Professional Documents
Culture Documents
3, 1995
NIGEL BLAKE
0 The Journal ofthe Philosophy of Education Sociery of Greot Britain 1995. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley
Road, Oxford OX4 IJF and 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA.
356 N . Blake
I
What does Habermas mean, then, by an ideal speech situation?
His concern is with certain special kinds of dialogue or speech interaction
which we may characterise as rational deliberation and which he calls
‘discourse’. As we shall see later, all utterances, spoken or written, rest on
certain background assumptions, which themselves rest on further assump-
tions. In everyday conversation, background assumptions are taken for
granted. In rational deliberation, by contrast, participants in dialogue
specifically put in question some assumption which they have hitherto treated
unproblematically between them. Here the implicit aim of dialogue is to explore
doubts and queries and disagreements. None the less, this is compatible with
the further aim of coming, eventually, to a rationally motivated agreement, for
without a concern for either agreement or rationality the process of questioning
and debate is pointless.*
Success in such deliberation has certain prerequisites not demanded in
unreflective speech interaction. Everyday life is an arena in which all manner of
motives are in play other than those of seeking rational agreement in
conversation. These other motives may be perfectly rational in their own right,
yet inimical to the pursuit of rationally grounded agreement with others -
keeping a valid secret, for instance. Furthermore, participants in deliberation
come to it, as to any speech interaction, with the baggage of their background,
their social situation and their associated beliefs, attitudes, values and the rest.
These may also subtend motives which, while compatible with simpler kinds of
interaction, such as communicating with colleagues at work or chatting with
neighbours, are extraneous to rational deliberation and constrain or interfere
with it. For Habermas, the speech situation of rational deliberation is fraught
with obstacles. At worst, these may include external and internal constraints,
such as force or threats, ideological or psychological distortions. By definition,
an ideal speech situation is one in which rational deliberation is protected
against those constraints which might introduce extraneous motives. But this
situation is always difficult to achieve. The conditions of deliberation are rarely,
if ever, ideal.
Habermas and others have attempted to specify formal conditions which
would constitute immunity from such constraints. An ided speech situation
would require that anyone could participate in the given dialogue, that they
could call into question any proposal, that any new proposal might be mooted
and that all participants might express their attitudes, wishes and needs relative
to the dialogue; nor ought anyone be hindered by compulsion from doing these
things.3 Habermas has claimed that only under such conditions would rational
deliberation and its participants be guided by ‘the force of the better argument’
alone.4
Now if rational deliberation has a central place in education, and if ‘the force
of the better argument’ should be a guiding value for it, it may at first seem that
teaching needs to be conducted under the conditions of an ideal speech
situation. But as we see, rational deliberation in real life can never be the
product of disembodied and unsituated subjects, so neither can teaching be.
And if complete disinterestedness is psychologically and ideologically difficult
and rarely achieved, and besides is no precondition of successful communica-
tion, what then does a commitment to rational deliberation really imply for
education? Is it that teaching should aim at an unrealistic if not impossible
ideal, with few if any model instances found outside the classroom? Would that
constitute a useful insight into the conditions of education? Certainly
Habermas has interesting things to say about precisely what impedes such an
ideal. But these do not show how those impediments may be avoided. So is it
rather that the unrealisable ideal should none the less still guide teaching,
notwithstanding the impossibility of its full attainment? Could we reasonably
mould educational practice along such lines?
Even this suggestion may seem unhelpful, since Habermas’s prescription for
an ideal speech situation can seem unworthy even of partial emulation. For
what seems to be enjoined is an almost anarchistic conduct of discussion.
Anyone may speak, they may say whatever they will, and so on. Yet
unstructured speech situations can kill rationality; and even in comparatively
structured situations, a liberal attitude to the conduct of discussion can still
bring difficulties. The selfish or plain narcissistic speaker can frustrate dialogue
among others. The poorly articulate can lead us off the point and waste time.
The strategic manipulator of discussion may prosper. It does seem that
discussion needs careful management if it is to be fruitfully rational. It does
seem to need constraints on speech. But if this is so, the concept of the ideal
that the employees may doubt whether the boss can actually redeem his
obligations, for all that he honestly thinks he can. Asymmetry in speech roles
is not precluded by the demands of communicative action, even if role
asymmetries may sometimes be objectionable on other grounds.
