THE FOREIGN POLICY OF PAKISTAN

Islamic Republic of Pakistan maintains a large diplomatic network across the

world. Pakistan is the second largest Muslim-majority country in terms of
population (after Indonesia) and is only Muslim majority nation to have tested
nuclear weapons.
Pakistan's economy is integrated into the world with strong trade ties to the EU and
economic alliances and agreements with many Asian nations.
Pakistan has a strategically important geo-political location,
has Afghanistan, China, India and Iran in immediate neighborhood, is at the
corridor of world major maritime oil supply lines, is located between gas & oil rich
middle east and world's population centers (East & South Asia). Pakistan has been
maintaining a tensed relationship with neighboring Republic of India and close
relationships with People's Republic of China and Arab nations. Pakistan is a
member of the Organization(OIC), is named by the US as a major non-NATO
ally in the war against terrorism and one of founding members of IMCTC.
Pakistan's Foreign Policy seeks to protect, promote and advance Pakistan's national
interests in the comity of nations”
M A Jinnah's Vision On 15 August 1947, outlining the foreign policy of
Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam observed:
“Our objective should be peace within and peace without. We want to live
peacefully and maintain cordial and friendly relations with our immediate
neighbors and with world at large. We have no aggressive designs against any
one. We stand by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our contribution
to the peace and prosperity of the world.”
The foreign policy of Pakistan sets out in the way it interacts with foreign nations
and to determine its standard of interactions for its organizations, corporations and
individual citizens. Backed by the semi-agricultural and semi-
industrialized economy, Pakistan is the 42nd largest (nominal GDP) and 23rd
largest (purchasing) economic power and 6th largest military in the world, with a
defense budget ofUS$11.4 billion (2018) 4.0% of its GDP (2018). The Foreign
Minister of Pakistan is the official charged with state-to-state diplomacy, although
the Prime minister maintains an ultimate authority over foreign policy. The state
foreign policy includes defining the national interest, as well as the economic
interest and strategies chosen both to safeguard that and to achieve its policy goals.
Following the general election held on May 2013, Tariq Fatimi and NSA Sartaj
Aziz were designated as advisers to the Prime Minister on foreign and strategic
policies. After the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif's government in July 2017, Khawaja
Muhammad Asif held the portfolio of foreign minister under the premiership of
Shahid Khaqan Abbasi. After the victory of Imran Khan in the Pakistan General
Elections 2018, Shah Mehmood Qureshi was named the Minister of Foreign
Affairs.
Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has encompassed difficult
relations with the neighboring Soviet Union (USSR) who maintained a close
military and ideological interaction with the neighboring countries such
as Afghanistan (in the West) and India (in East). During most of 1947–1991, the
USSR support was given to Republic of India, over which it has fought three wars
on Kashmir conflict. During the 1960s, Pakistan's relations with and
neighboring Afghanistan have also been extremely difficult due to the latter's
contest over the Durand Line. The foreign relations with Iran, Saudi
Arabia and China remain extremely important and based on the extensive
cooperation in national security and economical interests in the Persian Gulf and
wide-ranging bilateral relations with the United States and other Western countries.
With the growing influence of USSR in the region, Pakistan cemented close
security relations with China in Asia and Poland in Europe during most of the Cold
War. While Pakistan had "on-off relations" with the United States, Pakistan
assisted President Nixon reproach with China and other East Asian countries.

