Managing to Recruit: Religious Conversion in the Workplace

Author(s): Deana Hall

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Winter, 1998), pp. 393-410
Published by: Oxford University Press
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 Sociologyof Religion1998, 59:4 393-410

Managing to Recruit: Religious

Conversion in the Workplace

Deana Hall*
of Alberta
University

New Religious Movements, like other social organizations, must generate economic strategies to
ensuresurvival.The Churchof Scientologyhas a long-established systemof therapeuticcounseling
and self-improvementcourses to offer potentialrecruitsand existing membersin exchangefor
monetaryresources.A recentdevelopmentin Scientology'sresourcemobilizationeffortsinvolvesa
seriesof associatedcompaniesofferingL. RonHubbard's"management technology"to medicalpro-
fessionalsin the form of practicemanagementconsulting.Consultingprogramsmay lead to con-
versioninto the religiousorganizationand ofteninvolvethe introductionof Scientologydoctrineinto
the workplace.Utilizingcontentanalysisof bothprimaryand secondarydocuments,as well as per-
sonal interviews,thisarticleexplorestherelationship
betweenScientology,its consultingcompanies,
and medicalprofessionals(n=59) who becameinvolvedin religiousideologythroughmanagement
consulting.Sinceresourcemobilizationtheorydoesnot offeradequateprovisioms to explainindividual
participationin specificsocialmovements,theauthorutilizesLoflandand Stark'sconversionmodelas
a supplement.

One of the centralargumentsof resourcemobilizationtheoryis that social

movementsneed resourcesin orderto survive(McCarthyand Zald1987:28).
New ReligiousMovementswith expressedgoalsof effectingchangein society
fall withinMcCarthyandZald'sconceptualization of a socialmovement,andas
suchresearchers have examinedthe resourcemobilizationstrategiesof a number
of these socialgroups(Birdand Westley1988;Bromley1985;Johnston1980;
Khalsa1986;Richardson1988;Robbins1988;Tipton 1988).One new religious
movement,however, that has not been examinedextensively regardingits
resourcemobilization strategiesis the Churchof Scientology.1
Directcorrespondenceto DeanaHall, Department of Sociology,5-21 ToryBuilding,University of Alberta,
Edmonton, Alberta,CanadaT6G 2H4. I wouldliketoexpress mysincerest to Dr. Stephen
appreciation Kent.This
artclewouldnothavebeenpossiblewithouthistireless
supportandguidance. I alsowouldliketo thankallof theindi-
viduals
whodonatedtheirtime,personal
accounts,andsupporting documentation totheproject.

1Accordingto McCarthyand Zald,a social movement is a voluntarycollectivity "thatpeople supportin

order to effect changes in society" (McCarthy and Zald 1973: 2). While critics might dispute the voluntary
nature of Scientology's members, no one would dispute that Scientology strives to change society. As the
movement's own literaturestates, the organizationand its membersaspire to the goal of"clearing the planet"
(Church of Scientology International1994: 9-10). This goal involves recruitingas many individualsas possible
and convincing them to achieve a status known as "clear."By converting the world'spopulation to its doc-
393
394 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

This article utilizes resourcemobilizationtheory'sgeneral precepts to

examine a specific component of Scientology's economic activities.2 It focuses
on the movement's recruitment of medical professionals through medically-
based practice managementcompanies (PMCs). Througha licensing agreement
with Scientology, the PMCs have obtained the right to use the writings of
Scientology's founder, L. Ron Hubbard,to teach managementskills to medical
professionals, including dentists, veterinarians, podiatrists, and chiropractors
(among others). In addition to practical management advice, PMCs also offer
their clients an introduction to the Church of Scientology. The link between
PMCs and Scientology provides an example of the mediation of ideological
recruitment through front companies, as originally described by Bird and
Westley (1988).3
Although resource mobilization theory allows us to explain the economic
activities of social movements, it does not offer provisions for analyzing the
motivations of individualswho join them (Kent 1982). In order to amend this
theoretically-based oversight, I use Lofland and Stark's conversion model to
explain how and why some individuals become involved in particular social
movements. In essence, Loflandand Stark'sconversion model offerstheorists an
opportunity to examine the motivation of individuals in joining ideological
organizations,which strategyheretofore has been missingfrom resourcemobili-
zation theory. The model allows researchersto identify the social factors that
foster individual involvement in a social movement such as Scientology, and is
thus particularlyappropriatefor applicationto the presentstudy.
Interaction between medical professionals,PMCs, and Scientology generally
follows a pattern of increasing commitment that I divide into three distinct
stages: initial contact, practice managementconsulting, and direct participation
in Scientology. This article outlines the general pattern of interaction between
the medical professionalsand Scientology, then examines this interaction in the
context of resource mobilzation theory and Lofland and Stark's conversion

trines, Scientology aspiresto "reversethe downwarddirection of the current civilization and actually bring
ahxut a cleared planet"(Church of Scientology International 1994: 3).
2
Scientology's considerable financial holdings and extensive membershipbase warrantan economi-
cally-basedsociological analysis.Currentlythe organizationoperates in 86 countries and, according to author
RichardBehar, controls a four hundredmillion dollar empire (Behar 1986: 315; Lopez 1993: H5). In addition,
one recent statement by an organizationofficial in New YorkState indicates that approximatelyeight million
people worldwidehave participatedin Scientology courses, and a furtherfive hundredthousandtake their first
Scientology course each year (Lopez 1993: H5). Thus, investigation into the organization's financial and
membershipcomponents is imperative.

