Hypatia, Inc.

A Gynecentric Aesthetic
Author(s): Renée Cox
Source: Hypatia, Vol. 5, No. 2, Feminism and Aesthetics (Summer, 1990), pp. 43-62
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Hypatia, Inc.
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A GynecentricAesthetic
RENEECOX

In theproposedgynecentricaesthetic,whichfollowstheworkof HeideGottner-
Abendrothand Alan Lomax, aestheticactivitywouldfunction to integratethe
individualand society.Intellect,emotionand actionwouldcombineto achievea
synthesisof bodyandspirit.Songanddancewouldinvolvetheequalexpressions of
andaestheticstructureswouldreflectthisegalitarianism.
allparticipants, The erotic
wouldbe expressedas a vital,positiveforce, divorcedfromrepressionandpornog-
raphy.The emphasiswould be off aestheticobjectsto be coveted,hoardedand
contemplated, andon dynamicprocess,fullyengagingandsociallysignificant.

As the aesthetic expressionsof women become moreplentiful and authen-

tic, art and culturewill be transformed.I wish to suggesta possibleshape that
a gynecentric aesthetic could take. My proposal will be based on a
"matriarchal" aestheticofferedby philosopherHeide G6ttner-Abendrothand
on a theoryof anthropologistAlan Lomaxon the aesthetic activityof African
foragers.Although the aestheticGottner-Abendrothproposesis a vision based
on her knowledgeof ancient myth and art, while Lomax'stheory is the result
of a statisticalstudyof the relationshipsof social structuresand song and dance
styles in contemporarysocieties, their conclusions are remarkablysimilar.
These similaritiesare significantin that both of the aesthetics are attributed
to the high statusof women.
Both G6ttner-Abendrothand Lomax are inclined to synthesize, to seek
commonalities among cultures and historical periods. G6ttner-Abendroth
generalizesaboutcertainancientsocieties,Lomaxaboutforagingsocieties,and
both generalizeabout the influence that women or the feminine could have
on art and aesthetics. There are problemsinvolved in making transcultural
and ahistoricalcomparisonsof this type;a concentrationon the similaritiesof
differentgroupscan make us less attentive to importantdistinctions among
them, to particularand uniqueaspectsof them. Yetboth the analytictendency
to focus on particularsand the synthetic tendency to focus on commonalities
can be of considerablevalue,andthe two approachescan strengthenandrefine
vol.5, no. 2 (Summer1990)? byReneeCox
Hypatia

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44 Hypatia

one another.Speakingfor the analyticend of the continuum,SandraHarding

is persuasivein contending that there "is no 'woman'to whose social ex-
perience the feminist empiricist. . . strategiescan appeal;there are, instead
women:chicanas and latinas, black and white, the 'offshore'women in the
electronics factories in Korea and those in the Caribbean sex industry"
(Harding 1986, 192). In light of this, generalizinga feminine or gynecentric
aesthetic for ancient or foragingculturesseems riskyat best, especiallywhen
knowledgeof these societies is relatively limited. Yet from a more synthetic
point of view, there are characteristicsthat are common and peculiar to
(biological) women in all culturesthroughouthistory,and at least some of
these might give rise to similarsocial and culturalbehaviors.Women have X
chromosomes(OX, XX, or XXX) and a predominanceof estrogens.We tend
to be smallerthan men, store morefat in ourbodies,and have relativelylarger
breastsand hips. We menstruateand experiencemenopause,and can and most
often do get pregnant,give birth and nurseour babies,giving of our bodies to
nurtureothers. Our sexual organs and orgasmsare internal, and in sexual
relationshipswith men we envelop ratherthan penetrate. Because we need
not develop a genderidentitydifferentthan that of ourmothers,we can retain
an identification with our mother longer than can sons (Chodorow 1978).
Women in virtuallyall cultureshave been responsiblefor domestic activities,
nearly all have been subjugated,and most have been economically and
emotionallydependenton men. To the extent that some of these factorsmay
influence (not determine)women'scontributionsto culture,differenttypesof
behaviorsandcontributionswill arisein responseto differentculturalcontexts.
Any tendency to nurture,forexample,wouldmanifestitselfmoreprominently
in contexts in which motherhoodis valued highly than in contexts in which
women are encouragedto be high achievers in the world outside the home.
And it may be that behaviorpatternsof women that seem "natural"could be
entirely eradicatedby cultural factors. But when similar behavior patterns
amongwomen in differentculturesand historicalperiodsseem to appear-in
ourcase,when culturesconsideredgynecentrichave similaraestheticactivities
and social structures-the commonalitiesshould be noted and examined.
Gottner-Abendroth presents her vision of artistic activity in women-
centered cultures in "Nine Principlesof a MatriarchalAesthetic" (Gottner-
Abendroth 1986, 81-94). Of the nine principles, the first is that reality is
changedby magicthroughthe use of symbols.Ourancient ancestorswereable
to forecastthe weatherthroughcarefulexaminationof the sky and of animal
and plant behavior,and to fight disease through the knowledge and use of
herbs.Butthey believedthat technicalknowledgewasinsufficientto influence
nature or to heal the sick; powerful emotion was necessary as well. This
powerfulemotion wascultivatedin the symbolicactivityof the dance, and was
thought to be magical.The goal of the dance was the health and unity of the
individualand of society. In the dance, erotic and aggressivedrivescould be

