ECO-DEVELOPMENT: ‘THE ROLE OF SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENTS By Eddie Koch, Mpho Mogomane and Andrew Zaloumis (1) | (GEM Seminar Secies, WITS, 1994) “You can see we are in a dilemma here. We are in a conflict with others in the area and for this we cannot even complete our clinic. What good will it do for us to speak to you about | our removal from the park. If we spill ourselves, will we not ; be telling our secrets to our opponents?" - Resident froma resettlement village on the Kruger National Park boundary. Community-managed game reserves and wildlife-based ecotourism | projects are increasingly being seen by conservationists, entrepreneurs and some civic leaders as a powerful form of social development. Proponents of these land-use methods say they are capable, especially in arid and semi-arid areas, of generating revenue and social benefits far more than cattle farming or maize farming. (Grossman and Liebenberg 1994, Koch 1994, Mokaba 1994, IDRC et al 1994, Conservation Corporation undated, Ferrar 1994). Such projects are considered to be especially potent forms of land use because they have the potential to provide simultaneous solutions for three of the pressing challenges facing the new government's programme for reconstruction and development: rapid economic growth in depressed rural regions; protection of the country's wildlife and natural resource base so that these can be used in a "sustainable" way; and tangible benefits that can be used to provide restitution for social groups that suffered material and cultural damage because of removals under apartheid. Eco-development programmes in settlements that border on nature conservation areas have thus become closely associated with efforts to transform South Africa's network of game reserves - many of which are viewed with hostility by rural people because of their association with the old order - into “peace parks". (Marais 1994, interview) This paper explores ways in which research by social scientists can help to ensure that cénservation programmes achieve social development. (2)Sa 8S SS eS SB 2 8 8 SB SB SS SB SS SF SS SB SE SF | WHAT ARE ECO-DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES? Eco-development programmes, or integrated conservation and development projects (IcDPs), take many forms. They include schemes to generate income for rural settlements through sustainable use of wildlife, community involvenent in the running of tourist lodges and safari expeditions, the use of craft and curio sales to generate revenue and employment. They also include attempts to provide access to important natural resources - such as firewood, thatching grass, herbs, building materials, wild fruits - for residents denied these by the creation of protected areas. (Brandon and Wells 1992). “But 11 have in common the desire to link the conservation of biological diversity in protected areas with local social and economic development". (Jones 1993, p3) In many parts of the country, projects are under way or are being planned to meet all or some of these objectives. These include programmes that aim to create community-based game reserves in the former KaNgane homeland, privately-owned game reserves such as Londolozi and Phinda, the Pilanesberg National Park and other game parks in the western Transvaal, a new community-development programme being set up by management of the Kruger National Park, the Richtersveld National Park, game reserves in northern Kwagulu-Natal, community-initiated ecotourism projects in the western Transvaal and Maputaland and many others. (Koch 1994, Ferrar 1994) According to one proponent of wildlife-based development programmes: "Clearly a controlled and community-based development of our eco-resource would by its very scope and nature provides a more substantive foundation for stability and economic growth than many combinations of alternatives... the development of the eco-resource potential can feed nore mouths, create more jobs, and earn more foreign currency and income at a better unit-invested to unit-return basis - while simultaneously contributing to the establishment of political and economic order and security in our townships and country. (Mokaba 1994) 24PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH ECO-DEVELOPMENT Recent literature has, however, highlighted a range of limitations on the ability of eco-development projects to achieve their stated aims. A recent comparative study of ICDPs failed to find a single programme that had effectively ensured full community participation in the management of a protected wildlife resource. However, the study found that where there was some form of participation, the programme functioned more effectively. (Brandon and Wells 1992) Another study notes such projects have been more successful in protecting biological resources than in creating social and political benefits. It concludes that, while many conservationists are showing an increasing concern for social justice, “it is not quite so easy to harmonise natural area protection, cultural preservation and true rural development for resident peoples. The gap between rhetoric and reality is not so easily closed. (West and Brechin 1991) Eco-tourism experience in parts of Africa shows that land-use projects that rely on an influx of foreign tourists can undermine self-reliant methods that indigenous people have developed for ensuring their own food security. (Ngobese 1994, p47). Unlike the cultivation of maize, for example, ecotourism can involve a long turn-around time between initial investment and the production of tangible