that Stanley Sealey
and others came (this would be May 1908). On returning from Iquitos he stayed only
a very short time at La Chorrera and was sent to Abisinia; he does not quite remember
how long he then stayed at Abisinia, but most of this second period of service was spent
in that district with a few journeys from it in other directions. Whilst at Abisinia he
remembers that he was recalled once to La Chorrera and again visited Entre Eios and
other sections. He was kept working at La Chorrera for a time, and then came a
journey to Entre Rios. He was sent up accompanying a Peruvian, named Torico, wdiom
the consul bad found as second in command at Occidente. It would have been about
■the year previously in summer of 1909,.when Chase accompanied Torico on this journey.
Asked what they were doing, he states Torico, he thinlcs, was going round on a sort
of inspection for Macedo, or else to give warning to- all the sections that things must be
put straight, because an Englishman, Captain "Whiffen, was then in the country^ and
visiting ê company's territories. He remembers Torico taking the names of the
Indians at each station, and tallying to the agents about Captain Wkiffen's coming.
They stayed first at Occidente about ten days ; Fonseca was in charge there. He saw
no Indians being flogged in Occidente on that occasion. Then they went on to Ultimo
Retiro where Alfredo Moiitt was in charge. There he saw only four prisoners, three
men and a woman in chains. They found them in chains on arrival, and when they
left after four days they were stiU in chains, but he saw no one flogged. They came from
Ultimo Retiro to this place, Entre Rios, where he remembers some Indians were prisoners
in the cepo.” He tliinlrs there were five of them. They had chains on as well. He
saw no one flogged during these three days he then spent in Entre Rios.
They next went to Atenas, some three or four hom’s' march distant, where
Martenengui was the chief. At Atenas they stayed two .days, and saw plenty of
Indians being flogged. It was the time of the “ puesta '' or the bringmg in of each ten or
fifteen days’ rubber by the Indians. He saw plenty of Indians flogged—very badly
flogged—out and bleeding and also beaten with big sticlcs, too, by Martenengui's
orders, who was looking on. The chief flogger was Argaluza. He did the most of it;
but was helped by the “ muchachos,” who would be ordered to take their share of
flogging. He saw no one in stocks, nor did he see any Indians killed. He saw women
flogged as well as men, lots of them, for the women there at Atenas had to work the
inma-rubber just lilce the men by Martinengui's orders.
From Atenas they retimied to La Chorrera, whence he was again sent to Abisinia.
He saw there men flogged to death. There were Indians in chains there and in ccpo,”
one of these was taken out to be flogged. His two hands were pegged out on the ground
and his legs also, and then in this posture he was flogged by Simon Angiilo, by order of
Aguoro.
* {Note,—Simon Angiilo appears on the company’s list of employes' of September
1910 as still at Abisinia at a salary of 60 soles, or 6/. per month.—^R. C.)
Chase did not count the number of lashes because it was very jnany. He saw the
whole proceedings. When they had finished flogging the man they threw salt and
water on his Avounds. He was bleeding very much. They then put him in this state
back in the " cepo ” by one foot only, and kept him thus for two days, and then put him

899
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ill the cellar, t.e., where the india-rubber is stored, the big store underneath the house.
Some of the employes gave him food, i.e., their own leavings, but none was sent to him
from the house by Aguero's orders. He was taken from the “ cepo one night or
evening, and put in this cellar, and the next morning they found him dead.
During his two stays in the Abisinia district. Chase says he was often sent on com-
missions. He frequently was sent under a Colombian named Aquileo Torres.* During
these journeys at afferent times he saw many Indians Idlled by Aquileo Torres, shot
and beaten. He did not see them beaten to death by him, but he saw him shoot very
many. He is prepared to swear to it. He also saw men, vômen, and children
frequently flogged. It was during his first stay at Abisinia, on returning fromiquitos
in May 1908, that he, Sealey, and other Barbados men, had gone on the expedition
under Jimenez, when the people were burnt alive, as ab'eady described by himself and
Sealey. The chief of the Indian family, to which belonged the old woman burnt on
that occasion, had been kept a prisoner in Moreha. His name was AVaichai, and Chase
saw him there in chains. He had been a prisoner for many months to Chase's knowledge,
and had been chained up to try to make him give in and call in his people to work india-
rubber. He finally consented, and was taken out of chains and the “ cepo," and was
sent out guarded by Miguel Blores with a party to find his people and call them in. He
escaped however. This was about seven months ago, and they had not caught him
when Chase left Abisinia quite recently. He had got clean away, and they said had
gone right over the Caqueta into Colombian territory. They sent some “ muchachos "
to look for him, but they could not find him. Chase further confirms in several
particulars the shooting of Katenere referred to elsewhere.
Further statements were from time to time received from James Chase in the course
of the journey made by MJ. Casement in the company of the commission, and finally
on the 6th November at La Chorrera he gave still further testimony in the presence
of several of his countrymen. He states that amongst other things he saw Fonseca
do was to kill an Indian man who was at the time confined in the stocks, or “ cepo,"
at Ultimo Ketiro. The Indian in question had run away from working rubber, but
had been caught and brought ia a prisoner. Fonseca said to him : I am going to
Idll you." The man protested, and said he had done no harm. He had not Idlled a
white man, he had not injured anyone or killed anyone, and could not be killed for
running away. Fonseca laughed at him, and had him hung up by the neck first with
a chain drawn tight, and then when let down from this torture he had him put in the
“ cepo " with one foot only, the other leg being free. Fonseca came up to the “ cepo "
with a stick with a club-head much bigger than the handle of the stick. Ho put one
of his legs against the Indian's free leg and stretched it apart from the confined leg.
He then pulled off the man's “ fono," or loin-cloth made of beaten bark, so that he was
quite naked, and then struck the man many times with the club-end of the stick on his
exposed parts. These were “ smashed," and the man died in a short time. Deponent
described the occurrence fully, declaring that he was an eye-witness.
{Note.—This statement was confirmed by the Barbados man, Stanley S. L^'wis,
who stated he also saw Fonseca commit tliis deed.)
Chase states that Fonseca at Ultimo Ketiro would shoot Indians with a long rifle
which he had. He thinks it was a Mannlicher. Sometimes he shot at them whilst
they were actually prisoners in the stocks, and others were taken out in the open ground
round the house, and he shot at them from the verandah. The last case of this land
that Chase witnessed was that of a young gnl. Fonseca bandaged her eyes and face
so that even her mouth and nose were covered. She was then made to walk away, and
whilst she was thus blindfolded Fonseca shot her “as a sport for his friends." The
people then present were Alfredo Montt, who was then the second chief at Ultimo Ketiro
and is now in charge of Atenas, also a man named Mozambito, now in Atenas, and a
man now in La Chorrera who works as a carpenter, by name Ilaniacari. There was
also present who saw this deed performed a man by name of Ildefonso Tachon, who is
now stationed in Matanzas. This last act was just before Chase left Ultimo Ketiro—
he thinks only four or five days before ho left. He was put in the “ cepo " himself very
soon after this, and asked to be sent away, and was d^patohed down to La Chorrera
ahnost at once.
Chase further states that he has seen Ajûilco Torres cut the ears off living Indians
for sport. Torres took deponent’s own knife fi'om him. It was an open laiife, and
he used this knife for the pmpose. He saw him do this several times. Once he out
off a man's ears and then burnt his wife alive before his eyes. This was done by Torres
* Captured by Normand in January 1907.

78
in the Abisinia district since deponent returned from Iquitos, namely, since May 1908.
He further states that he saw Juan Zellada, who is now in Abisinia, shoot a Huitoto
Indian under the following circumstances :—
It was in the Boras country at a place called Gwarunes. The party had no food,
and Zellada sent them to try to get food at a house belonging to an Indian named
Gwatipa, and this man or boy stole some sardines from a box stored in Gwatipa’s house,
and he was killed by Zellada for this. With regard to Armando Blondel, now second
chief under Agiiero in Abisinia, he states he has frequently seen him brutally flogging
the Indians. Also hang them up by chams round their throats so that they are almost
suffocated. Sometimes they would be flogged before this and sometimes afterwards,
and he has even seen them flog Indians while actually in this position of torture. The
last time he witnessed this was in August last (1910), about fifteen days before he left
to come to Chorrera. This was before the people in Moreha Imew that a commission of
enquiry had actually reached the Putumayo.
The evidence of James Chase when not actually given in the presence of Senor
Tizon and the members of the commission was communica.ted to them by the consul-
general, and no attempt at any time was made to rebut it, after the first unsuccessful
efforts in the early days of Mr. Casement’s enquiry at La Chorrera. Chase, as already
stated, accompanied the commission as a servant throughout the whole of the journey
up to Mr. Casement’s departure, when along with Stanley Sealey he remained with the
commissioners in personal attendance on them during their further visits to Abisinia,
Moreha, Santa Catahna, Sabana, and other stations belonging to the company. He was
left behind by Mr. Casement for this purpose on the undertaking of the chief of the
commission, Mr. Louis Barnes, that on their departure he, along with Sealey, should be
brought away with them and sent home to Barbados, and on no account left behind m
the Putumayo.
(No. 14.)
VrCcls of the Statement of Stanley Sealey^ a native of Barbados, made to His Majesty's Consul-
General on September 23, 1910, at La Ghorr&'a and on subsequent occasmis.
This man was foimd at work at La Chorrera, and on the 23rd September appeared
before Mr. Casement, in the presence of Senor Tizon and Mr. Barnes, the chief of the
company’s commission.
He stated he was born in Barbados on the 27th Pebruary, 1886 ; that he was engaged
in 1906, along with others of his. countrymen, at a salary of 10 dollars per month, to work
as a labourer. They were brought to Nanai, near Iquitos, and, like the others, he was
dissatisfied with the work there, and, leaving it of his own free will, he went up to Iquitos
in search of other work.
He first worked in a brick factory at Iquitos. He then went as fireman on board
a steamer. Next he went down to Manaos, where he worked for a considerable time.
He then paid his passage and came up to Iquitos, and made a contract -with the Peruvian
Amazon Company at 5l. per month (50 soles) to come to work on the Putumayo. Ho
arrived here (La Chorrera) about the 12th May, 1908, along with several other Barbados
men, who were engaged like himself. This was his first visit to the Putiunayo, so that
he has now been some two years and four months actually employed here. This witness,
like JaineS' Chase, gave his evidence under some degree of excitement. He was evidently
uneasy at the presence of Senor Tizon, but, despite this, spoke \vith sincerity and straight-
forwardness.
He was first sent from La Chorrera to Abisinia, to Senor Aguoro s section. He was
sent out on cormnissions, armed with a rifle, to look for Indians and make them Avork
rubber. When they got Indians they would tie them—men and women—and bring
them into the station. They were ordered to tie them. These would be Indians who had
run aAvay from working rubber. When brought in they would be put in “ cepo,” where
they might be kept two days or more, and then let loose to go back and work rubber,
if they agreed. They would be fed while in “ cepo.”
Asked by consul-general, “ Have you seen Indians flogged ? ”—
“ YeS;, Sir,” he replies; many times—sometimes for not bringing enough rubber.”
Prom Abisinia he returned to La Chorrera and was here for six months, Ho had
been about seven months in the Abisinia district. He wes worldng in La Chorrera as a
mason, and then he was sent to La Sabana j Spnor Velarde was then chief of La Sabana.