3 At least three published sources identify the link between Scientology and its PMCs. For
example
Passasstates that "the [Churchof Scientology] recruitswell-to-do individualsthrougha numberof consultancy
firms with secret ties to it. Stirling (sic) Management Systems, for example, allegedly targets health-care pro-
fessionalswith the promiseto help them dramaticallyincreasetheir income, offersseminarsand coursespriced
at $10,000, and lures them to the [Church of Scientology]" (1994: 221). See also Passasand Castillo (1992)
and Zellner (1995).
 MANAGING TO RECRUIT:RELIGIOUSCONVERSION IN THE WORKPLACE 395

modelin orderto explainthe motivationsof both the socialmovementand its

potential members.4
Interaction between medical professionalsand Scientology's affiliatedprac-
tice management companies generally begins with a PMC-initiated meeting
either for an introductory seminar or free analysis of the medical practice.
During the introductory seminars, recruiting staff present L. Ron Hubbard's
managementprinciplesand provideexamples of how the professionalscan apply
these techniques in both professional and personal arenas (WISE 1988: 8).
Following these introductory seminars, PMC consultants arrange individual
consultations with each medical professional,duringwhich they discusstraining
programsappropriateto the doctor's medical practice (WISE 1992: 5; Hall and
Kent 1995: 6). If the practitionersagree to purchase consulting services, then
the next step in the processis a practiceanalysis.
Practice analyses generally involve intense and exhaustive examinations of
the individual medical practice.5 In addition to providing PMC staff with
information about the general financial accounting and patient loads of the
practice, the medical professionals also provide personal information about

4 Three distinct researchmethods provided informationnecessaryto examine the relationshipbetween

Scientology, its PMCs, and their clients. First,I conducted a content analysisof primarydocuments, including
Canadian dental, veterinary,and chiropracticschool calendarsalong with media and legal accounts of profes-
sionals' experiences with Scientology's practice management programs.Second, I conducted personal inter-
views with medical/dentalprofessionalspreviouslyor currently involved in the Scientology-affiliatedpractice
management courses. And third, I completed a literature review of Scientology internal documents and the
course contents of one of the practice managementtraining programs.Available internal documents included
Scientology textbooks and dictionariesand World Institute of Scientology Enterprises(WISE) advertisements
and publications.
Becauseit was difficult to locate a largesampleof medical professionalsto interviewregardingexperience
with the practice managementcompanies of interest to this study, I chose to supplementmy interviewswith
content analysis of secondary data, in the form of media accounts. I was able to obtain thirteen individual
media accounts of personal experience with Scientology's medical practice managementprograms.Together,
the articles recounted the experiencesof fifty-fourmedical professionals,includingdentists, veterinarians,chi-
ropractors,and pxodiatrists,as well as formerand current employees of the practicemanagementcompanies in
question. Furthermore,I obtained one legal affidavit, which summarizesthe personal experience of a dentist
with one of Scientology'saffiliatedpracticemanagementprograms.
Coding and collecting data occurred in three stages. First, I coded the information contained in the
media and accounts into sixteen conceptual categories, so that I could accumulateand compare information
contained in each individual'sexperience with the practice managementprograms.Second, I conducted per-
sonal interviewswith medical/dentalprofessionalspreviouslyor currentlyinvolved with Scientology-affiliated
practice managementcourses. I personallyconducted interviewswith one veterinarian,one dental office man-
ager, and one chiropractor,and participatedin the interviewof an additional dentist. In addition, I obtained a
transcriptof an interview with a formerScientology staff member involved in one of the practice management
companies. The interviews involved general open-ended questions, and essentiallyfollowed the practitioners
in a linear sequence through their involvement with the PMC and Scientology. I conducted and audio-taped
interviews both in person and via telephone. Interviews ranged in length fromone to four hours. Interviewee
involvement rangedfromparticipationin an introductoryseminarto full membershipin Scientology. I utilized
snow-ballsamplingto access individualswho had contact with the PMCs that areof interest to the study.

5 The analyses usually takes place in two stages. The first stage involves an extensive conversation
between consultant and client, and the second stage involves a close scrutiny of the medical professional's
practicedocuments,staff,and in some cases, interviewswith patients (Hall and Kent 1995: 10).
396 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

themselves,their spouses,and their staff througha personalityprofile, the

Oxford CapacityAnalysis.These personalityprofilesrepresentan essential
element of the practice analysis,and accordingto one subject,"from[the
PMC's]point of view, we werenot allowedto have employeeswho didn'twant
to answerthe test"(HallandKent1995:9).
Often practiceanalysesgo beyondprofessionalissuesand enter into the
personallife of the practitioner.Accordingto one subject,"[Theconsultant]
askedme a lot of very,verypersonalquestionsaboutme:'Areyoua drinker?Do
you do drugs?Do you have sex outside of marriage?"'
(Dexheimer 1991: 12). The
subject'swife added:

Afterthe [practiceanalysis]meeting,they kneweverythingaboutus.Theyknewhow much

life insurancehe had,with whom,his parents'income,any inheritancehe wascominginto,
everycheckingaccount,ourmortgage.They knew how muchI paidfor my horse-trailer.
They knew how manyportableradioswe have in the house.They knewmoreaboutour
financesthanI do (Dexheimer1991:13).

