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I. Introduction
Corruption is prevalent in developing countries according to global institutions such as the World Bank
(WB) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and to such measurements as the
Corruption Perception Index (CPI) – a composite index compiled by the Transparency International
(TI). A quick look at the index will show developing countries massed at the bottom of the list of
countries rated according to their transparency and accountability (among other criteria). Also, TI's
2013 Global Corruption Barometer shows the developing world as populated by large percentage of
people who pay bribes (“Corruption getting worse, says poll,” 2013). And while existing everywhere,
as suggested by the index and the barometer, corruption is generally perceived as primarily a problem
in the developing world; impeding development, eroding institutional order, and eating away at the
moral and civil foundations of rational society. In the Philippines, there is widespread disgust over the
plunder of government funds enabled through the many guises of pork: Congressional Insertions in
the budget, the Priority Development Assistance Fund, and the Disbursement Acceleration Program.
This, notwithstanding the government campaign against corruption, as well as, support for the
campaign by the private sector. An offshoot of these interests is the abundance of literature on
corruption comprising genres of discourses such as media investigations, academic researches, laws
and public policies, civil society position papers and public opinion.
These discourses, a great portion of it written or transcribed, are potential resources or data
for researches that rely on methods of textual and discourse analyses. This research,in particular,
uses such data with the objective of eliciting or deriving narratives and conceptualizations of corruption
1
This research was funded through the CHED Integrity Research, with the CHED Zonal Research Center in
De La Salle University – Manila.
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and integrity. This is done through the content and discourse analyses of Philippine anti-corruption
laws.
Researches on corruption in the country, more often than not, focus on reports of graft and
corruption, their costs and effects, their causes, evaluations of anti-corruption measures,
anti-corruption best practices, and comparisons with other countries, etc. (Please see for example
Bolongaita, 2010; Moratalla, 2000; de Dios et. al., 2000; Tuazon, 2007, etc.). This research, on the
other hand, asks: How do our anti-corruption laws and institutions think of corruption and integrity?
Preconception, of course, tells us a lot about the range of possible responses to corruption and their
limits. But more importantly, it also tells us about influences, the dynamics of power that constructed
our institutions.
The application of discourse analysis to the textual discourse on corruption, meanwhile, is fairly
new. Debbie Orpin (2005), for example, studied group of words semantically related to corruption.
Using corpus methodology and critical discourse analysis, she finds that words with a noticeably
negative connotation tend to be used when referring to activities that take place outside of Britain,
while less negative words are used when referring to similar activities in British contexts. Konstadino
Maras (2007) used discourse analysis to examine the speeches and pronouncements of German
politicians with the goal of establishing patterns of perception that explain the political-cultural
embedding of corruption. More recently, Ruth Miller (2008), in a research that primarily relied on
methods of analyzing discourse, argues that narratives of political corruption are dependent upon an
explicitly pornographic linguistic repertoire and have been instrumental in carving out lawless or
exceptional spaces. The language of corruption is increasingly becoming a great interest to scholars
and the media. The BBC news, for example, reports that different countries have different
euphemisms for bribes that are underpinned by the differences in culture. But also, the language of
corruption, while specific, is something that is shared by different countries. (Henig & Makovicky, 2013)
But these studies display a deficiency, already identified by Albert Alejo (2010): what is lacking
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is an effort to analyze these corruption discourses to elicit what is not directly said but implied: What is
not corrupt? How is it to be not corrupt? By asking these questions within the context of the discourse
on corruption, this work aims to uncover or derive what is mostly left unsaid but is definitely
constitutive of these discourses, what is asserted in between the lines. While the work's primary aim is
to elicit narratives of corruption and integrity, the assumptions and influences that frame them will also
be exposed. In itself, the stepping-stone to this drawing out – the content and discourse analysis of
corruption laws – is already a contribution to current knowledge of corruption and integrity in the
Philippines.