benefits. Furthermore, profits from ecotourism projects in many parts of the world often leak out of the local area in large quantities and may not be benefiting resident people as much as is claimed. A heavy reliance on tourist traffic can create unintended environmental consequences and deplete the natural resource base upon which growth is dependent. (IDRC et al. 1994, Jones 1994 p4) Tourism can have negative effects on the cultures of indigenous peoples, exposing them to forces that undermine respect for their traditional systems and tourists who appear rude and offensive. (Ngobese 1994, Jones 1993, p4) World-wide the consequences of these failures involve continued hostility by rural people to conservation programmes, various expressions of resentment and resistance by local communities aimed at undermining effective ICDP operations.In South Africa, these kinds of rural struggles have ranged from stealing game fencing poles to the burning of veld inside protected wildlife areas. (Koch 1994) The following is a parts of the country: “Tourist materially benefit those most affected by the people most directly affected by land of community control over this style of results in the perception that is for " (Notes from a community-based common perception in development fails to conservation policy, acquisitions... Lack economic development animals and rich tourists." workshop on ecotourism in Maputaland) A relative absence of research into the social aspects of conservation is one of the many reasons put forward for the limited success of eco-development projects as well as the contradictions that these forms of economic growth can generate. Although the use, protection and depletion of the land's resources have their origins in social and political processes, these have been curiously neglected by the social sciences. (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987) "A generation of biologists and managers raised to believe that segregation is the sole solution has ignored the humanities and social sciences and poorly prepared itself to manage wildlife in an increasingly human world." (Western 1989). It has been argued that South Africa's system of Integrated Environmental Management understates the importance of research into the social and economic complex in which various forms of land use are embedded. Environmental impact assessments in this country have, in general, been flawed by an elitist and technocratic approach that undermine the potential for popular participation in decision making about development. (Cock 1994, p34) THE NEED FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH It is generally becoming accepted that more academic investigation is needed into the principles and methods of human-wildlife cohabitation if eco-development is to realise its potential. Hales argues that “conservation is far more a social challenge than a biological one" and calls eco-development planners to make increased use of anthropologists, sociologists, politicians, economists, historians and theologians. (Hales 1989 cited in Jones 1993, p2). "We must put the land manager ‘centre stage' in the onexplanation and learn from the land managers’ perceptions of their problems. Thus land becomes a ‘resource-in-use', inextricably related to the people and society that uses it.” (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987, p16) Ultimately what is required is a multi-disciplinary methodology that enlists the services of natural and social scientists in the search for development programmes that rely on sustainable usage of land and its resources. (Grossman, pers. comm.) can social impact assessments contribute to this process? Do social scientists have a role in the task of promoting peace parks in a post-apartheid South Africa? Before exploring these issues we take a closer look at what is meant by social impact assessments. A widely accepted definition says that: "Social impacts generally refer to consequences, anticipated or not, of some preceding event or action that has altered the ability of a social unit (ranging from an individual or family) to (West and Brechin 1991, p23) function as it has in the past” These can be negative or positive depending on what has been altered and the way in which they are perceived by the value Social impact system of the affected social groups. assessments can help provide a research framework for determining the effects that conservation-development strategies have on local people and to select alternatives that avoid or mitigate negative impacts before eco-development programmes are implemented. They allow decision-makers to select alternatives that are more sensitive to the needs of resident peoples. (West and Brechin 1991, p24). They involve the systematic gathering and analysis of social data through a wide range of techniques, interviews with local residents including direct observation, and leaders, surveys and questionnaires, collection of demographic and economic statistics. "SIA has grown out of the recognition that many development projects have unintended consequences, both for the environment and for human societies. It represents the application of social sciences to policy making in the same way that EIA represents the application of biological sciences to policy making". (West and Brechin 1991, 277) SIAs thus provide an opportunity to generate the kind of knowledge about the workings of local communities required to ensure the effective implementation of eco-developmentprojects. However, there are several problems associated with conventional SIAs of the kind outlined