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 Renee Cox 45

expressedbut were contained within a social context. Action, intellect and

emotion mergedto makethe individualwhole, and individualswereunited as
a society and as part of the naturalworld (1986, 81, 84-6).
The secondprincipleis that the frameworkof matriarchalartis the structure
of matriarchalmythology.Based on her study of myth, G6ttner-Abendroth
considersthis structure,which is derivedfrombasicstagesof life such as birth,
initiation, marriage,death and return,to be fundamentalto all mythologies,
and to have influencedreligionsthat developedfromthem (1982, 71-9). It is
a fundamentalcategoryof the human imaginationand has been passeddown
to us throughfairytales,folklore,legendsand festivals.Although this structure
is universal,each matriarchalsocietygave it a differentreality.Matriarchalart
is, therefore, "diversityin unity, in which the unity is not dogmatic, the
diversitynot subjective"(1986, 81-2, 86-8).
Third, matriarchalart transcendsthe traditional artistic mode of com-
municationwhich consistsof maker/product/perceiver. It is a processin which
virtuallyeveryonein a society participatescollectively to give the matriarchal
structureexternal expressionthroughthe ritualof dance. Fourth,matriarchal
artdemandstotal commitmentof all participants.Participants"operatesimul-
taneouslyon the levels of emotional identification,theoreticalreflectionand
symbolic action," a synthesis that resultsin ecstasy.Fifth, matriarchalart is
dynamic process rather than product. It cannot be objectified, sold as a
commodity,stored in an archive or museum,or evaluated or interpretedby
outsiders.Sixth, this art cannot be divided into genres,and breaksdown the
division between art and theory, art and life. Music, song, dance, poetry,
movement, decoration,symbol,comedyand tragedyareunited in the ritualof
the dance. Ancient matriarchalart mergedwith astronomyand mythology;
modern matriarchalart merges with philosophy, the humanities, and the
naturaland social sciences. In matriarchalculture,the ritualdance could last
for days or weeks, and the daily functions of life-eating, rest, discussion,
meditation-were necessarilyinvolved. Seventh, the value systemof matriar-
chal art is basedon life and love. The erotic is the dominantforce, not work,
discipline,renunciation."The continuationof life as a cycle of rebirthsis its
primaryprinciple,and not waror heroic death for abstract,inhumanideals.A
senseof community,motherlinessandsisterlylove arethe basicrules... andnot
paternalauthority...." Eighth,matriarchalart precludesany divisionsin the
aestheticsphere,and is the culture'smost importantsocial activity.Patriarchal
divisionsof aestheticsinto "aformalist,elitist,sociallyeffectivearton one hand
anda popular,widespreadbutsociallyvilifiedandoutcastarton the other"would
be overcome.Finally,matriarchalartis not "art"in the patriarchalsense.Patriar-
chalartconcers the fictional,andhasexistedonlysincethe aestheticspherewas
separatedfromthe restof life. It is thusartificialand denatured.Matriarchalart
is "theabilityto shapelife andso change it; it is itselfenergy,life, a drivetoward
the aestheticizationof society"(1986, 82-4, 88-92).

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46 Hypatia

To speakof "matriarchy" and of nature,magic,emotion, love and the erotic

in the same context may seem to some as dangerouslyclose to sexist essen-
tialism. It has been popularamong some feminists to view women as more
receptive, loving, gentle, nurturing,adaptive,and closer to naturethan men.
Because such "feminine"qualities have traditionallybeen undervaluedin
patriarchalculture, these feministsseek to empowerwomen by empowering
these qualities,and to feminizecultureby advancingthese qualities.Feminist
critics of this school of thought are not so much averse to advancing the
characteristicsas they are to considering them essentially female. Their
impositionon women, it is thought, is unnecessarilyrestrictiveand unrealis-
ticallydemanding,tends to makewomensubjectto domination;and has made
it difficultfor women to deal with their own feelings of angerand aggression.
Whatever Gbttner-Abendroth'sposition on essentialism,it should be noted
that she does not envision matriarchalculture as composed exclusively of
characteristicstraditionallyconsidered feminine, but as an integration of
natureand culture,emotion and intellect, magicaland technical. And in the
cultureshe envisions women would not be subjectto domination, could not
be overpowered.For although matriarchalart, which does not allow itself to
be domesticated either formally or socially, will be fought by patriarchal
societies,"the battle will not be an exchangeof hostilitiesbut an incessantebb
and flow/advanceand retreat,an ungraspablesymbolization,the creationof a
completelynew web of connections in the centre of this fragmented,atomized
world."In a patriarchalsociety, the beauty of matriarchalart is the prime
opposition."Andwhat weaponscan be used,"Gottner-Abendroth asks,"against
withdrawingand opposing,opposingand withdrawingbeauty?"(1986, 93-4).
What does it mean to say that the ancient pastwasmatriarchal?Proponents
of an ancient matriarchate,many of whom are theologians or art historians,
areconcernedwith relationshipsof art,artifacts,temples,burials,andreligious
and culturalpracticesof variousprehistoricculturesto the statusof women in
those cultures (Bachofen 1973; Stone 1978, 1980; Spretnak 1982; Sjbo and
Mor,1987). That the statusof womenwashigh in at leastsomeof these cultures
is inferred,among other things, fromthe elaborateburialspreparedfor them,
and the fact that four times as many female as male figurines have been
discoveredin variousareasfrompaleolithicandneolithic periods.It is believed
that prehistoricpeoples, who may not have understoodthe relationshipof
coitus and childbirth, reacted to female sexuality with awe. The figurines,
which are often called "Venus"goddessesand have prominentvulvas, breasts
and bellies, are believed to have representedthe power of procreation.And
the red ochre covering sacred objects and entrances to caves where sacred
ritualstook place may have been representativeof menstrualblood.
Women also held a prominentposition in much ancient mythology (Har-
rison 1922; Eisler 1987; Gimbutas 1982, 1989; Gottner-Abendroth 1980;
Neumann 1963; Graves, 1948; Spretnak 1978; Olson 1988). The myths of