In particular, using a variety of methods for textual analysis, the research aims to: (1)
Summarize the Philippine corruption laws into data showing relevant words and concepts, their
quantities (frequency and distribution), their relations, and their contexts; (2) Analyze and compare
anti-corruption laws in accordance with the assertion that discourses are stories or narratives; (3) Elicit
explanations on how social relations, identity, knowledge, and power are deployed in relation to
corruption/integrity in the laws and the discourses of their formulation and application by uncovering
their agency, framing, influences, and assumptions; and (4) Construct cognitive maps of the
anti-corruption laws, showing the relational values between the elements recognized by the laws, to
The work uses the methods of basic content analysis, discourse analysis, and cognitive mapping on
1. Republic Act 3019 (the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) – a law that seeks to “repress
corrupt practices” because they erode public trust. The law contains a definition of corruption
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and a list of corrupt acts. It then classifies these acts as unlawful and provides penalties for
violations.
2. Republic Act 6713 (the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and
Employees) – a law that seeks to promote a “high standard of ethics” and a code of conduct for
public officials. The law enumerates the virtues that a public official must possess and display.
interests.” Conflict of interests cause corruption. It provides rewards for exemplary public
Additionally, the implementing rules for RA6713, the minutes of the bicameral conference
meetings/hearings discussing the then proposed legislations, and some Supreme Court decisions that
applied the laws are referred to and cited to support the findings.
Content analysis is a research tool used to determine the presence of certain words or
concepts within texts or sets of texts. Researchers quantify and analyze the presence, meaning(s) and
relationship(s) of such words and concepts, then make inferences about the messages within the
text(s), the writer(s), the audience, and even the culture and time that these are a part. In this
research, contents analysis is expected to yield a summary of the documents studied showing
relevant words and concepts, their relations, and their context within the texts. The results are
additional material or data for the application of the method of discourse analysis.
The method yielded a summary of RA 3019 and 6713 in table form showing relevant words
and concepts, their relations, and their context within the texts. Specifically, the table contains (a) a set
of nouns that are synonyms, near-synonyms, or hyponyms of corruption and integrity within the texts;2
2
Lexical items or keywords selection. The texts are scanned for the occurrence of the code corruption.
And from the texts, a set of nouns are assembled that are synonyms, near-synonyms, or hyponyms of
corruption; that is, a set of nouns that represent a common range of meanings. The texts are also
scanned for the occurrence of the code integrity. And from the texts, a set of nouns are assembled that
are synonyms, near-synonyms, or hyponyms of integrity.
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(b) the frequencies and distribution of these words across the selected texts;3 and (c) contexts and
collocations, or an impression of the typical contexts in which these words are used and the
All these information are arranged in a table for easy referencing and comparison. Please see
Tables 1 and 2 in the Appendix for the results of the content analysis.
Discourse analysis, on the other hand, refers mainly to the linguistic analysis of naturally
occurring connected speech or written discourse. It is concerned with language use in social contexts,
and in particular with interaction or dialogue between speakers, it takes note of how speakers or sides
perceive and treat their audience. Discourse analysis focuses on how social relations, identity,
knowledge, and power are constructed through written and spoken texts. Specifically, discourse
analysis reveals the plot, framing, agency, influences, and assumptions of the studied texts. An
advantage of discourse analysis is that, coupled with theories of the production and practices of
systems of meanings and how such systems of meanings reproduce the relations of power and
influence in society, the researcher can make insightful statements about the socio-political
In this research, discourse analysis results feed back into the content analysis of the research's
data and provides the elements and relations that make the cognitive maps. Specifically, discourse
analysis yielded a summary of the (a) the texts’ recognized basic entities,5 (b) their assumptions about
3
Frequency and distribution. To gain an idea of the language variety, mode, genre, or discourse
community in which each of the key words in the lexical list is typically used, the frequencies and
distributions for both lists of words mentioned above [in a)] are calculated. Frequency is the number of
times that keywords are used in the texts. Distribution is the frequency per 100 words.
4
Context and collocation. The two lists of words are subjected to concordances and context analyses,
focusing on the location of the words within the outline of the texts and their collocates consisting of
three words before and after each keyword. The lexical lists are expanded with associated words for
both lists, as well as location data for keywords and associated words within the texts.
