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Table of Contents:
Kopstein and Lichbach consider Comparative Politics, Political Theory and International
Relations as three important poles in Political Science. Political Theory and Comparative
Politics have developed in close proximity and the earliest comparativists have been
political theorists. From the Greek political discourse, Aristotle came up with the first
comparative study of different kinds of political regimes. Though, unlike political
theorists, comparativists attempt to distance themselves from value judgement and stick
to systematic explanations of the world as it is. Comparativists describe and explain,
whereas the political theorists bring out the deeper philosophical meanings of these
findings. Scholars of international relations concentrate on politics that occur between
the states and comparativists focus on politics within countries.
1
Kopstein J. and Lichbach, M. (eds) (2005) Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a
Changing Global Order. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.p2.
2
Pennington, Mark “Theory; Institutions and Comparative Politics” in Comparative Politics (eds.) Judith Bara
and Mark Pennington, Sage Publications, India, 2009.p. 13.
3
Bara, Judith “Methodoligies for Comparative Analysis” in Comparative Politics (eds.) Judith Bara and Mark
Pennington, Sage Publications, India, 2009.p. 45.
4
Roy Anupama “Comparative Method and Strategies of Comparison” in Punjab Journal of Politics, p.14.
5
Freeman,Edward A.(1872) Comparative Politics, Macmillan And Company Limited, p.1.
Political Theory
Political Science
The scholars engaged in this field believe that the comparative method of inquiry
enables us to get precise account of phenomenon happening in the world and in the
domestic politics. By comparing different political institutions, their functioning, different
political organisations, associations and their influence, confrontations put up by non
state actor’s and states response to all of them introduce us to the various ways in which
politics take place. Comparative method immediately opens the gate for intensive study
of the subject and projects nuanced understanding of the political life that a single case
study alone could never provide.
Comparing the similarities and the differences between the political phenomenons
across the countries allows the social scientists to judge if and how the experiences of
some state are similar to that of others. It also helps us to assess whether theoretical
models of decisions making are able to claim universal validity.6 In fact comparison
should be the method of all political inquiries. But comparison does not mean merely
finding similarities and dissimilarities between and among phenomenon. It must go
beyond that and seek to discover relationships.7 The comparative approach to political
science is thus not by itself exclusive, but if we follow the idea that concepts derived
from theories about the real world need to be investigated by means of controlling
variation as observed in the real world, we cannot abstain from this approach.8
Kenneth Newton and Jan W. Van Deth give us three most important reasons why we
should study Comparative Politics. First, that we cannot understand our own country
without knowledge of others. Second, we cannot understand other countries without
6
Pennington, Mark “Theory; Institutions and comparative Politics” in Comparative Politics (eds.) Judith Bara
and Mark Pennington, Sage Publications, India, 2009.p. 13.
7
Mohanty, Manoranan (1975),“Comparative Politics Theory and the Third World Sensitivity” in Teaching
Politics, No. 122, pp. 22.
8
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American Political Science Review,
Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971),p p. 682, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513
knowledge of their background, institutions and history. Third, we cannot arrive at valid
generalisations about government and politics without the comparative method. 9 From
Lasswell to Almond most political scientist viewed comparison as the basic function of
political science and an unswerving strategy of research.
After accepting that comparison is the essential for accurate understanding and robust
research, next question is how and what we should compare. Should we compare the
phenomenon between the states, while comparing how much consideration should be
given to historical analysis, how were we going to use quantifiable variables? There are
various method of comparison available to us like the Experimental Method which is
mainly used in natural science, Case Study that produces detailed study of a specific
case, Statistical method that uses categories and variables which are quantifiable and
represented by numbers e.g. voting pattern, public expenditure, political parties, voter
turnout, etc. Statistical methods in research help the numerical representation of the
factual information. Focused comparisons restrict themselves to certain case studies
keeping specific issues of research in mind. Historical Method highlights the significance
of historical analysis. It is the task of the researcher to identify which method will be
appropriate for her/his investigation. Sometimes a single method is not sufficient and
one has to employ combination of methods of comparison for comprehensive study.
J S Mill has proposed two useful strategies of comparative research. Most Similar System
.jpg
design also called Mills Method of difference and Most Different Systems Design or Mill's
Method of Similarity or Mill’s Method of Similarity. While the first is employed in
comparing similar cases having dependent variables, the later is used to compare
dissimilar cases having independent variables. However while comparing, one should be
careful about what to compare and how to compare. One cannot go on comparing apples
and oranges. Addressing this, C. E. Black observes that here is much greater value in
comparing contemporary events and institutions than those that are widely separated in
time. The comparison of societies or smaller groups that are concerned with reasonably
9
Newton, Kenneth and Deth, Jan W. Foundations of Comparative Politics, Cambridge University Press, 2010.
pp.1.