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 Renee Cox 47

some peoples describea primordialtime when women ruled.There areworld-

creatorgoddessesin Sumer,Babylon,Egypt,Africa, Australiaand China. In
some cultures,goddessesare creditedwith providingimportantculturalgifts
such as the alphabet,language,writing,agricultureor medicine. The similar
namesand characteristicsof goddessesfromdifferentregionsof the worldhave
suggestedto some researchersthat the names maybe variationsof one name,
or variousaspects of a single Great Goddess (Gimbutas 1989). But whether
the belief is in Goddessor many,it is held that women once held an exalted
position and powerthat was subsequentlylost.
The idea of an ancient matriarchyis appealingin that it entails that male
dominationof women is not inevitable,and that there aremodelsfora culture
in which women would have power and autonomy. Yet anthropologists,
includingfeminist anthropologists,are nearlyunanimousin their dismissalof
a universal matriarchyas "pureconjecture,"and many deny that there is
evidence of any matriarchyat all (Bamburger1974; Binford 1982; Rosaldo
1974; Rubin 1975). They point out that earlyresearchon matriarchy,such as
that ofJ. J. Bachofen (1973), has been largelydiscredited.They warn against
the assumptionthat matrilinealor matrilocalcultures are also matriarchal;
there arenumerousexamplesof such culturesin which women aredominated.
They note that neither a fascination with the female form, such as that
representedby the Venusfigures,nor the existence in a cultureof mythswith
powerfulgoddessesis any guaranteethat the women of that culturewill hold
any power. And they find the myths and theories describinga time when
womenruledless than encouragingin that the mythsoften assertor implythat
women lost their power due to incompetence or to the naturalsuperiorityof
males.
Matriarchyis most often interpretedto mean "motherrule,"and it is the
idea that women have ever ruledor dominatedmen that is regardedas being
without foundation. In some conceptions of matriarchy,however, power is
describedas nonauthoritarian.MargotAdler, in "Meaningsof Matriarchy,"
reportsthat matriarchiesare often describedas realms"wherefemale things
arevalued and power is exerted in nonpossessive,noncontrollingand organic
waysthat areharmoniouswith nature"(Adler 1982, 132). (The existence and
influence of power of this kind may have been easy for researcherswith
patriarchalperspectivesto miss.)The evidence that culturessuch as these have
existed is morepersuasive,and to call such cultures"matriarchal" may not be
entirelyperverseetymologically.The root "arch"denotes not only "rule"but
somethingmain, principal,or original;"matriarchy" could thus be interpreted
as a culture in which women or mothers have the principal power and
influence, in which a maternal"ethic of care"pervadesthe entire society.
Because the term matriarchyis, in fact, often construedas an upside-down
patriarchy,however, some scholars prefer to refer to ancient cultures as
"matristic,""matrifocal,""gynecentric"or "gylanic,"a wordcoined by Riane

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48 Hypatia

Eislerand formedby combiningpartsof"gyne"(woman), "andros"(man) and

the Greek "lyein"(to resolveor set free) (Eisler1987, 105). PerhapsGottner-
Abendrothprefers"matriarchal" forits strongerconnotationsof femalepower.
Whatever it is labeled, Gottner-Abendrothconsidersher aesthetic to be
characteristicof a nonauthoritarianculturewherethe statusof women is high.
Notably, there is anthropologicalevidence to suggestthat foragingor hunter-
gathererculturesalso are nonauthoritarianor egalitarian,and tend to value
rather than disparagewomen and female things. According to the work in
cantometricsand choreometricsof anthropologistAlan Lomax,the aesthetic
activity of these foragingsocieties is indicativeof their egalitariantendencies,
and of the high statusof women. Though Lomaxrefersto the relationsamong
the sexes in these societies as "complementary"while Gottner-Abendroth
theorizesthat ancient societies werematriarchal,it is significantthat both the
socialstructuresand aestheticsof the culturesdescribedby the two authorsare
quite similar.
As defined by Lomax, cantometricsis a studyof the relationshipsof song
style and social structure,and choreometrics,of dance and social structure
(Lomaxet al. 1967;Lomaxand Berkowitz1972;Lomax1976). Lomaxbelieves
that cantometrics shows, for example, that polyphonic music with inde-
pendent voices or partsis reflective of a pluralistic,multi-voiced society, and
that hierarchical,authoritariansocieties tend to give rise to music in which
some musical elements are subordinateto others. Lomax and his staff have
correlatedthe dance and song styles evident in approximately700 films and
400 recordingsto the economic, social and political featuresof corresponding
societies listed in George P. Murdock'sEthnographic Atlas, resulting in can-
tometric or choreometric profiles of over 400 cultures (Murdock 1967).
Statisticalcontrolswere introducedat manystagesof the project,and a factor
analysiswasusedto producevalidcorrelations.One of the mostnotableaspects
of Lomax'sstudyforourpurposesis his conviction, quiteapartfromanyexplicit
interestin feminismor any mention of matriarchies,that the statusof women
was considerablyhigher in ancient, preagriculturalsocieties. Based on his
research,he identifiesAfricanand Australiangatherertypesas representativeof
the earliestandmostgenerallydistributedculturetypesof which we have a living
record(1972, 234).1Huntingis a valuedsourceof food for these groups,but the
gatheringof fruits,nuts, seeds,honey,grubsand the like providedthe greatest
proportionof the subsistence,and gatheringis the provinceof women. Lomax
found that in societies where women are responsiblefor at least 50% of the
subsistence,they also are likelyto take initiativein other sectorsof the society,
andhence, relativelyunlikelyto be dominatedby men (1967, 164; 1972, 238).2
Certain contemporaryAfricanculturessuch as those of the !KungSan and
the MbutiPygmies,whereforagingor gatheringis the principlesourceof food
supply,are characterizedby Lomaxas egalitarian,complementaryin termsof
sexualrelationships,adaptive,cohesive and integrated.Fertilityis regardedas

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 Renee Cox 49

a socialvalue, and sexualstandardsarepermissive.There is an absenceof social

controls,and an emphasison social solidarity.Leadershipis not so much weak
as irrelevant.Cantometric and choreometricanalysesshowed that of all the
cultures Lomax studied, it is these gatheringones that have the most "in-
tegratedand cohesive"singing and dance styles.Everyonein the social group
engages in dancing and singing, although the men and women may dance
separately,and one sex (usuallythe women) may sing, clap and play drums
while the other sex dances. The singing in these societies is describedas
"interlocked"or "variedsynchrony,"a contrapuntalunity in which everyone
singstogetheryet independently,andthereis no dominantpart.The vocalizing
is natural,relaxedand open-throated.The dance style is describedas flowing,
curved,successive,highly synchronousand erotic, with multiparttrunkaction
and accentuatedhip, pelvis and breastmovements.What is remarkableabout
this is that all of these characteristicsare positively correlated with the
significant social participationof women. The multipart and polyrythmic
singing of variedsynchronyincreasesas levels of female productionincrease.
Relaxedvocalizingis correlatedwith permissivesexual standards,particularly
for women. And the dance style is consideredby Lomaxto be symbolicof the
feminine and the sexual, and to be prominentwhere "the feminine aesthetic
is dominant"(1967, 164-9; 1972, 234-9).
According to Lomax, there are five factors that tend to reduce varied or
"gross"synchronyof dance and song, all clusteredaroundmale predominance:
"masculineaggressiveness,diffuseorganization,rigidstratification,masculine
dominanceof production,and repressivecontrol of feminine sexual freedom"
(1967, 202). In societies which emphasize hunting or fishing instead of
gathering, or in intensive, slash and burn agriculturalsocieties, males are
responsiblefor the bulk of subsistence,and there is authoritarianmale rule,
stratifiedsocial relationships,and sexualrepression.Correspondingly,singing
and dancing tend to be the province of men. Unison, solo, or highly diffuse
singing is the norm, and vocalization is noisy, tense, narrow and nasal. In
contrastto the "erotic,feminine, in-gathering"dancingof gatherers,dance in
these societies is more"differentiatingor manipulative,"and movementtends
to be single-trunk,"peripheral,varied,three-dimensional,and light." (Good
examplesaretraditionalEuropeanballet and the elaboratehandplayof Orien-
tal dance.) Some of these societies are preagricultural,but nonetheless, ones
in which males are responsible for the bulk of subsistence. Australian
Aborigines,for example, are a predominantlyhunting and fishing society in
which elder male clan heads control the economic, sexual and ritual life.
Aboriginal song is relatively incohesive, vocalization is tense and intervals
used are narrow;a one-unit body attitude is predominantin dance, and any
dance synchrony arises from restriction and control. Eskimo men provide
nearlyall the subsistencefor their society,and the statusof women is verylow.
Male dominance is symbolizedby the importanceof male solo performances