above. PROBLEMS WITH SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENTS. Most of the pressures and problems (outlined below) that are likely to be imposed on the SIA process - in the form of demands for participatory methods, the potential for becoming embroiled in internal conflicts, and the overwhelming need for researchers to suggest ways in which these conflicts can be mediated - stem from a model which involves outside authorities making a predetermined choice about the content of a development plan and only then seeking popular legitimation and involvement in the implementation and possible modification of the project. (Swilling 1994, interview). SIAs have emerged as a response to needs generated by conventional in essence, like this: planning paradigms that Look, ~N tation (Adapted from Swilling 1994, interview) 1. REFORM VS POPULAR PARTICIPATION SIAs as conventionally practised generally rely on mitigating the effects of a land-use or development option that has been selected by a group of decision-makers. They respond to the need for people to participate in a development programme that they probably had no or little say in selecting in the first place in order for the programme to be locally acceptable. This tendency is especially characteristic of eco-development programmes in South Africa. The conservation of biological diversity is considered inherently good because it safeguardsconforns to the values of an international moral order. These are important arguments in favour of conservation and associated economic programmes over other forms of dovelopment. However, these factors reinforce a tendency by conservationists and local authorities to make decisions about ‘eco-development without first involving local people in democratic choices about the full range of economic options they face. Im thle contest sth can faciiieate soctat responsiblity Progranes by providing existing authorities with knowledge Fequired to proceed in a sensivive way. But they do not in themselves alter unequal relations of power that may exist at Local Level. If they are carried out. as part of the conventionai planning process, they can become exercises in Gamage control rather than mechaniens for promoting denoeratic decision making at Local 1evel, They can become nanagenent | tools that deal with specific manifestations of inequality - . bend aid thar covers over specific problens = racher than Integral componente of a broader developaent plan dram up with popular ideas. Ae a result, SfAu can involve a etreae on titigating the negative consequences of top-down planning Father than pronsting genuine participation fron the start. ‘This probably helps to explain why researchers have discovered a relative lack of effective participation in eco-developnent projects around - even in those programmes that set out with the best of intentions. (Brandon and Wells, 1992) There may be a range of practical factors which determine that the conventional planning provides the most feasible way to proceed - and, in these cases, SIAs should be welcomed as a technique for making development programmes responsive to the needs of local communities. However, in a later section of the paper, we outline an alternate approach, geared to emerging South African realities, which may avoid some of the probli that stem from an absence of collective participation at the beginning of the development process. 2. TIME AND EXPENSE SIAS can involve heavy expenses for employing outside ; researchers and consultants. They can also take a long time to carry out - ina context where the need for reconstruction and development is urgent. Long SIA procedures may also scare off jepotential investors who wish to make relatively quick returns on their capital rather than be delayed by the range of issues, problems and conflicts that are likely to be The St. Lucia EIA, for recommended by social research teams. It is not example, took vast amounts of money and time. possible for studies on this scale to be replicated in the case of other development projects. In the Transkei a local managed to raise the foreign investment capital for ecotourism projects which never materialised, partly the Transkei government demanded social studies that company coastal because delayed the process. Again this may not necessarily be a negative aspect of SIAs. "Rural areas need investors who are willing to see the social side work properly. It is possible to persuade investors that SIAs is a worthwhile investment in money and time. If they are not willing to consider social problems, then it is probably the guy who is willing to do so. In the end it will always be better to do a proper SIA if the project is to have a chance for long-term success." (Woodburne 1994, interview). Clearly there is the need for a range of SIA techniques that can allow for strategic choices to be made about how much time and money are spent on research programme. The method outlined in the last section of the paper may help better to find to reduce the need for expensive and extensive studies conducted by outside consultants. 