10
For detailed discussion on different methods of comparison, refer to Roy, Anupama “Comparative Method
and Strategies of Comparison” in Punjab Journal of Politics, pp.8.
11
Black,C. E. (1966) The Dynamics of Modernization: A Study in Comparative History, New York: Harper and
Row, p.39
Charles Montesquieu
The focus of study of scholars of comparative politics has been on the origin and impact
of various types of government or regime types or political orders in the world. In their
study, they explore their characteristics, reason and time of occurrence. Kopstein and
Lichbach have identified three important tools of analysis as determinants of
comparative politics: interests, identities and institutions.12 Among these, ‘interest’
appears to be the most decisive. People tend to support that political regime that
maximises their material benefits. In order to do so, they organise themselves in form of
interest groups, trade unions, social movements and political parties.
12
Kopstein J. and Lichbach, M. (eds) (2005) Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a
Changing Global Order. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.p2.
On the other hand some comparativists maintain that interests of citizens are guided by
their ascriptive identities like religion and ethnicity. These identities are seminal in
shaping their political choices in terms of voting preferences, support for certain policies.
An interesting example is given by Kopstein that in United States of America, most Jews
vote for the Democratic Party and most Southern Baptists vote Republican as these
respective parties appear to share similar ideas by these respective groups.13 This fact is
specifically true about most of the post colonial societies where primordial affiliations are
very strong and political choices are strongly decided on the basis of religion, ethnicity,
race, gender, caste identities (as in case of India). The growing complexities of modern
societies supplement the new variants to these identities, based on sexual orientation,
commitment to environmentalism etc. which is either accommodated or rejected by the
political order.
The third determinant happens to be the institution. Contemporary political analysis finds
the role of institutions decisive in running a political regime. Scholars who belong to the
school of Neo-Institutionalism have put the entire focus back on institutions as structure
that controls the flow of power through the dynamics of its actions and interactions with
the other, variables and determinants. Institutions represent the long nurtured rules and
formalisation of political process in a society. These institutions run the wheels of
government machinery and are the bedrock of political life. Therefore, what emerges
from the discussion is that these are institutions like elections, parliaments, judiciary,
and political parties etc. that make any political regime work. At the same time one must
remember that the institutions and their functioning may vary in different political
systems.
Scholars may apply these different approaches and line of reasoning to understand any
particular problem. For example, in order to explain prevalence of democracy or the lack
of it, the interest perspective will highlight the size of middle class, the identity
perspective will try to analyse it from presence or absence of population’s commitment
to representative government and participation. Institutionalists will try to figure it out
by viewing the kind of political arrangement of institutions in the society. Similarly
another interesting example given by Kopstein and Lichbach is the case of health
insurance and pension. We find that the most advanced democracies have publicly
funded health system, United States of America being the exception. This fact can be
explained from interest point by showing the influence of powerful insurance company
and medical practioners who oppose government interference in the market. On the
other hand, the explanation from identity view will highlight the scepticism towards
state’s interference in the market. Institutional explanation will emphasise the manner in
which legislators related to health is easily blocked by same legislators.
Like other disciplines, Comparative Politics has also evolved with time gradually. Most
specifically, it has been the post second world war era that it got entrenched as a sub
13
ibid.p2.
discipline and consolidated itself under leadership of David Easton in American Political
science Association (APSA).
A new phase started from 1914 when comparative politics became separate and special
branch of study of politics.16 New works from various scholars in twentieth century
gradually expanded the domains of the subject providing some truly comparative works.
Some examples are H. Finer, Theory and Practice of Modern Government (1949),
Herbert Simon Administrative Behaviour (1947), Maurice Duverger Political Parties
(1950), etc. The decade of 1950s was outlined by behaviouralism, 1960s with
developmental models, dependency approach, political culture approach, and the most
recent ones as new institutionalism, rational choice theory.
14
Blondel,Jean “Then and Now: Comparative Politics, Political Studies, (1999), Vol XLVII, 152-160, p.153.
15
Ibid.p.153.
16
Ibid, p.155.
Klaus von Beyme‘s attempt to understand the entire history of Comparative Politics by
dividing it in 3 different phases find resonance with similar attempts by other scholars
like Chilcote. Beyme names these three phases as pre-modern, modern and post-
modern, which bear some semblance with other typology in form of pre-paradigmatic
and paradigmatic phases proposed by Chilcote.
Pre-modern phase was highly speculative and normative, mostly ethnocentric, used
comparisons in an anecdotal way, but hardly ever attempted systematic comparisons
over time.17 Pre-paradigmatic phase do not have presence of single theoretical approach
in scientific community. The pre-modern or pre-paradigmatic phase is the traditional
phase ridden with many limitations like being descriptive, assumptive, too generalised
and impressionistic. Pre-modern comparisons mostly aimed at classification of whole
political orders.18 As such this phase was marked by porosity of boundaries of different
disciplines like philosophy, history, jurisprudence etc. There was pressure to find
similarities and overall the objective was to establish classification or typologies rather
that focused or meticulous study of any particular systems.
