THE PROFESSIOI{AL VOICE OF LAW ENFORCEMENIT DECEMBER 2AA4

Repffigil*lfiffi
 of Sociology, George
By RonaldWeitzer, Professor of Sociology, and Steoen A. Tuch, Professot
Wnshington Llnio ersity, Washington, D,C.
\Mhat specific changes, if any, does the public want to see in
police ptu.ti.es? Surpriiingly, this qrrestion has seldom been inves-
ilgated. Rather, it is simply uss.t*ed that the public overwhelming-
lyiurrors any and all reforms-but this is an untested assumption.
It is important to examine public preferences for police reform
for three reasons. First, such knowledg" should be useful for ad-
ministrators in developing policy and instituting n_ew practices.
Where popular suppoit for b spe.ific change is widespread, this
may be symptomatic of a probiem that needs to be addressed. If
implemented, the reforrn may help to reduce poljce misconduct or
ir11ptorre police practices more generally. Second, certain kinds of
ref^orms may inirease public trust and confidence in the police.
Third, reforms that directly affect police-citizen encounters may
increase citizens' willingness to cooperate with officers'
To investigate these Isrrr.r, the authors conducted a nationwide
poll of a representative sample of Americans in late 2002. The sam-
pl. .ot-rsisted of I,792addtJ(age 18 and over) residing it't Tetropol-
itan areas of at least 100,000 peisot'ts. A special strength of this study
is that it included large samples of black and Hispantc clttzens/
allowing an examination of racial-ethnic differences in views about
policingl fn. survey was conducted for the authors by lftow]edge
i{etwJrks, a Web-based survey research firm that combines
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26 THE POLICE CHIEF/DECEMBER 2OO4
scientific samplit g techniques with the reach and capabililies of the
Internet to yieid representitive samples of respondents without sac-
rificing daiaquality The study was funded by ugrant to the authors
justice.l
from the U.S Department of ]ustice's National Institute of
The study examined three major types of innovations in polic-
i^g' (1) raciil di.r.rsification of police departments, (2) increased
u.Io.nttability (both monitoring and sanctions), and (3) changes
designed to ir'r.r.ure police responsiveness and sensitivity to civil-
ians. On almost every issue, blacks and Hispanics are more
inclined than whites to endorse reform. Nevertheless, a substantial
number of whites also favor most of these policies.
Raci al D ia er sific ati on
The principle of matching the racial composition of a police
department to that of the city is now-widely a_c91pted in American
poiiti.ul and law enforcement circles. The U.S. Department of
agency
iustice, for instance, holds that "a diverse law enforcement
can better develop relationships with the community it serves/ Pro-
mote trust in the fairness of Lw enforcement, and facilitate effec-
tive policin gby encouraglng citizen suPPort Td cooPeruqol Law
enfo?ce*"rrjt agencier rhorld seek to hire a diverse worKorce."2
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ffi Blocks

ft$i Hisponics
itiri whttes

Fig l. Percentoge Fovoring Rociol Diversificotion Fig 2. Percentoge Fovoring Monitoring of Street Stops

In-Cor
Minority Officer Video Comeros
in Minority Areos

Preferences Record Informotion

in Hiring on Drivers

Diversity in
Principle

40 50

Fig 3. Percentoge Fqvoring Accountobility Reforms Fig 4. Percentqge Fovoring Community Policing ond Sensitivity

Eorly Worning Police-Community

Meetings

Civilion Reviev Police Progroms

in Schools

Stronger More Sensitivity

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THE POLICE CHIEF/DECEMBER 2OO4 27

Nevertheless, most police departments have proportionally fewer
minorities than the jurisdictions they serve.3
The survey examined whether people view racially representa-
tive police departments as a good thing in principle, and whether
they believe that more minority officers should be hired. The over-
whelming majority of Americans think that it is a good idea for
"the racial makeup of a city's police department to be sirnilar to the
racial makeup of that chty" (see figure 1). Whites are slightly more
supportive of this principle than blacks or Hispanics.
On the question of whether minorities should be given prefer-
ences in hiring to increase their representation in police depart-
ments (see figure 1), only one-fifth of whites support this notion,
compared to about half of blacks and Hispanics. \Mhites'reluctance
to endorse this policy is consistent with their opposition to affirma-
tive action generally, especially when the question asks about
Sving minorities preferential treatment in hiti.g and promotion.
Should more minority officers be assigned to minority neigh-
borhoods? The overwhelming majority of blacks and Hispanics
believe that such assignments would improve policing in their city.
Fewer whites, however, support this policy.
Incre as e d Ac co unt ab ility
Mechanisnrs of accountability include (1) methods of monitor-
ing officer behavior and (2) sanctions for officers who engage in
misconduct. With regard to greater monitoring, the survey asked
respondents whether they favor installing video carneras in police
cars,a so-called early warning systems to flug officers who receive
several complaints from citizens,s and a policy of recording infor-
mation-including race-about all motorists stopped by officers.
With regard to sanctions, respondents were asked whether they
supported civilian review boards to hear citizen complaints and
stronger punishment for officers who engage in misconduct.
Citizens strongly approve of police accountability. Most resPon-
dents-three-fourths of whites and more than eight in 10 blacks
and Hispanics-favor an early warning system to help identify
officers who receive several citizen complaints. Similar majorities
of blacks and Hispanics, and two-thirds of whites, want video
cameras installed in police cars to more closely monitor officer
behavior (see figure 2).
Majorities of all three groups also believe that racial profiling will
be reduced if officers record the drivers' race, d1e,gender, the reason
for the stop, whether a search was conducted and arrest made, and
whether the citizen resisted the officer. Interestin gly, this is one
of the few policies that yield greater suPPort among whites
(66 percent) than among blacks (58 percent) or Hispanics (54 per-
cent). Minoriry group members may believe that such information
gathering is a good idea, but th.y are less optimistic than whites in
believing that this will help to reduce stops based on racial profiling.
Do people want civilian review boards in their cities? TWo-
thirds of whites, three-quarters of Hispanics, and four-fifths of
blacks do. Even more respondents from each goup believe that
policing will be improved by " stronger punishment of officers who
engage in misconduct against citizens" (see figure 3).
C ommunity P olicing and S ensitiaity
Other changes have the potential to increase police responsive-
ness to, sensitivity to, and understanding of citizens and their
communities. The survey examined several policies in this area.
One involves more sensitivity training for police officers, and two
fall under the rubric of community policing-more meetings