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He went out, just as in Abisinia, on commissions to hunt Indians. He himself tied up

Indians to bring them in. He was ordered to do it. He was in La Sabana about four
months. He saw Indians flogged in La Sabana for not bringing in sufiicient rubber.
Asked by consul-general, “ Did you yourself flog Indians ?
“ Yes, Sir; often in La Sabana—sometimes twenty lashes, sometimes twelve, some-
times six, sometimes two—depending on the rubber." The chief decided who should
be flogged, and the Indians lay down there and take the flogging.^'
In answer to consul-generaFs question, “ Did you ever see children flogged ? ”
“ Yes, Sir,’' he rephes ; “ I saw one boy flogged in La Sabana. He was sent to
look for Indians” (■i.e., to call them to come in), “ and he stay in the Indians’ house.”
Deponent again states he himself flogged Indians, because he was afraid and was
ordered to do it. After he left La Sabana he came back here to La Chorrera and stayed
about four days. He was sick, and came down from La Sabana with fever. He was
then sent to "Ultimo Retiro by Senor Macedo. He got drunk here three days after his
arrival. He got the drink from Greenidge, a Barbados man who is baker here, and so he
was sent away by Senor Macedo to Ultimo Retiro. He cannot remember the exact date.
He was put there to the same kind of work. He was not very strong, but he made three
conmiissions after Indians. Sometimes a commission would take eight days. The
Indians at that time came in willingly at Ultimo Retiro. They were not tied up. He
did not see Indians flogged in Ultimo Retiro, nor was he himself ordered to flog them.
He did not see any Indians killed in Ultimo Retiro. He was there about three or foinr
months, he thinks. He himself was punished once there by a Peruwan named Plaza.
This Plaza was a young Peruvian, and, with Aquileo Torres, a Colombian, put him (Sealey)
in the “ cepo.” He had done nothing wrong. Asked why he had not complained to
the chief of the section, he said it was no use complaining to Senor Montt “ because he
knew aU about it.” He had not seen Indians Idlled at Ul^timo Retiro at that time, but
he knew of Indians being killed there. There were four “ muchachos ” he heard of being
shot outside the station, and of a girl who was taken up the hill and shot. He heard the
shots but did not see the act.
There was no time to enter into details in questioning this man on the first day.
Senor Tizon said this witness represented *‘the bad things” as being done solely in Abisinia
and Sabana. He made attempts to question or shake the witness, who adhered to his
statement, and repeatedly asserted that he himself had flogged Indians, and that not
very long before, and that he had seen very bad things done. After this witness had
been dismissed, Senor Tizon confessed to the consul-general that the system was “ a
criminal one, a barbarous one,” and that “ it could not be allowed to go on.” The Indians
lie admitted, had been treated shamefully, but he thought chiefly by the Colombians
rather than by the Peruvians.
The same evening Stanley Sealey produced his contract with the Peruvian Amazon
Company dated at Iquitos 26th April, 1908. As this man’s testimony had been given
in a straightforward way, Mr. Casement decided to engage him for escort duty on the
jom’uey he was about to take along with the commissioners. Sealey declared in the
presence of two members of the commission that whilst he had answered the questions
put to him truthfully on this first occasion, he had of necessity not been able to tell all
the things that he had seen done. He had answered questions, but there was much
left unsaid. His subsequent interrogation was a much lengthier one, and took place
on the 1st October at OccidentC. The following is a precis of it:—
The date of his first engagement at Barbados, Sealey states, was 3rd April, 1906,
whilst he only arrived on the Putumayo on 12th May, 1908. Since arriving at La Chor-
rera on that date, he has spent from seven to eight months first in Abisinia section. Ho
was then at La Chorrera for about six months, then at Sabana for about four months,
back at La Chorrera for a few days, then at Ultimo Retiro for perhaps foin months, and
then back at La Chorrera, where he was in September, when the consul-general arrived.
His first period covers roughly from June to December 1908, in Abisinia. Here he often
himself flogged Indians, but only men; he did not flog women or children. He acted
always under the orders of Agiiero. Ho cannot state how many persons he flogged. It
was a great many, and some of them were badly floggedj He does not know if any One
of the Indians ho flogged died from it.'
Sealey then describes his relations with different Indian women given to him as
wives by the (lilferent bhlefe of sections wheto he had worked, from winch it is evident
[401] M

80
that the charges of an immoral character brought against the company's servants may
frequently he true. From first to last Sealey had four J.ndian women “ given to him/'
and much of his indebtedness to the company was due to his purchases of food and other
things that they needed or asked for. Some cf his time spent in Abisinia was put in at
Morelia under Jimenez, who was then the sub-chief. "Whilst with Jimenez, he was often
out on commissions after the Indians. He describes the character of these expeditions
as foUows:—
A party of armed employes is sent out to collect the Indians of a certain division
on the day when their “ puesta" of rubber is due, and to march them into the station
with their loads of rubber, after this has been weighed and found sufficient. The man
in charge of the expedition will have a list of the Indians he is to collect, and the amount
of rubber each is to bring in, and he proceeds to summon or find them. They call the
chief or “ capitan" of these Indians, and if all his people do not appear with him, he
may be put in the “ cepo," made out in the forest, and kept guarded there. Sometimes
he, deponent, and others of the expedition would be sent to look for the missing Indians.
If the Indians do not all come in, the “ capitan^^ wiU be treated in a variety of ways.
Sometimes they tie his hands behind his back, and then by a rope through his bound
wrists, he will be hauled up oflt the ground, the rope passing over a tree branch. Some-
times his feet would be 3 or 4 feet off the ground. They kept him m this position for
sometimes an hour or an horn* and a-halt, he screaming out with pain. This is to make
him confess wffiere the inssing Indians are. When he admits this, and says he will go
for the truants, they let him down, and keeping him tied, they go with him to where
the people are hiding. If they find hds people, they may still keep him tied up. They
do not then flog the Indians. They collect all they can, those with the rubber, and those
w'ho have failed to get it, and march them all down to the station. The arms of ihe
“ capitan " will be loosed on reachiug the station, but his legs put in the “cepo.” Then
they weigh the rubber, and if any man has not brought the right weight he is flogged.
The severity of the flogging depends on the amount of rubber the man is short. The
deponent has not seen more than two dozen stripes thus given. With regard to the
Indians who had not appeared in the first instance, and had to be collected, they would
be flogged and put in the '' cepo "; they would get '' a good flogging.''’ Sometimes
the “capitan" himself would be flogged in the station. .Wbiole families would be
marched down in these gatherings, men with their wives and children, who would help
the men with their rubber. On all these marches the Indians would have to cany their
own food too ; they get no food except what they bring themselves. They would only
get food from the white men during the time they are actually kept in the fetation. The
station would have a big pot of rice and beans boiled. This would be the food. He
has seen sometimes 160 people thus marched in. Those -who had brought the fixed
amount of rubber are allowed to go back after this meal. The others are punished by
being kept in “ êpo." Some are put in a hole in the cellars of the house. There is such
a hole at Ultimo Eetiro which the consul can see wffien he gets there.
The Indians are not paid at all on these occasions for such rubber as they bring in.
They only get payment when the full “ fabrico,” say seventy-five days, is completed.
These commissions take place sometimes every ten days, sometimes every fifteen days,
according to the period fixed for each “ puesta " depending on the neighbourhood.
Sealey gives this as a general indication of the manner in which he had been employed
on “ commissions " and collecting the Indians from the forest. He next states he wishes
to describe what took place on a certain occasion when he with other Barbados men
went on a commission from Abisinia under Jimenez. They were stationed at Morelia
at the time, and went under Jimenez to the Caquetd. It was a journey to catch fugitive
Indians who had fled from the rubber worldng, and was soon after Sealey had gone to
Abisuua, he thinks it was in June 1908. On Hie first day's march from Morelia, about
6 o’clock in the afternoon, when they were some one and a-haH day's distance from the
Caquetd, they caught an old Indian woman in the path. Jimenez asked the old woman
where the rest of the Indians were. Sealey states she was a bit frightened. She told
him that the next day at 11 o’clock he would get to the house where some Indians were.
She was an old woman not able to run. They did not tie her up. They went on with
her, keeping her all ni^ht in camp until about 2 o’clock of the next day, and then Jim6nez
asked her “ "Where is the house where are the Indians ? " The old woman stood up,
and said nothing. She could not speak, she kept hero eyes on the ground. Jim6nez
said to her :—
“ You were telling me Hes yesterday, but now you have got to speak the truth."