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50 Hypatia

and male chorusessinging in roughunison, and by a dance style describedas

angular,linear,fast, strongand direct (1967, 222-239; 1972, 234-236).3
Justhow egalitarianare the sexualrelationshipsin gatheringsocieties?The
men and women generally have separate activities, and as in virtually all
known societies, the women are responsiblefor the domestic sphere. But
anthropologistElsie B. Begler indicates that a number of anthropologists
believe that certain gatheringsocieties are "trulyegalitarianin all aspects,
including the relations between the sexes" (Begler, 1978, 572).4 Recent
ethnographieson the !KungSan and Mbuti Pygmiesbear this out. Pygmies
have no chiefs or any formalcouncil of elders,and problemsand disputesare
settled by generaldiscussion.While one or two people mayriseto prominence
in a tribe for practicalreasons,they may be female as well as male (Turnbull
1961, 110). EthnographerColin Turnbullreportsthat the Pygmywoman "is
not discriminated against in BaMbuti society as she is in some African
societies. She has a full and importantrole to play. There is relatively little
specializationaccordingto sex. Even the hunt is a joint effort.A man is not
ashamedto pick mushroomsand nuts if he finds them, or to wash and clean a
baby"(1961, 154). In fact, genderis significantonly at the adultstagesof life;
Pygmychildrenor the elderlyarereferredto without differentiationof gender
(Turbull 1983b, 205). Pygmies are generally monogamous, but sexually
permissive(Turnbull1961, 125). Girlsgenerallyget marriedin their own time
and in their own way (1961, 202). Women give birth easily (they may rejoin
the hunt later in the same day), and with the assistanceof femalefriendswith
whomthere arestrongand lifelongbonds.Educationanddisciplineof children
is sharedwith the group (although there is very little discipline of children
under the age of three) (Turnbull1983b, 211-212). Pygmyhuts are built by
women, and consideredtheir property.Wives who do not get their way have
been known to go through the processof dismantlingtheir huts until their
husbandsare willing to reach a compromise(Turnbull1961, 132). There is
considerabletension between the sexes for adult Pygmies;this is reflectedin
transvestite dances in which one sex ridicules the other (1983b, 215-16).
Pygmiesare not warlike,but disputeswithin the band can result in physical
fights.Turnbullonce witnesseda fight between two men in which one saidhe
was not a woman to be orderedaround.A woman then beat the man, saying
that "womendo not get orderedaround,only children,and that is why nobody
will marryhim" (1965, 212). Pygmieshave strong moral values and serious
crimesareveryrare(1961, 110). Turnbullindicatesthat each Pygmyis willing
to share and supportevery other Pygmyin any way she or he is able. He once
made a crutch for a lame Pygmygirl who was embarrassedto use it. All the
other Pygmiesreactedby makingcrutchesfor themselves, and used them for
daysuntil the girl no longer felt different(recountedLomax 1967, 203).
!KungSan ethnographerRichardB. Lee, aftera carefulconsiderationof the
relationshipsof the sexes, concludes that "the evidence shows a relatively

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 Renee Cox 51

equal role in society for the two sexes, and the !Kungdata certainly do not
supporta view of woman in 'the state of nature'as oppressedor dominatedby
men or as subjectto exploitationat the handsof males"(Lee 1979, 454).5San
society is polygynous,but womenhave considerableleveragein marriages,and
are even dominant if the wife is older than her husband(as is the case in one
of five marriages.)One San husbandtold ethnographerLornaMarshallthat
"if he wanted to go somewhereand his wife wanted to go somewhereelse he
might have to talk, talk, talk, talk, talk to persuadeher"(Marshall1959, 364).
Divorceand remarriageareeasyand carryno stigmasforwomen.Womanhave
considerablereproductivecontrol, and have a lower fertility rate than other
tribespracticingnaturalfertility.Physicalviolence is rare,andrapeis extremely
rare.Womanparticipatein groupdecision-makingdiscussions(althoughmen
do two-thirdsof the talking, and tribe spokespeopleare usually male) (Lee
1979, 447-454). Like the Pygmies,the San value cooperation,adaptationand
generosity.EthnographerElizabethThomas reportsthat a certain San band,
driven to ratherbarrenregions by more aggressivetribes, was once about to
feast on the bounty of a successfulhunt when they noticed anotherSan band
watchingenviously.After a groupdiscussionabout the matter,the firstband,
intent on reducingenvy andmaintaininggoodrelations,decidedto give nearly
all of the meat to their neighbors(Thomas 1959; recountedin Lomax 1967,
203).
Another society in which the statusof women is high is the Loveduof South
Africa.This society is not discussedby Lomax,but its ritual,music and dance
seem to correspondclosely to that of Lomax'shunter-gatherers.The Lovedu
practicesimple agriculturein which the women hoe and the men plough and
hunt, and while the women generallyspend more time in the fields than the
men, the contributionsto subsistenceof the respectivesexes is complementary
(Krigeand Krige1947, 40-1, 30-33).6The productiveresourcesin this culture
are inheritedpatrilineally.But the Loveduhave a queen who is the religious
head and the nucleus of a networkof political alliances.She is consideredan
embodimentof divine order,transformerof the clouds,changerof the seasons.
She is allied with a groupof districtheads,most of whom arerelativesand the
most importantof whom is also female (1947, 271, 172). The queen is not a
political ruler,and it wouldbe incorrectto say that Loveduwomen have more
political power than men. But ethnographersE.J.and J.D. Krigewere taken
with the "unusuallyexalted position"of women in Lovedusociety. Both men
and women arewitch doctors,craftspeopleorstorytellers,and womencan own
cattle and have wives (1947, 285). While the culture is polygynous,equal
treatmentof wives is expected and enforced(1947, 71). Lovedugirlsaregiven
a portion of their grandmother'sgardento tend when they are ten or eleven,
and the achievementsof girlsand women aregiven specialrecognition(1947,
x). Premaritalsex is tolerated,but discretionis expected. If an unmarriedgirl
becomespregnant,she is treatedvery well, while the man involved is treated

