COMMENTARY
to 30 files in a day. On this she reprimand-
ed me and reminded me that she could put
a hold on my access to the archives.
There are a few government and private
sector institutions that have been main-
taining their records properly. For in-
stance, the Ministry of Defence is consci-
ously preserving its records in a number of
the repositories associated with the defence
establishments. The Marine Archives is a
recent creation. An “Archives of Indian
Labour” was opened up in 1993 with the
help of the V V Giri National Labour Insti-
tute. Some of the universities such as the
Jawaharlal Nehru University, the Aligarh
Muslim University, the Jamia Millia Isla-
mia and the Panjab University, Chandi-
garh have their own archives. Recently
some of the private companies such as the
Tatas, the Birlas, and Godrej have opened
up their own archives. Newspapers too
generally maintain their records. Amongst
other organisations, maintaining their
Dalit Politics in Maharashtra
Harish S Wankhede
In their bid to maintain political
visibility, various factions of the
Republican Party of India have
struck up alliances with “secular”
and “non-secular” parties. They
have not adequately utilised the
progressive undercurrents of the
dalit consciousness to connect
with other deprived communities
to form a dynamic coalition.
Harish S Wankhede (enarish@gmail.com)
teaches at the Ram Lal Anand College
(Evening), Delhi University, New Delhi.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 21, 2012
own archives are the State Bank of India
and the Reserve Bank of India.
Conclusions
These are, however, the only few lauda-
ble examples which one can talk about.
The countless other departments have
no sense of record-keeping. For instance,
the records of municipalities, police rail-
ways, medical institutions, technical insti-
tutions, universities, colleges, and so on,
are in a dismal condition. We are gener-
ating innumerable records on a daily
basis but the question arises, are we
maintaining them? Do we have a sense
of record-keeping? If not, then what are
the reasons behind this sort of attitude?
Do we lack a sense of history? Is the
government responsible for the state of
records? Or are we, as responsible citizens,
to be blamed? Will posterity be able to
have access to these documents? It is
impossible to answer these questions.
T
he results of the recently conclud-
ed municipal and zilla parishad
elections in Maharashtra have
been analysed in terms of “gains and
losses” between the two dominant
political alliances, the Shiv Sena (SS)
and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on one
side and the Congress and Nationalist
Congress Party (NCP) on the other. How-
ever, these elections also saw one of the
factions of the Republican Party of India
(RPI) allied with the saffron combine
with the slogan “Bhim Shakti-Shiv Shakti”.
The RPI led by Ramdas Athavale argued
that the persistent failure of the Con-
gress Party in accommodating the voice
of the dalits in its mainstream agenda
forced him to choose the bête noire of
dalit politics, the SS-BJP. Dalit poet and
activist Namdeo Dhasal echoed Athav-
ale when he said that this alliance would
free the dalits from the Congress Party
and help build a new politics in Mahar-
ashtra. A critical appraisal is in order
therefore to see what the results of these
vol xlviI no 16
But there is little doubt that our attitude
does reflect that we lack a sense of his-
tory. And we are responsible for this pro-
gressive decay of public records.
This article appeals to the larger public
and the academic community to come
together and save our documental legacy.
The past few decades have seen non-
governmental organisations like the
Indian National Trust for Art and Cul-
tural Heritage joining hands with the
government in order to preserve monu-
ments. The same sort of interest should
be generated in civil society in order to
preserve the old and conserve the new.
Scholars from various disciplines, and
historians in particular, should take
serious steps in order to spread awareness
regarding the importance of record-
keeping. Archives are indispensable for a
healthy dialogue between the “past” and
the “present”. They are custodians of the
past and are the proofs of the present.
elections mean for the future of dalit
politics in the state.
The results show that the celebrated
political ideals of the dalit movement
are caught in a crisis and in the absence
of the dominant discursive theme of
dalit emancipation can no longer be
identified as the political ideology of the
oppressed. The various RPI factions are
reduced to insignificant locations with
token presence and the party’s earlier
capacity to bargain for exclusive projects
for the welfare of dalits has also
dwindled considerably. The recourse to
“alliance-politics” overtly represents the
myopic vision of the dalit leadership
which is strategising mainly to remain
visible in the political scenario of Maha-
rashtra without bothering about the
principle ideals of the dalit movement.
RPI’s Insipid Performance
Municipal elections in the 12 major cities
in the state took place on 16 February.