81
903
With that he called his wile—he had an Indian woman, the woman who is still with
him—and he said to his Avife ;—
“ Bring me that rope off my hammock.”
She took the rope off, and gave it to him, and with that he tied the old woman’s
hands behind her back. There were two trees standing just like that—one tliere and
oue there. He made an Indian cut a post to stretch across between the two trees. Then
lie hauled the old woman up, her feet were not touching the ground at all. He said to
one of the boys “ a muchacho ”—
“ Bring me some leaves—some dry leaves,” he said, and he put these under the
feet of the old woman as she hung there, her feet about a foot or so above the ground ;
“ and he then take a box of matches out of his pocket and he light the dry leaves, and
tlic old lady start to burn. Big bladders (blisters) I see on her skin up here ” (he pointed
to his thighs). “ All was burned ; she was calling out. Well, sir, when I see that, sir,
I said ‘ Lord have mercy !' and I run ahead that I could not see her no more.”
“ You did not go back ? ”
“ I stayed a little ways off to where she was. I could hear him speaking. He say
to one of the boys ' Loose her down now,’ and they loose her, but she was not dead. She
lay on the ground—she was still calling out. He tell one of the Indians : ‘ Now, if this
old woman is not able to walk, cut her head off,’ and the Indian did so—he cut her head
off.”
You saw that ? ”
“ Yes, sir, he leave her there in the same place. We left her there going a little
ways into the forest; it was about four hours’ walk after we left the old woman, we met
two women. They had no house—^they had run away. One had a child. Jimenez
axed the one that had the child : ' Where is these Indians that has run away ? ’ She tell
him that she don’t know where they were. He tell her after she tell him that she don’t
know that she was a liar.”
“ Did he tell her this himself in her own language ? ”
“ He tell his wife to tell her. His wife speaks Spanish, too. His wife is up there
with him now at Ultimo Retiro. He tell his wife that she was a bar. He took the child
from the woman and he gave it to an Indian, one of the Indians who had been collected
to work rubber. ‘ Cut tins child’s head off ! ’ he say, and he did so.”
“ How did the Indian cut the child’s head off ? ”
“ He held it by the hair and chop its head off with a machete. It was a little child
walldng behind its mother.”
“ Was it a boy or a girl ? ”
" It was a boy. He left the child and the head in the same place, ever)dhing there,
on the path. He went on then ; he take the two women with him, but the woman was
cr}ing for her child. Well, Sir, we got a little ways more inside the wmod ; walking, we
met an Indian man—a strong young fellow he was, too. That is, after we gets over to
near the Caquetd. Jimenez say he wanted to go to the next side—the other side—of the
Caquetd,, but he do not know where he would get a boat, a canoe, to go over. So this
time he tell his woman, his wife, to ax the Indian to tell wliere the boat is. AYell, Sir,
the Indian say he do not loiow where it is. By that time Jimenez say the Indian He—
he was a bar, and he got a rope and he tie the Indian’s hands bice that behind his back.
It was in the same way with the post across between two trees. He made the Indians
tie a post across between two trees, and he haul the Indian, bke that, up to the post. His
feet could not touch the ground, and he call for some dry leaves, and tell the boys to bring
some dry leavers, same as the old woman. He put the leaves under his feet, and he take
a box of matches out of his pocket. The man was there, shouting out, greeting. Jimenez
draw a match and bght the leaves, and this time. Sir, the Indian start to burn, big bladders
going out from his skin. The Indian was there burning, with Iris head hanging bke that
—moaning, he was. Jimenez say : ' AVoll, you will not tell me where the canoe, where
the boat is,’ he says, ‘ so you must bear with that.’ Well, the Indian was not quite dead,
but was there with his head hanging, and Jimdnez he tell the ‘ capital!,’ by name Jose
Maria, a Boras Indian (he is chief ^capitan ’ of the Abisinia ‘ muchachos ’); he says,
‘ Give him a ball! ’ he says, and the Indian took his carbine and give him a ball here,
shooting him in the chest. Well, Sir, after I saw how the blood started, I ran. It was
awful to see, and he left the Indian hanging up there with the rope and everything on
him.”
“ Was the Indian dead % ”
“ Yes, Sir, he was dead with the ball, and we left him there in the same place. That’s
all.”
“ That’s all ? AYhat next ? What did you do then % ”
[401] M 2

82
“ AVe went on the next day and came to the Caquetd,—^to this side. We never crossed.
Jimenez then sent a ‘ muchacho ’ to find a boat. The ‘ muchacho ’ found a canoe, about
the length of from here to the corner there. AVell, Sh, after he find the boat he leave
me with some, more Peruvians, and he went to the other side.”
Witnass then states the names of the Peruvians who were left with him, and declares
that Jimenez said he would be back in six days’ time, and that they were to wait for
him. He returned with three canoes from the opposite side of the river with about fifty
Indians—men, women, and children. The expedition then returned to Abisinia with
all these prisoners. These people had originally fled from working rubber, had crossed
the Caquetd,, and gone far into Colombian territory. They were kept as prisoners in
Moreha, and were kept there in confinement up to the period when witness left Moreha.
They were to be kept in confinement until they became “ tamed ” and agreed to work
rubber. All the time witness remained in Moreha the chief of these Indians had a chain
round his neck and a chain round his two feet. This was a period of about two months.
These prisoners had received rice and beans as food, and were not, so far as witness saw,
brutally ill-treated. He thinks it was in August 1908 that he left Moreha, these people
being still prisoners there. He remembers the 28th July, Peruvian Independence Day,
he spent in Moreha, and it was some time after that he left Moreha to go to Agileio’s
head-quarters at Abisinia.
AAhtness has not returned to Moreha since that. He was subsequently at Abisinia,
and from Abisinia he went down to La Chorrera.
Asked if he had reported these things to Senor Macedo, he rephed, “ No.’^
Asked why, he states—
“ I believe he knows all that goes on in these sections hke that. He Imows all ab''-iit
it—he don’t make nothing of it.”
He states that he had reported these things to his feUow-countryman, John Brown,
who, when he reached Chorrera, had become the servant of a Captain Whiffen, an English
officer who had then arrived there. He hoped that Captain Wliifien, hearing of it,
might be able to do something, and so told John Brown.
Asked if prior to his first being questioned by the Consul at La Chorrera on the 23rd
September he had been spoken to or threatened by any agent of the company he replies
“ No,” but that Senor Macedo had sent for him the ne:^ day after he had been first
questioned in La Chorrera. He had then been asked what he had said to the consul
in the presence of Senor Tizon and Mr. Barnes, and having told him, Senor Macedo
asked why he had not been informed earher, and witness had rephed, speaking in
Spanish, that he had beheved Senor Macedo knew all about the wrong things done, and
that there wa^^ no use telling him. He had then been warned that he must be careful
what he said and how he “ told things,” and he had rephed that he had spoken the truth
to the consul, and that he would tell Mm aU he knew. He added that the man Miguel
Flores had gone to his countryman, Joshua Dyall, and had begged him not to teU the
consul anything about him, and had ofiered him 2l. or some money if he would keep
silent.
Sealey further states that James Chase was with him on the expedition with Jimenez
when the Indians were burnt alive, and was an eye-witness with himself of these
murders. Also another Barbados man named Alfred Hoyte.
Asked why, when first interrogated, witness had not told all this series of crimes
by Jimenez, he said he was a bit “ timid ” that day and, moreover, he had been answering
questions put by consul, and there was not time to tell all the things he had seen, but
only to answer the questions put to him. Moreover, he had been frightened at that
time at being called up to speak before Senor Tizon, and he did not Imow what would
happen.
This witness accompanied the consul-general throughout his journey on the Putu-
mayo, and along with Frederick Bishop constituted his escort. He frequently acted
as guide, sometimes as an interpreter, and on more than one occasion was called upon
to testify before the commission sent out by the Peruvian Amazon Company. Notably
on the 2nd October, at Occidente, when both he and James Chase were required to
repeat the statement dealing with the burning of the Indians by Jimenez on the raid to
the Caquetd,.
Prior to‘ the consul-general leavhig La Chorrera in November, Sealey became the
servant of the commission lilce James Chase, on the same terms, to remain with them
throughout the remainder of their stay in the Putumayo, and to be sent home when
they left. He added on many occasions to the declarations he had first made by in-
formation that was found of much service, gnd on the 6th November at La Chorrera

83
905
he was again^ called and made a further statement. This dealt with the shooting by
Agiiero of an Indian girl who was at work in the plantation round the station-house
at Abisinia. Agiiero apparently shot her for sport. He was standing on the verandah,
and he aimed his rifle at her and shot her in the thigh. She was wounded but did not
die, and recovered from that. This was in 1908. He further states that while in
Abisinia he saw Armando Blondel, one of the present staff there, ill-treat an Indian in
the following way: Blondel wanted to flog this Indian, who resisted and would not lie
down “ to take the flogging.’^ He was escaping, when Blondel having hold of one arm
struck him over the head with his revolver, badly cutting him. The Indian, however,
got away, and was running towards the forest, and Augustus Walcott, a Barbados man,
ran for his carbine and shot the Indian in the leg. He, Sealey, went out and brought
back the Indian after he was shot, and Blondel gave him “ two kicks,^’ and then some
remedies were put on the wounds, and the man recovered. Witness has seen Simon
Angiilo, who is at present at Abisinia, and is chiefly kept as flogger and executioner there,
flog an Indian so badly that the blood was streaming on the floor. This was done in
the station-house itself, “ muchachos'’'’ were holding the Indian down, and AngUlo gave
him twenty-five lashes, and each cut took flesh out. This was about two years ago in
Alhsinia. The blood was so plentiful that he, Sealey, had to swill the floor with water.
This Indian did not die that he, Sealey, knows of. He was a Boras Indian who had run
away from working rubber and had been caught and brought back.
He further states that while in Ultimo Ketiro within about the last year he had
seen Alfredo Montt, chief of that section, tie up a “ capitan""’ or Indian chief for about
an hour every morning frr eight days. The man's hands were twisted behind his back
and tied by the wrist and he was thus suspended by a cord from them with his feet well
off the ground. This was done every morning in order to make him tell where his people
were. They had run away from working rubber. On the ninth morning the chief's
hands were so swoUen that Montt could not hang him up again so he put him in the
stocks. Tliis man is still alive, and witness states that the consul-general and the
Peru\dan Amazon Company's commissioners actually met him when at Ultimo Ketiro in
October, and he proceeds to describe him. This man is identified both by Mr. Casement
and by i\Ir. Fox, a member of the commission, when spoken to on the subject. Mr. Fox
had seen him at Ultimo Ketiro and on the second day after meeting him had noticed
how terribly this Indian was marked with the lash. Sealey declares he saw Montt on
several occasions throw Indians down into the cellar below the house at Ultimo Ketiro
without hght or air. There are no steps to this hole and a drop of some 12 feet to the
ground. They would be kept there in darkness and with very little air for long periods
—often for three weeks—and given only water and “ aicambo."
Sealey further states that during the time he was in Sabana he has seen Pasqual
Zambrana, who is now acting as cook at Ultimo Ketiro, flog Indians. The Indians were
cut and blood often drawn. The whip at Sabana was as thick as his thumb, very hard,
with sharp cut edges, made of twisted tapir-hide. It was made of many strands of
tapir-hide, cut square and plaited together. He further states that while at Ultimo
Retiro, and he thinks in January of this year, 1910, four of the station boys or mucha-
chos" were taken away by Senor Montt with a chain round their necks. Senor Montt
was accompanied by Jose Plaza, Juen Lopez, Vasquez Torres, and Juanito " Rodriquez,
“
and they took the four muchachos " guarded and chained by the neck each to the other.
These boys never returned, and he, Sealey, had heard from several persons and all the
employes at Ultimo Ketiro that they had been shot on the road to Entre Rios.^v He
never saw the bodies.* One of the “ muchachos" was niclmamed “ Felipe." lie had
a wife and child, Sealey said, and added I cannot remember the names of the others."
He states that whilst in Ultimo Ketiro a girl was taken out of the station guarded by
about four ‘'muchachos" and shot on a hill near at hand. It was at night and he
heard the shot. The girl was not seen again. He heard the boys say that they had
shot the girl, they talked of it openly. On their return to the house Montt put them in
the “ cepo " and then had their wives brought up in custody and also put in the “ cepo."
It was these same boys—two of whom had children—who were subsequently shot on
the road to Entre Rios as he believed.
* Sco statemonfc of Frederick Bishop and of Edward Crichlow.