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52 Hypatia

severely (1947, 157). A bride'smother supervisesthe early marriageand

determines when intercourseis appropriate(1947, 123). Both parties in a
marriagemayhave discreetaffairs,and old womensometimeshave affairswith
young men (1947, 157). Although there are menstrual taboos in Lovedu
culture(possiblydue to a fearof femalepower),women'ssex organsarereferred
to as vadimoni(place of the gods),and those of old women as khitugulo(a charm
madesacredby associationwith the gods) (1947, 290). Loveduvaluesarequite
similarto those of Pygmiesand the San. Reciprocityis the basisof relationships
amongdistrictheadsand in general,and reconciliationthe method of settling
differences.Modesty, dignity and mature wisdom are valued, and fighting,
boasting,arroganceand assertionstronglydiscouraged(1947, 285-6).7
The analogiesthat can be drawnbetween the "aesthetics"of these societies
and Gottner-Abendroth'smatriarchalaesthetic are significant.None of the
contemporarysocieties has a single goddess at the base of its mythology or
culture, but both male and female ancestorsare worshippedby the Lovedu,
and there are powerfulfemale figuresin the stories and legends of the San
(Krigeand Krige 1947, 231; Lee and DeVore 1976, 310-16). Pygmiesworship
the forest or forest spirit, which is sometimesreferredto as eba (father) but
usuallyas ema (mother) (Turnbull1961, 92-3; 1983b, 206). The matriarchal
aesthetic emphasizesthe relationshipof magic, or deep emotion, to science
and medicine in the healing of physicaland social ills; this magicis cultivated
in the dance. The Lovedu culture merges magic, religion and medicine;
dancingis used to heal the sick and the possessed,and to promotethe Lovedu
pattern of reciprocityand cooperation (Krige and Krige 1947, 211, 242-3).
The San !kia,or trancedance, is usedforritualhealing and protection,and for
peacemakingafter argumentsor fights. RichardKatzstates that !kiahealing
"is harmonious or synergistic with maintenance and growth on both the
individualand culturallevels,"and that the !kiaincreasessocial cohesion and
solidarity.He also remarksthat the emotions are arousedto an extraordinary
level in !kia,and that the San most proficientat !kiaare those with a highly
emotional nature (Katz 1976, 284-289). In Pygmysociety, dane forms the
basisfor religiousexpression,and dance, song, and play are used to promote
unity and resolve conflict (Lomax 1967, 202).
The cycle of initiation-marriage-death and return,which is fundamentalto
the structureof matriarchalmyth, is also reflectedin these cultures.The San
considera processof death and rebirthas critical to entering !kia(Katz 1976,
300). All three cultureshave elaborateinitiation ceremonies for males and
females.The pygmyelima,or dance of life, is in celebrationof the advent of
menarche(Turbull 1961, 185). The singing and dancing of the Loveduviali
is connected not only with initiation but with rain and fertility;its structure
is based in part on the natural seasons (Krige and Krige 1947, 139). As
describedin the matriarchalaesthetic, everyoneparticipatesin the dance in
these cultures.Men and women maydance separately,but they also dance and

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 Renee Cox 53

sing together, and virtually no one is systematically excluded. Gittner-

Abendroth states that in matriarchalart, physical, mental and emotional
faculties combine to effect an ecstatic state. It seems appropriateto say that
these facultiescombine in the dances of foragersas well. The San !kiaresults
in an ecstatic trance in which dancerswalk on fires,effect curesand claim X
rayvision (Katz1976, 287). Pygmiesconsiderthe elimaan event of greatbeauty
and one of the most joyfuloccasionsin their lives (Tumbull1961, 187). As in
the matriarchalaesthetic, the erotic element is prominentin the dance, song
and daily life of all three societies, and fertility is a social value. Art is not
objectified, stored or interpreted,and although dance, song, instruments,
costumeand dramaareusedin the rituals,therearenot separateartisticgenres.
As in the matriarchalaesthetic, there is no distinction in these cultures
between art and nonart;the dance is simplya centralpartof everydaylife.
Can all of these band characteristicsbe linked to the power or equalityof
women?The lack of distinction between art and life is thought to be typical
of preindustrialsocieties in general.In complementarysocieties, however,this
characteristicis linked with everyonehaving a "voice,"both aestheticallyand
socially. In male dominatedsocieties, where aesthetic activity is chiefly the
province of men, the activity tends to be integratedonly with male life or
experience.Lomaxconsidersmost of the other aesthetic characteristicslisted
above (participationby everyone in the dance, tendencies towardunity and
integration,emphasison fertilityand the erotic) to be specificto complemen-
tary societies. And much of what Lomax reports about complementary
societies is reminiscentof Gottner-Abendroth'saesthetic."Variedsynchrony,"
in which there is unity of dance and counterpointbut in which everyonesings
and dances independently,with no one takinga dominantrole, is remarkably
similarto Gottner-Abendroth'sdescriptionof matriarchalart and cultureas
"diversityin unity, where the unity is not dogmatic,the diversitynot subjec-
tive."Lomax'sdescriptionof variedor grosssynchronyas representativeof the
complementarysociety's"dependenceon a continualfeed of empathy-produc-
ing, conflict reducing,unifyingparallelbehaviorin interpersonalinteraction"
mirrorsG6ttner-Abendroth'svision. Variedsynchronyis negativelycorrelated
with all of the factorsthe matriarchalaesthetic seeks to overcome:masculine
dominanceand aggressiveness,rigidstratification,diffuseorganization,repres-
sion of female sexuality. Lomax and Gottner-Abendroth used different
methodologies to examine different egalitarian societies in time periods
thousandsof yearsapart,yet reachedstrikinglysimilarconclusions about the
societies'social structuresand "aesthetics."
Both of these aesthetics,and all of the culturesdescribed,stressintegration
and inclusion ratherthan fragmentation,a unity of equal voices ratherthan
hierarchismand stratification.Emotion, magic, and the dance serve to unite
the individual, society and nature; there is an integration of religion, art,
healing and life; emotion, intellect and action combine to achieve an ecstatic