Pakistan-China relation
China has played a significant role in the development, economy and security of
Pakistan, with relationship beginning in 1950 when Pakistan was among the first
countries to enter into official diplomatic relations with the Republic of
China (on Taiwan) and recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) regime on
mainland China. Since then, both countries have placed considerable importance
on the maintenance of an extremely close and supportive special relationship and
the two countries have regularly exchanged high-level visits resulting in a variety
of agreements. The PRC has provided economic, military, and technical assistance
to Pakistan, and each country considers the other a close strategic ally.
Pakistan–United States relations
The United States has played an important role in the young history of Pakistan,
being one of the first countries to recognize their independence on 14 August
1947. The relationship between the two countries went through varying levels of
friendliness, but Pakistan consistently found themselves on the United States side
of issues faced during the Cold War. Pakistan served as a geostrategic position for
United States military bases during the Cold War since it bordered the Soviet
Union and China. These positive relations would fall apart following successful
cooperation in fighting the Soviet Union's influence in Central Asia and the
subsequent fall of the Soviet Union. ln reaction to Pakistan's new nuclear capacity,
the United States would pass the Pressler Amendment approving sanctions against
Pakistan, but relations would restrengthen following 9/11 with Pakistan's warm
response following the tragedy. Aid would be given to Pakistan for the first time
again in 2002, and the 2000s saw an extension of this friendly relationship.
As the War on Terror continued to linger, the United States and Pakistan would
disagree on strategies while also accusing each other of various things. This
dynamic would reach a head following a few incidents highlighted by the
operation to kill Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad. While these incidents wore
down the trust between the two nations, the two would continue to share a healthy
relationship. Although the two countries do not view each other favorably in polls,
the two governments share an important relationship featuring multiple types of aid
to Pakistan, important military cooperation and collaboration, and a strategic ally
in Central Asia for the United States. The United States and Pakistan's relationship
persists of promoting trade and regional economic cooperation, this type of
relationship is beneficial for both countries and gives incentive for continuing
friendly relations. U.S. also has concerns regarding Pakistan include regional and
global terrorism; Afghan stability; democratization and human rights protection;
the ongoing Kashmir problem and Pakistan-India tensions; and economic
development. Recently US stopped military aid to Pakistan, which was about US$2
billion per year.
Muslim world
After Independence, Pakistan vigorously pursued bilateral relations with other
Muslim countries and made a wholehearted bid for leadership of the Muslim
world, or at least for leadership in achieving its unity. The Ali brothers had sought
to project Pakistan as the natural leader of the Islamic world, in large part due to its
large manpower and military strength. A top-ranking Muslim League leader,
Khaliquzzaman, declared that Pakistan would bring together all Muslim countries
into Islamistan – a pan-Islamic entity. Such developments (alongside Pakistan's
creation) did not get American approval and British Prime Minister Clement
Attlee voiced international opinion at the time by stating that he wished that India
and Pakistan would re-unite. Since most of the Arab world was undergoing a
nationalist awakening at the time, there was little attraction to Pakistan's Pan-
Islamic aspirations. Some of the Arab countries saw the 'Islamistan' project as a
Pakistani attempt to dominate other Muslim states.
Pakistan vigorously championed the right of self-determination for Muslims
around the world. Pakistan's efforts for the independence movements of Indonesia,
Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and Eritrea were significant and initially led to close
ties between these countries and Pakistan. On the other hand, Pakistan's relations
with Iran have been strained at times due to sectarian tensions. Saudi Arabia used
Pakistan as a battleground for his proxy sectarian war and by the 1990s,

PAKISTAN IN THE COMITY OF ALL NATIONS

Pakistan and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation
Pakistan continues to enjoy a privileged status in the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation (OIC, formerly the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation). In terms
of population, it is the OIC's second largest member. Pakistan is the only Muslim
country to have detonated nuclear weapons, has the sixth-largest standing military
force in the world and a large labour workforce working in various Muslim
countries.

OIC role in Pakistan-Bangladesh relationship

It was under the pretext of the 2nd summit of OIC held in Lahore between 22–24
February 1974 that Pakistan recognized the former or ex-Eastern Pakistan as the
People's Republic of Bangladesh. Pakistan had initially not invited Bangladesh to
attend the summit. However, as members of the OIC group gathered in Lahore,
several heads of the state from the Arab world put pressure on Pakistan's then
prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, to invite Sheikh Mujibur Rehman to attend. A
seven-member delegation from OIC in fact visited Dhaka to invite Mujib to
participate in the summit. As a result of the 2nd OIC summit, Pakistan formally
recognised Bangladesh on 22 February 1974, and Mujib was flown by a special
aircraft from Dhaka to Lahore to attend the summit. Bhutto subsequently visited
Dhaka in July 1974. Established relations on 18 January 1976.
Pakistan has raised many important issues at the second summit of OIC. Pakistan
has had frayed relations with India and because of its involvement in civil
war, East Pakistan seceded from West Pakistan in 1971. The intervention gave rise
to the state of Bangladesh.

Pakistan's solidarity with Palestine

However, Pakistan is a critic of occupation of Palestinian territories by Jewish state
of Israel. In line with OIC strong stance against the occupation of Palestine
by Zionists, Pakistan has continuously adopted a stance against Israel.