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28 THE POLICE CHIEF/DECEMBER 2OO4

between the police and conununity residents and more police Pro-
grams in the schools. A substantial majority of all three grouPs
favors each of these policies (figure 4). Blacks are most likely to
support each policy (84 percent or more blacks do so), and Hispan-
ics are more likely than whites to do so.
The survey also asked a more general question (not shown
itr fig*e 4) about community policing. Community policing was
defined as "police officers working with community members to
address the causes of crime and to prevent crimes from occurring,
rather than just respondi.g to crimes after they have occurred."
Respondents who reported that there was no community policing
in their owrr neighborhood were asked if they wanted community
policing in their neighborhood. Sixty-nine percent of whites, 73 per
cent of Hispanics, and Tspercent of blacks said that th.y wished the
police practiced community policing in their neighborhood.
The survey asked two other questions related to the issue of Po-
lice responsiveness toward civilians (not shornm in figure 4). First,
betweeng2 and 96 percent of the three groups agree with the fol-
lowing statement: "When a police officer stops a Person on the
street or in a car, the officer should be required to explain to the
person the reason for the stop." Although many officers do this
routinely, others do not, and it is clear that this simple act can help
to reduce tensions during street stops. Second, from 77 to 88 per-
cent of the three groups believe that "When a police officer stops
and searche s a cttrzen and his or her vehicle, and finds no evidence
of a crime, the officer should be required to apol oglze to the citizen
for the inconvenience of the search." Most members of all three
groups strongly agree with each of these policies. People clearly
feel that it is important that police officers treat citizens fairly and
with respect, and such practices have the potential to improve
police-citizen interactions during encounters.
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30 THE POLICE CHIEF/DECEMBER 2OO4
Research Conclusion
Popular support for police reform may be useful to police exec-
utives and other law enforcement officials. If the public over-
whelmingly approves of a reform, this may be indicative of a
problem that needs fixing. Certain changes (such as intensive sen-
sitivity training and greater monitothg) may help to reduce specif-
ic kinds of police malpractice or improve police practices overall,
while other reforms (such as hiring more minority officers) aPPear
to be symbolically important and may increase citizen confidence
in a police department. This research shows that popular support
for police reforms, though widespread, is not monolithic: support
varies by the particular policy in question and, for some policies, by
racial-ethnic group. Such information should be useful to practi-
tioners in their attempts to improve police-citizen relations.
Of course, there are other, standard police practices that the
public does not want changed. For instanc€, h our survey, 91' per-
cent of whites, blacks, and Hispanics agree that the Miranda rtghts
should be retained. This is consistent with another poll, which
found that 86 percent of Americans agreed with a Supreme Court
decision in 2000 upholding the Miranda ru1e.6 *
1A full description oT the research methods and fhdings is presented in U.S. Department
of Justice, Office ofJustice Progams, National lnstitute of Justice, "Rethinking Minority Attitudes
toward the Police," by Ronald Weitzer and Steven A. Tuch, tnFinnl Tecluticnl Report (Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing ffice, 2004).
2U.S. Department of
Justice, Principles t'or Promotittg Police Integrity (Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Govemment Printing Office, 2001).
3
U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Lniu Ent'orcement Mnnngement nnd
Administrntiae Stntistics,2000 (Washingon, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2004).
+
In 2000 the COPS Office awarded $12 million to 41 state law enforcement agencies to
purchase 2,900 in-car cameras.
5See U.S. Department of
Justice, Office of ]ustice Programs, National Institute of Justice,
"Eat|y
Waming Systems: Responding to the Problem Police O[hcer," by Samuel Walker, Geoffrey Alpert,
and Dennis Kenney, tnResenrch inBrief (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govemment Printing Office,2001).
6National poll conducted for l,leusueekby Princeton Survey Research Associates (LexisNexis
Public Opinion Online, June 29-30 ,2000,N=752).
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