84
(No. 15.)
Precis of the Statement of Joshua Dyall made to His Majesty’s Consul-General in the
presence of Mr. Louis H. Barnes, the Chief of the Com'pany’s Commission, and then
repeated before Senor Tizon and all the remaining Members of the Commission on the
same day, Sefteiriber 24, 1910, at La Chorrera; also subsequently examined at La
Chorrera by Mr. Casement in Novenber.
This man was working at the date of Mr. Casement^ s arrival at La Chorrera on one
of the company's steam launches navigating the upper river above the falls. He came
voluntarily; on learning that the consul had arrived, in the early morning of the 24th
September, 1910, to make a statement.
He declared that he was born in 1886, that both his parents were living so far as he
knew, his father being in the employ of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company in
Barbados. He was engaged with the first contingent in Barbados at the end of 1904,
and like all the rest at that time was sent up to Matanzas under Ram6n Sanchez and
Normand. He gives the names of twenty-five Barbados men, his fellow-countrymen,
who formed part of that expedition, and says it consisted of thirty men and five women.
Each of these were armed, and he believes they had 100 cartridges given to each of
them. The leader was Sanchez, next Normand, a man called Cordoba, Alcorta, no^Y
dead, and a Mr. Cleeman, a white man whose nationality he is not sure of, also a Colom-
bian named Liscana. There were other white men went too, perhaps ten or fifteen.
These would be quite subordinates, peons," as they are termed in Peru. He cannot
remember aU their names, but he can recall a couple. These were a man named Eugenio
Acosta and a Colombian called Padilla. This latter, he believes, is still in the station
of Matanzas. Of the Barbados men he gives the following list:—
Siefert Greenidge.—^Now the baker here in La Chorrera.
Lindsay King (or Armando Ring).—^Now with Senor Loayza in El Encanto.
. — Greenidge.—^Vho was once a soldier in the West India Regiment, now gone home
to Barbados.
Lloyd Downs.—^Now gone home.
BueJcey Downs.—“ A young fellow,” now gone home.
Westerman Leavine.—\Wio is still in Matanzas.
C. Jordan and another Jordan, not brothers.—Both gone home.
Sinclair Smith.—Gone home.
Mr. WaUermann.—A. married man. Gone home.
— Woodroffe.—Gone home.
Cyril Atkins.—^Who shot the girl and died in prison in Iquitos.
Allen Davis.—^Now in Abisinia with Agiiero.
— Blades.—Gone home.
Augustus Walcot.—^Now in La Sabana.
James Maf'p.—^Now in La Sabana.
— Mortimer.—^Died in Andokes. His gmi went off and shot him. He had been
shooting Indians and forgot to unload his carbine ^vith the muzzle under his arm and
Avas so shot.
— Rolleston.—^Died in Andokes from swelling of the legs (probably beriberi).
Mr. Thom'pson.—“ An old man.” He died in Andokes. He Avas drowned in the
Caquetd, River.
Another young man, but he cannot remember his name. Will try to recall it.
Another yoimg man, Avho came from St. Vincent. Cannot remember his name. He
shot a man up there—^by accident they said.
James Percy.—Gone home, but nearly died there. He Avas hung up by his hands
by Normand and Sanchez. His hands Avere nearly useless aftcirwards.
Sidney Morris.—^Now in La Sabana.
— Rock.—Gone home.
— Myers.—Gone home.
These are all the men he can recall at this time.
On reaching Andokes they h9,d found only a palm-thatched Indian hut, Avhere they
slept at first, setting guards at night—eight men would guard throughout the night.
They were afraid or the Andokes Indians coming at night because they were “ Avild ”
Indians. Then they cut posts and trees and dug holes and built a house, and then they
Avould be sent out with then rifles to look for the Indians arid try to catch them. They
were ordered by the manager, Senor Sanchez, and by Gleeman and Cordoba, who used

85 B07
to lead them on these expeditions, that if they could not catch the Indians they were
to fire on them. Asked why this was done, he said it was to frighten the Indians and
make them come in, because if they were killed for running away they would be less
likely to run. Asked “ Did you shoot Indians at that time ? he answers :—
“ Not at that time—I was a little bashful with the gun and a coward."'
“ But later on did you shoot Indians ? "
“ I have shot one—^let me see, two—Îndians, because I had orders. The first one I
shot myself. The man in charge told me if I did not shoot the Indian he would put me
iu the stocks and break my ribs, or something. He take a big stick and hold it and
shake it ak me. The Indian was chained up and in the stocks at the time. I was
frightened for my own life, and I did shoot the Indian."
“ Who was the white man who ordered this ? "
‘‘ Fonseca, in Ultimo Ketiro."
“ W^hen ? "
“ In 1906, I think."
“ What had this Indian done ? "
“ Nothing; Fonseca take the Indian's wife. He had the man there in chains, and
he take his wife, and he made me kill him for that. The Indian had done no wrong at
all. The Indian's name was Cherichema. The woman is there now—with Fonseca in
Sabana ; she has borne him two children, one died, and now another—she is there with
him now."
“ That was the first Indian you killed ? The second Indian }mu killed, who was he,
and when 1 "
“ He was in Andokes."
men ? "
“ Last year, in July, or somewhere about that time last year. It was going along
the road. Sir, here on the Atenas road, close to La Chorrera. We killed him with a stick,
not with a gun. Normand also, he and I beat him to death. We mashed up his . .
He describes how Normand compelled him to commit this crime. The Indian was
thrown on the ground by Normand and himself, his legs distended apart, Normand
holding the legs apart while he, Dyall, beat the man wth a thick stick between the legs,
and so killed him.
The interrogatory proceeded—
;; You did that ?"
“ Yes, Su'. Wait, Sir, you do not know how we do things here. If we do not do
what the chief tells us he beats us. He puts us in “ cepo," and then he sends us down
with a letter to Senor Macedo, and he say; ‘ You have failed—^you have not done your
work,' and he send irs back again where we are fliogged. This Indian we beat to death
—Normand teU me to do it, and he, too, helped. He said, ‘ Take a stick and beat him
to death,' and I refuse at first, and then I say, ‘ All right; up here you can do it,' and
we smashed liim all up, as I have said, and killed him."
“ What had this Indian done ? "
“ He would not walk. He did not want to go along with us and carry the ‘ tula
{i.e., the india-rubber sack in which clothes are packed).
“ Where were you going ? "
“ We were going back to Andokes from La Chorrera. There were more of us than
Normand and myself. There were only Indian carriers, then Normand and myself.
This Indian had been brought down by us from Andokes, and we were going back home
with them carrying. We had been about a week in La Chorrera. We came down to
get goods, and they were going back with these loads. They were all Andokes Indians who
were carrying the loads—there were about five of them. The man we killed was a young
man, his name was Nairipa; he was a Boras Indian."
Asked by the consul-general if he could remember the place where he committed
this crime and could, if called upon, show the spot where the body was left, he answers—
“ He thinks he can remember it; it is about two hours this side of Atenas. The
body was just thrown mto the bush."
Then they went on to Atenas, where Elias Martenengui was chief.* There
Normand told Martenengui about the man they had Idlled.
“ How do you know ? "
♦ This mau loft tho Company’s Sorvico about Juno 1910 and proceeded to Lima.

86
Because we had fco get an Atenas Indian to take the dead man’s load and carry it
on.
He had not been in Chorrera since that occurrence, only to come down here in May
or June 1910. He had been obliged to run away again from Matanzas.
Asked had he told Senor Macedo about the killing of this Indian, he answers—
“ No, Sir ; because it is no use—he lorows everything—^he knows all about it,”
“ Did you tell the other white man who has since come to La Chorrera (Senor
Tizon)?”
“ No, Sir; I never tell him nothing; I do not think he knows. He. say ‘ Good
morning ’ to me—^that’s all.”
“ You say you killed another Indian ? ”
“ I Idlled two more—one I shot long ago with Senor Normand, and another one I
beat with a stick and kill the same way”
Tell me about the one you shot long ago.”
“ The one I shot for Senor Normand was like this. Normand sent me to
Entre Bros with some loads of sugar-cane. I was to take the cane to the Indians’
house, and they were to caiTy it to Entre Rios, and this Indian boy was to carry sugar-
cane.”
“ Was it a boy or a man ? ”
“ A boy. Sir; and he had want to run away, and Normand had done tell me if
he want to run to shoot him.”
“ And you shot him and killed him 1 ”
“ Yes, Sir.”
“ Was it near the station-house ? ”
“ No, Sir ; it was in the bush, out by the Andokes station. It was last year. It
was after I had killed the man by beating him with the stick when he got to Andokes.”
“ What did you do with the body ? ”
“ Threw it in the bush. The fourth man I kill was out in Andokes. I beat him
in the same way ” (he indicated). Normand himself hold the Indian’s legs open, and
the ‘ boys ’ {i.e., the ' muchachos ’), too, and I beat him there till we kill him. This
was a middle-aged man—a married man.”
‘‘ What had this Indian done ? ”
“ He had run away; he do not want to work rubber—^he had run away from the
rubber, and they caught him, and Normand give him a heavy bag (a ' tula,’ or load),
to carry, and he could not walk with it, and so Normand said: ‘ You do not want to
walk ? Alright, you shall not walk again,’ and began to beat him; and he give the
order to another fellow—a white man named Juan Sifuentes. The Indian was in chains
as we went along, because he was a prisoner, when we start to beat him.”
“ Could you remember the place where you say you and thev beat this man to
death?”
“ Oh, yes. Sir, it was in a small open savannah near Andokes about one and a-half
hours from Andokes on the other side.”
Asked if he was quite sure of when this took place, he answers—
“ Yes ”—he is certain it took place since July of last year, namely, 1909 ; and it
was after he had Idlled the other man, and in the same way in Atenas. He is quite
certain it was after July of last year.
“ These were the only people you killed, you say ? ”
‘‘ Yes.”
“ But you have flogged people ? ”
“ Oh, yes, every time, plenty. In Andokes, in Ultimo Retiro, in Occidente; these
were the only three stations where I flogged Indians. I have been also in Abisinia and
Santa Catalina, where I did not flog anyone. My first station was Andokes. I was
there from the beginning until I ran away. I came to La Chorrera and Senor Macedo
send me to Abisinia, and then from that I go back to La Chorrera, and he send me
back again to Andokes.”
“ Who was chief in Abisinia ? ”
Agiiero. Normand all the time in Andokes. Wait, Sir; I tell you wrong.
When I come back from La Chorrera Macedo send me to Occidente, where Miguel Flores
was chief. From Occidente they send me to Ultimo Retiro, where Fonseca was chief.
That was the time he made mo Irill the Indian to take his wife. After that I came
from Ultimo Retiro they send me back to Occidente the second time, and then when I
get there they wanted men for Ultimo Retiro for Alfredo Montt, and so they send me
back to Ultimo lêtiro.”

