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linked refugees with bonded blacks in the United States, they drew dis-
tinctions. Rather than designating their civil and social organizations
“black” or “colored” as in the United States, refugee organizations usu-
ally adopted “African.” This terminology in cultural terms underscored
a powerful affinity with Africa for recent arrivals and descendants
alike. In political terms, it distinguished black refugees as subjects of
the Crown from the status of bonded blacks and thereby laid a founda-
tion for equal rights in the empire. The struggle in Nova Scotia and
elsewhere in the Atlantic world would remain a major preoccupation
of black refugees and their descendants.
douglas m. haynes
University of California, Irvine
from shooting pits and killing centers of the Holocaust; they lived next
door. . . . [They] were witnesses to and beneficiaries of genocide; other
sources present them as perpetrators and, less frequently, as resistors”
(p. 268).
The editors conclude with a reminder that whereas once Germany
sent emigrants abroad, it now takes them in—a move that has, as we
know, set off fierce political debate in the country over what, again,
it means to be a German. Their views, therefore, argued with a com-
prehensiveness and historical authority to which no summary can
do justice, thus come before the public at a particularly appropriate
time. Whether the process of integration can successfully withstand
the tensions and strains now surrounding it is a question I am able to
answer optimistically only — one might say— on the brighter days. But
in this political world, where artificially created images are considered
more significant than the realities, the unexpected is just as likely to
assume favorable forms as unfavorable ones. It is always possible, then,
that the irrational can provide hope where rationality perceives little
reason for it.
david wetzel
University of California, Berkeley