17
Beyme, Klaus von “The Evolution of Comparative Politics” in Daniele Caramani (ed) Comparative Politics,
OUP, 2008,P.28.
18
Ibid, p. 29.
The Comparative Politics in modern times have been able to overcome many of the
lacunae of its preceding paradigm. This paradigm bloomed due to contributions coming
from various corners. Machiavelli unleashed the unconventional, followed by
Montesquieu, Tocqueville, J S Mill. Scientific temperament was specially encapsulated by
approaches adopted by Darwin, Spencer, Talcot Parson, Max Weber, Karl Popper, and
Charles Merriam. The more recent works of David Easton, Almond Powell, Sydney Verba,
Crane Brinton, Theda Schokpol etc. have greatly expanded the nature and scope of the
discipline and this process is ongoing.
Go to: k-12.pisd.edu/schools/pshs/soc_stu/comp_gv/Ch3_04_3.pdf
The book Politics of Developing Areas by Almond and Coleman published in 1960 sharply
defined the character of the new Comparative Political Movement. 19 This got further
momentum from functionalist system theories. Rigorous criteria for scientific
comparisons were developed and new impetus to venture beyond the studies of just
evolution and history got impetus. Under influence of scientism, scholars started seeking
data for interpretation and substantiating their research and findings. Scholars tried to
spot regularities to establish generalisations. Research activities became more
integrated. This behavioural upheaval expanded the frontiers of political science by
stressing interconnections between social, cultural and sometimes economic aspect of
life.20 However in the following decade, the tenets of behaviouralism were subjected to
scathing criticisms as it was neither able to predict or explain new problems nor was able
19
Mohanty, Manorajan (1975),“Comparative Politics Theory and the Third World Sensitivity” in Teaching
Politics, No. 122, pp. 24.
20
Ibid. pp.24.
Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Easton/Easton%27s_models/Theory#mediaviewer/Fil
e:Easton-System_of_political-life.PNG
Sooner the problems in the behavioural approach in comparative politics led to rise of
new approaches in the field like the Modernisation theory and Development school.
These theories held that all societies progress following similar stages of development as
the western countries. In a way they were on one hand trying to entrench the superiority
of their discourse of knowledge and colonial ventures, one the other hand; they were
also offering little hopes to the developing and under developed societies that someday
people of these societies will also be fortunate enough to live the desired lives (like that
of the west).
21
Please refer to my next Chapter on “Going Beyond Euro Centrism” in the same syllabus for the detailed
discussion on the same.
countries of the developed west and the periphery or the margin is signified by the
developing societies. The core gets richer by the continuous and perpetual usurping of
resources from the poor and vulnerable peripheries. The Dependency thesis can be
elaborated with the following diagram:
Core
Developed Western Countries
Globe/world
Periphery
(Developing Countries or post colonial societies)
Dependency Theory
www.clas.ufl.edu/users/.../Dependency_A_Critical_Synthesis.pdf
However, this theory failed to recognise the nuanced variation among the developing
societies by clubbing it under one roof. It ignored the influence of vital determinants like
history, culture, different colonial experience of these societies. Also racism, ethnicity,
gender dimension were not factored in its analysis.
users.polisci.wisc.edu/schatzberg/ps657/chilton1988.pdf
The Post Modern era stands with clear difference with its predecessor, the phase of
modernity. In some ways it negated and challenged all the earlier established modes of
knowledge and understanding. It claimed that social facts are social constructs. As such,
there cannot be any universal concept of good or bad. Different societies differ in terms
of their values, political system everything. Post modern impetus caused many hiccups
in comparative politics as in absence of certain set rules and universal standards, it
became very difficult for researcher to compare and arrive to any conclusions. In that
sense it de-centred the entire discourse. Many scholars felt helpless, as such theories
like post modernism and relativism opened a Pandora box of problems, but never came
up with any solutions. Serious research cannot be conducted in utter relativism, where
there is no parameters to compare and evaluate. Gradually, scholarships came to terms
with this impending danger and sought a balance with having certain reference point on
the one hand but at the same time abstaining away from any ethnocentric or Euro
centric prejudices and presumptions.