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909
The witness then made a long statement with regard to his own ill-treatment at
Ultimo Retiro by Alfredo Montt, who had put him in “ cepo ” so that his legs were
permanently injured. This statement was borne out by the evidence of Frederick
Bishop, and other witnesses, and the marks upon Dyall’s ankles were plainly visible,
where the heavy wood of the upper beam of the “ cepo ’’ had been forced into the flesh.
This statement has been dealt with elsewhere.
On leaving Ultimo Retiro he was sent back to Andokes to serve a second time
under Normand, and it was during this last time that he had killed the Indians as
recorded.
Witness further states that an Indian he once flogged had died from the flogging
he gave him. He was sure that it was from the flogging he gave that this man died.
The man was named Pacheni. He was half Muinanes and half Andokes, these
tribes intermarrjdng, and he spoke both tongues. This man had run away, and Dyall
was ordered to give him a severe flogging, which he did, and the man died under it.
This took place in Matanzas, in the station itself, during his last period of service there,
lu addition to his ill-treatment by Montt, he had also been knocked about the head
with a gun, and badly flogged and had complained to Senor Macedo, who only ordered
him to Ultimo Retiro. He could not get right ” from Senor Macedo, who had
threatened to tie him up and flog him.
Note.—This man’s evidence was given in the most fearless manner. He not only
admitted his gross crimes, but also that his ill-treatment by Montt was due to his own
immoral conduct with Indian women, but this he said was only what took place with
all of them, and in that he was no worse than Montt or any of the others—îndeed,
much better.
His charges against Montt, Fonseca, and Normand he made in the presence of
Senor Tizon, as head of the company, and the four commissioners sent out from
England. He declared himself fully prepared to repeat these accusations to the faces
of all those accused and to conduct the consul and the commissioners to the very spots
where, as he alleged, the bones of his victims might very probably be found.
With regard to the atrocious acts committed by Normand and himself, he said
there were many mtnesses to Normand’s manner of murdering the Indians. His
statements with regard to the general ill-treatment of the Indians were supported by
two Barbados men—Frederick Bishop and Stanley Lewis—whom the consul-general
called in before Senor Tizon and the commissioners. These men and Dyall adhered
to all their accusations, and declared they were quite ready to have them put to the
test in any way suggested to make them good in the face of those they accused.
Frederick Bishop when called upon, declared that he had flogged Indians up to May
1910, just before leaving the company’s service, and that the work he had been employed
on, in enforcing rubber by armed raids and floggings, was not trading or commercial
dealing in any known sense of the word to his mind, but was slavery and nothing else.
At the request of Senior Tizon Dyall’s statements were not put to the test as he
had asked, and Senor Tizon declared that he would accept as substantially correct these
charges preferred against the three agents named, who would be dismissed from the
company’s service as soon as possible.
Dyall was sent to El Encanto to await the return of Mr. Casement from his
further investigations in the stations outside of La Chorrera, and was subsequently
brought away along with other Barbados men and conveyed down to Manaos in
Brazil, where work was found for him.
(No. 16.)
Vmis of the Statement of E&ward Crichlow made to His Majesty’s Gonsul-General at

Ultimo Retiro on October 8, 1910. Messrs. Barnes and Fox, of the Gonvpany’s
Gommission, were 'present throuqhout the f/rst part of this man’s examination.
This man was found by Mr. Casement employed at the station of Ultimo Retiro
on the arrival of the commission there on the 7th October. The chief of the station
was Augusto Jimenez, who had been promoted a few months previously from the post
of sub-chief of Morelia in the district of Abisinia, and who is frequently referred to in
various depositions. ^ ....
Crichlow was first questioned by Mr. Casement as to his recent service in Ultimo
Retiro where ho stated he had arrived on the 16th January, 1910. At that date the
[.401] N

88
chief of the section was Alfredo Montt, who had since been transferred to Atenas, being
succeeded in March by Jimenez. Mr. Casement had been informed that this witness
was unwilling to give his testimony in a straightforward way, as he wished to continue
in the company’s service, having just been promised an increase of pay of 2l. per month
as well as being promised additional remuneration for the carpentering work he was
engaged on—maldng tables, benches, &c., for the furnishing of the station. On
appearing before Mr. Casement he was warned of the possible consequences to himself
should he not answer the questions put to him truthfully, hli. Casement had further
been informed privately that bribing offers had been made to this man should he conceal
the truth.
In answer to questions put to him, he declared that on the 7th March, 1910, he
had formed one of an expedition lead by Senor Jimenez which had left Ultimo Retire
for the Caquetil in search of fugitive Indians. They had been absent on this journey
nearly two months, returning to Ultimo Retiro on the 6th May. This journey had been
undertaken by the direct orders of Senor Macedo, the chief agent of the company at La
Chorrera. They had arrived on the banks of the Caquetd, River on the 22nd March
and had crossed that river and proceeded a considerable distance into the country on
the other side. They spent some tliree weeks on the other side of the river in the
Colombian district of the Caquetd searching for the fugitive Indians who had fled from
the rubber working at Entre Rios. They captured twenty-one Indians, men and
women, and three Colombian white men whom they found engaged in building a house.
Crichlow stated that they found these men beside a previous Colombian house which had
been burnt by agents of the company on a former expedition. Asked by the consul,
what expedition he meant, he said it was an expedition that had set out from Entre
Rios headed by Montt and Eonseca, which had burnt the Colombian house on this
Colombian territory. The twenty-one Indians they had captured had been all tied
up and brought back to Ultimo Retiro in this manner, closely guarded. The three
Colombian white men were also tied up. Their names vrere Mosqueiro, Ramdn Vargas,
and Tejo. They were living in a tent when surprised by Jimenez. Asked what had
been done with these men, and why they, Colombians on their own soil, had been
captured by agents of a British trading company in Peru, Crichlow stated he did not
know what they had done—^he supposed they were affording protection to the Indians
who had run away from Ultimo Retiro. These jnen were not tied up on the march back
to Ultimo Retiro, but merely brought back as prisoners and then were sent down to La
Chorrera. One of them, Ram6n Vargas, he* had heard, was now in the company’s
service employed at Atenas under Montt. He did not Imow what had become of
Mosqueiro and Tejo, but had heard that Senor Macedo had sent them away from La
Chorrera.
With regard to the twenty-one Indians, on reaching Ultimo Retiro these were put
in the “ cepo ” for a brief period and then released on promising to work rubber. They
had fled from the section in Montt’s time owing to bad treatment. Asked whether
these people were now working voluntarily in the district, Crichlow said he thought
not; he beheved they had run away again, as he had not seen one of them since the
date of their release in May. They had been given trade goods on promising to work
rubber if released from the “ cepo.”
Asked whether he had seen Indians flogged at Ultimo Retiro, Crichlow replied
“ No ”; since he had come there no one had been flogged within his knowledge.
Indians were sometimes confined in the stocks by Senor Jimenez, but not for any length
of time. Asked whether he had been in Ultimo Retiro when Montt was said to have
taken away four of the station Indians in chains and to have had them shot on the road
to Entre Rios, he answered “ No ”; this had occurred before he arrived, but that he
had heard of the occurrence from Sealey, and that was all. Asked whether a white
messenger had recently arrived from La Chorrera, he answered “ Yes ”; that an agent
of the company named Solar had arrived a few days previously coming from Atenas;
that he had brought letters for Senor Jim6nez from La Chorrera, and that after their
receipt Jimenez had taken him aside and told him that the consul was coming and that
he was to say nothing, and that if he kept his mouth shut his “ account ” with the
company would be made right. He owed a considerable sum to the company, he was
not sure of the amount, but when last ho had seen a copy of his account he was in debt
120 soles. He understood from this statement that ho would get money for his silence
before the consul-general. Senor Macedo’s name was mentioned by Jim6nez when he
assured him that his “ accounts ’’ at the headquarters station would be made alright.
He believed it was the 2nd October when Solar had arrived wth these lotterSj and after
their delivery he had gone away again.

89
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With regard to the alleged murder of the four “ muchachos by Montt, he had ”
heard that Montt had had the bones cleared away fi’om the path to Entre Rios when
he had heard that strangers were coming up-country.
The expedition to the Caejuetd. was undertaken by the direct orders of Senor Macedo,
who came up to Ultimo Retiro on their return. There was a notice posted up in the
station signed by Senor Macedo promising a monetary g,-atification to every member
of the expedition who gave satisfaction to the chief Junenez. This was signed by
Senor Macedo on the 22nd February, 1910.
Leaving the subject of Crichlow’s recent service at Ultimo Retiro he was asked to
state what duties he had been employed on from the date of his first engagement in the
company’s service. He declared that he had been engaged in Barbados on the 6th
October, 1904, along with the first contingent brought from that island by Arana
Brothers. They had all been brought to La Chorrera, where they had remained only
a few days, and had then been despatched under Ranidn Sanchez and Armando
Normand to Matanzas in the country of the Andokes Indians. All of them were armed
and each had 200 cartridges. There were thii’ty-six Barbados men all told, who went
up to Matanzas at that time. He recalls and gives the names of twenty of these
men, as follows :—
C., Jordan. Bleazer Rock.
A. Jordan. Siefert Greenidge.
Joshua Dyall. Greenidge.
Mortimer Yarbick. Arnold Benn.
Lindsay King. Comberbach.
Allen Davis. Clifford Quintin.
Wasterman Leavine. Waterman.
Taclde ” Cox. Augustus Walcott.
Ernest Jones. Hines.
Downs. Cyril Atkins.
From Chorrera they had marched to Atenas and then to Entre Rios and then on
to Matanzas. It was towards the end of the year, for he remembered that Christmas
of 1904 was spent in Matanzas. "WTien they came there there was only a rude Indian
house in *the forest, and they were put to clear the ground and build a new house.
“Then we had to make expeditions with guns to hunt Indians, like hunting wild
beasts.” At first they were coming in quietly, and then the manager, Ramdn Sanchez,
caught them and tied them up.
“ Did the Indians not resist ? ”
“ They were tied up and killed.”
“ You saw them killed ? ”
“ Yes, I saw several shot, chiefly those that had run away. They burnt down
their own house and ran as far as they could go. We had to go out on expeditions
and catch them. We got a few at that time and brought them in chained up. We
kept them in chains.”
“ Why was this ? ”
" The manager said these Indians had killed Colombians before we had come and
had their rifles and he wanted to get the rifles back. We got back eighteen rifles.”
Wh.0 shot these Indians—the ones you say you saw Idlled ? ”
“ Ram6n Sanchez. Many were kept in chains all the time I was in that section ”
(namely ten months). There were about twenty-five of them chained like this. They
worked during the day with the chains round them. There were women, and men and
children—^little children at the breast.”
Crichlow does not remember any of them dying from the chains. Ramdn Sanchez
left Andokes whilst Crichlow was still there and Normand became chief. Normand
kept them in chains, trying always to get more rifles back.
Ho then relates how Cyril Atldns, one of his fellow-coimtrymen, had shot by
mistake an Indian woman and had been sent to La Chorrera as a prisoner.*
During the early months at Matanzas the Indians did not bring rubber in. They
had not then taken to getting the Indians to work rubber. They were himting them
fust to get back the rifles they had captured from the Colombians, and they had not
succeeded in this up to the time he left Matanzas. He saw Indians flogged as well as
* This ovidonco dealing with Atkins is supported by other testimony received from other quarters by
tho consul-general and is dealt with elsewhere.
[401] N 2