Army collaboration
Army Service Corps School has trained up to 30 officers from Muslim countries
like Bangladesh, Bosnia, Maldives, Palestine, Turkey. Pakistan Army Military
College of Signals has trained more than 500 officers from places such as Burma,
Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bosnia, Gambia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Iran, Jordan,
Kenya, Libya, Malaysia, Oman, Nepal, Nigeria, Oman, Palestine, Sudan, South
Africa, Sri Lanka, Saudi Arabia, Tanzania, Turkmenistan, Uganda, UAE and
Zambia, most of these countries are member of OIC.
Naval collaboration
More than 1900 officers from Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, UAE,
Bahrain, Qatar, Palestine, Turkmenistan, Lebanon, Iran, Ghana, Jordan, Kuwait,
Libya and Oman have been trained in Pakistan Naval
Academy. Pakistan SSGN has also trained officers from countries like Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, Qatar and Iran.
OIC on the issue of Kashmir
Pakistan has always used OIC as a platform to gather support on the Kashmir
conflict against the Republic of India. In 1969 Summit in Rabat. But after Pakistan
then ruler Gen Yahya Khan threatened to walk out, King Hassan requested the
Indian delegates not to attend the meeting.
During Hassan of Morocco invited the Government of India for the the OIC 1994
Conference in Tehran, Pakistan succeeded in persuading the member countries to
create the "OIC Contact Group on Kashmir". The Foreign Minister of
Pakistan would discuss the possibility of cutting ties with any state that
recognized Jammu and Kashmir as "Integral part of India" by safeguarding our
national security and geo-strategic interests including Kashmir; some countries are
not recognized by Pakistan because of their move towards against the self-
determination of Kashmiris as a form of aggression. These countries are the State
of Israel, Armenia, Costa Rica,Liberia and Zambia.
A lone wolf attack on Indian Forces on 14 February 2019, followed by Indian
claim Air Strike subsequently led to a military stand off between India and
Pakistan.
India with its expanding diplomatic, economic and military clout, has been
strengthening its relations with middle east. Hence, amid the tensions, Indian
Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj was invited as "Guest of Honour" by UAE to
represent India as an observer state.
Pakistan rejected this development and demanded the expulsion of India from the
summit citing Kashmir issue and Indian violation of airspace of Pakistan, a
founding member of OIC. OIC called emergency meeting of Kashmir contact
group on Pakistan's request, the meeting was on February 26, 2019. Although, OIC
condemned Indian violation of Pakistani airspace by India, UAE refused to revert
invitation to India.
Hence, for the first time in five decades, the United Arab Emirates invited foreign
minister of India Sushma Swaraj to attend the inaugural plenary 46th meeting of
OIC foreign ministers held in Abu Dhabi on 1 and 2 March. Pakistan boycotted the
meet objecting to the invitation to India. Swaraj addressed the meet raising concern
for spreading terrorism.
LAND AND PEOPLE OF PAKISTAN
The geography and climate of Pakistan are extremely diverse, and the country is
home to a wide variety of wildlife. Pakistan covers an area of
881,913 km2(340,509 sq mi), approximately equal to the combined land areas of
France and the United Kingdom. It is the 33rd-largest nation by total area, although
this ranking varies depending on how the disputed territory of Kashmir is counted.
Pakistan has a 1,046 km (650 mi) coastline along the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of
Oman in the south and land borders of 6,774 km (4,209 mi) in total: 2,430 km
(1,510 mi) with Afghanistan, 523 km (325 mi) with China, 2,912 km (1,809 mi)
with India and 909 km (565 mi) with Iran. It shares a marine border with
Oman, and is separated from Tajikistan by the cold, narrow Wakhan
Corridor. Pakistan occupies a geopolitically important location at the crossroads of
South Asia, the Middle East, and Central Asia.
Geologically, Pakistan is located in the Indus–Tsangpo Suture Zone and overlaps
the Indian tectonic plate in its Sindh and Punjab provinces; Balochistan and most
of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are within the Eurasian plate, mainly on the Iranian
plateau. Gilgit–Baltistan and Azad Kashmir lie along the edge of the Indian plate
and hence areprone to violent earthquakes. This region has the highest rates
of seismicity and the largest earthquakes in the Himalaya region. Ranging from the
coastal areas of the south to the glaciated mountains of the north, Pakistan's
landscapes vary from plains to deserts, forests, hills, and plateaus.
Pakistan is divided into three major geographic areas: the northern highlands,
the Indus River plain, and the Balochistan Plateau. The northern highlands contain
the Karakoram, Hindu Kush, and Pamir mountain ranges, which contain some of
the world's highest peaks, including five of the fourteeneight-
thousanders (mountain peaks over 8,000 metres or 26,250 feet), which attract
adventurers and mountaineers from all over the world, notably K2 (8,611 m or
28,251 ft) and Nanga Parbat (8,126 m or 26,660 ft). The Balochistan Plateau lies in
the west and the Thar Desert in the east. The 1,609 km (1,000 mi) Indus River and
its tributaries flow through the country from the Kashmir region to the Arabian
Sea. There is an expanse of alluvial plains along it in the Punjab and Sindh.
The climate varies from tropical to temperate, with arid conditions in the coastal
south. There is a monsoon season with frequent flooding due to heavy rainfall, and
a dry season with significantly less rainfall or none at all. There are four distinct
seasons in Pakistan: a cool, dry winter from December through February; a hot, dry
spring from March through May; the summer rainy season, or southwest monsoon
period, from June through September; and the retreating monsoon period of
October and November. Rainfall varies greatly from year to year, and patterns of
alternate flooding and drought are common.
Flora and fauna
The diversity of the landscape and climate in Pakistan allows a wide variety of
trees and plants to flourish. The forests range from
coniferous alpine and subalpine trees such as spruce, pine, and deodar cedar in the
extreme northern mountains to deciduous trees in most of the country (for
example, the mulberry-like shisham found in the Sulaiman Mountains), to palms
such as coconut and date in the southern Punjab, southern Balochistan, and all of
Sindh. The western hills are home to juniper, tamarisk, coarse grasses, and scrub
plants. Mangrove forests form much of the coastal wetlands along the coast in the
south.
Coniferous forests are found at altitudes ranging from 1,000 to 4,000 metres (3,300
to 13,100 feet) in most of the northern and northwestern highlands. In
the xericregions of Balochistan, date palm and Ephedra are common. In most of
the Punjab and Sindh, the Indus plains support tropical and subtropical dry and
moist broadleaf forest as well as tropical and xeric shrublands. These forests are
mostly of mulberry, acacia, and eucalyptus. About 2.2% or 1,687,000 hectares
(16,870 km2) of Pakistan was forested in 2010.