For the two conventional rival alliances
the Congress-NCP and the SS-BJP the
results were a mixed bag. Cities like
Pune, Pimpri, Solapur and Amravati wit-
nessed the dominance of the Congress-
NCP combine whereas in Mumbai, Thane,
Nagpur, Ulhasnagar and Akola, the
21
COMMENTARY

SS-BJP emerged as the winner. The SS-
BJP successfully maintained their domi-
nance over the much coveted Brihan-
mumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC).
Interestingly, the Maharashtra Navnir-
man Sena (MNS) performed exception-
ally well in most of the municipalities
and also became a decisive force in the
Nashik region (where it won 40 seats out
of 122). The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
significantly improved its tally in the
local bodies as it won 25 seats in all
(Nagpur 12, Amravati six, Solapur three,
and two each in Thane and Ulhasnagar).
The Samajwadi Party also retained its
impressive space in Mumbai with nine
seats (it came second in 20 others). In
this context, the RPI’s performance was
extremely disappointing.
The major factions of the RPI each went
with two rival groups in the municipal
elections. The RPI (Athavale) contested
all the municipal elections in alliance
with the SS-BJP combine. The other two
important groups (one headed by Prakash
Ambedkar’s (Bahujan Mahasangh (BM),
and that by Sulekha Kumbhare and
Jogendra Kawade) contested in alliance
with the the NCP-Congress. The SS-BJP
alliance offered the RPI-A a significant
number of seats in most of the regions,
though the results were dissatisfactory
on all accounts. In no municipal corpo-
ration did it win more than two wards
and only in Nashik is its performance
worth mentioning. There it won a re-
spectable number of six seats. The
results for the other factions of the RPI
were also poor. It is only in the Akola
municipal elections that the RPI (Ambed-
kar) being an ally of the “secular alli-
ance” showed a little might. It won seven
seats and got the mayoral post. Apart
from Nashik and Akola, both the RPI
factions failed to make an impression.
Dalit Voters
In the first decade following Independ-
ence, Maharashtra remained a frontal site
of dalit activism under the leadership of
Babasaheb Ambedkar. He visualised the
RPI as a liberal mass-based political organ-
isation but his sudden demise in 1956 left
the party unprepared to face obstacles.
Since its inception (1956), it struggled
hard to make an impact over the electorate
and was dubbed as a “Neo-Buddhist party”.
The Congress was the first to exploit the
situation. Influential leaders of the RPI
were co-opted and an alternative dalit
leadership was developed by the Con-
gress. In the later stages it formed a to-
ken alliance with the RPI to influence
and mobilise the dalit voters.1 With the
rise of parochial right-wing politics in
the state, the RPI formed a secular alli-
ance with the Congress to keep the SS-
BJP combine out of power. However,
such alliances mostly treated the RPI as a
means to impress the dalit voters rather
than as a representative body of the dalit
constituency. Till recently dalit voters
remained committed to secular politics
and rallied behind the Congress.
The latest RPI (Athavale) alliance
with the SS-BJP radically challenged the
popular assumptions that the dalits had
about their secular commitments. In
most of the wards, dalits form a signifi-
cant vote bank and are influential in
tilting the results and as is well known
even a small diversion of votes can have a
dramatic influence in the local elections.
Athavale has a considerable following
among the dalits in Mumbai, Thane and
Ulhasnagar. This shift of dalit voters
proved significant in electing many SS-BJP
candidates, especially in the BMC polls
(candidates from the saffron combine won
elections from Dharavi and Sidharth
Colony due to active support from the
RPI in these areas). However, most of the
RPI (Athavale) candidates lost the elec-
tions miserably. While the dalits voted
for the SS-BJP alliance the traditional
saffron voters did not return the favour.
The results also show that in these elec-
tions the dalits voted for the non-secular
political outfits. This is seen from the seats
won by the MNS in Thane and Mumbai.
It performed impressively well in the re-
served constituencies and the wards
dominated by the dalit population (all
seven wards in Dadar and a substantial
number of wards in Mahim, both with a
strong dalit presence). In most of the
wards, in which the MNS stood second (i e,
in more than 80 seats) the MNS received
considerable support from the dalits and
Muslims. This is also true of Nashik where
the dalit population is considerable.
On other fronts the dalits voted for the
available alternatives that they considered
better than the RPI. For example, in the

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Medicines for All: Unexceptionable Recommendations – S Srinivasan
Political Challenges to Universal Access to Healthcare – R Srivatsan, Veena Shatrugna
A Limiting Perspective on Universal Coverage – Rama V Baru
Human Resources in Health: Timely Recommendations, Some Lacunae and What about Implementation? – George Thomas
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In Pursuit of an Effective UHC: Perspectives Lacking Innovation – Padmanabh M Reddy
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22 april 21, 2012 vol xlviI no 16 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

Vidarbha region (Nagpur and Amravati)
the BSP made up an impressive tally.