90
kept in chains. He left Matanzas, he thinks, in October 1905, and went back to La
Chorrera, where he was kept working as a carpenter and sawing wood for about two
months. He was anxious to escape from the company’s service, but could not then
get away. The Barbados man, “ Tackie ” Cox, had told him he had seen a Peruvian
man puking 4Z. into a trunk, and as they both wanted to escape, he (Crichlow) went
and stole it at “ Tackie ” Cox's suggestion. Cox then informed upon him to Sehor
Loazya who was in charge of La Chorrera at the time. He was sent down by Loayza
as a prisoner to Iquitos where he remained for fifteen months in gaol.
Asked whether he had been brought to trial, he said ” No, not to any open trial ”;
and at no time had he been confronted with witnesses. He had admitted his ofience
and had made no effort to deny it. It was really because he had wanted to get away
and had no money. During his detention in gaol in Iquitos he had followed his calling
as a carpenter, and had earned enough money to obtain a Peruvian lawyer to defend
him. He paid this lawyer 29Z. He was released from gaol without having been tried
in June 1907. As he had nothing to do and no money, and the Arana Brothers refused
to send him back to Barbados unless he went again to the Putumayo, he returned to
La Chorrera on the 1st June, 1907. He was first sent to the station called Oriente,
where Fidel Velarde was chief. He saw there Aquileo Torres, chained up and kept a
close prisoner. Asked was Torres ill-treated, he answers—
' “ Oh, yes. Sir. He had about 8 feet of chain round him, and they did spit upon
him.”
He remembers Torres was in chains during the whole of the seven months he was
in Oriente. His time there was spent in expeditions made about every fifteen days. .
These were ordinary " commissions,” to bring in the Indians with their rubber.
“ We go out to the ‘ capitan’s ’ or chiefs house in the forest and call them all and
bring them in with their rubber. He and the others on these commissions were always
armed. There would be two or three or four armed men, just as the station could siâre
them.”
Asked to explain what he meant by “ calling the Indians,” he answers—
‘‘ You go to the ‘ capitan’s ’ house, with your ‘ muchachos.’ We all sit in tlie
‘ capitan’s ’ house and send out the ‘ muchachos,’ who are armed, to call Indians. The
‘ capitan ’ is kept guarded, because if all the Indians do not come in he will be flogged.’’
“ Have you ever seen the ' capitan ’ flogged thus ? ”
“ Oh, yes, often. The ‘ capitan ’ would be flogged out in the forest-house, and he
would be flogged in the section-house, too ; tied out on all fours and flogged. Senor
Velarde himself \yould flog the Indians sometimes with his own hands. All would flog
them because they had to. They ordered us to flog the Indians and we had to obey.”
From Oriente he was transferred to Santa Catahna under the chief Aurelio Eodii-
guez. He is uncertain of the date but remembers he spent the 1st January, 1908, in
Santa Catalina. Here he was employed chiefly as a carpenter. The expeditions after
Indians were mostly by others there, not by himself. He states that the Indians there
were treated in just the same way as at Oriente. They would be chained up, put in
“ cepo,” and flogged—brutally flogged. He describes how Kodriguez made a plan for
a double “ cepo,” to hold head and arms at one end and legs at the other, which he,. Crick-
low, made. He describes this as a movable cepo,” the feet end sliding up and down
so as to fit a person of any stature. It was thus possible to put quite a small child into
this, face downwards. In this position men, women, and children were flogged. Little
boys and girls he saw flogged thus. Women would be flogged thus, sometimes because
their husbands had not brought the rubber required. This “ cepo ” was at Santa
Catalina till May 1908, when he was sent down to La Chorrera as a prisoner.
Asked to describe the circumstances of this, he relates that he and a Peruvian named
Pedro La Torres had one day had a dispute. La Torres asked him (Crichlow) why kc
carried a revolver in addition to his Winchester rifle. Crichlow told him ‘‘ to go to hell.”
Whereupon they had bandied words, and La Torres threatened to assault him. In
consequence of La Torres’s threats, Crichlow asked the chief, Rodriguez, to send kirn
back to La Chorrera, but Rodriguez took the side of La Torres, and struck him over tke
head ^yith the butt of his revolver. Crichlow ran to his own room followed by Rodriguez
and his subordinates, and after struggling for some time ho was knocked down and put
in the “ cepo.” His hands were tied beWd liim, and he was beaten on the head and
shoulders with sticks. Both Rodriguez and La Torres beat him, and Rodolfo Rodriguez,
who is still at Santa Catalina, threatened him with his revolver. He was chained round
the neck arid sent to the next station, La Sabana, where Velarde was the chief. He

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913
arrived there late at night, and was put in the “ cepo ’’ with his feet “ five holes apart,”
and the chain round him as well, where he remained all night. Two of his countrymen,
Batson and Quinton, who were in Santa Catalina at the time were witnesses. He was
kept chained up all the next day, and was only ultimately released at the intervention
of Seiior Alcorta, who took him away and brought him to his section of Oriente, where
he stayed foiu’ days. He was then sent down to La Chorrera with letters to deliver to
the chief agent. These letters he flung away, as he knew they contained a request for his
fiu'ther punishment. Senor Delgado was in charge at La Chorrera, and he explained
his presence to him by saying that he had run away. Later on a paper came from Kodri-
guez accusing him, and he was then put in the “ cepo ” at Chorrera. He gave a long
account of his punishment at Chorrera, and of how he was only ultimately taken out
of the “ cepo ” on the intervention of the captain of the port of Iquitos, who happened
to come there on a steamer from El Encanto. He remained some time after this in La
Chorrera, working as a carpenter. He was then sent to the station of Occidente, retm.‘ning
thence to La Cliorrera, and then being sent to Oriente, where he spent about a couple
of months. Thence he returned to La Chorrera, and was despatched to Entre Bios for a
brief period, and then' back to Santa Catalina, where a man named Seminario had suc-
ceeded Aurelio Bodriguez as chief, and after some six weeks’ service there had been sent
back to La Chorrera, and then, in January of the present year, 1910, had been sent to
Ultimo Betiro, where he now was.
When at Occidente during part of his time there Fonseca was the chief. He sent
out only Indian “ muchachos ” to bring in the Indians with rubber every fifteen or ten
days ; and these, when they brought too little, were flogged. He has seen Indians flogged
at all the last-mentioned stations, except this one of Ultimo Betiro, since his arrival in
January. He has seen Indians so badly flogged that their wounds were full of maggots,
and declares that he has even seen Indians eat these because they had nothing else to
eat. He has seen them, while imprisoned in the “ cepo,” eat the dirt—the earth. He
has flogged Indians himself until his arm got tired sometimes, and then passed the whip
on to another man. He thinks he has given up to twenty-five lashes, and then he had
enough and passed the lash to another man to give on up to fifty lashes.
Crichlow explains how it is he is in debt to the company chiefly due to the poor food
given him and the high prices charged for necessities. Two months before he had gone
down to La Chorrera and spent 150 soles (I5l.) chiefly on food-stuffs for himself and his
Indian wife. He can produce his accounts (he goes and gets them and leaves them with
the consul). His clothes and his food and that of his wife account for most of his expen-
diture. His actual pay is 50 soles per month, and quite recently Senor Jimenez promised
to give bim 20 soles extra out of his own pocket. This was before the day when he called
him to say that Senor Macedo would “regulate his accounts.’’ A question was put to
this witness by IVIr. Fox, a member of the Peruvian Amazon Company’s commission
present. When witness was describing how the Indians had been flogged in Oriente
by Velarde and at Santa Catalina by Bodriguez, Mr. Fox intervened with the question—
“ Would the Indians come in voluntarily to work rubber in exchange for goods if
simply invited—îf they were promised barter goods in retm’n for their rubber and were
not flogged 1 ”
Crichlow replied that he did not think any would so come in, for they would not
come near the section for anything the white men oflercd them if they were not forced
—that they would stay away because they were terrified.
Crichlow’s statement was subsequently amplified in the afternoon of the same day,
and he m’ote out with his own hands an account of his ill-treatment by Aureho Bodriguez
in May 1908, which he signed before the consul-general on the 10th October, 1910.
]Voê._Tiiis man, at his own request, was left by Mr. Casemjjiit to continue worldng
at Ultimo Betiro. Ho declared he was contented there, that Senor Jimenez treated him
well, and as his pay was increased he wanted to earn enough money to return to Barbados
with something in hand. He was informed that he could only stay on on the distinct
understanding that under no circumstances was he to lift his hands against Indians, that
the duties he had been describing were entirely illegal, that for all these oflences against
the Indians no defence could bo set up on his behalf should the Governrnent responsible
for the administration of that country at any time intervene, and that if arrested on a
charge of ill-treating the Indians he could look for no protection or defence from His
Majesty’s Government; that when ho had crossed the Caquetd and made prisoners of
the Colombians and Indians ho might quite rightly have been shot along with Jimenez
and the others by any Colombian authority in that part, since he and the others with