5
Recognized entities or ontological assumptions. The basic entities construed or recognized as defining
the ontology of the texts are identified. These are entities whose existence are constructed or assumed
by the laws.
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the relationships among these entities,6 (c) the texts' recognized actors and their motives, as well as
their capacity to intervene (to politically act),7 (d) construed metaphors and rhetorical devices in the
texts8, (e) discourse contextual category,9 and (f) theoretical assumptions and placements,10 and (g)
ideological assumptions and context.11 The method also derived a narrative or plot that is foundational
to the stance and prescriptions of the laws; and color-coded versions of specific parts of the laws that
These last three elements of the discourse analysis elicit explanations on how social relations,
identity, knowledge, and power are deployed in relation to integrity/corruption. Please see Table 3 in
Meanwhile, one of the assertions of discourse analysis is that discourse positions are based on
a basic narrative that inform their beliefs and arguments. The underlying narrative of the laws – their
protagonists, conflicts and resolutions – is pieced together using the categories and results in the
In addition, using the discourse contextual levels and the strength of their imperatives (signaled
6
Asserted relations between recognized entities. The assumptions about the natural and social
relationships between entities are listed. These refer to relationships such as hierarchy, competition,
cooperation, etc., that are interpreted as inherent to the interactions between the recognized entities of
the discourse.
7
Recognized agents and their motives. The recognized actors or agents are listed, together with the
extent, efficacy and levels of their possible interventions. The rationale or motives of their agency are
also identified.
8
Metaphors and rhetorical devices. The construed key metaphors and rhetorical devices are deployed by
the texts to convince readers by putting or painting a situation in a particular light. These are identified in
the texts.
9
Discourse contextual level. The discourse data studied are already determined to be generally at the
level of law-making. But source discourse types such as cultural, juridical, moral/religious, political,
nationalistic, etc. can be determined or identified from the texts themselves. This means that the laws
are part of a dialogue with the other societal discourses on corruption and are influenced by such other
discourses.
10
Theoretical assumptions and placements. The affinity of the texts to particular theoretical positions or
statements on corruption and integrity are identified.
11
Ideological assumptions and contexts. The systems of meanings in which the particular discourses on
corruption and integrity are embedded are determined.
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by such words as always, never, encouraged, enjoined) within the laws, the texts are color coded. A
visual representation of the categories that influenced the laws is rendered. Please see Figures 1 and
2 below for the results. The color codes are the following:
The method of cognitive mapping refers to the process of graphically (in flowchart form) representing
an individual’s or and entity's belief system. The cognitive map is derived from the assertions made of
an individual’s/entity's beliefs. As a model, the cognitive map simplifies what it represents. Applied to
this research, the cognitive map is derived from the assertions or beliefs made explicitly or implicitly in
In this research, the cognitive maps are asserted to be representative of how the laws and the
institutions that made, apply, and interprets the laws “think.” (Please see Figures 3 and 4 below for the
cognitive maps.) The texts are visually represented as cognitive maps and then are compared. The
elements of a cognitive map are concepts and causal beliefs, considered as variables and relations.
For example:
individuals predisposition
motivated by self-interest -> + -> to commit corrupt acts
This sign directed graph (sign digraph) can be read as “Individuals motivated by self-interest are
predisposed to commit acts of corruption.” The sign in between the causal or relationship arrows can
indicate direct or indirect relationships (+ or –), equivalence (=), and other relations. The signs that
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signify other relations that are used in this research are: # - benefits; * - motivates; and @ - enables.
Content Analysis Findings, Interpretation and Conclusions. Based on Table 1 and Table 2 (see
Appendix), Table 4 below summarizes the occurrences of words that are synonyms, near-synonyms,
or hyponyms of corruption and integrity for both RA 3019 and RA 6713. RA 3019 has more words for
corruption and RA 6713 appears to treat both corruption and integrity with equal importance.
