JAWED NAQVI “= Trump as Imran’s umpire ‘THE idea of neutral umpires was given to cricket foremost by Imran Khan, The quaint invention has longer precedencein diplomacy. Neutral umpires inthe arena are called honest brokers. Imran Khan looked delirious with joy when Donald Trump said hhecould mediate or arbitrate the Kashmir dispute, and claimed to have Narendra Modis support if heeded. A billion people would pray for Trump's health, Khan had exulted, or something to that effect. ‘Two questions arise. Can Imran Khan really trust President Trump asan honest and discerning noutral umpire as, say, US Senator George Mitchell twas in setting the Irish dispute with Britain 20 {years ago? If Trump had the required credentials, hhe would not have backed a shady initiative with ‘fistful of US dollars to quell the Palestinian quest for a non-racial democracy in a shared homeland for Jews and Arabs. ‘Theembarrassing offer ame from Trump's sean- dalously overinvested son-inlaw. Suppose he dis patches this Man Friday to Srinagar, what would that imply for the Kashmiris, primarily, leave alone the nucleanarmed contestants? ‘Some do seem tohave figuredowt Donald Trump, and American Democrats arent among them. The young Kim from North Korea has worked well on ‘wrapping the all-powerful president of the most Powerful nation on earth round his litle finger. Not too far bebind are the Iranians, They have been at the receiving end of Trump's more vicious streaks That has not deterred them from standing up for their sovercign pride and what they see as their political reason to exist. ran is well aware that Trump didn’ terminate the fictional military attack on it by pulling back over his much adver. {sed moral principle of saving 150 Iranian lives. ‘The Iranians know as does the world that Trump thas been complicit in the incalculable misery and ‘mass murder in Yemen, tnd not just with lethal ‘arms he sold tothe Saudis in the manner of a Clint Eastwood character for a bag of gold, shooting down the obstructive sheriff the US Congress tried toplay. ‘Trump is least bothered about lives. More accu- rately, he is terrified of getting stuck like his prede- essors ina foreign conflict. In this, he is like Shakespeare's allegorical cat in Macbeth that wanted the ish without werting ts paws—“Letting Tiare not wait upon T would” ‘The other question related to Trump is purposely facetious. Let us suppose Trump had turned around wo Imran Khan at thelr joint media event, and, Instead of offering to mediate or arbitrate on ‘Kashmir had said words to the effect:"Let's put the question to the very athletic prime minister of Pakistan, He sees my friend Narendra Mod's ‘group as best suited to usher peace with Pakistan. Fm sure he has some very, very good ideas for believing in Modi, Given his hopes in the excellent ‘man that Modi is, Tm sure he will work outa very ‘ood deal withthe Indians. India may feel that mediation doesn’t suit its self-cultivated image as a regional power, but it has benefited from it in the past. ‘The facile question has a serious purpose. Khan said some time ago that Modis rightwing Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party was best equipped to resolve the Kashmir dispute. Grant all power to Khan and Modi But where's the evidence? Given the amazing sim ‘between the US President and the Indian prime minister, Modi ‘would likely have shredded the deal had one existed, say, between Manmohan Singh and Pervez Musharrat. Also after Trump's image, the anger ‘would not be summoned because the deal was bed {orlndia. It would likelier be unacceptable because an opponent he reviled had signed it "And just as Trump is bent on offering an alter nate deal to Iran with a new list of commitments on missile capabilities and political activities in the neighbourhood, Modi too may rehash the old Singh Musharrat draft with 2 rider, Ie could come as the removal of the special status Jammu and Kashmir enjoys in India's const ft businessman and businessmen base. Ordinarily, non-Kashmiris aren’ ‘wn property in Kashmir, given the special const futional provisions. Tp repeal the clause would be fcuphemism for’ an economic and. physical takeover. ‘Atte worst of times between the US and USSR, communication channels remained open. And teven then the two needed the mediation of UN sec- etary general U Thant to terminate the threat that ‘would have ended life on earth in 1962. ‘india may fool that mediation doesnt suit its sof cultivated image as a regional power, but it has benefited from it in the past, and not only in the ‘Tashkent pact or in the water treaty with Pakistan. India recently colobrated its soldiers in the Kargil conflict with Pakistan. Every nation celebrates its brave soldiers, But that doesn't detract from the fact that the Kargil ‘vierory" was actually won in the diplomatic arena, to avoid using the word ‘mediation’, with President Bill Clinton's interven- tion. Clinton sai so in the Indian parliament and toapplause from doting MPs. ‘There is nothing intrinsically wrong with media: tion, except that it occasionally treads on some- one's acqutred attitude. Te was commendable that India ‘and Pakistan weleomed the ruling of the International Court of Justice on the condemned Indian prisoner in Pakistan, Whether