PMCs can use this extensive knowledge of the professionals'financial situation

to counter individual refusalsto sign up for courses based on a lack of financial
resources(Geary 1994: 9, 10, 14; Hall and Kent 1995: 36; Hall and Kent 1994:
56). As we shall see, the PMCs also can use this informationat a later date to
convince medical professionalsthat they need Scientology courses to handle
personal problems. Following their practice analysis, practitionersattend their
first practice managementtrainingprogram.
The practice managementtraining programgenerallyconsists of supervised
reading, twelve hours daily for five to eight days (Gorman 1990: 28). During
training, generally offered at PMC's training facilities, PMC consultants will
identify for the doctors potential "problems"supposedly indicated by their
Oxford Capacity Analysis personalityprofile.6 The consultant will suggest that
unless the professional "handles"these personal problems,all of the time and
money invested in the managementcourse will be wasted.The consultant then
will suggest or recommend that the professional consult with a recruiterfrom
Scientology (Ochart 1993a, 124; Ochart 1993b, 230, 237, 249; Hall and Kent
1995: 17). During this Scientology consultation, the Scientologist recommends
a specific programof both coursesand auditing (which is a formof psychological
therapy and ideological instruction), to help the person deal with the personal
issuesidentified by the personalityprofile.
According to interview subjects, these meetings occur late at night, after
several long days of training.Often the meeting resultsin PMC clients agreeing

6 The test contains200 questionsto which respondentsreply"yes,""maybeor sometimes," or "no"

regardinghow they wouldrespondin specificsituations.Scientologyusestest resultsto determinethat an
individualwouldbenefitfromScientologyauditing(counsellingtherapy)(Dexheimer1991:12). Indeed,a
Scientologypolicyletterinstructstestevaluators
to sayat the lowpointson the resultinggraphs,"Scientology
trainingcanraisethat"'(Hubbard1960:164).
 MANAGING TO RECRUIT:RELIGIOUSCONVERSION IN THE WORKPLACE 397

to join Scientologyin an effortto gain Scientology'sassistancein alleviating

these newly identifiedallegedpersonalproblems.One interviewsubjectcom-
mentedon this processas it occurredduringhis practicemanagementtraining
program.
The scuttlebutt was that .. this guy was a recruiterfor Scientology, and everybodyknew
that. So everybody, all of us, all the dentists and podiatrists, . .. and periodontists and
chiropractors that were there with us, we all went in [to the private meeting with the
Scientology recruiter]with our eyes open, knowing that this guy was going to try to get us to
sign up for Scientology. And so we all had this sense of invulnerability,that we were tough
and we weren't going to fall for this.... None of us were going to sign up for this. In reality,
every single one of us did, everysingleOneof us did (Hall and Kent 1995: 17-18).

Although it is difficultto accessspecificpercentages,the data indicatethat

medicalprofessionals do enterScientologythroughPMCmanagement programs.
Officials for one PMC, for example, acknowledge that about 20 percent of the
chiropractors who sign up for managementconsultingalso wind up in Scien-
tology courses (Koff 1987). In fact, a numberof WISEpublications,including
the 1989WesternUnited StatesBusinessDirectory,referto one of the PMCsas
beingScientology'smost effectiverecruitingorganization(Ochart1993b:249,
exhibit5; Wilson 1993:99, exhibit2;WISE1989).
Although PMCs do not force practitionersto undertakeScientology
trainingor counseling,someevidenceexiststhat they pressure theirclientsto do
so. Forsomepractitioners, the pressurewasverysubtle,forothersit wasa "hard
sell"approachthat did not appearto offeropportunities forrefusal(Geary1994;
HallandKent1994;HallandKent1995).
In summary,duringthe initial stageof the conversionprocess,the PMCs
introducethe professionals to Hubbard's ideologyas a potentiallyeffectiveman-
agement tool. Afterthe initialprofessionalmanagementintroduction, PMCstaff
arrangefor their clients to meet with Scientology recruitersto discussthe
possibleapplicationsof Hubbard's ideologyto theirpersonallives.By licensing
individual companies to promote Hubbard'sideology, and then utilizing those
companiesas funnels into itself, Scientologyhas generateda successfuland
lucrativerecruitmentand resourcemobilizationvehicle.

INITIALINTERACTION7

Resource
Mobilization
Theory

In addition to acquiringfinances, another primarytask of any social

7 The remainingdiscussionidentifiesthe threestagesof recruitment practiceman-

(initialinteraction,
agementtraining,andparticipationin Scientology).Foreach stageI discussthe appropriatecomponentsof
bothLoflandandStark'smodelandresource mobilizationtheory.
398 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

movement involves obtaining and maintaining constituents8 (McCarthy and

Zald 1977: 1221). Becauseof their increasedaccess to resourcepools and control
over their own discretionary time and money, elites - in this case medical
professionals - are the most valuable constituents of any social movement
(McCarthy and Zald 1973: 11). The elite socio-economic status that medical
professionals share makes them attractive potential constituents for Scien-
tology'sPMCs.
Initial interaction between Scientology's PMCs and the medical profes-
sionals generallyoccurs when the professionalsreceive an invitation in the mail
to attend a free introductoryseminaror participatein a free practice analysis.In
addition to contacting potential clients through direct-mail solicitations, the
PMCs also mail newsletters and magazinesto professionals (WISE 1988: 8).9
These magazines contain advertisements for consulting services, testimonials
from present clients, free personality assessments, advertisements for L. Ron
Hubbard publications, as well as articles promoting the benefits of practice
managementconsulting. They also introduce L. Ron Hubbard'sadministrative
ideasto the professionals(WISE 1988: 8). Thus, without ever having met with a
PMC representative, some professionalsmay already have been introduced to
Scientology doctrine. 10
The combination of an existing predisposingneed for practice management
consulting among medical professionalsand the PMCs' ability to market an
attractive product has led to a number of medical professionals becoming
indirect constituents of Scientology.11In other words, both individual moti-

8 Individualswho supportthe social movementfinancially.

9 Scientology's WISE division licenses individual Scientologists to use L. Ron Hubbard'sideas in per-
sonal or corporateventures outside of Scientology. WISE ensures correct implementation and adherence to
Hubbard'sdoctrine and ideology.