The fauna of Pakistan also reflects the country's varied climate. Around 668 bird
species are found there, including crows,sparrows, mynas, hawks, falcons,
and eagles. Palas, Kohistan, has a significant population of western
tragopan. Many birds sighted in Pakistan are migratory, coming from Europe,
Central Asia, and India.
The southern plains are home to mongooses, small Indian civet, hares, the Asiatic
jackal, the Indian pangolin, the jungle cat, and the desert cat. There are mugger
crocodiles in the Indus, and wild boar, deer, porcupines, and small rodents in the
surrounding areas. The sandy scrublands of central Pakistan are home to Asiatic
jackals, striped hyenas, wildcats, and leopards. The lack of vegetative cover, the
severe climate, and the impact of grazing on the deserts have left wild animals in a
precarious position. The chinkara is the only animal that can still be found in
significant numbers in Cholistan. A small number of nilgai are found along the
Pakistan–India border and in some parts of Cholistan. A wide variety of animals
live in the mountainous north, including the Marco Polo sheep, the urial (a
subspecies of wild sheep), the markhor goat, the ibex goat, the Asian black bear,
and theHimalayan brown bear. Among the rare animals found in the area are
the snow leopard and the blind Indus river dolphin, of which there are believed to
be about 1,100 remaining, protected at the Indus River Dolphin Reserve in Sindh.
In total, 174 mammals, 177 reptiles, 22 amphibians, 198 freshwater fish species
and 5,000 species of invertebrates (including insects) have been recorded in
Pakistan.
The flora and fauna of Pakistan suffer from a number of problems. Pakistan has the
second-highest rate of deforestation in the world, which, along with hunting and
pollution, has had adverse effects on the ecosystem. The government has
established a large number of protected areas, wildlife sanctuaries, and game
reserves to address these issues.
CULTURE OF PAKISTAN, ITS RICH CULTURE HERITAGE
Pakistan’s culture is enrich in traditions and represents history of this region.
Pakistani people and society is unique in its way of life, thoughts and morals. The
inhabitants of each province have diverse cultural values which make them
different from other groups of the society.
 Our Culture:
Pakistan has a rich and unique culture that upholds traditions and conventions.
Pakistani culture is rich in variety of dresses; these dresses are very colorful and
prominent and give attractive look during national fairs and festivals
Fairs and Festivals:
The culture of Pakistan has great tradition of fairs and festivals. These fairs are
held in all parts of the country, Polo festival of Gilgit is prominent at national and
international level.

Sports:
Pakistani people are great lovers of sports and games. Modern games like hockey,
cricket, football, badminton, squash, table tennis and lawn tennis are played
throughout the country. Pakistan has produced great sportsmen in the past.
Handicrafts:
Pakistan enjoys great distinction in handicrafts at international level. Wooden
furniture of Chiniot, sports goods of Sialkot and embroidery of Multan and
Hyderabad is world famous.
Language:
Although Urdu is the only official language of Pakistan, English is the lingua
franca of the Pakistani elite and most of the government ministries, so it is not
uncommon for companies to use English as their internal business language.
Urdu is closely related to Hindi but is written in an extended Arabic alphabet rather
than in Devanagari. Urdu also has more loans from Arabic and Persian than Hindi
has.
Many other languages are spoken in Pakistan, including Punjabi, Siraiki, Sindhi,
Pashtu, Balochi, Hindko, Brahui, Burushaski, Balti, Khawar, Gujrati and other
languages with smaller numbers of speakers.

