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>> Version of Record - Apr 27, 2012
What is This?
Colin C Williams
University of Sheffield, UK
Sara Nadin
University of Sheffield, UK
Abstract
For much of the previous century, the informal sector was largely represented as a residue of a
previous mode of production confined to marginal populations and gradually disappearing due to
the inevitable and natural shift towards the formal economy across the globe. Over the past quarter
of a century, however, articles published in Work, Employment and Society have been at the forefront
of re-reading the informal sector. This article reveals how this body of literature has shown informal
economic activities to be a persistent and ubiquitous feature of the economic landscape, mapped
the complex and variable dynamics of formal and informal work in different populations, transcended
simplistic universal structure/agency explanations for the persistence of informal work by developing
context-bound understandings, and challenged the formal/informal dichotomy which represents
the formal and informal sectors as separate hostile worlds. The article concludes by highlighting
some possible future directions for research on this topic.
Keywords
dual economy, gender, housework, informal economy, informal employment, underground
economy, uneven development, unpaid work, voluntary sector, work organization
Introduction
Given that a greater proportion of working time is spent engaged in informal economic
activities than in formal employment (Gershuny, 2000; Jütting and Laiglesia, 2009),
understanding this sphere is essential if the organization of work is to be fully compre-
hended. Traditionally, Work, Employment and Society has been a principal outlet for the
Corresponding author:
Colin C Williams, Professor of Public Policy, School of Management, University of Sheffield,
Sheffield S1 4DT, UK.
Email: C.C.Williams@sheffield.ac.uk
highest quality research on this topic. The aim of this e-special is to showcase a selection
of this body of work so as to display how many of the articles published in this journal have
transformed the way informal economic activities are theorized, measured and treated in
policy-making. In this introductory overview to the e-special, we synthesize the findings of
the wide range of articles on informal economic activities published in the journal. In doing
so, the aim is to chart the significant advances made in understanding informal economic
activities, ranging from unpaid domestic work through voluntary and community activity
to undeclared work, and to discuss some possible future directions for research on this topic.
At the outset, however, what is meant by informal economic activities needs to be
clarified. This residual catch-all umbrella category includes all work that is not ‘formal
employment’, by which is meant paid work registered with the state for tax, social security
and labour law purposes. The result is that multifarious work practices are brought together
under this heading. To differentiate these heterogeneous practices, three broad forms of
informal work have been commonly distinguished. First, there is ‘unpaid domestic work’
which is the unpaid household work undertaken by household members for themselves
or for other members of their household. Second, there is ‘unpaid community and voluntary
work’, which is unpaid work conducted by household members by and for the extended
family, social or neighbourhood networks and more formal voluntary and community
groups. Third and finally, there is ‘undeclared work’ which is monetized exchange unreg-
istered by or hidden from the state for tax, social security and/or labour law purposes but
which is legal in all other respects. Below, the contributions articles in the journal have
made to advancing knowledge on all these forms of work, as well as the relationship
between formal and informal work in different contexts, will be evaluated.
in nature. Given that relatively affluent populations also undertake more self-provisioning,
voluntary and community work and undeclared work than relatively deprived populations,
uneven development has been thus portrayed not as a polarization between more formalized
populations and more informalized populations, but as a polarization between ‘fully engaged’
populations with multiple formal jobs and high levels of engagement in informal economic
activities, and ‘dis-engaged’ populations excluded not only from formal work but also
informal work due to their lack of resources, skills and networks (Clarke et al., 2000; Morris,
1987; Pickup and White, 2003; Williams and Windebank, 2002).
The recognition, therefore, has been that no one representation of informal economic
activities is always valid but instead different explanations are useful in varying contexts.
With this in mind, attention here turns towards the advances made in understanding the
different forms of informal work.
Undeclared work
Similar to voluntary and community work, undeclared work is also currently at the top
of public-policy agendas as governments seek to narrow the ‘tax gap’ in response to the
recent fiscal crisis. Understanding its character and the motives underpinning it is essential
if ways of tackling it are to be developed. The journal again has a long history of publish-
ing seminal articles that unravel the nature of, and rationales for, undeclared work (Ahmad,
2008; Geetz and O’Grady, 2002; Hill, 2001; MacDonald, 1994; McGrath and DeFilipis,
2009; Pollert, 2003; Ram et al., 2001; Round et al., 2008; Thomas, 1988).
The article by Thomas (1988) on the ‘black economy’ (a term now fallen out of use
due to its racist connotations) was one of the first to call for greater use of direct survey
methods for evaluating its extent and nature, and also to argue that it is easier for employed
people to engage in undeclared work than unemployed people and thus that governments
could not simply cut welfare benefits based on the rationale that the unemployed are
getting by on the black economy. This led to a raft of small-scale direct surveys of informal
employment (MacDonald, 1994, 1996; Round et al., 2008; Williams and Windebank,
2002) which revealed how the unemployed are not getting by on the informal economy
and how higher-income populations conduct more undeclared work and for better pay
than lower-income populations.