3. ABSENCE OF PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH Conventional SIA methods do not in themselves ensure that knowledge and data produced by the researchers is passed back to the affected social groups. They can also fail to incorporate local knowledge about the ecology and resource management systems of a given area. They do not necessarily cultivate the potential for resident peoples to take part in research around their own development programmes on terms they are most familiar with. "Although the SIA approach may or may not directly involve local people in the planning and it can provide a mechanism for those decision-making process, (West and with power to consider alternate course of action. Brechin 1991, p24). As conventionally practised, they are useful for existing authority structures but do not, in themselves, provide immediate tangible benefits to local residents. However, in South Africa especially, there areincreasing demands from academic as well as community, quarters, for research to be conducted in a way that ‘ensures effective participation of the people being researched as wet as a transfer of knowledge generated in the process back to the affected social groupings. This is no simple matter and requires the development of new, exploratory methodologies. However, StAs that respond to this demand are likely to be overburdened by additional complexities, thus exacerbating the potential problems of time and expense. Insistence on the need for "participatory research" may, thus, be counterproductive - especially in cases where there is a need to produce rapid results. This is another reason we believe there needs to be a flexible assortment of SIA techniques available for any particular situation. However, the approach outlined below may help obviate the need for complex participatory methodologie: 4. INTERNAL COMMUNITY CONFLICTS For SIA to help promote effective popular participation in development projects, they need to identity a wide range of ifgerent and competing interest groups within the affected social units. (Cock 1994) There is a growing awareness in South Africa that efforts to promote community participation in development projects can enhance new forms of conflict and fragmentation. A committee set up by the Goldstone Commision, a body of judges and lawyers whose task it is to probe the causes of political violence in South Agrica, has noted a basic paradox that underlies nany development schemes in this country. “Socio-economic development aust be undertaken concurrantly with the elimination of the triggers of violence and the reimposition of law and order. We acknowledge that it Will frequently be very difficult to undertake development in the area bacause of the violence and that such development itself might in fact initially aggravate the level of conflict within the community". (Goldstone 1992) Developaent progranses frequently becone a new terrain of struggle for old and latent conflicts - especially in cages where rival groups are vying with each other for access to scarce resources. Evente in Maputaland, where the setting up of community-based game reserves hae promoted secessionist organisations are an example. conflict in the St. Lucia area - where there are at least three “communities” who were cenoved fron areas 3610 earmarked for ecotourism each with different ideas about the way the land should be used - is another sign of the potential violence that surrounds development programmes in south Africa's highly charged political atmosphere. (Koch 1994) Academic research into apartheid removals in the eastern Transvaal, areas where some residents lived were originally located in the Kruger National Park, has shown that the resettlement process has created a manifold of social conflicts. Villages and townships on the borders of the park experience conflicts between rival tribal authoritii tensions between new civic associations and tribal authorities, as well conflict between one settlement and the next. (Levin and Mkhabela 1994, Levin and Solomon 1994) Personnel involved in the KNP's new community development progranme note that such social tensions are already manifesting potential obstacles in their efforts to promote a “peace park". (Marais 1994, interview) An even more extreme case occurred in Phola Park, a large shantytown settlement some 40km east of Johannesburg. There a non-government organisation, Planact, set up what it believed was a democratic development committee to plan and implement a scheme for upgrading the informal settlement. Although this was not an eco-developnent project, it does contain important Lessons for wildlife-based programmes. Members of the committee were elected and reported back to the community at mass meetings called especially for this purpose. Funds for a site-and-service scheme that would have allowed families to build brick homes with basic services were provided by a large funding organisation and were to be administered by the development committee. Phola Park was seen as the model of participatory development. Yet on the day the scheme was to be implemented, members of the development committee were attacked by gun-wielding men and one of them killed. others were forced out of the township and their names, along with those of officials from Planact, were put on a death list. Despite their best intentions, the planners and the local community leaders had failed to reach and incorporate the most marginalised groups in the settienent in their planning. (Baskin 1993) STAs can identity conflicts and competing interests likely to lead to such outcomes. "There are always Likely to be land mines in any given situation. Often these make their presence felt at a late stage. It is important to find them at an early stage and devise ways for dealing with then" (Woodburne 1994, interview). SIAs can thus help predict 37u and mitigate the potentially divisive effects of developaent. However, there is a likelihood that SIA research teams will become embroiled in internal power struggles - especially where participatory approaches are adopted. Competing groups are likely