10
Advertising through direct-mailand the media is a characteristiccommon to McCarthyand Zald's
"professionalsocial movements" (1973, 1987: 59-60). McCarthyand Zald used the term "professionalsocial
movements" to describe a new form of social movement that evolved out of the "bureaucratizationof social
discontent"(McCarthyand Zald 1973:3). In this evolutionarydevelopment, functions historicallyservedby a
movement's memberswere being taken over by highly skilled, paid workers. Professionalsocial movements
were able to use their monetary resourcesto hire specialists in the areas of marketing and promotion, fund-
raising,legal counsel, lobbying, and leadership(McCarthyand Zald 1973: 15-16, 20-23).
According to John McCarthy (1987: 59-61), direct-mail and media solicitations representattempts by
professionalsocial movements to develop social networks,or infrastructures,among loosely affiliatedpotential
adherents (ideological supporters),where they do not alreadyexist. PMC advertisementsthat highlight testi-
monials from established medical professionalsoffer an example of attempts to develop movement-generated
social networks. These testimonials serve as validation of the PMC programsamong individual professionals
that are similarto, but isolated fromone another. They are a means of generatinga social network for the pur-
pose of sharing a potentially valuable service, or mobilization tool - in this case, practice management
training based on the works of L. Ron Hubbard.In addition to publishing their own journals,the PMCs also
advertisein respectedprofessionaljournals(Hall and Kent 1995: 3-4).

11 Through a licensing agreementbetween individual PMCs and WISE, Scientology receives a royalty
of approximatelyten percent on all money invested in training and materials by PMC clients (Koff 1987).
 MANAGINGTO RECRUIT: IN THEWORKPLACE 399
CONVERSION
RELIGIOUS

vationon the partof medicalprofessionals (as describedby Loflandand Stark)

andScientology'sinterestin gainingelite constituents(asdescribedby resource
mobilizationtheory) form much of the explanationfor the successof this
recruitmentstrategy.

Model
Conversion

Loflandand Stark(1965:864) view conversionas a seriesof sevensequen-

tial stages that converts follow en route to total commitment.12They divide the
conversionprocessinto two distinct categories:predisposingconditionsand
conditionsincludesomeformof tension,
situationalcontingencies.Predisposing
a problem-solvingperspectivealigned with the ideology of the recruitingorgan-
ization,anda self-designationby the pre-convertas a seeker.Thesebackground
factorsoffernecessary,butnot sufficient,motivationforconversion.
Tension.13Theconsulting packages that Scientology's PMCs offer their
clientsareattractiveto the medicalprofessionals fora numberof reasons.First,
analysisof the contents of professionalmedicaltrainingindicatesthat profes-
sionalsobtainverylittle practicemanagementtrainingduringtheirformaledu-
cation,creatinga deficiencyof skill in this area.14Second,medicalprofessionals
arefacingincreasingintraprofessional competitionand decliningprofitability.
Thesesocialandeconomicconditionsoftenleadprofessionals to seeksomeform
of management assistance(Crain1989:25).

Regardlessof whether PMC clients choose to actively join Scientology, a portion of their consulting fees sup-
ports it, makingthem financial constituents of the social movement.

12 Lofland and Stark (1965: 864) operationalizetotal conversion as a state in which converts express
both active and verbalcommitments to the organization.

13 A numberof economic, social, and personalstrainsmay impinge upon a medical professionalat any
one time. Presumably,individual responsesto these factorswill vary considerably.The issue that is of impor-
tance to this study is the process that occurs when these individual tensions lead to a determinablesocial pat-
ter of response, which in this case involves medical professionalsobtaining practice management training
from Scientology and its affiliatedPMCs.

14 In order to establish a cursorybut objective measureof the amount of practicemanagementtraining

that students receive during their professionaleducation, I obtained informationregardingthe proportionof
educationalhours devoted to impartingthese skills in dental, veterinary,and chiropracticcolleges in Canada.
In procuring this information, I utilized two complimentary methods. First, whenever possible, I acquired
informationdirectly from universitycalendars.Second, when that informationwas not available, I contacted
the colleges and requested the appropriateinformation. By using both methods, I was able to obtain usable
data from ten of the fifteen colleges in the sample. This summarydoes not evaluate the content or quality of
information impartedto students during their coursework.Instead, it representsan objective measureof the
amount of time spent on training medical professionalsin practice managementskills. The analysis indicates
that the percentageof instructionalhours devoted to impartingpractice managementskills within designated
practice managementcourses to dental, veterinary,and chiropracticstudents in Canada rangedfrom 0-1.7 per-
cent of their total time spent in courseworkand training. The apparentlylow to non-existent emphasis on
developing these skills supports subjects' claims that their professional training did not prepare them to
effectively managetheir practices.
400 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

Both interviewand mediadata indicatedthat the professionalsfelt a need to

supplement the management training they might have received during their
universityeducation. One dentist indicatedthat:

[TheScientology-based practicemanagementprogram] reallyfilleda voidfor me as farhas

havinga managementtechnology .... Dentalschool providesyou with the technologyof
dentistryso you can practice,but it doesn'tgive you an educationin administration and
communication. When it comesdownto treatingpatients,you have to deal with staffand
communicate withpatientson dentalneedsandtreatmentplans.Anythingthatcan helpyou
do thatis a tremendousassetto the profession
(Jakush1989:15).