So it should not be thought that role asymmetry is necessarily objectionable in
communicative action. This is important with regard to teaching, which
traditionally takes asymmetric role forms. The role asymmetry of the lecture, for
instance, is quite compatible with symmetry of expectations between speaker
and hearers concerning the redemption of validity claims. The lecture is not
discourse, a dialogue in rational deliberation; but neither is it, for all that, a
failure of communicative action. The lecturer's typical motive is simply and
properly to be understood, and the role asymmetry need not inhibit her success.9
So discourse and non-discursive communicative action differ in one major
respect. The former requires speech role symmetry in an ideal speech situation,
the latter does not.IO Most conversation is not discursive and moreover shouZd not
be so. Communicative interaction is the woof and weft of ordinary social life. In
day-to-day contexts, even when a speaker wants the unfettered understanding
and rational agreement of his audience he does not seek rational deliberation of
implicit validity claims, but rather their unproblematic acceptance. In such
contexts considerations of ordinary tact, discretion or selflessness might some-
times preclude the expression of certain attitudes, wishes or needs. A practical
need for decisive action might preclude an indefinite extension of discussion and
debate. On occasion certain people, for good moral reasons, should be excluded
from participation in some decisions because they are simply 'none of their
business'. So in day-to-day contexts one might specifically, and perfectly
rationally, not want to enact the conditions of the ideal speech situation.
Moreover it is not just inappropriate but impossible for us to stop to call in
question all the validity claims raised in our multitudinous speech acts.''
Therefore we need some specific reason to call in question any one of them.
Day-to-day life does not provide these often.
Is there anything necessarily wrong, then, with any form of teaching which
similarly does not conform to the ideal conditions of speech? To think so is to
believe that all communicative interaction in teaching should be discursive. But
why should one believe that? It might be thought that implementing ideal
speech conditions is a necessary hedge against strategic interaction.'Z But as we
have seen, interaction does not have to be discursive simply in order to avoid
being strategic.I3
So is there anything wrong in a situation in which students accept
unproblematically all the background validity claims presupposed by a
teacher's statements? After all, there is no escape from a situation in which
students take most of the validity claims raised by the teacher as unproble-
matic. Even in discourse, every utterance raises further validity claims which
must themselves be accepted unproblematically for the discourse to function at
all. Thus one can hardly suppose that there is something epistemologically
second-rate about non-discursive teaching.
What seems to haunt an author like Robert Young is the fear that if students
do not discursively question validity claims they are therefore reacting
uncritically, and that if teachers dissuade them from doing so they are
11
I want now to consider discourse and ideal speech in connection with curricular
aims. We must examine further the connection between discourse and ideal
speech, looking first at the role of ‘discourse’ in teaching.
Most teaching is not discursive, and does not need to be conducted under
ideal speech conditions. But surely it would be a poor form of education which
never involved teacher and pupils in episodes of rational deliberation. Indeed, I
shall argue that discourse is essential as an element in the curriculum. But even
when teaching is properly discursive, it still need not conform to the conditions
of the ideal speech situation.
Consider again those ordinary conversations where there are positive reasons
against aiming for ideal speech conditions. It is commonplace here for the
interaction to ‘go discursive’ for a while; for speakers to come to a point where
they want to put in question some claim they have been taking for granted. This
may constitute just a particular phase of the conversation. But in such an event
one cannot suddenly invoke the conditions of ideal speech. The same
considerations which qriginally weighed against doing so should still apply.
Considerations of, for instance, tact, pertinence or practicality should not be
suspended. The conversation as a whole still sits within that everyday context in
which these requirements are important. To disregard those considerations in
order to implement ideal speech conditions would be to nullify the normative
and expressive presuppositions of the conversation as a whole.
The requirement of ideal conditions of speech can be viewed in two different
ways: either as a prescription for the conduct of discourse, or as a criterion,
gauge or measure of the rationality of its pr0cess.1~In the latter case, it is the
sole criterion. Whenever any relevant considerations have been positively
suppressed in a conversation, its process is by definition invalid. Therefore
whenever one believes that something may have been unwittingly suppressed,
because of constraints on speech, and yet ex hypothesi one does not know what
has been suppressed, then one simply cannot guarantee that the outcome has
been rational. Conversations such as these are rationally impaired in their
process whether or not their outcomes are, as it may happen, rational.
However, as a prescription for optimal conduct, implementing ideal speech
conditions cannot be a categorical requirement. There are cases where it is
necessary to balance that prescription against the exigencies of particular
situations. We may need to trade off optimal rationality against other
considerations - to say things like ‘We need to make a decision quickly now,
and we simply can’t explore the matter any further’.” In these cases, for various
reasons, we have to operate without certain safeguards of rationality.