corrupt 52 32
integrity 8 46
unlawful, violation, offense, benefit for himself/favoring his own interest/personal gain/personal
advantage, prohibited interest, property and/or money manifestly out of proportion to his salary and to
his other lawful income/unexplained wealth, criminal, bribery, and conspiracy. The lexical equivalents
true and sworn, legitimate. Most near-equivalents of corrupt/ion are legal terms. There are equivalents
that recall moral terms like inequitable and take advantage, and economic terms like exploit and
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interest. But these usually are defined legally, or preceded and followed by legal terms as the
ostentatious, temptations, unlawful/acts contrary to law, conflict of interest, criminal, and conspiracy.
dedication to duty, respect the rights of others, political neutrality, prompt/expeditious, courteous,
Table 5 below, on the other hand, shows the frequency of the most common synonyms,
near-synonyms, or hyponyms of corruption and integrity and Table 6 shows the same for RA 6713.
The most common words used interchangeably with corruption in RA 3019 are words that places
corruption vis a vis the law. Corruption is against the law. In RA 6713, corruption is against the law but
is also recognized as conflict of personal and public interest in the public official or employee. The
law, thus, provides a code of conduct that will guide behavior in such cases of conflicts of interests and
measures that will encourage the implementation of the said code of conduct. Integrity in RA 3019, on
the other hand, is seen as behavior in accordance to law. Integrity is lawful. RA 6713, meanwhile, sees
integrity as connected to a public official/employee's commitment, devotion and loyalty to the people or
public.
Table 5: Frequency of the most common synonyms, near-synonyms, or hyponyms of corruption and
integrity in RA 3019
corrupt integrity
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offense 6 legitimate 2
Table 6: Frequency of the most common synonyms, near-synonyms, or hyponyms of corruption and
integrity in RA 6713
corrupt integrity
The textual structure RA 3019 is fairly simple. Half of the text defines what is corruption and the
other half proscribes its many manifestations with corresponding punishments. From the quantity and
distribution of the lexical equivalents of corrupt/ion and integrity, the research finds that the law is more
concerned with defining and proscribing corruption than defining and encouraging its opposite.
Near-equivalents for word/concept integrity are mostly located in the laws prescriptions for
statements of assets and liabilities). They function more as aids in the explanations for the processes
The textual structure RA 6713, on the other hand, is complex. It defines and proscribes
corruption but it also enumerates, explains, and provides processes and incentives for good conduct
amongst public officials. The law is more preoccupied with defining and prescribing a code of conduct
for public officials. Thus, the law uses more words, compared to RA3019, that are hyponyms of
integrity. The lesser quantity (but still considerable) of words or phrases that are near-equivalents to
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corrupt/ion can be partly explained by the fact that this relatively newer law does not supplant the
previous laws on corruption but adds to them. The hyponyms and near-equivalents of integrity,
however, are mainly located in the portions of the law that lists the expected superior conduct of public
officials and the supposed incentives that will promote such conduct. The rest of the law still deals with
proscriptions and penalties for corrupt acts; that is, near-equivalents of corrupt/ion are distributed
almost evenly over the length of the text and near-equivalents of integrity are mostly confined to a
The near-equivalents and hyponyms of corrupt/ion and integrity in RA 6713 are not just legal
terms but are a mixture of terms with sources outside of the system of laws. They are indicative of
judgments and values that range from the political and bureaucratic, to the moral, religious,
market-defined, nationalistic, etc. Terms such as effective/efficient and professionalism are usually
associated with the market, or more specifically with the human resource discourse within the private
sector. Red tape, political neutrality, outstanding merit, etc. are usually terms linked to political and
sincerity, etc. are moral judgments; and loyalty, true to the people, and nationalism are patriotic
values. Collocates of the near-equivalents of integrity, such as at all times, always, must, shall, etc.
indicate the high standard of conduct expected from public officials. And yet the law itself recognizes
that such high standard is rare through prescriptions of limited awards and incentives. Reading
through the law's list of good or expected conduct makes its dissonance with the experience of actual
RA 3019 is mostly a legal document embedded in the system of laws and inspired by the
discourse of laws. To hazard an interpretation, RA 3019 is not influenced and doesn't engage with
other worldviews or discourses on corruption and integrity, such as religion, morality or nationalism.