Other professionalsin the sample agree that professionaleducation offered little

assistancein preparingthem to managetheir practices(Hall and Kent 1994: 87;
Hall and Kent 1995: 52).
Lack of formal training in practice management skill is only one of the
economic challenges facing contemporary medical professionals. A second
challenge relates to declining incomes among medical professionals.According
to one recent Canadian estimate, average 1990 incomes for full-time dentists
was almost five thousand dollars less per year than it was in 1980 (Coutts 1995:
A7). Decreasing wages partly are a result of increasing competition, since the
total number of practicing dentists increased by almost 3,000 during that ten
year period. Increasedcompetition, along with better oral health in the general
population have placed significant strains on the profitability of Canadian
dental practices (Coutts 1995: A7).15
Limited managementtraining, increasedintraprofessionalcompetition, and
decreased profitability can lead to financial tension for some medical pro-
fessionals.The existence of finanial tension representsthe first of a seriesof steps
leading to conversion into Scientology via PMCs. Presumably,not all medical
professionals experience financial tension, and not all medical professionals
experiencing financial tension seek managementassistance. It is clear however,
from an examination of the subjects in both the interview and media samples,
that professionalswho sought management consulting felt a need to augment
their existing administrative skills. Professionals who encounter this tension
experience the first of Loflandand Stark'spredisposingconditions and, in some
cases, continue on the path towards conversion.
Problem-Solving Perspective.In addition to the experiences of tension,
Lofland and Stark suggest that individuals who hold problem-solving perspec-
tives similar to the ideological organization have an increased likelihood of

15 Veterinariansalsoappear to be encountering financial

significant In 1989,theaverage
pressures.
annualsalary
forAmerican veterinarians
wasonly$48,000,whilemedicaldoctors'salaries
averaged $110,000
(Crain1989:25).Similar to Canadian American
dentists, veterinarians'
incomealsohasbeendeclining rela-
tiveto thecostof living.In addition,
moreprofessionals
areenteringthe fieldthanleavingit, increasing
intraprofessional
competition (Crain1989:25).
 MANAGING TO RECRUIT:RELIGIOUSCONVERSION IN THE WORKPLACE 401

conversion.16 Subjectsin this studyofferexamplesof a preferencefor an objec-

tive, scientificapproachto problemsolving.One dentistreferredto an appre-
ciation for the "blackand white,""concrete"natureof the PMCapproachto
management(Hall and Kent 1994: 30-31). The dentist believed in the
authenticityof consultants'recommendations becauseconsultantspresented
them in the formof statisticalgraphs,a mediathat appealedto the dentist's
"sciencebackground" (Halland Kent1994:30). A veterinarianalsoexpresseda
preference forthe PMCssupposedly scientificapproachto management.

They call it "technology".... I didn't realizethat managementhad become so scientific that

you would actually call it technology, but that's the wordthey use. And it certainly gives you
an impressionthat they have everything so codified, and so well defined that there's no art to
it at all. Itspurescience.... Management
is easyto do, if youjustleamit the rightway,their
way(HallandKent1995:14).

Having learneda scientific approachto problem-solving duringtheir formal

education,subjectsappearedto be relievedthat they could apply the same
methodto practicemanagement(Hall and Kent 1994: 17-18; Hall and Kent
1995:6, 14).
Seekership.LoflandandStark(1965:368) suggestthat when problemsarise,
individualsactively will seek strategiesthat supporttheir problem-solving
preference.Thus, medicalprofessionalswith managementdifficultieswho have
a scientificproblem-solving
perspectiveprobablywillseeka scientificor rational
solutionto thoseproblems.The medicalprofessionalsin the studyofferevidence
of seekership,to the extent that they sought outside assistancewith their
managementdifficulties,throughapparentlyrationalmanagementprograms.
Regardlessof the individualsituation,however,the professionalpresumably
must feel some need for managementtraining in order to seek consulting
services.
In summary, practicemanagementcompaniesthat offerHubbard's ideology
in the form of managementtechniquesmediateinitial interactionbetween
medicalprofessionals and Scientology.Becauseprofessional
educationprovides
little if anypracticemanagementskills,professionals
maybe predisposed to need
or wantsomeformof managementassistance.By capitalizingon this dearthof
managementskillsand training,Scientologyis able to use its preexistingman-
agement technology to turn thousandsof medical professionalsinto con-

16 LoflandandStark(1965:867-868)documented the necessityof convertsholdinga religiousproblem-

solvingperspectivepriorto theirconversionsto whatwe now knowwasUnificationChurch.By analogy,I
arguethatprofessionals heightentheirchancesof joiningScientologythrougha PMCif theyvaluea scientific
or rationalproblem-solving thatparallelsthe PMCsviewof management
perspective "technology." The scien-
tific/rationalperspectivethat the PMCsemphasizefocuseson record-keeping that allowsprofessionalsto
measureand rewardbusinessexpansionand punishproductivity decline, in a mannersimilarto Frederick
Taylor'sScientificManagement (KrahnandLowe1998:213-216).
402 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

stituents.17 If Scientology can increase this initial commitment, then it converts

these constituents into adherents18 of its social movement efforts to "clear the
planet."

PRACTICE MANAGEMENT TRAINING

ResourceMobilization

The relationship between Scientology and its PMCs is similar to a

recruitment pattern originally described by Bird and Westley (1988). They
describe New Religious Movements (like Scientology) as active missionary
movements, ever eager to spread their message by direct and particularly by
indirect methods (1988: 51). One such indirect method of Scientology recruit-
ment, specifically of medical professionals, is through its practice management
training programs.19
PMC consulting is an indirect recruitment method because it introduces
clients to Scientology through their involvement in managment training.
Although PMC executives deny any relationship between Scientology and their
companies, several factors indicate strong ties between the organizations
(Cartwright 1990: 1, 4; Dexheimer 1991: 12; Koff 1987: 5; Lopez 1993: HI; Witt
1989: 11; Zuziak 1991: 2039). The first indication is that Hubbard's man-
agement technology forms the basis of the PMCs' training programs. PMCs
obtain the right to use Hubbard's ideas through the World Institute of
Scientology Enterprises [WISE].
The purpose of WISE is "getting L. Ron Hubbard's administrative
technology broadly disseminated and used in the business world" (Church of
Scientology International 1989: 20). Towards this end, WISE licenses indivi-
duals and businesses to use Hubbard's administrative technology. WISE markets
and promotes programs designed to expand its own membership and the