in peace or aggression, the foreign hand can produce unex pected outcomes. The ‘war on terror’ began with the Afghan Taliban in America's crosshairs and ‘ould end with them for better or worse asthe rul- rs of Kabul, Ie would be uphill for India to accept the Taliban to keep up with Joneses and continue the military fssault on Kashmir, Like all nightmares, the frauma of Kashmiris too shall pass, preferably espite Imran Khan's faith in strange people. As Senator Mitchell recalls, there were 700 days of bad news waiting for that one day of happy tidings in Ireland. Importantly, unlike Kissinger in the lle East or Holbrooke in Bosnia, Mitchell didnt go to his mission on a gunbost ‘Tho itor s Dawn's conespondont in Doth Jawednaqvi@gmall.comBY ARIFA NOOR ‘Out, damn’d spot! Out’ ‘The red lines seem to be increasing with frequency; the obvious use of ‘mute’ during talk shows is a clear indication, ‘DAAGH wh achay hoxay hain’ isa detergent cam- ppaign that has proved to be regionally successful ‘According to experts, its success lay in its unique take on the idea of cleanliness, While competitors played up the importance to stay clean, daagh tlt fachay hotay hain offered the idea that dirt and ‘Stains were not a problem as they were easy to get Tid of ‘Tn politics, however; stains are not as easy to get vid of as they are in ads. But Imran Khan and his {goverament do not seem to vealise this. The party {squiekly acquiring one stain after another ~ the latest being the tarnishing of their image visas, ‘ress freedom which will nor be easy to remove in ‘the long run, “The issue has blown up to the extent that it has now turned into the one embarrassing question the ‘government cannot provide adequate answers (0, especially internationally. Foreign Minister Shah ‘Mehmood Qureshi faced it during his appearance ‘ata conference on the media recently, while Imran ‘Khan was asked about it more than once during his trip to the United States. Tt can only be hoped that it cost him atleast one sleepless night as it was the ‘one answer of his which was judged to be far from satisfactory by many of the observers who other- ‘wise praised his visit to Washington. ‘Why has press freedom become such an issue? ‘The red lines seem to be increasing with fre {queney —and the obvious use of mute during tale shows is @ clear indication, But the issue gained intensity after interviews of Asif Ali Zardari and Maryam Nawaz were pulled off air within minutes, of the programme beginning. Then came the news of the latter being banned from air altogether. And the government appeared to be the culprit ‘Somewhere in the middle of all this, it also bbeeame obvious that there were worried voices within the ruling party and the cabinet itsell Voices who, for various reasons, engaged more irectly with journalists and were faced more fre ‘quently withthe questions Khan and Qureshi were asked on their trips abroad, And by Khan's return from the US, the issue had been raised inthe cal ‘et meeting and other internal forums. "More than one PTLwallah has now tried to reas sure those watching that Khan has been convinced. torethink his media strategy (though exactly what this entails and how the restrictions will be exsed romains uncleai). But party the scepticism exists because the issue is far more complex than either the PTTs crities make it out t be, or thove prom Ing us another U-turn realise ltst, che curbs on the media began some time ago — before the PTI took power and long before tthe Pakhtun movement or the general election, The first such efforts were made by Gen Musharraf unsuccessfully — in 2007 but it did indicate the Sate's uneasy acceptance of an unbridled press. ‘And we soon put the failure behind us. But since then, methods have been honed and perfected by ‘most political players on the scene. eis hard to pinpoint a date because the trou Diling first steps were not contested. In fact, they were widely supported. Asa result, fee paid atten ion to the precedents being set. Did it begin with the ban on Altaf Hussain, or did it begin with his speeches being telecast live by all and sundry? Or was it when channels were taken off air by Pemra asa ‘regulatory’ measure? Ithap pened with both Geo and ARY in 2014, @ year before a court order imposed a ban on Hussain. Since then, it has been a slippery slope — and no fone (including the journalists themselves) batted an eyelid when news came of the temporary sus pension of yet another channel, ‘The ‘new norm’ had been established. And this happened at time the PML-N was in power, as it was when it bull: dozed the cybererime law through the National ‘Assembly Pema has continued with its regulatory meth: fds through advisories, while instructions have become routine. (One can only hope there is a Zamir Niazi, quietly recording the instructions coming through daily) ‘What makes the issue particularly complex is that itis hard to tell who is eventually responsible for these decisions which are being passed on, "The PTTis the one getting the flak partly because of its own statements and behaviour; such as when, Some ofits own justify the ban on the coverage of “convicted” political leaders. Bur it also ends up With the blame because itis in power asthe PML-N ‘was when suspension of channels