Interaction here may be relatively risky, but that does not mean that it is
foredoomed to an irrational outcome. The same applies to those discursive
episodes within everyday conversations just discussed.
The context of teaching is surely just the kind which bristles with
countervailing considerations to those of securing ideal speech conditions.
The teacher is typically tightly limited for time, perhaps teaching youngsters
who are still learning the ethics of free and fair dialogue, and so may need some
steering. mere may be many things best left unsaid -personal matters
concerning particular pupils, or intellectual, moral or emotional considerations
beyond their grasp. Disciplinary needs may preclude the expression of certain
attitudes, and so on. In many respects a teacher may need to compromise the
ideal conditions, even when attempting discourse with students. That is not to
say that the requirements of ideal speech should be disregarded. They are
relevant and important, and they may often count for more than other
considerations. Sometimes, for instance, candour counts for more than tact.
But even in discursive teaching the realisation of ideal speech considerations
cannot be the paramount consideration.
In fact it is hard to imagine any singular conversation ever conforming to the
ideal conditions of speech. First, all live discussions must take place under
limitations of time and space. There is often not physical room for everyone to
participate who might like to do so, nor time available for all to say as much as
they would like. More subtly, it often seems undesirable for certain people to
express certain wishes or attitudes, or even to be present at all, simply because
of who they are - a man’s voice in discussions of women’s issues, a boss’s
voice in a discussion of labour conditions. The inhibiting person may be polite,
self-restrained and fair, yet still a problem, despite his best intentions. But if this
is so, it begins to seem that the requirement of ideal speech conditions has no
relevance either as a criterion of rationality. What kind of dialogue could ever
measure up to it?
The answer is that a discursive exchange or a discourse is not coeval with a
conversation. Where a validity claim has been put in question, there may have
been other dialogues in which the same claim or its logical concomitants have
been examined. They are therefore relevant to the current conversation, so that
if a discourse is to be conceived as potentially inclusive of any relevant
considerations coming from any quarter, these earlier dialogues may be treated
as belonging to the same discourse as the current conversation. Thus a
discourse can be taken to extend itself across a large number and wide variety of
dialogues and not be localised in one time or place. It is to spatially and
temporally extended discourses such as these that the conditions of ideal speech
may appropriately apply. In these, lapses from ideal speech conditions may in
principle be corrected later. Voices, proposals and attitudes which have been
suppressed can be allowed to be heard eventually. Thus, in contrast with singular
conversations, it is appropriate to assess the rationality of such discourses over
significant periods of time by reference to the requirement of ideal speech
conditions.
Furthermore, if and only if a discourse has been institutionalised, this
requirement may also function as a categorical prescription for its conduct. A
discourse may be institutionalised in a variety of ways, in university
departments, specialist journals, conferences, academic and other specialist
societies, museums, organised laboratories and so on. Institutionalisation brings
cadres of office-holders, such as professors, editors, librarians or curators
charged with responsibility for overseeing the conduct, preservation and
transmission of a discourse. Part of their duty is to maintain its social bases
which include an important material and economic aspect. In modern societies,
preservation and transmission of knowledge involves archives (libraries,
museums, administrative records and so on) used and maintained by discourse
institutions, among others. The material activities of discourse institutions are
no less important than their social activities.
It is simply an historical contingency that discourse has been institutionalised.
But one can readily see why the innovation lasts. Institutionalisation secures the
survival of expert communities dealing with particular discourses. They come to
share ever more clearly defined purposes and interests, expert languages and
assumptions, and doubtless much else. The expert community acquires a larger
stake in its own survival and also the means to secure it. Inasmuch as the binding
purpose of such communities is to advance their own discourses, their
institutions need to secure the marginalisation of extraneous purposes which
may interfere with this goal. The creation and maintenance of ideal speech
conditions are thus appropriate as their overriding aim, securing the observance
of rules guaranteeing various rights of speech and reply to those who wish to
participate.
Institutionalised discourse stands at the epistemic centre of modern society,16
and is constituted by the approximation of its conditions over time to an ideal
speech situation. This is no less true of normative discourse, institutionalised in
the law, politics and formal religion, than it is of the textbooks and laboratories
of science and technology; and perhaps also of discourse in the affective sphere,
institutionalised in museums, publishing houses and libraries, theatres and
musical institutions, press criticism and so on. Certain value-laden practices,
those of securing the ideal conditions of speech, are central to modern forms of
knowledge, and thus have a central importance for us. To fail to understand
this is to fail to understand the normative core of the modern world.
