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BIHAR
INTERNATIONAL RELATION
Project On
IMPACT OF NUCLEAR WEAPON ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATION
I am grateful to our Prof. of POLITICAL SCIENCE, Dr. ALOK KUMAR GUPTA for her timely guidance
and motivation which helped me in giving the final shape to this project. She was instrumental in
conceptualization of this study.
INTRODUCTION
Nuclear weapons are explosive devices that are made from nuclear reactions. These reactions
release high amount of energy. Even a small nuclear device can devastate an entire city. The
impact of a nuclear bomb can be felt even after years because of the dangerous radiations and
gases from the bomb. The emergence of nuclear weapons has been a source of a big impact on
the international power structure. Nuclear weapons act as a determinant of power status.
Nuclear weapons played a pivotal role in international security during the twentieth century.
There has been no large-scale strategic conflict since the Second World War. Nuclear weapons,
had a stabilizing effect on superpower relations by making any conflict unacceptably costly.
However, geopolitical change and the evolution of military technology suggest that the
Composition of our nuclear forces and our strategy for their employment may be different in
the twenty-first century.
Even with the dramatic changes that have occurred in the world during the past decade, nuclear
War planning today is similar in many respects to what it was during the Cold War. The Single
Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP) is focused on a massive counterattack strategy that aims to
Eliminate the ability of an adversary to inflict further damage to American interests. It is
thought that nuclear weapons would be used only in extremis, when the nation is in the gravest
danger.
Future national security threats to the United States might be divided into three major
categories: major power conflicts, especially those involving Russia and China, regional
conflicts, including potential nuclear states such as Iran, Iraq, or North Korea, and conflicts
involving terrorist groups and other non-state organizations. However, strategic conflicts can
be sparked by terrorist acts, as was the case in the First World War and other conflicts.
Russia: During the past 200 years European Russia has sustained a series of catastrophes
including the invasion of Napoleon, the Crimean War, the First World War, the Revolution,
the Second World War, and now the transition from a communist state to something else. In
each case the country recovered within a generation. Even after the Second World War, when
the country was essentially in ruins, it came back to launch Sputnik within twelve years. While
one cannot predict what will happen in a country so volatile as Russia, it is not unreasonable
to assume that it will endeavour to return to a conventional military power while continuing to
rely on a significant nuclear capability.
China: China has a small nuclear arsenal but one capable of inflicting unacceptable damage
on American territory and interests. However, it is worth noting that China has several nuclear
weapons systems in the advanced development stage including a new cruise missile, which
presumably can carry a nuclear warhead, and new land-launched and sea-launched ballistic
missiles. Road mobile nuclear capable missiles add a degree of survivability to China’s limited
nuclear arsenal.
Long-range ballistic missile technology: It is apparent that countries like North Korea, Iran,
India, Pakistan, and other countries have or will soon have the capability to project force at
intercontinental distances. The developing international marketplace in these technologies may
make long-range missiles available to almost any country that has the money and the basic
technical capability to acquire and use them.
Space imaging: Commercial services already provide high-resolution images from space. The
technical capability to provide these images in real time to customers should be expected to
develop. Third World countries will have the capability to launch their own intelligence
satellites, thus bypassing the need for commercial services.
Betts argues that during the Cold war, inherent nuclear capabilities play a coercive role
resulting in influencing crisis situations. As Betts writes “Any sort of nuclear threat in the midst
of crisis, which is by definition an unstable situation, ought to be considered serious business.
However indirect or tentative it may be, such a threat must be intended to raise by some degree
the danger that disastrous escalation might result, and any degree is worrisome at that level of
stakes” (Betts1987, 9).
Other studies on the effect of nuclear weapons on international politics suggests that nuclear
weapons influence the success of states in international disputes as well as whether or not
conflicts escalate (Simon, 1999). Recent work by Gartzke and Jo (this issue) indigenizes a
model which shows that, in general, nuclear weapons states are not necessarily more likely to
either initiate disputes or face challenges. Finally, examining behaviour in international crisis,
rather than militarized disputes, Beardsley and Asal (this issue) highlight how the asymmetric
possession of nuclear weapons in a dispute dyad increases the probability of a favourable
outcome.
However, other work has analysed whether or not the length of time countries possess nuclear
weapons influences their behaviour and the way other states respond. There is growing
evidence that prior experiences influence why actors think about the international security
environment (Khong 1992; Leng 2000; Reiter 1996). In some cases, through information
diffusion, actors can also learn from events they did not directly experience. For Example:
Argentina and Brazil developed a mutual understanding of risk and the link between bilateral
tension and the failures of economic integration in the late 1980s, contributing to bilateral
tension reduction in the early 1990s (Knopf 2003).
CONCLUSION
The emergence of Nuclear weapons and the monopoly of some states over these became
responsible for the emergence of nuclear hegemony and a threat of nuclear blackmail in
international relations. The nuclear powers gained the ability to use “threat of nuclear weapons”
for securing their national interests in international relations. They got the ability to use the
threat of nuclear war for securing their desired objectives in relations with non-nuclear states.
Further, these impelled them to maintain their nuclear power superiority and to prevent non-
nuclear states from securing nuclear weapons and nuclear technology. They kept on developing
and expanding their nuclear power and at the same time always tried to prevent non-nuclear
states from securing it in the name of world peace.
Moscow Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT), Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) and Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) were all governed by this hidden desire. The issue of nuclear
proliferation vs. Non-proliferation emerged as major issue in international relations and even
today it continues to a hot issue.
The emergence of nuclear weapons materially affected the nature and content of international
relations. The nuclear weapons are responsible for making the international system almost
totally different from the classical international system.
Nuclear weapons can now be legitimately described as the major factor of international
relations. During 1945-90 the nuclear weapons influenced the politics of cold war. These kept
the securing of disarmament and arms control highly complex and problematic and
unsuccessful exercise. These became responsible for creating a balance of terror in
international relations.
Even today nuclear weapons constitute a major determinant of relations between nuclear
powers and non-nuclear nations. The USA has been maintaining its status as a sole surviving
super power with a high level of nuclear capability, but at the same time it is forcing other
states to sign treaties like the NPT and CTBT. In-fact all the P-5 states (Five recognized N-
powers) want the non-nuclear powers to accept non-proliferation require. The politics of
nuclear weapons forms an important dimension of contemporary international relations.