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54 Hypatia

state;processand continuouscreationis stressedover objectification;there is

a synthesisof the arts,and no divisionsin the aestheticsphere;the continuous
cycle of life takes precedence over a focus on individual death; sexuality is
(responsibly)free ratherthan exclusive;and everyone is includedin aesthetic
and other social activities. Significantly,however,this emphasison synthesis,
integration and unity is not so total as to eliminate the self: the group
consciousness and harmony with nature do not limit or repressindividual
consciousnessbut seem,rather,to nurtureandsupportit. (This is not paradoxi-
cal, but analogousto the harmonyof individualthemes in a piece of music.)
Relationshipsbetween individualsand with the naturalworld are subject to
subjectratherthan subjectto object.
This tendency toward integration is one of the reasons I am inclined to
consider the proposedaesthetic not only egalitarianbut gynecentric.There
are many examplesin recent literatureof the associationof the integrativeor
syntheticwith the experiencesandactivitiesof women. In "TowardA Feminist
Aesthetic,"JuliaPenelope Stanley and SusanJ. Wolfe (Robbins)suggestthat
the literarystyle of women is reflective of their thinking, a "discursiveand
conjunctive style rather than the complex and subordinatinglinear style of
classificationand distinction" (Stanley and Wolfe 1978, 59, 67). Carol Gil-
ligan has suggestedthat women'smoralreasoningis oriented towardcontext
and communityratherthan abstract,individualrights(Gilligan 1982). Nancy
Chodorowhas shownhow girlstend to remainmoreinterpersonallyconnected
with their mothers,while boys tend to develop more discreteego-boundaries
(Chodorow 1978). Witken'sEmbeddedFiguresTest and Rod and FrameTest
show that women tend to perceive a phenomenon as a whole, while men are
morelikely to isolateand focuson aspectsof the phenomenon (Hyde and Linn
1986, Chapter4; Lloyd and Archer 1976, 169-71). I do not wish to contend
that tendenciestowardintegrationamongwomenarebiologicallydetermined,
for they are not peculiarto women, not all women exhibit them, and cultural
factorsmaybe responsibleforthem and can diminishthem. Yetit is significant
that these tendencies are strongin the societies describedabove. Forbecause
the women in these societies are relativelyautonomousof men, their actions
and expressionsare likely to be authentic, to be based on female experience
ratherthan to be imitationsof men or actingsout of male conceptions of the
feminine.
The social structuresof ancient or preliteratecultures would not be ap-
plicable to societies as large and complex as our own. Yet Eislerbelieves it is
not only possible but essential, if our culture is to survive, to move from a
"dominator"culturalmodel to a "partnership" one, a move she believes will
come throughempoweringwomen (Eisler 1987, Ch. 13). If Lomaxis correct
about the relationshipsof aesthetic formsand social structures,such a social
transformationwould transformart and aestheticsas well. What formcould a
gynecentric aesthetic take in our complex society? Based on the material

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 Renee Cox 55

presentedabove, we mayassumethat the powerfulemotion of dance and song

would be used along with medicine and talk therapyto heal physical, social
and psychologicalills. (Music, art and dance therapistswould be moreplenti-
ful, highly valued and better paid.) Artistic activity would more often adapt
to nature,ratherthan seek to expressrefinementor dominationof nature.The
division between intellect and emotion in aesthetic activity wouldlessen, and
both wouldcombine with action to achieve a synthesisof body and spirit.The
eroticwouldbe expressedas a vital, positive force,and wouldbe divorcedfrom
repression and the domination, submission and violence of pornography.
Artistic activity would be understoodby and accessible to all; the authori-
tarian,hierarchicaland exclusionarynatureof traditionalartisticcircles and
performancegroups would fall into decline. The emphasis would be off
aesthetic objects to be coveted, hoardedand contemplated,and on dynamic
process,fully engagingand socially significant.
If Lomax'stheories are valid, in such a culture the styles, structuresor
processes of art itself would be transformedas well. Traditionalballet has
revolved around overdisciplined(and often underfed) young women with
boundfeet andrestrictedmovementscontrolledby authoritarianmale choreo-
graphers.In the more gynecentricmoderndance, which was conceived prin-
cipally by Loie Fuller,IsadoreDuncan and Ruth St. Denis, choreographers
work with dancersto achieve free, naturalmovement and a more personal,
moreerotic expression(Kendall 1979). FollowingLomax'sconcept of "varied
synchrony,"gynecentric dance would focus not on principaldancersbacked
up by a group of subordinates,but would involve a unified interaction or
alternationof individualexpressions.
Variedsynchronyis particularlyinstructivefor a feminist theoryof musical
form, an area that has yet to be developed. The concept suggeststhat gyne-
centric music would be composed of a unified, contrapuntalinteraction of
equal lines or voices, and not of principaland subordinatethemes, or melody
and accompaniment(a texturemirroredin musicalperformanceas soloist and
chorus,back-upmusiciansor singers).Are thereexamplesof variedsynchrony
in Westernmusic history?Generally,Westernpolyphony or counterpoint is
likely to have one or morepartsprominentand otherssubordinate.When all
voices are equally independent,they tend to treat what is basicallythe same
material, and are thus unlikely to metaphoricallyexemplify a complex of
personalor individualexpressions.8A contrapuntal"egalitarianism,"for ex-
ample, might be thought to be characteristicof the avant-gardemusic of
serialism,in which no one row is moreprominentor importantthan any other
row within a given piece. While all rows are equal, however, they are all
essentially the same row; further,they are completely controlled or deter-
mined, totally subordinateto the overridingstructureof the piece and the
system.If, as Adomo has suggested,a rowwithin a serialcompositionis taken
as a model for an individualwithin a social structure,the individualin such a