Once this point is taken, a number of far-reaching implications for education
come into focus. I shall finish by indicating an intentionally disparate set of
them. First, we should remember that education transmits shared knowledge17
and - it is to be hoped - that part of it which is rationally most defensible. I
have argued that the rational status of knowledge is determined by the degree to
which its conditions of production approximate to the conditions of ideal
speech. But this has social and institutional implications for school education
which have been obscured by some tendencies in educational theory.
Neo-Marxist theorists, properly attending to the social and material
conditions of the production of knowledge, too often dismiss transmitted
knowledge as simply the ideological product of particular social groups
pursuing particular social interests. Traditionalists, in reaction, sometimes
defend the validity of the transmitted tradition by minimising or even denying
the formative importance of social and material circumstances in the production
of knowledge. Progressivists tend to ground the validity of an individual's
knowledge in the authenticity of his cognitive activities - these in turn judged
partly by their resistance to institutionalisation. The autonomous person is
frequently portrayed in socially individualistic terms, almost as an existential
hero. He may engage in dialogue with others, but retains an inner core of
moderated scepticism towards any institution, and repudiates commitment to it.
All three groups share at least one mistake. None draws a distinction
between those social and material institutions which do foster rationality and
those which do not. For the neo-Marxist, all knowledge producers are mired in
cultural relativity. For the conservative, the material constraints of institutions
are to be transcended. For the progressive, it is their social constraints which
are the problem. But for Habermas and for those who believe that an idea of
ideal speech conditions is genuinely operative, there are institutions which,
through their social organisation and its material embodiment, constitute and
promote rationality rather than impede it. The institutions of higher education
are not unique among these, but they are, arguably, those least tied to sectional
interests. Consequently, the knowledge which they constitute has a special
claim to be disseminated as part of the shared knowledge of the society.
Necessarily, education in a modern society involves the induction of
youngsters into the rudiments of knowledge not just constituted but preserved
and transmitted by the discourse institutions of higher education. This is not to
imply that school education must be modelled on the academic practices of
higher education or restricted to academic knowledge. But it is to say that
school education must maintain some connection, however distant, with higher
education. At its simplest, we may say that behind the school textbook must lie
the university library. Similarly, behind the discovery class in a school
laboratory should stand the practices and products of research institutes.
Secondly, in virtue of its overlooked relationship to discourse institutions in
the form of higher education, school education in a modern society not only
preserves and transmits the culture but reshapes and reconstitutes it. It is the
institutionalisation of discourse that secures modern progress in all cultural
spheres of action. It is central to the maintenance of all forms of social
modernity, including those of a modern economy.'8 And the relation of the
discourse institutions of higher education to schools makes both them and the
schools themselves major organs for the dissemination of intellectual
innovation. Thus problems about curriculum change are logically related to
questions about the innovatory potential of discourse institutions operating
under approximately ideal speech conditions.
2. This is not to deny the possible aim of exploring differences of opinion between speakers, which may even
prove irreconcilable. But even here the aim of rational agreement also still operates, albeit at a higher
level - the aim of agreeing on what the differencesbetween speakers really are. To agree on that is to
learn something and to share that learning with one’s protagonist.
3. See White, S . K. (1988) The Recent Work of Jurgen Hubennus (Cambridge University Press), p.56,
quoted from Habermas, J. (1989) Moral Consciousnessund Communicative Action (London, MIT Press),
p. 89. Here Habermas draws on R. Alexy. ‘Eine Theorie des praktischen Diskurses’, in W. Oelmiiller,ed.,
Normenbegdndung, Normendurchsetzung (Paderborn, 1978).
4. Habermas’s exact position on the status of ideal speech conditions has been in flux for some time, but this
seems irrelevant to the immediate concerns of this paper.
5. The hearer may be either concretely present (if only at the end of a phone) or notionally present as a
reader of one’s written words.
6. Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, p. 58.
7. Jiirgen Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action, Vof. I, Reason and Rationalization of Society
(Frankfurt 1981), p. 287.
8. See Robert Young (1990), A Critical Theory of Education: Habermas and our Children’s Future (New
York), p. 113.
9. This is not to deny that a poor lecture might be redeemed by greater role equality if students had more
leeway to ask questions and seek clarification.
10. Because he fails to distinguish between discutsive and non-discursive communicative action, Robert
Young misses this important point. This leads him to note those ‘concrete situations . . . in which a
degree of asymmetry of speech roles is entirely rational and appropriate’ (Young, op. eit., p.76) as if
they were practically necessary departures from the otherwise ideal speech situation - a position
which sits ill with characterising their asymmetry as ‘rational and appropriate’. But as we can now
see, where interaction is not discursive the demands of the ideal speech situation are irrelevant
anyway.