Religion & Beliefs

 Muslim 97% (Sunni 77%, Shi'a 20%), Christian, Hindu, and other (inc. Sikh)
3%
 Islam is practised by the majority of Pakistanis and governs their personal,
political, economic and legal lives.
 Among certain obligations for Muslims are to pray five times a day - at dawn,
noon, afternoon, sunset, and evening.
 Friday is the Muslim holy day. Everything is closed.
 During the holy month of Ramadan all Muslims must fast from dawn to dusk
and are only permitted to work six hours per day. Fasting includes no eating,
drinking, cigarette smoking, or gum chewing.

Music:
Pakistani music is represented by a wide variety of forms. It ranges from
traditional styles such as Qawwali and Ghazal to more modern forms that blend
traditional Pakistani music with Western music

Major Celebrations/Secular Celebrations

In addition to the declaration of national holidays when Pakistan wins key

international cricket matches, Pakistan also has 6 formal national holidays which
fall on:

 23rd March (Pakistan Day), 1st May (May Day), August 14th (Independence
Day), 6th September (Defence of Pakistan Day), 11th September (Death of Ali
Jinnah) and 15th December (Birthday of Ali Jinnah)
 The most famous festival in Pakistan is undoubtedly the seasonal kite flying
festival of ‘Basant’ which marks the beginning of Spring and falls late January
or early February. Unfortunately however, this festival has been banned in many
areas for the immediate future due to accidents and deaths associated with the
festival. It is hoped that the implementation of relevant safety measures will
enable this much loved festival to resume.
 Another much loved festival is the annual ‘Utchal’ festival which is held on the
15th – 16th July to celebrate the harvesting of wheat and barley.
 The national Horse and Cattle Show is a five day festival held in Lahore during
the third week of November. This is an exciting pageant of Pakistani culture and
involves activities such as folk dancing, music, folk games and activities, cattle
 racing and cattle dancing. With lots to do for children and adults alike, it is a
much adored festival.

Tourism:

Pakistan has a burgeoning tourism industry, due to the smorgasbord of cultures,

peoples and landscapes it has to offer. Ancient civilization ruins of Mohenjodaro,
Harappa and Taxila, to the hill stations of Murree, and the hiking tracks of Shogran
and Siri Paaye, all have something to offer to each type of traveler. The northern
parts of Pakistan have many old fortresses and towers. The Gilgit, Hunza and
Chitral valleys are exceptionally beautiful sights to behold, along with the people
here with typical costumes, folk dances, music and sports like polo and buzkashi.
THE SOURCES OF STABILITY AND INSTABILITY IN
PAKISTAN
Since its very inception in 1947, Pakistan has been grappling with various crises—
political to economic, to social, so on and so forth. Every new government,
political and military alike, came up with plans to put the country on the path of
prosperity and development but the problems have increased manifold and have
even become more complex. Unfortunately, the government neither really
understood the crises nor did it attempt to resolve those.