17 Between1983and 1992,thirty-fivethousandNorthAmericanhealthcarepractitioners tookpartin

SterlingMangement Systems'basicanalysisandconsultationservices(WISE1992:5). In 1988,aftera four-
yearassociation
withScientology,SingerConsultantshadan annualclientbaseof betweeneighthundredand
one thousandmedicalprofessionals,
with an associatedfinancialintakeof approximately
eightmilliondollars
(Koff1987;WISE1985:8).
18 Adherentsareindividuals
who supportthe socialmovementideologically.
19 Birdand Westley(1988:51) indicatethat the fee-for-service mobilizationtechniquesthat these
groupsutilizehavetwodistinctpurposes. Theyservebothasa methodof raisingmoneyandasa proselytization
tool.The groupsoffertheirservicesto a largelytransientbodyof clientswhohavelittleor no initialideologi-
cal commitmentto the group.Birdand Westleyalso note that the groups'initial interestin clients is in
obtainingfinancialresources (1988:53). Important to realize,however,is thatthe groupseventuallymayseek
to obtainmoreinvolvementfromclients.Groupsneedgreatercommitmentfromat leastsomeconstituents
because"drop-out" ratesin thesevariousprograms areveryhigh(BirdandWestley1988:53). Byencouraging
constituentsto makeideologicalcommitments andbecomeconstituent-adherents, socialmovementssuchas
Scientologyassurethatindividualsinvolvethemselvesbothideologically andfinancially.
 MANAGINGTO RECRUIT:
RELIGIOUS IN THEWORKPLACE 403
CONVERSION

disseminationof Scientology doctrines.Thus, the first link between Scientology

and its practice managementprogramsis organizational.20Medical practitioners
who enroll in PMC courses learn the same organizational and management
techniques that the Church of Scientology uses (Ochart 1993a 60; Ochart
1993b: 293-295, 303; Hall and Kent 1995: 13, 15).
Even if medical professionalschoose not to enroll in training and auditing
directly from Scientology, they nonetheless receive exposure to Scientology
doctrine and practices.The Modem ManagementTechnology that PMCs use is
the same technology offered within Scientology to its own executives (WISE
1983: ii; Hall and Kent 1995: 13,15). Consequentlythe managementcompanies'
trainingprogramsmimic those of Scientology in both content and format.21
The Oxford Capacity Analysis personality profiles represent an additional
tie between Scientology and its PMCs. As previously discussed, PMC
consultants administerthe profiles to the medicial professionalsand their staff
early in the consultation process,and refertheir clients to Scientology basedon
the results.One PMC presidentsummarizedthe referralprocessin this way:"We
do not deal in personalproblems,maritalproblems,or any problemsbut business
problems. ... If [clients] don't have anybody to help them, we will tell them
about Scientology .. ."(quoted in Zuziak 1991: 2040). The CEO of another
PMC made a similar statement when he claimed that PMC consultants will
direct clients toward Scientology for help with personal problemsbecause they
feel it is "the best help around"(quoted in Jakush 1989: 4). In other words,as
part of their practiceevaluation, the consulting firmsutilize a personalityprofile

20 In addition to its stated goal of informationdissemination,WISE has additional objectives of a more

religiousnature.Within WISE publications,the organizationdescribesitself as a "religiousfellowshiporganiza-
tion" formed"in order to promote and foster [Hubbard's]AdministrativeTechnology in society" (WISE 1992:
I). In an interview with Prosperitymagazine,Alan Hollander,presidentof Hollander Consulting, summarized
the relationshipbetween WISE, WISE members,their clients, and the Church of Scientology:

PROSPERITY:What is yourobjective as a WISEmember?

HOLLANDER:My objective is to get as much technology into the environment as possible becausethat
is contributing to Clearing the Planet. In fact, our real producthere is clients who are winning with L.
Ron Hubbard'sTechnology and reachingfor more. We have gotten literally hundredsof people on the
lines. In 1986 alone, we got 82 people started on the Bridge. From March 1986 to March 1987 the
income to [Scientology]organizationsfromour clients has been $362,197. My feeling about this is that
WISE memberslike ourselvescan have a great impact on Clearing the Planet in terms of dissemination
(WISE 1987: 9).

In this case, Alan Hollanderdescribedone of the goals of his organizationas directing clients into Scientology
in an effort to supportthe movement'sgoal of "Clearingthe Planet."Thus, PMCs operate on behalf of Scien-
tology, mobilizingresourcesof both money and new memberstowardsits ideologicalends.

21 The similarities in the content and formatof courses that both PMCs and
Scientology offer reflect
the fact that almost without exception, employeesand executives of Hollanderand Sterling also are practicing
Scientologists (Cartwright 1990: 1, 4; Jakush 1989: 7; Koff 1988; Lopez 1993: HI; Ochart 1993b: 193, 263;
Witt 1989: 11). At one PMC, raises and promotions depend upon acceptance of and enrollement in Scien-
tology courses,so that even if employees are not Scientologists when they are hired, they may be pressuredto
become church members(Cartwright1990: 1).
404 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

that almostinvariablyindicatesa need for someformof counselingor therapy.

Once they have identifiedthis supposedneed in clients,the PMCconsultants
referthemto the Churchof Scientology.