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56 Hypatia

situation is clearlynot free, has no individualvoice; its identity is swelled up

by the structure(Adomo 1985). The control and efficiency of serialism,and
especially total serialism,reflects the Western association of progresswith
speed, control and efficiency,a progresswhich seems to thrive on voiceless,
alienatedworkers.In gynecentricpolyphony,in contrast,individual,authentic
voices would interact freely,contributingto the unification of the structure
and being transformedthrough interaction with other voices and with the
structureas a whole, but with no loss of identity in the process.
Westernmusic in generalis also distinct fromthe musicof African foragers
in that it is discipline-specific,separatefromthe other arts.It is also likely to
be objectified,writtenout and performedexactly as written.The performance
of this music can be highly creative, of course, but the process-oriented,
continuouscreationof PygmyorSan musicmaybe moreconduciveto personal
expression,and morereflectiveof the realitiesof the present.Post avant-garde
aleatoricor "change"music comes closer than serialismto the foragingand
matriarchalaestheticsdescribedabove in its emphasison massor multi-media,
on processof continuous creation in performance,and in its intent to adapt
to ratherthan to control the naturalworld.John Cage urgesus to let sounds
be themselves, without trying to impose order on them; to "open our ears
immediately,hear soundssuddenly,beforeone's thinkinghas a chance to turn
them into somethinglogical,abstractor symbolical"(Nyman 1971, 1). Unlike
variedsynchrony,however,there is no unity of equalvoices in aleatoricmusic.
Any sound, whether naturalor human-made,can become a partof a musical
compositionor experience, and the very notions of unity, variety,and theme
orsubjectareirrelevant.(The subjectis allowedby the structurein serialmusic,
butin aleatoricmusicthereis no subject,period.)The foragingand"matriarchal"
aestheticsarealso distinctfromaleatoricmusicin that they emphasizenot only
processbutthe stabilityof variedrepetitionandritual,andin thataestheticactivity
is inextricablylinkedto the stagesand content of humanlife.
Formallyspeaking,a music that comes relatively close to the varied syn-
chrony Lomax describesis jazz,specificallywhen it involves equal participa-
tion of all playersand singers.The improvisationalprocess in jazz is one of
continuous creation, with each participantofferingan individualexpression
while simultaneouslycontributingto the unity of the whole. Jazzis also more
open than traditionalWesternmusic to active participationof the audience,
is likely to deal with the content of everydaylife, and is often expressiveof the
erotic. It is significant,in ourmale-dominatedsociety,that African-American
women have always been active participantsin jazz, not only as singersof
gospel and blues but as instrumentalistsas well (Placksin 1982). Susan Cavin
has shown that jazzgrewout of the musicof the Voodooqueensof nineteenth-
centuryNew Orleans(Cavin 1975, 15). In view of the Africanroots of jazz,it
is also significant that recent expositions of the African and feminine world
views have been shown to be quite similar, especially in their respective

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 Renee Cox 57

emphaseson the unity of the mind and body,the self and the naturalworld
(positions summarizedand critiquedin Harding 1986, 163-196). It is those
Africansocieties in which womenhave powerfulvoices, however,that Lomax
considersmost representativeof his aesthetic.
In the Forewordto Catherine Clement'sOpera,or the Undoingof Women
(1988), Susan McClary describes some recent aesthetic contributions of
women in music:
In the last few years, women of all kinds have emerged to
participatein every sphereof musicalproduction,to construct
various models of femininity. Aretha Franklin'spopular and
gospel albums reveal her as a descendant of the great blues
queens-a woman who sings with extraordinarypower and
physicality of longing, of satisfaction, of faith, of survival.
Composer/performance artistDiamandaGalas drawsupon the
traditionallytaboofiguresof the madwoman,the temptress,the
amazonto enact the ancient Mediterraneanritualof keening-
for the politically oppressedand for victims of AIDS. Janika
Vandervelde'spiano trio GenesisII both deconstructsthe phal-
lic violence that underliesmuch of classicalmusic and articu-
lates an alternative erotic impulse that she identifies as
feminine. And in the popularsphere, Madonna throws into
confusion the virgin/whoredichotomy that has divided and
contained women in Westernsociety forcenturiesand takeson
the features of the seductressLulu, the exotic Carmen, the
martyredMonroe, and leads them all to a moment of self-pos-
session and open celebration.No longer simplyvictim, toy, or
dangerousessence, no longer forced to play dead within a
male-controlled frame, this figure skips, dances, sings, and
invites the audience-made up largelyof young girls-to join
in the festivities (McClary1988, xviii).
Some of these aesthetic expressionsare soloistic and discipline specific, and
most are understandablyreactive to or reflective of male culture. Yet as in
moderndance, there arefeaturesdescribedin this passagethat arereminiscent
of the gynecentricaesthetic describedabove. Among these are female power
in the face of domination, resistanceto political oppression,an emphasison
both self-determinationand community,and the connection of the aesthetic
with spirituality,healing and the erotic. These featuresreflect concerns that
humanityin generalcan careaboutandshare,andseemcentralto the aesthetic
expressionof strong,autonomouswomen.
The numberof possibledirectionsfor a woman'sartto proceedis unlimited,
and the ones that emergewill resultfromthe inspirationsof particularartists,
not fromany consciousattemptsto make art conformto aesthetic theory.But

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58 Hypatia

becausethe aesthetic offeredhere has emergedin variousformsin culturesin

which women have powerfulvoices, any contemporarymanifestationsof its
aspectsshouldbe watchedfor,identifiedandprotected.Certainaspectsof this
aesthetic,such as the lack of structuralcomplexityin artisticcreation,the lack
of specialization,and the de-emphasisof the visual arts,could be difficultfor
ourcontemporarycultureto accept.Unlike with ancient or foragingsocieties,
however, a gynecentric aesthetic of the future would be influenced by the
patriarchalartof ourpast,andperhapsretainsomeof its moredesirableaspects.
The fact that a high degreeof structuralcomplexitymaynot appearin the song
of foragingcultures,for example, would not necessarilyprecludeits use in a
gynecentric aesthetic of the present and future. The process of varied
synchronycertainlyallows for complex structures,which could be developed
slowlyto allow for assimilationby the community,and would be continuously
transformedin "performance."A gynecentric culture would also inevitably
includesome individualswho aremoreinclined towardaesthetic activitythan
others, more aestheticallygifted and practicedthan others.These individuals
would be appreciatedas they wouldbe in any other culture,but would not be
assignedany higher status in the community,nor serve to inhibit or stifle the
expressionsof others.The lack of emphasison visualartis moredisconcerting.
The focusin the gynecentricaestheticis on the processof continuouscreation
ratherthan on the productionof art objects. The point is not that beautiful
objectswouldnot be made,however,but that they need not be made only for
the sake of being beautiful.Perhapsthe reason we place such high value on
specializedart objects in contemporaryculture is that aesthetic activity has
been largely removed from everydayexistence. Because workerscannot be
concernedwith makingand doing thingsaestheticallywhen theirjobs involve
performingtheir duties as quickly and efficiently as possible, art and artistic
activity in our culturehas been relegatedto the specialist,to the museumand
the concert hall, and we are encouragedto satisfy our aesthetic needs by
consuming beautiful objects. In the gynecentric culture envisioned here,
everythingmade wouldbe made with beauty,everythingdone would be done
with beauty.Art would not be separatefrom the rest of life, and the entire
society would be aestheticized.