The current situation of protests, agitation and sit-ins (dharnas) in the country
manifests that the crisis lies deep beneath the surface. After getting independence
from the British colonial Raj, Pakistan should have developed strong democratic
norms and development of inclusive political culture, but all this remained a distant
dream. Muslim League, the founding party, was a coterie of feudal elites of
particularly the areas included in the territories of today’s Pakistan. These people,
who had been loyalists to the British Raj for their vested interests, were ignorant of
the needs of the people. The British gave them various privileges in reward of the
services they performed for the Raj. The same continues till today as these people
are now called the winning horses of political parties in their respective
constituencies and all rival parties are ready to embrace them into their folds.
These winning horses are now such powerful that they have the capacity to
manipulate the whole electoral process; leaving no room for the poor classes to
contest the elections.
The second most important factor behind country’s instability is the fear of Indian
domination which engulfed the country right after the Partition and played a key
role in turning Pakistan into a security state. The armed forces took it n themselves
to safeguard the ideological boundaries of the country besides defending its
geographical borders. The emergence of US-USSR Cold War provided the Pak
Army with an opportunity to equip itself with modern weaponry with the help of
American aid. And, with frequent involvement in matters falling in the domain of
political leadership, the institution became overwhelmingly powerful. In this way,
the men in uniform also learned the art of controlling the politicians which need
patronage to keep them in political power that is necessary for them to safeguard
their vested interests.
Military, thus, remained powerful during the civilian regimes and restricted the
civilian government to but a limited authority. Now, the situation is grave as, on
the one hand, if military has wielded enough power to out the civilian regimes,
then civilian institutions are corrupt as well as inept, on the other. It is due to this
state of affairs that a large segment of society is still deprived of even the basic
amenities of life. Poor governance under the guise of democracy has created a
sense of wariness among the people of Pakistan and this resentment can be
instrumental to toppling any so-called ‘democratic’ government.
This has rendered the people of Pakistan into a state of confusion as they
sometimes start appealing to the establishment to take over and sometimes an urge
for democracy take roots in their hearts. The confusion of the people is always
cashed in on by the political and military institutions. They remain unaware of
their democratic rights. That is why they, most of the times, are vulnerable to any
oppression by the ruling elite.
The military governments also used the democratic ways to get legitimized their
governments. They used the tool of people’s participation like referendum,
elections, particularly those for local bodies, to engage the people through the same
political actors. It may be deduced that political elites and army are the main
shareholders of powers both in military and civilian rule; the only difference being
the percentage of the share which changes with the regime change. The people of
Pakistan under either form of the government are at the losing end.
Now, the most pertinent question here is that as to how we can get out of this
crisis. The answer is simple: it is the political institutions that need to change their
modus operandi first as no democracy is fruitful without good governance. The
first step toward this process should be to use the policy of inclusiveness which
means that all the people of the country will enjoy the fruits of public service
without any hindrance and political interferences in the administrative matters.
When all people share the public resources, the feeling of alienation among the
masses will be alleviated. The civil service, which is corrupt from top to bottom
and is politicized as well, needs immediate reforms to be responsive, transparent
and accountable.
Local government which is the most important part of a democratic setup remains
leashed during the political governments. Local government should be
institutionalized so that people may themselves solve their problems. Surprisingly,
it were the military regimes that gave due space to the local governments; and
probably one of the biggest reasons why people support military rule and remain
wary of political setups. Implementation of ADPs through federal and provincial
MPs is a wrong strategy and has always damaged the democratic process.
Pakistan relies heavily on foreign aid and loans and has miserably failed to develop
its own capital resources for development. The progressive direct taxation is only
solution to generate capital for development. Tax machinery needs a complete
overhaul in order to make it more efficient and transparent.
Education and health remain always neglected by the government. Public sector
health and educational institutions are very poor in terms of quality and standards
whereas those in the private sector are affordable to the rich only. Education sector,
in effect, is the manifestation of the class system that has permeated our society.
The need of the hour is to revamp the whole education system.
The role of military in civilian domain and foreign policy need major revisit. The
policy of having a peaceful neighborhood is in the interest of Pakistan.
The people of this ‘land of the pure’ are the ultimate losers in this scenario, as the
fruits of independence never reached to them. The time requires us to understand
the authority structure in Pakistan and give awareness and priority to the citizens of
Pakistan who are the real owners of this country.
 Education system in Pakistan
Education in Pakistan is overseen by the Federal Ministry of Education and
the provincial governments, whereas the federal government mostly assists in
curriculum development, accreditation and in the financing of research and
development. Article 25-A of Constitution of Pakistan obligates the state to
provide free and compulsory quality education to children of the age group 5 to 16
years. "The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the
age of five to sixteen years in such a manner as may be determined by law"
The education system in Pakistan is generally divided into six
levels: preschool (for the age from 3 to 5 years), primary (grades one through
five), middle(grades six through eight), high (grades nine and ten, leading to
the Secondary School Certificate or SSC), intermediate (grades eleven and twelve,
leading to aHigher Secondary School Certificate or HSSC),
and university programs leading to undergraduate and graduate degrees.
The literacy rate ranges from 85% in Islamabad to 23% in the Torghar District.
Literacy rates vary regionally, particularly by sex. In tribal areas female literacy is
9.5%. while Azad Jammu & Kashmir has a literacy rate of 74%.Moreover, English
is fast spreading in Pakistan, with more than 92 million Pakistanis (49% of the
population) having a command over the English language

Education issues and problems

Education issues and problems involve the inaccessibility of the right resources. In
Pakistan education facts very clearly indicate that the major factor that is effecting
literacy is the unavailability of quality education in many areas. That is one of the
major drawbacks of education system in Pakistan.
Six Key Challenges Faced by the Education Sector in Pakistan
 Despite increase in budgets, enrollment in schools remains low, quality of learning
is poor, and there are not enough buildings or teachers. ...
 There Is Not Enough Infrastructure.
 Substantial Shortage of Trained Teachers.
 Quality of Learning Is Poor.
 Curricula Needs to Change.
 Parents and School Committees are Ineffective.

What Should Be Done to Improve the Situation?