to try to harness the research for their particular partisan objectives. By identifying latent conflicts and there is even the possibility that bringing these to the fore, SIAs can become the catalyst for intra-conmunity conflict. Conventional SIA procedures can, if sensitively done, lend themselves to the reduction of internal conflicts. Aisputes can be resolved simply by getting each party to understand the positions of the others. Besides helping protected areas authorities in understanding the position of resident peoples, SIA might start a process of building mutual trust since an essential part of SIA is to discuss and agree upon the findings with the people concerned." (West and Brechin 1991, p281). But residents of local settlements have often created informal methods capable of dealing with social tensions - without outside interference. “This is especially the case in rural areas where people often tend to take the Line of least resistance and conflict. Research needs to be sensitively done so that it does not upset the apple cart.” (Woodburne 1994, interview) In particular SIAs should avoid exacerbating internal conflicts that may be managed or resolved without external interference. “many SIA teams will find themselves being asked to facilitate mediation of complex community problems. This may involve time-consuming diversions and further overburden the research process. Therefore, mediation should not be considered a mandatory outcome of SIA. However, researchers should be aware of the possible need for conflict resolution and make recommendations about organisations and institutions that can be called on to facilitate this when needed. There is clearly a need for new and relatively simple approaches to resolving disputes that will allow local people to create joint solutions for the problens they face. "Western approaches such as litigation and other adversarial methods, may, however, be inappropriate for use in developing countries.” (West and Brechin 1991, p25) 3812 A POSSIBLE ALTERNATIVE An alternate approach - that may allow planners, residents and social researchers to grapple with these problems in a cost-effective way - involves simply turning the conventional planning paradigm on its head. FORUM STATE Broad Content Particl- pation Affected parties (Adapted from Swilling 1994, interview) This model involves setting up a popular forum in which all the stakeholders involved in opportunities for reconstruction and development for the area is represented. This can include local authorities, tribal authorities, conservation authorities, civic associations, political parties active in the area and labour organisations. At the stage of setting up the forum there may be a need for some rapid social research to identify social groups and networks - especially those that are marginal and "invisible" by their very nature eg. women's groups, illegal migrants etc. - so that these can be drawn into the process. Care should also be taken to ensure that those who control power, both within and outside the "community" are not able to hide or exclude social actors they regard as potential threats or competitors. This approach could be adapted to emerging conditions in South Africa. The new Local Government Act, for example, requires that such forums be established in metropolitan and non metropolitan areas as a prerequisite for the creation of transitional forms of democratic local government. It is most likely that new “reconstruction and development" legislation will be introduced shortly empowering similar local forums to become the agencies that will mobilise funds and resources for 39local economic programmes. The legislation will encourage procedures that pronote participation in planning as well the spread of benefits to as wide a range of stakeholders as possible. (Swilling 1994, interview). Various conservation agencies - such as the former Bophuthatewana Parks Board and the Kruger National Park - have set up forums for the purpose of promoting grassroots discussions about the best forms of pronoting eco-developzent. The popular forum can, once constituted, be the place where a wide range of developaent options for the local area can be evelopment and conservation options should be discussed. zco- compared and contrasted with a range of other possible land uses. If it is true that eco-development models have major advantages over other options, then these can be communicated and endorsed at an early stage. The forum approach offers the possibility for resident peoples to mediate differences of opinion at an early stage and then adopt a fairly inclusive evelopsent strategy perceived as one that they own rather the forum could also become the ina fairly rapid than one chosen for the engine that generates valuable information, way, about peoples attitudes to eco-development and its Likely consequences. It could also harness indigenous knowledge about ecological management and land use practices that may exist in 2 particular area. This would help to reduce problems relating eo top-down implementation, the time-consuming and expensive nature of social research, and the need for conflict resolution procedures. However, for a forum approach to work there must be support fom central and regional government to create the appropriate structures and insticutions in which they can operate. Resources are needed to ensure that participants in these forums develop appropriate skills and procedures for then to operate smoothly. In this way the model could facilitate a meeting place, a synthesis, between top-down and bottom-up planning