92
him were merely lawless pirates ; that it was no use to plead in law the orders of Sehor
Jimenez or of Senor Macedo for acts that he knew to he illegal, and which called for severe
punishment.
These instructions to Crichlow were repeated by Mr. Casement in the presence of
the chief representative of the Peruvian Amazon Company, Senor Tizon, and in the
hearing of Senor Jimenez, and it was understood that rmder no chcumstances should
this British subject be put to any illegal tasks dming the rest of his stay in the company’s
service.
On reaching the station of Entre Rios, after leaving Ultimo Retiro, a statement was
voluntarily made to Mr. Casement by a Peruvian employe of the company—a white
man named Piuedo—who had been a member of the recent expedition across the Caquetd,,
from which it became clear that Crichlow had concealed certain circumstances attending
that journey. This it seemed clear he had done, as he hoped to stay on at work at increased
pay under Senor Jimenez.
When he had been asked if any of the twenty-one Indian prisoners captured in Colombia
and brought down to Ultimo Retiro had been badly treated, he had said “ No.'’ Pinedo,
in his voluntary statement which was made to Mr. Casement in the presence of Mr. Bell,
one of the Peruvian Amazon Company's commissioners who acted as interpreter, declared
that one of these Indians had been shot by Aquileo Torres who also formed one of
the expedition. Torres from sheer brutality or sport, according to Pinedo, had killed this
man. He had put his rifle to'the Indian's face, and had told him “ as a joke ” to blow
down the barrel. The Indian obeyed ; then Torres pulled the trigger and blew his head
ofi. Pinedo further declared that at the very outset of this expedition, namely, on the
7th March, when they were leaving Ultimo Retiro, Torres for wanton sport had shot an
Indian woman who was one of the party. Pinedo's statement was referred by the consul-
general to Senor Tizon who was at the time in Entre Rios. Senor Tizon informed Mr.
Casement that Aquileo Torres had been sent away from Ultimo Retiro by Jimenez as
being “ too much for Jimenez," and as a punishment, or for some other reason, had now
been sent to Abisinia. Mr. Casement pointed out that Abisinia, apparently being one
of the very worst sections where crimes against the Indians seemed to be of the most
frequent occurrence, it was scarcely advisable to send there an agent already accused
of atrocious crimes, where little or no control could be exercised over his actions.
Subsequently, on returning to La Chorrera, Mr. Casement received two letters from
Crichlow written from Ultimo Retiro saying that since Mi. Casement's departure things
had changed, and he no longer believed he was safe ; that he had heard things said that
made him fear foT* his life, and he implored that he might be sent for so as to Jeave the
Putumayo along win. the consul-general. This was done by Senor Tizon at Mr. Casement’s
request. Crichlow came down to La Chorrera lea^dng all his effects behind him rather
than miss the chance of departure, and he was brought away by Mr. Casement and returned
to his home in Barbados. All his accounts showing how Ins indebtedness to the company
had been arrived at are in Mr. Casement's hands, and from these it is clear that when the
proposal was made to “ regulate " his accounts, if he should conceal the truth from the
consul he was in debt to the company, not 150 soles as he thought, but really 240 soles
or some 24L, which was to be the price of his untruthfulness. He explained how it was
he had not told of the two people murdered by Torres by saying in the first case the woman
had been killed before Senor Jimenez, whom he accompamed, had joined Torres and
the others on the first day of leaving Ultimo Retiro ; and as to the other Indian shot
by Torres when blowmg down the muzzle of his rifle, Pinedo's statement he declared was
true, and this was found to be borne out by the declaration of another Barbados man,
Reuben Phillips, who formed one of the expedition.*
(No. 17.)
Prdeds of the Statement of James Lane^ a Native of Barbados, made to His Majesti/s Consul-
General at Matanzas in the Andohes Country on October 18,1910.
This man was employed at Matanzas which was reached by Mr. Casement and the
commissioners on the 17th October. He gave his age as 24, and said that both his parents
were dead. He had been engaged in April 1905, and carne to the Amazon along with
ninety other Barbados men. Ho had first been employed at Nanai, close to Iquitos,
whore ho worked for one and a-half years, and then left the service of his own accord.
He went to Iquitos where he worked for about one year, and then engaged himself to
♦ Soo Stotoniout No. 25.

915
93
a Portuguese trader up the Javari River. On returning from this he entered the service
of the Peruvian Amazon Company to go to La Chorrera on the 25th April, 1908. He
made a contract with them for 5l. per month, and arrived at Chorrera on the 12th May,
1908, along with Sealey, Chase, and some others. He was at once sent to this section—
Matanzas—^where he has been employed ever since. He states that he has been engaged
here on commissions and expeditions after the Indians going out with a rifle and cartridges
—always with other men, never alone. He was warned to speak the truth and answer
all questions put to him.
Asked if he was employed to flog Indians, he states that he has not himself flogged
Indians, but has seen them flogged very often. He has seen them flogged here, in this
house, in this section. They will be put in the stoefe for some days after being flogged
and then, perhaps, would be let go. The manager, Sehor Normand, would order them
to be flogged when he is here and in his absence Sehor Bustamante, the second in charge.
He has seen Indians flogged at the other house—^La China—it is a new station where
Normand himself hves. He has seen Indians flogged as recently as September last,
or, say, a month ago. These Indians had run away and would not work rubber. Women
were flogged as well as men. They belonged to the Apocupa, a sub-tribe of the Andokes.
Their dwelling-house was two hours from here. He has not seen other Indians flogged
since that date, namely, one month ago. The Indians now get ten lashes, sometimes
fifteen, but as a rule, it does not go higher than fifteen lashes. He states that he has
not seen Indians shot. He repeats this statement—that he has not seen an Indian shot
since he came to this station nor has he seen an Indian die from flogging. He l\as seen
very many Indians flogged, chiefly for running away, also when they do not bring enough
rubber. He was not here when the house of the Muinanes Indians on the road from
Entre Rios was burnt. "V^Tien he came it was already l)urnt and in the state in which it
now is. He remembers Dyall being in Andokes. He thinks Dyall left in November,
1909. Indians are generally flogged stretched out, one man holding the hands and
another the feet; women the same as men. He declares again that he has not seen Indians
killed, neither has he seen any white man killed by Indians, The only white men he
knows of who were killed by the Indians near this were Bucelli, Silva, Rojos, and Isuiso.
They were Idlled near the Caquetfi,, but by their own “ muchachos,” Pie has not been
punished himself, has not been put in guns nor in “ cepo since he arrived. He is not
in debt to the company; by his last account he had 545 soles to his credit. This was
on the 3Ist December, 1909.
This Avitness, in a contradictory manner, next described in answer to the consul-
generaTs questions how he and other employes went out on commissions to catch Indians.
He more than once contradicted himself. If the Indians ran away they called after
them.
Asked, “ Did ‘•-he Indians come then for you calling ? ”
He says, “ Some of the men fired at them.”
“ But you said you had seen no Indians shot ? ”
“ He fires over their heads.”
“ But then that would make them run faster ? ”
He answers that sometimes when he called to them he would take a stick and hold
it out to the Indians, to which the consul objects,
“ But you said you never flogged them.”
He then states that if he and the others do not catch the Indians in this way they
would follow them to where they slept and surround the house and catch them at night,
and tic them up and bring them in to Matanzas and put them in the “ cepo.” They get
fed when in the “ cepo,” but not much—^just what there is to be had. He has seen
Indians die from flogging wlien thus brought into the station here. He lias seen three
die thus from flogging since he came to Matanzas; they were all men. He has seen
fifty lashes given to men who had run away, and thirty and forty lashes. Men thus
flogged would be cut to pieces. The lesser floggings—ten to fifteen lashes—are only
for those who fail to bring in enough rubber. He has not seen Indians die from hunger,
neither here in the station nor when carrying rubber doivn on the road to Puerto Peruano.
He himself is generally at the station called La China whore Senor Normand lives, ten
hours from Matanzas—it is nearer to the Boras country. The rubber from La China
comes here carried by the Indians, and then they carry it on doAvn through the forest
to Puerto Peruano, where it is shipped in the launch for La Chorrera. He has not
known an Indian to die from fatigue or hunger when carrying the rubber down to
Puerto Peruano. If Indians get sick when on the way the men in charge guarding
them try to give the side man^s load to another Indian, and the sick man is sent here
to Matanzas and perhaps given medicine. The station “ cepo ” was under the house

94
here until yesterday.* The day before yesterday, when they heard that the consul
and the others were coming, they carried it away, and hid it in the bush. He will show
the consul where it is hidden. They had two Indian prisoners. The day before
yesterday, when they heard that the party was coming, Senor Bustamante sent them
away. These were two men who had run away. They were tied up by the neck, but
their hands were free. Senor Bustamante hiuêlf took them out into the forest thus
tied up and handed them to some “ muchachos to take to La China where Westerman
Leavine, his fellow-countryman, is generally stationed. He hiinseK has beaten Indians
with a stick, bringing them in from the forest when ordered to. This when on com-
missions making prisoners. All three men he saw flogged to death were badly cut.
They were washed with salt and water and they had food given to them but they died
all the same—^two last year and one this year. Last month he accompanied Senor
Hormaiid across the Caquet^ in pursuit of Indians who had run away. He has often
crossed the Caquetd thus into Colombia. Sometimes they went twenty days’ journey
on the other side. This last journey, a month ago, they were twenty-one days absent
from Matanzas and were six days of that time across on the other side of the Caquetd.
The expedition consisted of Senor Normand, himself, Westerman Leavine, Elias Bodri-
guez, dose Cordoba, Nemisio Cuenca, and six " muchachos.” All had Wmchesters,
the “ muchachos ” as well. He himself had twenty-five cartridges. They got six
Indians across the Caquetd, three men and three women. They were caught in a house
by night sleeping. They were tied up with rope, their arms at the elbows and their
wrists tied behind their backs. They were taken to La China thus tied up, put in the
“ cepo ” and beaten, both men and women. One man died from the flogging—^he saw
them flogged. Senor Normand gave the order to flog them, and they got some thirty
lashes, some less. There was a tall man and there were two young men. It was
the tall man died, by name Kodihinka, an Andokes. He died from the flogging. He
died three days after the flogging. He was put in the cepo ” after the flogging with
his back and buttocks all cut. He died in the “ cepo ” with his feet in the “ cepo,”
and the other five Indians were in it beside him all the time up to his death, one of these
being his wife and one his child. The two other men, or boys, recovered and are now
free. They are working rubber; at least when Senor Normand took them out of the
“ cepo ” he gave them a sword, i.e., a machete, to tap the rubber trees. That is all he
gave them. He does not know their names, but knows their faces, and that they are
now working rubber. The three women are working near La China on the plantation.
They had belonged to a “ capitan ” of the Andokes named Cahicage, who died, “ from
sickness,” so they told him, but he does not know how he died. Then his people ran
away to the other side of the Caquetd,. Erancisco Borber (an employe at the station)
had told him that Cahicage had died of sickness. He was quite certain it was last
month that this flogging of Kodihinka to death took place. It was in September. His
flesh got rotten in the ‘‘ cepo ” before he died, with his family alongside him. No
medicine was given to him, only they washed him with salt and water after the flogging.
The body was buried near the house.
As to payment of Indians, Lane states in answer to the consul’s questions that an
Indian might get a pair of cotton trousers and a shirt for 2 fabricos ” of rubber (roughly
80 to 120 Idlog.) or a hammock. If he got a hammock he would get nothing else. He
also got a flogging if hlr. Normand did not like what rubber he brought in. A “ fabrico ”
is six months’ rubber work. He is quite sure that this is so, and a man would only get
a shirt and a pair of pantaloons for a whole “ fabrico,” and he might get several floggmgs
as well. Seven “ chorizos ” (a long roll of rubber made up by the Indian worker weigh-
ing from 10 to 20 kilog.) make 1 fabrico ” for one grown-up Indian, and if a man
brings a small “ chorizo ” he gets flogged and has to bring two sometimes the next
“ puesta ” to make up. A man would never get a trade gun for a “ fabrico,” he would
have to work a very long time—certainly for a year to get a gun. He has never seen
an Indian get a gun for even 2 “ fabricos ” of rubber. It would have to be over 2
fabricos ”—of that he is certain. He thinks 3 fabricos,” i.e. eighteen months or
some 200 Idlog. of rubber for a trade gun.
Lane himself wishes to go away now, and will be glad if the consul will take him
away with him or get permission for him to leave. He has aheady asked Senor Normand
to allow him. to go but he has refused. His contract made at Iquitos is at La China.
It is the same as Sealey’s, for one year’s service, after which he has a right to his passage
back to Iquitos, a,nd he has now been two years and five months here.
iVote.—This witness was not unwilling to speak, but he was confused add troubled
whilst assertiug always that ho was trying to speak the truth and wished to conceal
* This refoi-s to an open space in which rubber is weighed under the dwelling part of the house.