Conversion
Model

In theirconversionmodel,LoflandandStarksuggestthat the identification

of personalproblems,whichthey label"turningpoints,"is an essentialelement
in recruitment into an ideological organization. The theorists note that the
effectivenessof turningpointsin contributingto the conversionprocesshinges
on the timingof the event (Loflandand Stark1965:870). Essentially,precon-
vertswho reachturningpointsin theirlivesshortlybeforeor concurrently with
their encounterwith ideologicalorganizations are morelikelyto convertthan
are individualswho arenot at suchsignificantlife-junctures
(LoflandandStark
1965:870).
In the contextof the Loflandand Starkconversionmodel,Scientologyuses
the OxfordCapacityAnalysisto createor highlightturningpointsfor medical
professionals.These turning points involve the "identification"of personal
problemsthat supposedlyare hinderingbusinessperformance.Subsequently
Scientology,via its PMCs,offersa convenientsolutionto these problems.In
this way, the organization attempts to develop a "situational contingency,"
eitherby emphasizing
existingproblemsor suggestingpotentialdifficulties.
Lofland and Stark (1965: 864) refer to situational contingencies as con-
ditions that arisefrom"confrontationand interaction"betweenthe potential
convertand the ideologicalorganization.The theoristsarguethat these con-
ditionsleadto the successfulrecruitment of predisposedindividuals.Towardthis
recruitment end, Scientologyutilizesthe personalityprofilesto generatethe first
in a seriesof situationalcontingenciesthat bringthe medicalprofessionals closer
to ideologicalconversion.

ENTERINGSCIENTOLOGY:BECOMINGA
CONSTITUENT-ADHERENT

Resource
Mobilization
Theory

McCarthyandZald(1977: 1221)suggestthata significantgoalof anysocial

movementis to develop constituent-adherents who will both believe in and
supportthe movement(1977: 1221). Becausea socialmovement'sprimarygoal
is survival,and it needs resourcesto achieve this goal, the movementmust
generate a large pool of committed supportersto provide those necessary
resources(McCarthyand Zald1987:28). Selectivematerialincentives(suchas
increasedwealth) and social-emotionalincentives(such as status,friendship,
and self-esteem)that the movementcan exchangefor donationsbind indivi-
 MANAGINGTO RECRUIT: IN THEWORKPLACE 405
CONVERSION
RELIGIOUS

duals to an organization, thus ensuring continued involvement and support

(Bailis 1974; Gamson 1975; summarized in McCarthy and Zald 1987; 28).
Medical professionalsbecome constituent-adherentswhen they both contribute
to Scientology financially as PMC clients and enter the group as members,
supportingit ideologically.22

Conversion
Model

If the professionals accept Scientology's offer of assistance in solving

personalproblems,then they sign up for counseling and become active members
of the social movement. Lofland and Stark identify three additional stages of
increasing involvement: increasing cult affective bonds, decreasing extra-cult
bonds,andintensive
affective interaction
withgroupmembers.
Cult-AffectiveBonds. Lofland and Stark (1965: 871) refer to cult-affective
bonds as the "development or presence of some positive, emotional, inter-
personal response"that facilitates acceptance of the organization'smessage.23
For some subjects, the affective bonds developed with Scientology recruitersor
PMC consultants, and for others the bonds developed with Scientology
counselors. For one interview subject, the formation of these bonds occurred
duringdiscussionswith a Scientology recruiterabout his personalityprofile.The
medical professionalwas impressedby the recruiter'sability to identify personal
problems in his marriage,and by the recruiter'soffer of a solution that fit well
with his own scientific approachto problem solving. In addition, Scientology's
offer of assistanceprovidedan alternative to psychologicalcounseling, an option
that this individualdid not wish to consider (Hall and Kent 1994: 27-33).
For another interview subject, the development of cult-affective bonds
occurred later in the interaction process, during auditing sessions. This medical
professionaldescribedauditing as an "incrediblypowerful"experience and indi-
cated that it was integralto his continued involvement in the organization(Hall

22 Priorto purchasing
coursesdirectlyfromScientology,PMCclientsrepresentisolatedconstituentsof
the socialmovement(McCarthyandZald1987:29). Isolatedconstituentshaveno directinvolvementwith
the largersocial movement, and are thus tied only tenuously to the organization(1987: 30). Recruiting these
isolatedconstituentsdirectlyinto the social movementsand convertingthem into constituent-adherents
ensuresan increasedlevelof solidarityandfinancialsupport(McCarthy andZald1977:9, 1987:29-31).Thus,
froma resourcemobilization perspective,ScientologyutilizesPMCsto locateandobtainpotentialelite con-
stituent-adherents
to helpensureitscontinuedexistence.
When medicalprofessionals purchasemanagementconsultingfroma PMCaffiliatedwith Hubbard's
teachings,the PMCforwards a portionof that moneyto the Scientologysocialmovement.In this stageof
involvement,the professional is a constituentof the socialmovement.If the professionals
agreewith the
resultsof the personalityprofileand agreeto participatein Scientologycounselingor training,then they
acceptthe social movement'sabilityto assistthem in personalissues.In this stageof involvement,they
becomebothconstituentsandadherents of the movement.
23 In orderforan individualto
joina movement,"anaffectivebondmustdevelop,if it doesnot already
exist"(LoflandandStark1965:871). The developmentof a positive,interpersonal
tie betweena prospective
memberandone or moremovementmembersis the strongestprecipitating factorin organizationentry(Snow
andPhillips1980:440).
406 SOCIOLOGY
OFRELIGION