became an ‘ceptable manner in which to sanction news channels (An unlikely consequence of these curbs has been thar the press hes stopped introspecting, Which is unforrunate, but chat debate is a matter {or another day. However, i is essential that any discussion onthe issue Include a debate on our edi {orlal standards as well as the reasons why itis $0 2059 to impose curbs) ‘But what the PTT, in its inexperience, does not realise Is thatthe stain it has acquired as a party ‘opposed to pres freedom will not be as easy 10 lean, as detergent ads promise, It will stiek — for Jong time, long after the party has repented its Imistake. The PML-N has never been able to rid itself of the stigma of storming the Supreme Court; the PPP these day’sis tryingin vain toexplainaway its decision to vote for Sadiq Sanjrani and its volteace. ‘Press freedom ean become a similar issue fr the PTL Indeed, more than the accountability eam paign twill prove tobe the dadgh, or stain, that the party will find hard to wash away. Despite the hheavyrhandedness against the opposition, corrup tHon is an issue which resonates to some extent st hhome and abroad and will find fewer crties in the West which has always been uneasy about such allegations. But press curbs are not accepted this easily. The trip to the US illustrated this, Is the party prepared fort The wnterisajouralis.BY NIAZ MURTAZA == Economic fantasy? MUCH like a chronic drug addict, we are back with IMF doctors for our chronic fiscal and external deficit ills. The blame for the origi- nal ills lies clearly with patients. But just as medical doctors can face malpractice charges, somust IMF doctors if they cause harm. IMF programmes are reviled widely for forcing stabilisation that hurts the poor, but rarely leads to durable and equitable growth; they even reduce growth prospects. States approach the IMF when facing huge external deficits. Sadly, IMF programmes do not focus well on finding durable solu- tions, and stray into issues not directly linked with them. This keeps states like Pakistan facing chronic external deficits. Alll these issues plague the new programme and the 2019-20 budgets derived from it. But so wild are key targets that we may not even attain stabilisation aims this time. ‘The IMF-dictated budget carries an FBR tax revenue target of Rs5.5 trillion — 35 per cent higher than last year’s. Pakistan saw annual tax revenue increases of around 20pe in recent years, even when the econ- ‘omy grew at above Spe. How can one expect a 35pe increase with the economy set to grow at only 2.4pc? Worryingly, the budget aims to achieve this large increase more via regressive indirect taxes, which are aimed torise by 40pe vs only 25p¢ for direct taxes. The large increase in revenue targets leads one to hope for higher development and social outlays. But a review of outlays quickly dashes these hopes. Of the nearly Rs1.Str increased overall outlay over last ‘year, nearly Rsitr will go towards debt ser- Vicing, mainly due to high interest rate hikes imposed by the IME. So the unreason- able fiscal targets have mainly been set up to finance unreasonable interest rate hikes. Similarly, the IMF expects export reve- nues to increase by 8p¢ this year when they actually fell over last year. For taxes, we at east sce much noise and chaotic effort in the FBR, but few actual results. ‘These’ wild targets make one wonder whether it was adult, serious economists on. both sides who developed them after looking hard at the economy. Since one did see such economists on both sides of the table on TV, ‘one wonders what led them to develop such ‘wild targets. What will happen once they are not met: another abandoned IMF pro- ‘gramme and crisis or IMF waivers? This may depend on how our ties go with the US. ‘There ismuch euphoria over Imran Khan's success in resetting ties with the US. Fans claim that Khan charmed the US into eschewing its ‘do more’ mantra. More realis tically, the mantra would have been repeated in private instead of public after we agreed to do more, given the economic and FATF crunch, So while IMF may hold its quarterly programme reviews, the real decisions may occur in parallel US reviews on doing more ‘on regional peace and terrorism. These harsh policies will hurt poor peo- ple badly. The well-respected economist Dr Hafiz Pasha says eight million persons may fall into poverty over the next two years, despite the cosmetic increases in social pro- gramme outlays. ‘The depressed local demand, high interest rates, high and rapid increase in taxes, and higher imports costs will also make it tough to restart growth, despite IMF claims. The interest rate hikes to control inflation seem very inept as such hikes work well if inflation is demand. driven and consumer demand is debe driven. Neither is true here. ‘The tax hikes should also have been phased in more slowly given slow growth. On the two occasions Pakistan managed to ignite growth quickly after IMF programmes, it was not mainly due to the programme's success, but “exogenous factors, ie major US aid after 9/1 and CPEC in IMF Programmes Paian regains ts do not focus CPEC momentum well on eee finding Finally, the struc durable sauteed aon va weak and indirect to durably resolve our fiscal and external deficit