NOTES

1. Lomaxwasaheadof his timein makingthisclaimin 1972.Basedon a factor

analysisof 71 measuresof social and communicativestructure,he noted a high degreeof
similaritybetweenAfricanand Australiangatherersdespiteextensive geographicaland
temporalseparation.This lack of differentiationbetween widely separatedgroupsis
interpretedby Lomaxas indicatingthe primacyof a gathering-based subsistencemodein
earlyhuman prehistory.While this argumentmay not be persuasiveto some, Lomax's

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 Renee Cox 59

conclusionsaresupportedby Binford(1983) andthe Dahlberganthology(1983). Binford

points out, for example, that foraging was the primary mode of subsistence for
Australopithecinesin Africa(c. 2.5 millionyearsago), who had neitherthe anatomynor
the culture(tools, etc.) to be bloodthirstykillers.What gave rise to male supremacyin
complex societies?Agricultureis often assignedmuch of the blame. Erestine Friedl
sharesLomax'sview that the status of women in a society is linked to their role in
economicproduction.Femaleproductionlevelsdiminishedconsiderablywhen intensive
agriculture,which requiresconsiderablestrength,becamethe principalmode of subsis-
tence (Friedl1987, 150-55). WilliamDivale and MarvinHarrishave suggestedthat the
droughtsand surplusesof agriculturegave riseto a need for raidsand wars,and that war
and violence is positively correlatedwith male supremacy(Divale and Harris 1976,
521-38). EleanorBurkeLeacockpoints out that male assertiveness"doesnot automat-
icallyflow fromsome psychologicallyconceivedarchetypicalforce,but it is relatedto a
developingcompetitionover economicprerogativesamongmen and betweenmen and
women in advanced culturalsocieties . . ." (Leacock 1981, 246). She believes that
women'soppressionhas resultedlargelyfromthe "transformation of theirsociallyneces-
sarylaborinto privateservicethroughthe separationof the familyfromthe clan"(Engels
1972, 41). Riane Eisler cites evidence to suggestthat metallurgy,which led to more
sophisticatedweapons,played a significantrole in the transitionto male-dominated
society(Eisler1987,45-47). These theoriesimplythat the increasein femaleproduction,
the malesharingof responsibilitiesin the home, and movesto decreaseinstitutionalized
violence in contemporarysocietyarefacilitatingthe currentrise in femalepower.
2. Some foragersare moreegalitarianthan others;AustralianAboriginalwomen,
forexample,do not fareas well as mostAfricanforagingwomen (Dahlberg1983, 1-33).
3. As might be expected,Lomaxhas his supportersand detractors.Reviewsof Folk
SongStyleandCulturein AmericanAnthropologist (Nettl 1970), Ethnomusicology (Downey
1970), Journalof AmericanFolklore(Merriam1969), and Science(Naroll 1969) were
stronglypositive, while reviewsby dance researchersin CORD News (Kealiinohomoku
1974) andAmericanReviewofAnthropology (Kaeppler1978) wereequallynegative.Some
of the dance researcherscriticizedLomax'spredilectionfor evaluation,synthesisand
"grandschemes,"maintainingthat descriptionand analysisis moreappropriatefor the
disciplineat this time. They took issuewith his relianceon already-existingfilmsinstead
of actual behavior,his assignmentof one dance style for what was consideredin some
cases to be too broada geographicalarea, and what they viewed as a relative lack of
attention to interculturalinfluencesand relationships.The positive reviewsreferredto
Lomax'sstudy as a "monumentof our time" (Science),and "a majorachievement in
ethnomusicologyand crossculturalmethod, regardlessof the amountof criticismthat
may be levelled at the details"(Ethnomusicology). Alan Merriam(Journalof American
Folklore)remarkedthat "Ethnomusicologists will ignorethis bookat theirown peril."For
moreon Lomax,see McLeod(1979, 99-116).
4. The only societiesBeglerdiscussesthat she considerstrulyegalitarianarethe San
and the BaMbutiPygmies.She considersAustralianAborigines,which are egalitarian
within the sexes but not betweenthem, to be "semi-egalitarian." Other anthropologists
continueto denythe existenceof anytrulyegalitariansociety.MichelleRosaldobelieves,
for instance, that women are in some way subordinateto men in every known human
culture,and will remainso as long as they are relegatedto the domesticsphere(Rosaldo
1974, 19). But even if this is the case, it wouldremainthat the Mbuti,San, and Lovedu
societies discussedbelow would come very close to being egalitarian.And such a

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60 Hypatia

condition is sufficientfor the criticalpoint of this study:that the art of these culturesis
reflectiveof their complementarytendencies.
5. The !KungSan will be referredto in this paperas the "San,"the name they use
to referto themselves.The term"Bushman" has negative implicationsfor the San.
6. Although over forty years old, this ethnography is still widely cited in
anthropologicalresearch.
7. Othersocieties in which so-called"feminine"valuesaredominantand the status
of womenishigh includethe Montagnais-Naskapi of Canada,the Agta of the Philippines,
the Washo of California,and the Navajo of Arizonaand New Mexico (Leacock 1981,
PartI;Dahlberg1983, 121-52;Friedl1987, 153;andRosaldoandLamphere1974, 101-4.
No informationon dance or ritualis given in these studies.)
8. It should be pointed out that the music of the Pygmiesand the San can have
severalindividualssingingthe samepart,and that the musicis often repetitive.

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