The contribution of post modernism can be seen in terms of providing inner critique and
scepticism rather than adding some substantial new theories to the field. Along with
other factors, newer insights like post modernism also strengthened the confidence of
post colonial societies to create an alternative understanding of their selves and
societies. In the decade of 1950s and 1960s, the emergence of third world as been seen
as the most significant aspect of social science. In fact it gave rise to new mode of
understanding known as ‘third world perspective.’ Third world began to acquire a distinct
character by the end of sixties, the Eurocentric discourse of social science gradually
started to acknowledge it and also introspect its own credentials due to unpredicted
crisis like youth uprisings, anti-war movements, China’s Cultural Revolution etc.22
Analysing the discourse of comparative politics in 20 th century, Manoranjan Mohanty
state that this field has undergone three phases of development: (a) The period of
institutionalism from the 1920s till the middle of the 1950s, (b) the period of
behaviouralism and modernisation which saw its climax in the mid sixties (c) The
emergence of third world challenge since the beginning of seventies. 23 Comparativists
increasingly started recognising the peculiarities of Asia, Africa and Latin America
(ASAFLA) due to its colonial past and present encounter with neo-colonialism.
22
Mohanty, Manoranan (1975),“Comparative Politics Theory and the Third World Sensitivity” in Teaching
Politics, No. 122, pp. 25.
23
Ibid, pp23.
Arend Lijphart
Conclusion
It may be concluded that one of the greatest contribution of comparative politics lies in
the fact that by necessitating comparison, in some ways it also glorifies the value of
‘plurality’; plurality of the ways in which politics operate and diversity of the alternatives
that exist in the world. No doubt, the field lies in certain disarray, but that cannot
besiege its future. Newer developments are gradually unfolding thus bolstering the
discipline. By becoming self reflexive, creative, open and critical, comparativists
constantly aim to expand our vistas. As Lijphart aptly remarks that a "conscious thinker"
in comparative politics should realize the limitations of the comparative method, but he
should also recognize and take advantage of its possibilities.24
Summary:
Within the field of Political science, Comparative Politics is that major subfield,
which makes comparison its essence.
The greatest contribution of this field has been that it essentialised comparison as
a fundamental method of inquiry.
Political Theory and Comparative Politics have developed in close proximity and
the earliest comparativists have been political theorists.
Kopstein and Lichbach consider Comparative Politics, Political Theory and
International Relations as three important poles in Political Science.
Kopstein and Lichbach have identified three important tools of analysis as
determinants of comparative politics: interests, identities and institutions.
It is in the post second world war era that Comparative Politics firmly established
itself as a sub discipline and consolidated itself under leadership of David Easton
in American Political science Association (APSA).
24
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American Political Science Review,
Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 685, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
b. Political Theory and Comparative Politics have developed in close proximity and
the earliest comparativists have been political theorists. (True/False)
g. Dependency Theory is the first approach appearing from non western counties.
(True/False)
Glossary:
Ascriptive Identities: Those identities that are not under ones control and one is born
with them like race, ethnicity, gender, religion, caste, species etc. Sociologists think that
these are the reason for stratification in any society.
Ethnocentrism: Te privileging of western race, culture, religion and ways of living and
prejudices against the post colonial societies.
Euro centrism: Bias towards Western institutions and processes that emanates from
various sources including the colonial domination and presumed inferiority of the non-
western societies.
Neo-Institutionalism: Denotes a new phase that refers the study of institutions and its
functioning as most vital for study of Politics. But it is different from old institutionalism
as it includes many other crucial determinants in its approach.
Political Culture: Signifies sum total of set of belief, orientation and attitudes o the
citizens towards their polities.
Political Theorists: Scholars engaged with study ad theorisation of Political theory, one
of the sub-disciplines of Political Science.
Post modernism: Denotes a departure from the usual lines of analysis, where the given
set of universal assumptions are rejected and subjective interpretations becomes the
reference point.
a. True
b. True
c. False
d. True
e. True
f. False
g. True
h. False
References
Bara, Judith and Mark Pennington (2009). Comparative Politics (eds.) Sage Publications,
India.
Beyme, Klaus von (2008) ‘The Evolution of comparative Politics’ in Comparative Politics
(ed) Daniele Caramani, Oxford university Press, oxford, New York.
Blondel, Jean (1999) ‘Then and Now: Comparative Politics in Political Studies Vol.47 (1).
Lichbach, mark Irving and Alan S. Zukckerman (2009) Comparative Politics Rationality,
Culture and structure, Cambridge University Press.
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American
Political Science Review, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 682- 693, URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
Mohanty, Manoranjan (1975) ‘Comparative Political Theory and Third World Sesitivity’ in
Teaching Politics No. 1&2.
Newton, Kenneth and Jan W. Van Deth (2010) Foundations of Comparative Politics, (
Second Edition), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Web links
http://polsci.colorado.edu/RES/theory.html
www.nd.edu/apsacp
Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Easton)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Easton/Easton%27s_models/Theory#mediaviewer/Fil
e:Easton-System_of_political-life.PNG
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Easton/Easton%27s_models/Theory#mediaviewer/Fil
e:Easton-System_of_political-life.PNG
http://ppaulluss.typepad.com/photos/panopt/js_mill.jpg