and Kent 1995:30). Beyondthese two examples,the sizeof the studymakesit

difficultto assesswhetheror not cult-affectivebondsareessentialto continued
involvement with Scientology. Importantto note however, is that other
researchers have supportedLoflandand Stark'ssuggestionthat it is integralto
the conversionprocess(GrielandRudy1984:316;Kox,Meeus,andHart1991:
238;SnowandPhillips1980:440).
Weak Extra-CultAffectiveBonds.In Loflandand Stark'soriginalstudy,
individualswith strongextra-cultaffectivebondsdid not engagein continued
involvementwith the ideologicalorganization(1965: 873). This same effect
appearsin the experiencesof a numberof subjectsin the presentstudy.In other
words,in caseswhereoutsideinterestcompetewith an individual'sintentions
regarding conversion,conversionis unlikelyto occur.
The familiesof two of the interviewsubjectsengagedin considerableefforts
to withdrawthe professionals fromScientologyinvolvement.One professional's
spouse preventedhim from obtaining financingfor Scientology coursesby
contactingfinancialinstitutionsand requestingthat they delayprocessinghis
loan applications(Hall andKent 1995).To furtherhinderherhusband'sfinan-
cial arrangements, the spousearrangedfor a team of ex-Scientologymembers
and an exit-counselorto discussthe groupwith him (Hall and Kent 1995:38).
These discussionsled to the professional's decisionto discontinuehis Scien-
tology involvement.
IntensiveInteraction.
The finalstagein LoflandandStark'sconversionmodel
is intensiveinteractionbetweenthe recruitandmembersof the organization. In
supportof the originalformulationof the model,bothSnowandPhillips(1980)
and Greil and Rudy(1984) foundthat intensiveinteractionwas essentialto
cementing the conversion process. Because friends and family of the
professionalsin the presentsampleinterferedwith the conversionprocess,it is
difficultto assessthe relativeimportanceof intensiveinteractionin maintaining
memberloyaltyin Scientology.
Importantto note, however, is that Scientology staff membersmade
significanteffortsto have the practitionerscontinuetheir involvementas soon
as possibleafteragreeingto enterthe organization.In somecases,Scientology
arrangedfor staffmembersto accompanymedicalprofessionals into their own
homesto ensurethat they weremakingappropriate arrangements for financing
and effortsto begincourses(Geary1994:11;HallandKent1994:75). In these
cases,the organizationappearsto have attemptedto arrangefor circumstances
involvingintensiveinteractionbetweennew and establishedmembersbeyond
the physicalboundaries of the organization.

CONCLUSION

This articleidentifiesissuesthatcontributeto the socialscientificdiscussion

of Scientology, the trainingof medicalprofessionals,and social movement
 MANAGINGTO RECRUIT:
RELIGIOUS IN THEWORKPLACE 407
CONVERSION

theory.RegardingScientology,the organization's practicemanagementactivity

in the secularrealmhas potentialimplicationsfor its claimsto be a religious
organization. While someauthorsconcludethat the churchof Scientology"isa
deviantbusiness"(Passasand Castillo 1992: 110), they neverthelessconclude
that it "mustremaina deviantbusinessthat borrowsfromscience, renewsits
imaginativejargon,updatesits spiritualtechniques,and remainsa religion"
(Passasand Castillo 1992:115). In a practicalsense,however,this conclusion
meansthat a religiousbodydenies its religiousconnection in orderto train
medicalprofessionals in secularofficepracticeskills.Moreover,its use of these
practicemanagement coursesas recruitment effortssuggestsdeceptiontowardits
targetpopulationof professionals, whodo not knowof the religiousconnection
of the programswhen they sign up to learnaccountingand office skills.New
developmentsin the relationshipbetweenScientologyand the AmericanIRS,
which includedan agreementto dissolveWISE no later than 31 December
1995, may make Scientology's claims regardingthe secular nature of its
management trainingprograms even moredifficultto substantiate.24
Medicalprofessionals mayfind this studyinteresting,since apparentlythey
do not realizehow theirdeficiencyin financialandofficemanagementtraining
predisposesthem to become converts to an ostensibly religious group.
Deficiencies in managementtraining have providedScientology with an
opportunityto identifyandfill a marketniche fortheseprofessionals and at the
sametime increaseits own membership rolls.Ironically,the emphasisin profes-
sional schoolson scientifictrainingto the exclusionof managementtraining
makesthesedegree-awarding institutionsunwittingparticipants in the eventual
recruitmenteffortsof Scientology(andprobablyotherideologiesthat recognize
the vulnerabilitiesof medicallytrainedprofessionals).
Finally,thisanalysiscontributesto socialmovementliteraturein at leasttwo
ways.The incorporationof a conversionmodel in the context of a resource
mobilizationunderstanding of recruitmentstrategiesillustratesthe benefitsof
viewing the motives of the potential converts in relation to organizational
demands.Likewise,the combinedanalysisof predisposing factorsamongpoten-
tial convertsto an ostensiblereligiousmovementprovidesan expandedunder-
standingof a context to conversionand a social psychologicaldimensionto
organizationalrecruitmentefforts.And even though Scientology'sgoals of
'clearingthe planet'differsignificantlyfrom the more limitedpersonalself-
improvement goals of medical professionals, the two coincide in the
involvementof professionals in PMCs.

24 The agreement between Scientology and the IRS

required that Scientology "no later than 31
December 1995, effectuatethe dissolutionof WISE, Inc. and transferall of its assets, including but not limited
to the Scientology religiousmarks,to the InspectorGeneral Network [a high level Scientology management
structure]"(Departmentof the Treasury- Internal Revenue Service, 1993). A new variant of the old WISE,
Inc., however, now operates under a slightly different name, as indicated by the continued publication of
Prosperitymagazine(WISE 1997).
408 OFRELIGION
SOCIOLOGY

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