Pakistan is faced with a multitude of challenges in the education sector. These can
be divided into quality (curriculum, teacher quality, learning environment,
assessment) and quantity (school availability, increased enrolment, infrastructure
and facilities, teacher availability). However, policymakers must prioritize the
following three actions to start fixing the broken education system in the country:

1. Break the nexus of local influentials-political parties-school teachers, who feed

off each other and gain power and financial benefits at the expense of school
children.

2. Increase non-salary investments and direct them into school infrastructure,

including school buildings, electricity, drinking water and availability of toilets
and sanitation facilities, to foster a fertile learning environment for children.

3. Reduce the bureaucratic red-tape around parent-teacher councils, school councils

and school committees, so that parents are not prevented from fully participating
in school activities due to illiteracy and lack of skills.

THE ECONOMY OF PAKISTAN

Economists estimate that Pakistan was part of the wealthiest region of the world
throughout the first millennium CE, with the largest economy by GDP. This
advantage was lost in the 18th century as other regions such as China and Western
Europe edged forward. Pakistan is considered a developing country and is one of
the Next Eleven, a group of eleven countries that, along with the BRICs, have a
high potential to become the world's largest economies in the 21st century. In
recent years, after decades of social instability, as of 2013, serious deficiencies in
macro management and unbalanced macroeconomics in basic services such as rail
transportation and electrical energy generation have developed. The economy is
considered to be semi-industrialized, with centers of growth along the Indus
River. The diversified economies of Karachi and Punjab's urban centers coexist
with less-developed areas in other parts of the country, particularly in Baluchistan.
According to the Economic complexity index, Pakistan is the 67th-largest export
economy in the world and the 106th most complex economy. During the fiscal
year 2015–16, Pakistan's exports stood at US$20.81 billion and imports at
US$44.76 billion, resulting in a negative trade balance of US$23.96 billion.
As of 2016, Pakistan's estimated nominal GDP is US$271 billion. The GDP
by PPP is US$946,667 million. The estimated nominal per capita
GDP is US$1,561, the GDP (PPP)/capita is US$5,010 (international dollars), and
the debt-to-GDP ratio is 66.50%.According to the World Bank, Pakistan has
important strategic endowments and development potential. The increasing
proportion of Pakistan's youth provides the country with both a potential
demographic dividend and a challenge to provide adequate services and
employment. 21.04% of the population lives below the international poverty line of
US$1.25 a day. The unemployment rate among the aged 15 and over population is
5.5%. Pakistan has an estimated 40 million middle class citizens, projected to
increase to 100 million by 2050. A 2015 report published by the World Bank
ranked Pakistan's economy at 24th-largest in the world by purchasing power and
41st-largest in absolute terms. It is South Asia's second-largest economy,
representing about 15.0% of regional GDP
Pakistan's economic growth since its inception has been varied. It has been slow
during periods of democratic transition, but robust during the three periods
of martial law, although the foundation for sustainable and equitable growth was
not formed. The early to middle 2000s was a period of rapid economic reforms; the
government raised development spending, which reduced poverty levels by 10%
and increased GDP by 3%. The economy cooled again from 2007. Inflation
reached 25.0% in 2008, and Pakistan had to depend on a fiscal policy backed by
the International Monetary Fund to avoid possible bankruptcy. A year later,
the Asian Development Bank reported that Pakistan's economic crisis was
easing. The inflation rate for the fiscal year 2010–11 was 14.1%. Since 2013, as
part of an International Monetary Fund program, Pakistan's economic growth has
picked up. In 2014 Goldman Sachs predicted that Pakistan's economy would grow
15 times in the next 35 years to become the 18th-largest economy in the world by
2050. In his 2016 book, The Rise and Fall of Nations, Ruchir Sharma termed
Pakistan's economy as at a 'take-off' stage and the future outlook until 2020 has
been termed 'Very Good'. Sharma termed it possible to transform Pakistan from a
"low-income to a middle-income country during the next five years"