RA 3019 is concerned with defining and proscribing corruption and not at all interested in defining and
encouraging its opposite. It is not influenced and does not engage with other world views or
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discourses on corruption and integrity. This conclusion is reasserted in the discourse analysis results.
Comparing the results of the content analyses on the two laws suggests major differences in the
principles that underpin them and the worldview in which they are embedded. While both laws
participate in the discourse of the system of laws, only RA 6713 participates in the bigger societal
discourse on corruption and is influenced by other worldview that are concerned with corruption –
morality and religion, values valued in the economy, political and bureaucratic values, and patriotic
The same initial conclusions can be said of the Congressional hearings that made the laws.
The Congressional committee hearings for RA 6713 were more open to the participation of other
societal sectors such as academic organizations, NGOs and professional associations. These
organizations provided resource persons and submitted position papers that were read in the
hearings. Perhaps these participations are the sources for influences seen in the law. The Bicameral
Conference Committee that consolidated both Houses' versions of the legislation openly
acknowledged the contribution of University of the Philippines' faculty in the formulation of the law. The
Representatives and legal experts. This explains the purely legal viewpoint of the law.
Discourse Analyses Findings, Interpretation and Conclusions. Based on the results summarized
in Table 3 (please see Appendix) the research finds that RA 6713 recognizes more entities, and as
such, more potential agents with differing capacities for intervention. The relations amongst these
recognized entities also make for a more complex interactions that make or prevent corruption and
promote integrity. RA 3019, meanwhile, limits itself to government entities that can commit or prevent
corruption on one hand and private entities that enable corruption on the other.
The asserted relations between recognized entities in RA 3019 are: between government/law
and public officers – prohibition, obedience and compliance but also violation; between
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government/law and private entities – public service, prohibition but also compliance and violation;
between public officers and the public – obligation; amongst public officers – persuading, inducing,
influencing; and between public officers and private entities – government transactions/
business/applications but also the requesting of benefits, capitalizing and exploitation of relation. The
relation between law/government and public officers is hierarchical. Private interest is seen to benefit
from, motivates and enables corruption. Family and close personal relations are also seen to benefit
from, motivate and enable corruption. The law, especially its penalties, is seen to prevent corruption.
The asserted relations between recognized entities in RA 6713 are: between government/law
and public officials – prohibition, guide, monitoring and evaluating, inducements and rewards, and
obedience but also violation; between government/law and private entities: public service and
prohibition, also compliance but violation as well (as co-principals, accomplices, accessories);
– persuading, inducing, influencing but also exemplar of good conduct (in the case of exemplary
service awardees); between public officials and private entities – government transactions/approval of
applications, but also soliciting, accepting, conspiring, and enabling as co-principals, accessories,
accomplices in corrupt acts. The relations between law/government/specific state institutions and
public officials and employees are hierarchical. Like RA 3019, Private interest is seen to benefit from,
motivates and enables corruption. Family and close personal relations are also seen to benefit from,
motivate and enable corruption. The law, especially its penalties, is seen to prevent corruption.
Additionally, nationalistic, moral, and democratic values are seen to prevent or discourage corruption.
These recognized entities and their relations make for a short list of agents and their motives in
the case of RA 3019 and a longer and relatively more complex list for RA 6713. Table 7 below shows
both lists and the possible level/type of intervention available to these agents. RA 3019 sees the
government and law, motivated by public interest, as preventing corruption. Additionally, the
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government is seen as victim of corruption. Meanwhile, private entities are motivated by private
interest an can potentially abet corruption. Public officials can be motivated by private interest that can
trump their loyalty to the public interest and thus are potentially corrupt. RA 6713 subscribes to the
same assertions about the motivations and potentials of recognized entities as agents. However, it
prescribes a host of other values that promote public trust to motivate public officials and employees. It
also prescribes incentives and awards to encourage such motivations. Finally, RA 6713 recognizes
that the public are victims of corruption but provides an avenue for citizens to intervene and prevent
RA 3019 RA 6713
The language of RA 3019 is primarily juridical and bureaucratic. But there are some cultural
and market or business references (as seen in list of equivalents and near-equivalents of the words
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corruption and integrity in the content analysis above), especially in its definition or explanations of
what is corrupt. The language of RA 6713, meanwhile, is also primarily juridical and bureaucratic. But
there are words (again, as seen in list of equivalents and near-equivalents of the words corruption and
integrity in the content analysis above) derived or sourced from political, cultural, moral, nationalistic,
and religious (e.g., words like devotion, temptation, and bad faith) discourses. These words are mostly
located in the portion of the law that prescribes a code of conduct for public officials. This supports the
conclusion in the content analysis that RA 6713 participates or is influenced by other societal
discourses on corruption.