ills. The only measure to increase exports is devaluation which hasn't helped. But most worrying is the loss of economic autonomy. Ishaq Dar was called a Western economic hitman by hawks. While many of his policies were flawed, they were the ‘opposite of the harmful ones Western pow- ers and the IMF force on poor states, eg free exchange and high interest rates. We now have two people running the economy who were hastily brought in from abroad, have the profiles of economic hitmen and are fol- lowing IMF policies, though they may not be economic hitmen. No state has prospered after losing eco: nomic autonomy. Unluckily we could not craft sensible policies even when we had more economic autonomy under the PML-N. Thus, our medium-term economic prospects look bleak unless we redo the programme with US help by “doing more’ and develop a sensible indigenous economic plan. solutions. The witeris a Senior Fellow with UC Berkeley and heads INSPIRING Pakistan, a progressive think tank. murtazaniaz@yahoo.com Twitter@NiazMurtaza2BY MOEED YUSUF += Divisions persist “HE came, he saw, he conquered.” wrote US-based South Asia expert Michael Kugleman in his recent Dawn article on Prime Minister Imran Khan's Washington sojourn. Perfectly put! One can have Democrat or Republican leanings in the US, PTI, PML-N, PPP or whatever in Pakistan, butif youare achampion of the Pakistan-US relationship in either country, you've got to admit that Khan’s trip was special In my last article before his visit, I had suggested that the Trump-Khan meeting will be the make or break. The relationship begged a shakeup and the two gents needed toclick. And they did, Interacting with both sides before the trip, I sensed nervousness. The Pakistani side knew the importance of the one-on-one between the leaders and had worked over- time to decipher President Donald ‘Trump's likes and dislikes, Still, they weren’t willing to wager any bets, The US system, on the other hand, was concerned about’ Trump going overboard in rolling out the red carpet for Khan, thereby sending, from the bureau- cracy’s perspective, a terrible signal: bygones are bygones and the US is ready to mend fences because Pakistan matters. ‘The Pakistani side was all smiles after the White House interaction, but Khan's visit has left Washington divided. ‘Trump took the charm offensive route, creating. dilemma for his bureaucracy. The view within the system remains that Pakistan needs to be pressured to force greater cooperation on Afghanistan. The divide throws up a couple of serious challenges. First, the natural inclination of those favouring persistent pressure on Pakistan will be to try and walk back some of Trump's conciliatory signalling. We've already seen statements from Washington indicating a ‘more sceptical take on the trip than Trump's overtures suggested. On the Pakistani side, this reality will likely lead to attempts 10 bypass the system and work directly with the US presidentand the pro-Pakistan voices who convinced him to invite Khan, ‘Neither will benefit the relationship. Too sceptical an approach by the US bureaucracy will deflate Pakistan's incentive to push harder on Afghanistan to satisfy Trump, something I sense Pakistan is now keen to do, (On the other hand, while what a US president wants matters, ' Washington ultimately derives its strength from its institutions. One can't ignore the institutional processes, any such effort on Pakistan’s part will result in rearguard action by the bureaucracy that'll stall the momentum this trip initiated. ‘Second, even if we begin to move ina posi- tive direction, the long-standing disconnect between what the US wants from Pakistan and what Pakistan is willing to do has still to be worked out. ‘On this count, we may be worse off now than we were before the trip, since Trump's understanding of the quid pro quo from Pakistan in return for his positive outreach isprobably lessnuanced than the US bureau- cracy’s. His desire to get an agreement between the Afghan powerbrokers and the Afghan Taliban in time for his November 2020 re-election bid is well known. Everything he did last week tells me he feels Pakistan is his answer. He doesn't want Pakistan to merely get the Taliban talking with President Ashraf Ghani, he wants Pakistan to get him a peace deal ‘The problem is that Pakistan doesn’t have that kind of clout. But if it is unable to either ‘manage or fulfil Trump's expectations, he will begin torevert to his system’s sceptical view of Pakistan's utility. We'd be back to square one, So, it is erucial for Pakistan to try as hard as it'can in Afghanistan: to help the US secure a satisfactory outcome, while simul- taneously seeking the US system’s support to manage Trump’s expectations. Td be remiss if I didn’t “mention that Trump this trip wast only wants Khun mecting after Pakistan tof sendscfpobineal get hima diaspora in a special Peace deal. 00 pation ‘Americans packed in Washington’s Capital One Arena to hear Khan and Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, this community event managed to give a true sense of belonging to our other- wise disparate and disjointed diaspora community, ‘Among the crowd were second-generation Pakistanis who have grown up shying away from owning up to their identity