THE CURRENT STRATEGIC PARADIGM SHIFT IN SOUTH

ASIA AND THE FUTURE OF PAKISTAN

South Asia has always been a source of strategic and economic attraction for
regional and international powers. From ancient Central Asian invaders and
medieval Muslim conquerors to European colonizers, this resource-rich region has
assumed irreversible significance even in the modern era. For instance, during the
Cold War period, the capitalist world under the leadership of the US, and the
communist bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) sought to
win allies in modern South Asia. Little wonder then, post-partition India,
ensconced in the Nehruvian understanding of global capital and politics, opted to
apparently stay non-aligned. However, the Indian state, in real terms, could not
hide its socialist inclinations that were only to be thwarted during the 1962 Indo-
Sino war. On the other hand, Pakistan, from very early on, chose to ally with the
US and its allies. Pakistan’s strategic vision was largely shaped by the individual,
if not institutional, socialization of its first generation political and bureaucratic
(both civil and military) leaderships.
Beside India and Pakistan, Afghanistan has also been an active actor in regional
politics. Indeed, since the Czarist days, Russians looked to Afghanistan for
strategic, political and economic penetration inside South Asia and beyond.
Moreover, the modern Indian state viewed Afghanistan as a potential source to
make inroads into Central Asia along with the containment of Islamic Pakistan.
Paradoxically, Afghanistan declined to recognise Pakistan as a sovereign and
independent state in 1947, more on account of its nationalistic aspirations than any
conspiracy theory. However, once grounded in the Afghan state mentality, mutual
distrust further grew, especially during the 1970s.
The following decade did bring Pakistan almost into mainstream Afghanistan
strategically, economically and even politically. The US and the USSR fought the
final round of the Cold War, which ended in the withdrawal of Soviet troops from
Afghanistan. In the post-Cold War period, South Asian politics and economy were
greatly influenced by political and strategic developments that engulfed the poor
and war-ravaged country. By and large, there is now a consensus among the
scholarly and political communities that Washington’s engagement level with
Afghanistan was much lower during the nineties. By default, this provided an
opportunity to both Pakistan and India, along with other regional stakeholders such
as Iran and China, to make and maintain a strategic presence inside Afghanistan.
The so-called strategic depth doctrine can be seen in this respect. Unsurprisingly
then, Pakistan became one of the three states to recognise the establishment of an
Islamic state by the Taliban in 1996. Afghanistan’s neighbours, especially Iran and
India, viewed the Taliban government in oppositional terms. The US, which was
least interested in the strategic game in South Asia, became the topmost
stakeholder not only in South Asia but also Afghanistan in the immediate
aftermath of 9/11. ‘Either with or against us’ was the communicated policy of the
US to bring a strategic paradigm shift in South Asia.
Acting very rationally, Musharraf-led Pakistan saw more benefits than cost in
cooperation with the global superpower. This apparent policy shift on the part of
the Pakistani security establishment gave birth to concepts such as soft strategic
depth, which believed in cooperation with western powers, the Taliban and the like
simultaneously. Moreover, regional actors, India in particular, also sought to
cultivate the Afghan power elite in the hopes of building a long-term relationship
based on mutual exchange of views and products. Iran and China also became alert
given their security and commercial concerns. In other words, since the
replacement of the Taliban-led Islamic state with the Karzai-led nation state,
international and regional actors engaged each other in a constant game of
strategic, political and socio-economic influence building. Collectively, the US
played the role of an arbitrator and financer of such activism. Afghanistan and
Pakistan were the chief beneficiaries, at least economically. Nevertheless, Pakistan
did face the human and infrastructural cost of the conflict but this is largely
because of our ambiguous strategic policy for the South Asian region.
Now that the US has already pursued its (partial) withdrawal policy, the political
and strategic situation that Afghanistan and South Asia are likely to face demands
our serious attention. How will Ghani-Abdullah-led Afghanistan rebuild itself?
What role can the US and its NATO allies play in this respect? How are Russian
and China viewing the political change in Kabul? Is Pakistan going to fully support
the new political setup? Will India agree to Pakistan’s role in the reconstruction of
Afghanistan? What role can be played by Iran? These are some of the relevant
questions that need to be addressed by policymakers, academics, etc. More
importantly, owing to its involvement in Afghanistan’s internal matters, Pakistan,
at this critical juncture, needs to decide for its own larger interests whether it has
concluded a meaningful revisit of its strategic vision of South Asia and the world
around it. In this respect, the recent public statements by the former army chief
(Pervez Musharraf) and the serving army chief (Raheel Sharif) merit attention. The
former lamented the recognition of the Taliban government by the Pakistan state
whereas General Raheel Sharif, while referring to Pakistan’s efforts in the war on
terror, argued that “the enemy lives within us and looks like us”.
One wonders why the former general was criticised by the US and others for
playing a dual policy with respect to the Taliban whose government was
recognised by the Pakistan military. Why did he not realise the flaws in the
recognition policy when he was ruling the roost? General Raheel Sharif’s
statement can be contextualised in his recent visit to the US. Pakistan’s role in
Afghanistan, if not in South Asia, has been termed as a “binding force” by the
Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR). Monetary assistance assured the other day,
under the terms of the Coalition Support Fund, is still conditional. This, in the view
of Dr Ehsan Ahrari, who has advised the Obama Administration on Pakistan and
Afghanistan to the fact that the US is still not clear and satisfied with the strategic
policy of the Pakistani security establishment. By default, this also complicates the
debate on the strategic paradigm shift in South Asia. In order to be revered
regionally and globally, this is the time Pakistan should engage itself in a serious
debate on its grand policy.