In relation the points made in section 5 above, RA 3019 sees corruption as primarily an issue
private interest in public affairs. Societal and market/business relations are sources of private interests
that abet corrupt acts. RA 6713, meanwhile, also sees prohibited acts as issues of juridical and
administrative/bureaucratic concern. But citizens have limited powers of intervention. Prohibited acts
are believed to be products of conflict between public and private interests in public affairs.
Culture-defined and market/business connections are seen as sources of private interests that conflict
with the public interest. The law believes that a high level of ethical standards embodied in a code of
conduct should guide public service. These are nationalism, commitment to the public good and to the
simple living.
Both laws believe that private interest in public service is bad, that the market and society in
general are sources of private interest that can motivate corruption, that laws and penalties can
prevent corrupt acts. Additionally, RA 6713 believes that nationalistic values, market measures of
effectiveness and efficiency, as well as democratic ideals – such as the sovereignty of the people,
justice, neutrality, and transparency can help public interest win over private interest in public service.
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The plot or narrative that both laws subscribe to is simple and straightforward: In the arena of
public service, public officials and employees are the protagonists that seek to deliver government
services to the general public. Ideally, public officials should be motivated by the public good. But
private interests from the greater society violate the sacred space of public service and induce
(RA3019) or tempt (RA6713) public officials and employees into committing corrupt acts. Laws and
penalties can discourage corruption and insulate the protagonists from private interests. Left on its
own, private interest can conflict with public interest that can injure both government and the public.
Public officials must be further shielded from private interests and from society (family, economy,
friends/personal relations, etc.). Rewards and incentives for resisting private interest is a shield. Soare
nationalistic, democratic, and moral values. Professionalism will further shield our protagonists from
the evils of private interests. Thus resolved: isolated from society but in camaraderie with other public
officials and employees, exemplary public service and the public good will prevail.
There is a touch of absurdity to this plot. After all, we know that the public and the private are
intimately entangled in everyday societal interactions. Boundaries and limits blur in the same persons
of our protagonists above and in ordinary individuals. The public that the government seeks to serve
are made of private individuals and private interests, and includes the government's own public
officials and employees. Public service reaches and benefits its public individually/personally. The
actual experience of corrupt acts is not so clear-cut to an individual embedded in society, of which the
government is also a part. The clarity and distance of the law is to the belligerent muddiness and
immediacy of the act. This brings us back to the more immediate task of presenting and interpreting
the analysis made of the laws' discourse. In the minutes of the Bicameral Conference Committee that
consolidated the proposed legislations that later became RA 6713, one of the things that stand out is
the admission of the member Senators and Congressmen of the “exhortatory” or suasive character of
the code of conduct embodied in the law (House of Representatives, 1988b). This is manifested n the
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language of the law that mostly encourage, exhort, persuade, enjoin public officials and employees to
uphold the ethical standards. Figures 1 and 2 show color-coded portions of the laws, RA 3019 and RA
6713 respectively. The specific pages are chosen because they exhibit the most colors. The rest of the
documents are boring gray all through out. Please refer to section 2.1.3 of part III of this report for the
color codes. Figure 1 shows that RA 3019, if it converses or if it is influenced by other societal
discourses at all, uses words that are sourced from market-based and cultural discourses. The
imperatives of these influences are usually strong. This is because RA 3019 is unwavering in its
Figure 2, meanwhile, shows the greater influence of other discourses in RA 6713. But the
imperatives of these discourses are usually weak because the law usually only exhorts their adoption
and implementation.