Nagpur which is considered the citadel
of the dalit movement showed no mercy
to the RPI and it drew a blank in this re-
gion. However, by winning 12 seats in
the Nagpur municipal election the BSP
demonstrated that a significant neo-
Buddhist voter section has started
adopting it as an alternative to the RPI.
The BSP also gained an impressive above
5% vote share in these elections. Due to
the presence of existing vibrant dalit
movements, this has proved to be a
fertile field for the BSP.
All the factions of the RPI, despite the
unsatisfactory municipal election results
for themselves, have claimed that their
alliance partners have won mainly be-
cause of the support of the dalit voters.
But in reality, the cumulative vote
percentage of all the RPI factions has
not crossed above 2% in any of the
municipal bodies.
Interpreting the Malady
The dalit political movement in Mahar-
ashtra under the leadership of the
various RPI factions seems to be receiv-
ing a short-term dose for a disease that
demands a sustained and total treat-
ment. Athavale’s political camaraderie
with the saffron combine or that of the
“secular alliance” of the RPI with the
Congress-NCP fundamentally neglect the
need to build assertive socio-economic
struggles over the questions of social
emancipation and representative demo-
cracy under the independent leadership
of the socially marginalised communi-
ties. Further, such alliances prevent con-
scious engagement with other marginal-
ised sections, mainly Muslims, tribals
and the most backward classes (MBCs) in
order to form a unified front against the
political establishment dominated by the
social elites. Such alliances only offer the
RPI factions a parasitic influence and
keep them as passive players in the pow-
er circles of Maharashtra. Their presence
thus has no impact on the growing politi-
cal problems of the dalits and other de-
prived sections in the state.
The current factions of the RPI are
indifferent to the ideas of democratic
struggles. They have not adequately
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 21, 2012
COMMENTARY
utilised the progressive undercurrents by the Congress-NCP. Thus the dalit
of the dalit consciousness to connect leadership can acquire a respectable po-
with other deprived communities to sition in the power structure of the state
form a dynamic “umbrella coalition” and can rebuild its image as an impor-
against the dominant social and politi- tant player in the politics of Maharash-
cal elites. The leadership has remained tra. The possible merits of this political
excluded from most of the concerns of alliance can significantly influence the
the oppressed masses and made the so- political culture of Maharashtra and can
cial and religious movements almost open new avenues for other dalit groups
like exclusive clubs, specifically related to rethink about associating with non-
to a certain community (mainly the Ma- secular political outfits. However, such a
hars). The RPI has failed to provide lead- game plan for limited political gains can
ership, ideological orientation and polit- disturb the ethos of the dalit movement
ical principles to all groups struggling to in the state.
achieve a dignified representation in the
democratic relationships. In short, the Conclusion
RPI is too weak to be the representative The results of local elections in Mahar-
voice of the dalits in Maharashtra. ashtra demonstrate that the dalit voters
In the absence of an impressive political are in desperate search of alternatives
alternative to represent their interests that can represent their interests in the
the dalits are looking towards parochial democratic sites. Their growing distance
parties like the MNS and SS. The sus- from the RPI factions and the “secular
tained failure of secular outfits and the parties”, has led sections of dalit voters
RPI factions in providing concrete reme- to choose lumpen-parochial options like
dies to overcome the social and econom- the SS and the MNS. Such trends spell
ic maladies of the dalits has brought further damage for the robust and radi-
these parties closer to the dalit voters. cal dalit sociocultural movement which
Votaries of Bhim Shakti-Shiv Shakti ar- till recently has provided a strong frame-
gue that as a sustained alliance for the work to dalit consciousness.
future, this can be a creative strategy to
bring two contesting communities (dal- Note
its and the non-Maratha upper castes) 1 The first alliance was formed between the Con-
gress and Dadasaheb Gaikwad led RPI in late
into an alliance to challenge the political 1960s which later on became the responsible
control of the Maratha elites represented factor for the splinters in the RPI.
Faculty Positions at
Institute for Human Development
The Institute for Human Development (IHD) is a leading research
Institute specializing in the areas related to labour, employment, human
development and development evaluation.
The Institute invites applications for Faculty positions at various levels
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of social sciences with experience of conducting independent research
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Interested candidates may apply in full confidence to
appointment@ihdindia.org by 30th April 2012
vol xlviI no 16 23