11. This indeed is a major point that Habermas conceded to Gadamer in their important debate on
hermeneutics.
12. This seems to be part of Robert Young’s position, for instance: see Young, op. cit., ch. 6.
13. I have argued elsewhere (see my Modernity and the problem of cultural pluralism, Journal of Philosophy
of Education, 26. 1, 1992) that institutionaliseddiscourse is indeed a hedge against certain, typically non-
linguistic, forms of strategic action, and I stand by that. But what provides the hedge in that case is not
the fact of discursivity but the fact of its instititutionalisation.
14. See pp.xvii-xviii of the lucid and compact discussion of these issues in Thomas McCarthy, ‘Translator’s
introduction’ to Jiirgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis (Frankfurt 1973), pp. x-xviii. McCarthy quotes
Habermas (from ‘Wahrheitstheorien’ in Wirchlichkeit und Reflexion: Festschrift fur Walter Schultz
(Pfullingen, 1973), pp. 21 1-265, p. 218) as describing the ideal speech situation as ‘a fiction that is
operatively effective in communication’, but also as ‘a critical standard against which every actually
realized consensus can be called into question and tested’ (and for Habermas, consensus is the
appropriate outcome of. any process of rationally conducted discourse).
15. For instance, as Habermas acknowledges himself, in a democratic process ‘majority decisions are held to
be only a substitute for the uncompelled consensus that would finally have resulted if discussion did not
always have to be broken off due to the need for a decision’. See Jiirgen Habermas, Towards a Rational
Society, Boston, 1970, p. 7; quoted in Young, op. cit., p. 64.
16. For an early exposition of this view, see ‘Some constitutents of social systems’, Part I, Ch.2 of
Legitimation Crisis. The argument is not merely definitional - that modern societies just are those
which institutionalise discourse. Nor is it merely an historical generalisation - that those societies
which we identify as modern have in fact institutionalised discourse. Habermas wants to argue that just
as there is an irreversible logical sequence of stages in the cognitive development of children, as
described by Piaget and Kohlberg, so too there is a comparable irreversible sequence of stages in
‘social learning’, or the capacities for learning inherent in particular kinds of social organisation:
compare Legitimation Crisis, part I, Ch. 2 (c), pp. 14-17 with ‘Reconstruction and interpretation in the
social sciences’ in: J. Habermas (1990) Moral Consciousness und Communicative Action (MIT), in
particular pp.33-39. (This is not to deny that such advances can be repressed under certain political
regimes, but to insist that, however repressed socially, advances in social learning cannot be validly
repudiated.)
17. The alternatives to shared knowledge which I have in mind are not personal, subjective or, per
impossibile, logically private knowledge, but local, idiosyncratic knowledges specific to small social
groups, perhaps lacking mechanisms for preserving a knowledge over time.
18. See again Legitimation Crbb, Part I, Ch. 2, and also J. Habermas, ‘Neoconservativeculture criticism in
the United States and West Germany: an intellectual movement in two political cultures’ (in Habermas
and Modernity, ed. Richard J. Bernstein (Cambridge and Oxford, 1985)) for a discussion of those
conservative political and social movements which seek to be selective in what they accept of the
modernity which flows from the institutionalisation of discourse - wishing to sustain a modern
economy in a context of traditional moral and aesthetic norms and indeed with their support.
REFERENCES
Bernstein R. J. (Ed.) (1985) Habermas and Modernity (Cambridge and Oxford).
Blake, N. P. (1992) ‘Modernity and the Problem of Cultural Pluralism’, Journal of Philosophy of Education,
Vol 26, no. 1.
Habermas, J. (1970) Toward a Rational Society, Boston.
Habermas, J. (Frankfurt 1973, London 1976) Legitimation Crbb.
Habermas, J. (Frankfurt 1981, London 1984) The Theory of Communicative Action, Vol. I, Reason and
Rationalization of Society.
Habermas, J. (1989) Moral Consciowness and Communicative Action (London, MIT Press).
Oelmuller, W . (Ed.) (1978) Normenbegnhdung, Normendurchsetzung (Paderborn).
White, S . K. (1988) The Recent Work of Jurgen Habermas (Cambridge University Press).
Young, R. (1990) A Critical Theory of Education: Habermm and our Children’s Future (New York).