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Content Analysis Findings, Interpretation and Conclusions. As laid out in the narrative or plot that
underpins both laws, there is not much difference in the basic assumptions and beliefs between RA
3019 and RA 6713. This is further illustrated in Figures 3 and 4. What RA 6713 does add are more
solutions to the manifestations of corruption, already identified in the earlier law. In so doing, RA 6713
engages more societal discourses on corruption. But the law deploys what it borrows from these
discourses in the same way RA 3019 deploys its only and penultimate solution to the problem of
corruption. Insulate and shield public officials and employees from private interests. Arm them with
values that can help them fight the influence of private interests.
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Both laws do not consider the possibility that Alejo (2010) already proposed in his books
Ehem! and Ehemplo, that so-called private interests can be allies and resources in the fight against
corruption: that family and friends can support whistleblowers, that they can demand acts of integrity in
public service from their fathers/mothers/sons/daughters/friends, etc. The point is that society is
neither good or bad (or that it is both good and bad). The church or its leaders for example, can accept
luxury vehicles and other donations from government operators of legalized gambling, which the
church as an institution opposes (Dizon, 2011). The church can also lead a moral renewal that makes
the public good a strong and powerful private interest for public officials and employees.
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IV. References
Alejo, A. E., SJ & Amorado, R.V. (2003). Ehem! A manual for deepening involvement In combating
corruption. Quezon City: Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus.
Alejo, A.E. (2010). Ehemplo. Research on Spirituality No. 6., Quezon City: Institute of Spirituality in
Asia.
Axelrod, R. (1976). Structure of decision: The cognitive map of political elites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
Corruption getting worse, says poll. (2013, July 9). BBC News. Retrieved on 30 October 2013.
Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-23231318.
Bernard, R.H. (2002). Research methods in Anthropology. New York, Oxford: Altamira Press.
Breit, E. (2010). On the (re)construction of corruption in the media: A critical discursive approach.
Journal of Business Ethics, 92 (3), 619-635.
Civil Service Commission. (1989, April 21). Rules implementing the Code of Conduct and Ethical
Standards for Public Officials and Employees (RA 6713). Quezon City: Author.
Congress of the Philippines. (1960). Republic Act No. 3019: Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.
Manila: Author.
Congress of the Philippines. ( 1989). Republic Act No. 6713: Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards
for Public Officials and Employees. Quezon City: Author.
De Dios, E.S., Ferrer, R.D., Mendoza, A. M., Virtucio, M.A.G., Lalunio, M. P., Lim, J.Y. & Pascual,
Cl.G. (2000). The political economy of corruption: Studies in transparent and accountable
governance. Transparent and Accountable Governance Project.
Dizon, David. (2011). Bishops got Crosswind, Montero: PCSO. abs-cbnnews.com. Posted on 6 July
2011. Retrieved on 30 October 2013. Retrieved from
http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/07/06/11/pcso-not-supposed-give-away-suvs-juico
Henig, D. & Makovicky, N. (2013, July 11). Stinking fish and coffee: The language of corruption. BBC
News. Retrieved on 30 October 2013. Retrieved from
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-23227391.
House of Representatives. (1988, March 10). Minutes of the Sub-Committee on Quasi-Judicial, Legal,
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rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
V. Appendix
rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
RA 3019 RA 6713
Asserted relations between government/law and public between government/law and public
between recognized officers: obedience, prohibition, officials: obedience, prohibition,
entities compliance but also and guide, compliance, monitoring
violation and evaluating, inducements and
between government/law and rewards but also and violation
private entities: public service between government/law and
but also obedience, prohibition, private entities: public service but
compliance but also violation also obedience, prohibition,
between public officers and public: compliance but also violation (as
obligation co-principals, accomplices,
between public officers: persuading, accessories)
inducing, influencing between public officials and
between public officers and private public/people/nation/democracy:
entities: transactions/ obligation, professionalism
business/applications but also (effective/efficient)
requesting benefits, exploit, responsiveness, loyalty,
capitalize on such relations commitment, exemplar of simple
living
rizalino noble malabed analyzing corruption laws
RA 3019 RA 6713
RA 3019 RA 6713
RA 3019 RA 6713