rather than cherishing their heritage. Such has been the negativity around Pakistan's image in popu- Jar American imagination, Nonetheless, this generation has an essential role as ambassa- dors of the US-Pakistan relationship and both Washington and Islamabad must har- ness their potential. Khan has got the ball rolling in spectacular fashion, In fact, this, may well have been his visit's most lasting contribution. For those of us who see the merits of a strong US-Pakistan relationship, Prime Minister Khan's visit was a welcome devel- ‘opment. It’s now time to build on the reset the Trump-Khan duo has achieved. = The wiiter is the author of Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments: US Crisis Management in South Asia.HIV/AIDS in Pakistan NEW report by UNAIDS has some upsetting insights on A Pakistan, which has been placed on a list of 11 countries with the highest prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS. While in other countries, HIV/AIDS cases are on the decline, there has been a worrying upsurge of the disease in Pakistan. According to the report, the number of HIV/AIDS patients in the country rose to over 160,000 in 2018. Of these, around 110,000 were men; 48,000 women; and 5,500 children under the age of 15. Approximately 6,400 died from the disease. A decade ago, in 2008, the number of patients living with HIV/AIDS in the country stood at 4,300, showing a considerable increase. Undoubtedly, the number of patients would have risen even higher in 2019, in light of the sudden outbreak of the disease in Larkana in the past few months, particularly amongst children, some under the age of two. For years, health researchers have been warning of the potential threat of an HIV/AIDS epidemic in the country, but an ostrich-like attitude and inability to talk about things as they are has resulted in the issue aggravating over the years. Because HIV/AIDS is still associated with what is condemned as socially deviant sexual ity, stigma surrounds the topic in our largely conservative society. HIV/AIDS was understood to be more prevalent amongst marginalised communities without access to treatment, such as the transgender population, drug addicts and commercial sex workers, but there is reason to believe it is increasingly spilling into the general population. In Larkana, for instance, the spread of the disease was traced to a single doctor — according to some residents, the only one in the area, though he has denied any deliberate involvement — reusing infected syringes on patients. The cases in Larkana bring back memories of a small village in Sargodha in January 2018 when blood screening found 669 residents infected with the virus. It was largely blamed on a thriving quackery racket, where unsterilised equipment and infected syringes were used on an unsuspecting population, many of them women and children. In later interviews with HIV/AIDS patients in Sargodha, few were aware of how the disease was spread and what implications it had for their health. Even more recently, a news story that failed to garner as much attention as Larkana stated that there were around 2,800 patients registered with the Punjab AIDS Control Programme for free vaccination, hailing from five districts in the province. Most were unaware they had the disease until they underwent screenings while donating blood, travelling abroad or undergoing surgery. In a culture of shame and silence, and in the absence of a nationwide HIV/AIDS awareness programme, few know the facts about their illness or how to ask for help until it is too late.Stateless Rohingya MIDST heightened security, a high-profile delegation from Myanmar recently visited refugee camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazaar. Following growing international pressure on Myanmar’s leadership over its treatment of the Rohingya Muslim population, the subsequent refugee crisis the most recent crackdown created, and the inability to ensure a safe climate for return, the delegation’s mission was to again try and convince the Rohingya to go back. Approximately 700,000 Rohingya escaped from the extreme violence unleashed on them by the authorities in Myanmar between August 2016 and December 2017, as they settled in squalid refugee camps in neighbouring Bangladesh. Another 16,000 entered the country in 2018. Currently, there are over one million Rohingya refugees inside Bangladesh, which is struggling to accommodate them and has voiced its concerns several times at international forums. However, it has also said that it will not force the Rohingya to go back against their will. Nearly two years ago, the two countries signed a repatriation agreement. And yet, not a single Rohingya has expressed any willingness to return to his or her homeland. It is not hard to see why the community is afraid. While the Rohingya may have been born in Myanmar, the country can hardly be described as home. Human rights groups have described the internment camps in Rakhine state, where around 400,000 Rohingya continue to live, as an ‘open-air prison’. Their movement is heavily restricted, but their plight is not new. Since the 1970s, the Rohingya were collectively and cruelly deprived of their citizenship status by Myanmar. Since then, they have effectively