processes. Once broad agreement has been reached about the type of development programme to follow, the process can nove into a more careful planning stage. At this stage, if it is stilt professional planners can be appointed and, necessary, outside researchers can be contracted to conduct SIAs around already identified and focussed problens. This is Likely to streamline the research process and, what is more important, will provide the vital opportunity and yoSR EERE OEE ES ME KD!Sz/ oe “eee lc ll ee ee ae ee eS Se 4 institutional framework for research results to be fed back to an inclusive range of interested and affected parties. In addition, the foruns are likely to identify indigenous researchers who can work with outside SIA teams so that local people are given the skills required to generate information and knowledge needed to plan development. We are not suggesting this approach in a prescriptive way. For example, the forum approach may be more applicable to development programmes. Ke do not suggest that the more new conventional approach to SIA's be abandoned - there are likely to be many situations where it is more practical to use these methods. There should be a wide range of SIA approaches that can be mobilised according to local conditions and constraints. We do suggest, however, that the alternate model has particular relevance for the situation at St. Lucia and on the edges of the Kruger National Park where the success of jointly managed eco-development programmes could help Getermine the fate of protected areas in this country. Whichever approach is used, we suggest that the following broad principles be kept in mind. 1. Opportunities should be sought to feed research findings back to the residents of settlements affected by ecordevelopment and this process should include as many ‘sub-groups and classes as are feasible in a given situation. Wherever possible research should make use of rapid methods. Here it is interesting that eco-developnent programmes in Namibia require a rapid soclo-ecological survey £0 be conducted with the involvement of local people and social and natural scientists. This frequently involves a period of just 10 to 14 days. (Jones 1993, p10) 3. Researchers should not assume “communities” are cohesive entities. Rival interest groups, minorities and social factions should be identified. These interactions should also be algo be located in a wider “regional political ecology" in order to create an understanding of how local conflicts fits into, and are sustained by, wider power relations. 4. Leeal researchers should be used wherever possible. This Limits the expense factor and helps facilitate the return of information to residents. However, it should be borne in mind +la5 that the objectivity of local researchers could be compromised by possible involvement in local power conflicts. “There is still a need for external management, deadlines, research management and quality review." (Woodburne 1994, interview) 5. SIA teams should be extremely wary about becoming involved in complex processes of conflict mediation. However they should, wherever possible, make recommendations about appropriate organisations and institutions that can be used to facilitate conflict management. 6. SIAs sometimes provide a quick snapshot of existing problems and possible solutions. Institutional arrangements should be in place to ensure that they do not stop at the moment of project implementation. Ongoing monitoring of the impacts of eco-development can be facilitated in an SIA framework. This can provide information needed for fine-tuning oF modifying the programme. Impact assessment can feed into adaptive management. To paraphrase Blaikie and Brookfield, all this provides the basis of an argument that suggests supporting a "bottom-up", jocally specific, participatory approach to research into land Ranagement and the way it can promote social development. "To hand precious resources to a local power structure which cannot give mutual assurances to all its users is a charter for rascals and a recipe for accelerated degradation". (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987, p245) yd16 ENDNOTES 1. Bddie Koch and Mpho Mogomane work at the Group for Environmental Monitoring (Gen) in Johannesburg. Andrew Zalounis works for the Community Resource Optimisation Programmes (Crop) at Kosi Bay in Maputaland. Much of this paper is based on discussions that took place during a joint research trip to investigate the prospects for creating peace parks in Southern Africa. 2. Social development is used in this paper to refer to the human factor in conservation. The term encompasses economic, social and cultural improvement in the lives of resident peoples along with the sustainable conservation of wildlife resources in a given area. "A whole array of areas and issues is involved in any serious consideration of the human factor in conservation. It requires an ai went of the way the establishnent and management of protected areas is carried out and their impact on local basic needs involving shelter, health, education, employment, food security, nutrition etc. It also requires an evaluation of the ability of these measures to protect and enlarge existing livelihood opportunities and alleviate poverty and other aspects of human deprivation." (Ghimire 1994) BIBLIOGRAPHY Baskin J (1983), Community Participation in Conservation Projects, Proceedings from People and Parks Conference, 21-23 May 1993, GEM Blaikie P and Brookfield H (1987), Land Degradation and Society, Methuen and Co. LTD. 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