Indeed, nuanced understandings of different population groups have now started to
emerge. Ahmad’s (2008) account of the low paid exploitative work conducted by London’s
Pakistani (illegal) immigrant population, has shown how structuralist accounts, depicting
such work as necessity-driven, are valid, as do Geetz and O’Grady’s (2002) study in rela-
tion to young homeless workers. In Ukraine, however, more agency-based accounts have
been validated by showing how undeclared work is more a voluntarily chosen alternative
to the formal economy due to the corruption and bribes that are an inherent part of formal
employment in this post-socialist society (Round et al., 2008).
She then uses this to distinguish six labour practices in relation to care work but which are
more broadly relevant: paid employment (e.g. paid care assistant), formal voluntary work
(e.g. formal unpaid work in the private, public or voluntary sector), informal unpaid work
(e.g. unpaid care for a sick neighbour), paid informal work (e.g. paid babysitting), paid
labour within the family (e.g. paid babysitting within the family) and unpaid domestic work
(e.g. unpaid care for a sick relative). The outcome has been to highlight a borderless con-
tinuum of practices which overlap and seamlessly merge as one moves along the formal/
informal spectrum. This offers much promise for future studies of work organization. One
future development, however, might be to also recognize that the cross-cutting paid/unpaid
dualism is also a spectrum (rather than dualism) ranging from wholly non-monetized,
through gift exchange and in-kind labour, to wholly monetized labour practices.
Second, and on unpaid domestic work, little attention has so far been paid to unpacking
the extent of, or barriers to, the outsourcing of the domestic workload. Given that it is
now accepted that formalization is not inevitable and natural, and that self-servicing
persists, greater attention will need to be paid to developing more complex accounts of
what is being formalized and the barriers to formalization. So too is there a need to more
fully understand the motivations for both outsourcing and self-servicing/in-sourcing. Until
now, the reasons are poorly understood, especially in terms of how they vary across popu-
lations and groups.
Third, the greater use of the voluntary and community sector as a substitute for state
provision again necessitates the development of more nuanced understandings of the
degree and nature of engagement of various populations in such endeavour and the dif-
ferent barriers to participation in voluntary and community work among different groups.
Unless these are more fully understood, policy interventions to tackle the limited partici-
pation of some groups cannot be addressed. Moreover, the capacity of different segments
of the voluntary and community sector to stand alone with only limited support from the
public sector needs to be seriously evaluated, as does the issue of how to nurture the more
informal modes of voluntary and community sector provision, which have been neglected
both in terms of research and policy interventions.
Fourth, greater recognition is required of the diverse array of forms of undeclared work,
ranging from paid favours for closer social relations (displaying the monetization of reci-
procity), through informal entrepreneurship to exploitative waged work and envelope
wages, and for discussions to occur of how policy needs to adopt more nuanced policy
measures rather than adopting a ‘one size fits all’ approach. Even more importantly, the
barriers to formalization remain under-researched, particularly how these vary across
societies and populations. Until they are understood, it will be difficult to know what mix
of policy measures is required and how they need to be tailored to different contexts.
Fifth and finally, and more theoretically, it is perhaps time to transcend the formal/
informal economy dualism, not by dropping discussion of formal and informal economic
activities but by recognizing the borderless and seamless fluidity of work practices on a
spectrum from wholly formal to wholly informal cross-cut by a similar spectrum from
wholly monetized to wholly non-monetized exchanges. This will then enable more nuanced
accounts of the relations within which work is embedded. Rather than debate whether to
formalize (or informalize) work, premised on the assumption that these are separate hostile
worlds, it could then start to be debated what work practices might be nurtured and to
develop more refined views of the way forward rather than simply assert that ‘formal’
work is progressive and ‘informal’ work is regressive.
In sum, by synthesizing the high-quality published work on this subject in this intro-
ductory overview, it is hoped that we have clearly revealed both how the journal has long
been one of the primary publishing outlets for research on this topic and how the body of
work so far published in the journal has transformed the ways in which informal economic
activities are theorized, measured and treated in policy-making. If this e-special encour-
ages new submissions and helps the journal continue in its position as one of the primary
outlets for the highest-quality research in this field, then it will have fulfilled its objective.
We hope you enjoy the collection of articles and that it stimulates further reflection and
research on this important subject.
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Colin C Williams is Professor of Public Policy in the Management School at the University
of Sheffield in the UK. His research interests include the informal economy, work organi-
zation and the future of work, subjects on which he has published some 20 monographs
and 270 journal articles over the past 25 years. His recent books include Informal Work
in Developed Nations (2010, Routledge), Rethinking the Future of Work: Directions and
Visions (2007, Palgrave Macmillan), The Hidden Enterprise Culture (2006, Edward
Elgar), A Commodified World? Mapping the Limits of Capitalism (2005, Zed) and
Cash-in-Hand Work (2004, Palgrave Macmillan).