96
notliing. His contradictions were more due to embarrassment and ignorance of how to
express himself clearly, or possibly misapprehending the question put to him, rather
than to untruthfulness.
At 4 p.M. in the afternoon it was necessary to send again for James Lane, in order
to confront him with Westerman Leavine, who had committed himself to another version
of the imprisonment and flogging of Kodihinka in the course of last month at La China.
For this see Leavine’s statement. The result of this confrontation was that Leavine
admitted that he had not been speaking the truth to the consul-general, and that Lane’s
statement was completely true. Senor Tizon, as representing the Peruvian Amazon
Company, was asked by consul-general to be present at this confrontation and to hear
this final statement of Leavine agreeing with that already made by James Lane to show
that only a month previously a man had died from flogging administered by an employe
of the company under Senor Normand’s orders, after having been further grossly mal-
treated by other employes of the company while lawlessly held prisoner by Senor
Normand. The facts were asserted here on the spot by these two men, and Senor
Normand was himself here. Senor Tizon accepted the statement of the two Barbados
men as correct without further investigation. He was satisfied that it would be useless
to confront them with Senor Normand who would deny the truth of the statement.
He assured the consul-general that this station of Matanzas should be closed down with
as little delay as possible and all the employes dismissed. He hoped to get rid of Senor
Normand by the end of November. He had already told him of his intention, and
this evidence now laid before him only increased his desire to shut down a post of this
kind where it was impossible to control the acts of the employes or to exercise any
supervision.
The facts of these interrogatories of James Lane and Westerman Leavine were
communicated by the consul-general to Messrs. Barnes, Bell, and Gielgud, of the
company’s commission of inquiry who had journeyed with him to Matanzas.
James Lane, by direction of Jlr. Casement, was freed from further service, and left
Matanzas on the 19th October, to accompany him on the road down to Entre Rios.
On the 23rd October he was again interrogated at Entre Rios. He was asked if he
could not recall the names of the two men and three women who had been captured
along with Kodihinka across the Caquetd. He answers that this he cannot do, but
that he saw two of them—a young man and a woman—âmongst the Indians, carrying
rubber down-country, whom the consul-general had met and walked with on the 19th
and 20th instant. They were now down at Puerto Peruano, and they had been amongst
the people who had slept in the deserted Indian house where jMr. Casement passed the
night. Lane was directed to look out for these people on the return of the Indian party,
and if possible to bring them for hlr. Casement and the commissioners to see and speak
to. He was also directed to look out for a Boras Indian who had been seen on the same
occasion very badly marked from a quite recent flogging, also a very small boy who bore
most severe traces of flogging on his legs and buttocks, who had also been seen carrying
rubber down-country.
Asked if any effort had been made to induce him from spealdng the truth, Lane
said that when Senor Normand had arrived from La China in the evening of the 18th
October, he had sent for hir , and asked him what he had been telling the consul, and he
hoped that he. Lane, had not been “ humbugging ” him. He had said to Senor
Normand that he had told the truth of all he personally saw in the section.
Lane further states—
“ The morning after you go away when you tell me to go with you he call me before
I follow you, and ask me what I did tell you. I tell him I tell you I had seen men
flogged, and of the man I saw flogged who died in the boy’s house. Then he want to
deny it. He teU me he did not die there—^lie die in his father’s house. Then I tell
liim, ‘ No, Sir, I did saw him die in the boy’s house.’ Then he shut his mouth—he done
tell me nothing.”
Asked if Senor Normand at any time offered him money he answers that the first
night when the consul-general had arrived in Matanzas before he (Lane) had been in-
terrogated, Senor Normand, who had arrived that same evening from La China, sent
for him about 10 o’clock. It was outside his room on the verandah. Senor Normand
then said to him, if the consul asked him how the Indians were treated he was to. say
that he beat them with a palmetto only. (He means a wooden stick for beating on
the hands.) Senor Normand said that if he would say nothing about him he would
give him a good piecQ of gold.”
[40i] • . Q

“ He wanted me to tell Ues, and not to tell you what I see up there in that section.”
There were other Peruvians near Senor Normand, and he had taken Lane aside from
them to say this. Asked what he had rephed, he said that he had informed Normand
that he would tell no Ues, and at that moment the Barbados man, James Chase, coming
out to him he had gone back to his room.
Questioned as to whether any further efforts had been made to bribe him, James
Lane says that a man came from La Chorrera—a white man—with letters from Senor
Macedo. This was a few days before, and on receipt of these letters Senor Normand
had told the Peruvians that Donald Francis in La Chorrera shotild get a good reward
from him because he had told the consul nothing. It was said out loud so that all could
hear.
Messrs. Barnes and Gielgud, of the company’s commission, were requested to hear
this statement showing that Senor Normand had attempted to bribe this man, and that
a communication had been sent by Senor Macedo around the different sections to inform
the incriminated agents that the Barbados men in La Chorrera were being prevented
from telling the consul the true state of things. James Chase certified to the conversa-
tion between Senor Normand and James Lane, and said that the white rnan who had
brought the letter from La Chorrera was the same Solar who fiad carried the information
to Jimenez and Crichlow. It was further found that this Solar had also visited Senor
O’Donnell at Entre Bios a few days before the arrival of Sir. Casement and the
cominissioners.
James Lane accompanied Sir. Casement to La Chorrera and was brought away
from the Putumayo and repatriated to his home in Barbados in December 1910.
(No. 18.)
Pr6cis of the Statement of Wesierman Leavvne rnade to His Majesty’s Consul-General at
Matanzas on October 18, 1910, and subsequently.
Westerman Leavine states his age as only 20 (he looks more); he cannot remember
the date of his birth. Both his parents are still living in Barbados, at Carrington
village. He was engaged at the end of 1904 by Senor Normand, acting for the Arana
Brothers, and came away with the other men engaged at that time. He has lost his
contract made then in Barbados, and has never received any fresh form of engagement.
Has been employed ever since in this section under Senor Normand. In November
next it will be six years. The contract was for two years as a labourer, and when it
expired he stayed on at his own wish. He believes it was the 17th November, 1904,
when he arrived at La Chorrera. There were thirty Barbados men who came on from
La Chorrera with him; Bamdn Sanchez was in charge. When they arrived here there
was no house—he and the others were set to build the house. This same house that we
are now in is the one they then built. There were no Indians to help them then. Cricli-
low was one of the party. The whole of the party numbered twenty white men or
“ blancos,” tl^ty Barbados men, and five Barbados women, all well armed. After the
house was built they went out to search for Indians. They began here at this station
looking aU round for Indians, searching the forests. Sometimes they got to an Indian
house, but they did not get the Indians. These ran away. The first Indians they
caught were the Muinanes Indians. They got as many as they could, and tied thorn
up. Others came out of the forest of their own accord and gave themselves up. They
were also hunting for Indians who had got rifles from the Colombians they had killed
before. They did not get back all the guns—they got about twenty i:ifles. There were
Indians lolled in doing this; while they were searching for them to get back the rifles
they would shoot Imfians, and many were flogged, and some died from the floggings.
That was when they began here to build this station, and get the Indians to work rubber.
When the Indians agreed to work rubber, after being caught, they would get things
given to them, ^.e., cloth, &c., a shirt, a pair of pantaloons, a cutlass, axe, powder and
shot., and perhaps trade guns. When the Indians had finished paying for these things
and ha,d carried the rubber to La Chorrera, they would get more goods given to them.
They had to carry the rubber itself all the yray down to La Chorrera. It took thorn
five days. ^ The Indians got no food on these marches. They ha(I to bring then own
food. Their wives and families went with them to help to carry the rubber and their
food. Now they would get food given them here in the station before they set out
for Puerto Peruano. There are now about 160 Indians worldng rubber for Senor


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819

MISCELLANEOUS. No. 8 (1912).

TEEATMENT OF BRITISH COLONIAL SUB-

Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty.

[Cd. G2G6.] Price l5. bd.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

No. Name. Date. SUBJECT.

1 j To Consul-General j July 21, 1910 Instructs him to 2)roceed to the Putumayo j

! meut I journey to the Putumayo | 1

8 I Consul-General Case- 31, Reports on treatment of Barbados men

9 j I Mar. 17, Reports on methods of rubber collection and '

10 ' ; 21, Transmits statements by Barbados men

11 To Mr. Bryce ! 30, ' Mr. Casement’s report (No. 8) should be

17 Mr. Jerome ... hlay 4, Reports conversation with Penn’ian Jliuister j

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

No. Name. Date. SUBJECT. j Page.

2U To iMr. Bryce Telegraphic 6, No. 19 should be communicated to United

22 To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic 21, I Refers to No. 21. Peruvian Government

25 To Mr. Jerome Telegraphic 27, Refers to No. 24. Brazilian Government

31 Telegraphic! 13, Refers to No. 33. President has telegraphed j

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

No. Name. Date. SUBJECT. I’age.

37 >> )> 12, Reports interviews between Sir R. Casement

38 To Mr. Bryce 23, United States Charge d’Affairs has been

39 Telegrdphicj 24, Refers to No. 36. Informs of instructions

41 Consul-General Case- Feb. 5, Reports situation on the Putumayo at the

44 1 To Consul Michell ... 26, Instructs him to report periodically on the !

45 To Consul - General Mar. 7, Approves his proceedings as reported in

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

CorrespoiKlence respecting the Treatment of British

Foreign Office to Consul-General Casement.

Consid-Oeneral Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received January 9.)

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

Preliminary Report by Consul-General Casement upon his Journey to the Putumayo.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

Suhordinaie Agents of the Gomjjany eqmlly charged with atrocious arimes.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

to me killing and shooting a young Colombian named Justino, or Faustino, Hernandez.

Sir Edward Gh'ey to Mr. des Ch'az.

(Telegraphic). Foreign OMce, January 16, 1911.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

(Telegraphic). Lima, Jam/mry 19, 1911.

Sir Edward Grey to Mr. des Graz.

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, January 24, 1911.

Mr. des Graz to Sir Edward Gi'ey.—{Received January 25.)

(Telegraphic.) Litna, January 24, 1911.

Sir Edivard Gi'ey to Mr. des Graz.

(Telegraphic). ^ Foreign Office, January 25,

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

Consul-General Casement to Sir Edward Grey.—{Received February 6.)

Sir, London, January 31, 1911.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

One of the men found in Iquitos, by name Frederick Bishop, I engaged to

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

and mud accumulate, many streams—some of them even rivers—have to be crossed

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.

House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online.