been rendered stateless, the root cause of their plight. The Rohingya are not even listed in Myanmar’s 135 official ethnic groups, and are instead referred to as ‘Bengali’, highlighting their outsider status. Given the label of the ‘world’s most persecuted minority’, they have no rights to speak of and no place to call home. Rohingya community elders have made it clear that they will not return to Myanmar until their security and dignity can be ensured. However, until they are granted citizenship, it is unlikely that their dignity will ever be upheld. While putting greater pressure on the civil and military authorities in Myanmar to stop their persecution of the Rohingya, the international community must also give material assistance to Bangladesh, which has almost single-handedly taken on the mammoth responsibility of handling a human crisis it had no part in creating.Tennis and peace RYING to introduce a semblance of normality in the I Pakistan-India relationship must rank among the most patient endeavours ever attempted. Ant-like, a pattern towards at least a working relationship is attempted — until someone pulls out a piece from somewhere and it all comes crashing down. Bridge- makers then reappear to resume their task. This is how it has been for many decades. And now, once again an opportunity to improve relations has appeared in the form of the Pakistan-India Davis Cup games due in Pakistan a few weeks from now in September. It has been more than half a century since India last sent its players over to Pakistan for a Davis Cup tie — even though an official on that side of the border is now quoted as saying that, because it was an international tournament, no permission was needed from the government in New Delhi for the Indian players to undertake the tour, and that all that was required was an invitation from Pakistan. It is aremarkable statement, and an almost casual one in the context of moving forward on sporting ties between the two estranged, often skirmishing neighbours. Realistically speaking, no one expects the two countries to compromise on their respective positions for the sake of a few languid sets of lawn tennis. But the sport does underscore the existence of a variety of methods to help hostile countries engage with one another in an environment that is otherwise fraught with divisions. The prospect of the Indian tennis players taking on local talent creates hope not just for sporting events between the two countries, but for the return of international sports in Pakistan in a big way. Between now and the scheduled Davis Cup ties, we are likely to see all kinds of attempts being made to stop the event. The real test for the Pakistan-India peace train lies in its sustained response to attacks from those who oppose better ties. Will it move on or derail?States’ merger hailed RAWALPINDI: Government’s decision to merge the three frontier States in West Pakistan is being warmly hailed by people from various walks of life. A large number of telegrams were received today [July 29] in offices of newspa- pers and news agencies from prominent citizens of the States congratulating President Yahya on his bold step. In Rawalpindi, Mr Khursheed Hasan Meer, Chairman, Pakistan People’s Party, Rawalpindi, welcoming the decision, said it goes to the credit of all the previous Governments that Chitral, Dir and Swat continued as separate princedoms long after the people of Pakistan had achieved independence from foreign rulers, and the peo- ple of these States were denied even the elemen- tary political rights. Lately, ex-President Ayub Khan, he recalled, had raised the status of the Ruler of Swat and given him the title of His Highness. This was a case of gross nepotism, the PPP leader remarked. ... He demanded that the Government of Pakistan should fulfil another demand of the people and constitute a thorough inquiry into the appropriation of revenues of the State, especially the income from the forests and the disposal of emerald mines. In Karachi, two Pakhtoon writers Mr Saleem Raz and Mr Rahim Dad Shah Sati have wel- comed the announcement. ... They demanded that the special position of the State of Hunza should also be finished off. — AgencyGandhr’s proposals LONDON: The “Spectator” commenting today [July 29] on the Lords’ debate on India says, “Mr Gandhi’s willingness to consider the Pakistan proposal is a notable advance, but what he said about that by no means satisfied the Muslims, and it has infuriated the ultra- nationalists Hindu Mahasakha. However, the fact that the two great Indian communities should be genuinely trying to reach an agree- ment is a welcome development; Lord Wavell is no doubt watching for an opportunity for exert- ing his personal influence as there seems to be ground for it.” [Meanwhile, as reported by an agency in Calcutta,| It is understood that a number of Bengal Congress leaders and workers, including some members of the All-India Congress Committee have recently met and discussed the formula on communal settlement proposed by Mr. C. Rajagopalchari. It is learnt that the opin- ion was expressed by those present at these dis- cussions that the formula was not as acceptable as it meant the vivisection of India, and the par- tition of Bengal. — Dawn Delhi