Maurido Beuchot, O.P.

mm

History of
Philosophy
in Colonial
Mexico
Translated by Elizabeth Millan
Foreword by Jorge J. E. Gracia

The Catholic University of America Press

Washington, i>.<:.
 Contents

Prologue vii
Originally published as Historia de lafilosofia en el Mexico Colonial by Foreword: The Origins of Hispanic Philosophy xi
Editorial herder, Provenza 388, 08025 Barcelona, Spain. Copyright
© 1996. This translation published by permission. Introduction: Understanding the History of Philosophy in
Colonial Mexico 1
Copyright © 1998
The Catholic University of America Press 2 The Sixteenth Century: The Humanist Philosophers 19
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America 3 The Sixteenth Century: The Scholastic Philosophers 60
Franciscans / 60 Dominicans / 63
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum A U0ustin ians I 70 Jesuits 181
requirements of American National Standards for Information
Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI 4 The Seventeenth Century 92
Z39.48-1984. "Franciscans 198 Dominicans 1101
A ugustinians 1103 Mercedarians /107
Jesuits 1107 Secular Clergy 1113
Religious Women 1125
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Beuchot, Mauricio. "> The Eighteenth Century 138
[Historia de la filosofia en el Mexico colonial. English] Franciscans 1140 Dominicans 1144
The history of philosophy in colonial Mexico / Mauricio Beuchot; Augustinians 1146 Carmelites 1147
translated by Elizabeth Millan; foreword by Jorge J. E. Gracia. Mercedarians 1148 Jesuits 1148
p. cm. Oratorians 1165 Secular Clergy 1173
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Philosophy—Mexico—History. 2. Philosophy, Mexican. << The Nineteenth Century 177
3. Mexico—Intellectual life. I. Title. I'lmtiisiiiits 1177 Dominicans 1178
BI016.B4913 1998 Jesuits 117<> Secular Clergy 1182
199'.72—dc21
98-9210
ISBN 0-8132-0906-4 (alk. paper) Hll.lloKr.iphy 185
Index i""
Prologue

There are many reasons why a study on the history of philosophy in Colo-
nial Mexico is important for the English-speaking world. First, there is a
growing interest in Hispanic issues in general, and more specifically in Mex-
ico as it is the Hispanic country closest to the United States. Moreover, the
philosophical culture of Colonial Mexico occupied a central place in the for-
mation of Mexican thought. This influence extended to some areas of what
Is now known as the United States; for example, the Franciscans and Jesuits
established missions in California, Texas, and other places.
The colonial period is, without a doubt, an important part of the cultural
heritage of Mexico. Despite this fact, many studies of Mexican thought begin
wilh the early twentieth century and positivism, which was produced in el
Porflriato, and then advance to the period of the conflicts between the liber-
als and conservatives, with the view that these conflicts were a principle fac-
IIH lor I he birth of the republic. These studies do not go back further than the
middle of the nineteenth century. Other studies take the period of indepen-
dence as their point of departure and use this period to refer us to the princi-
ples of the nineteenth century. Such approaches are useful and interesting,
I >111 they neglect three entire centuries (from 1521-1821) of philosophical
development, one of the most important periods for the formation of Mexi-
i .in thought,
Moreover, the colonial period is the period of the fusion between the
Indigenous people and the Spanish and il is the beginning of the long
proCCIS ol the formation Of mestizo culture. In addition to the peninsular

vll
viii History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
and indigenous populations, those of the criollos and the mestizos also grew
appreciably. The criollos were Spaniards born in colonial Mexico, and the mes-
tizos were those who were both indigenous and Spanish. The latter soon
began to identify themselves as uniquely Mexican and to reflect upon this
new nationality. There is an entire current of national thought dedicated to
reflecting upon the issue of what it means to be Mexican. These thinkers re-
alized that the Mexicans were not only Indigenous, they were also Spanish,
still connected in some ways to the distant European peninsula, even if their
home was in Mexico.
The criollos and mestizos infused the colony with their consciousness of
forging a new race, a new nation. In this way, together with the philosophi-
cal reflections of the Spaniards, the reflections of the criollos and mestizos
emerge. The contribution of the criollos was stronger, but the work of the
mestizos for the cause of the indigenous groups should not be underestimated.
Scholars have said that the colony was primarily a colony of Spaniards and
criollos and that the mestizos and the Indigenous would have to wait until the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries before they would create for themselves
a strong presence in the history of their land. Yet this reveals a misunder-
standing, for the work of the mestizos goes back to the sixteenth century.
They made important contributions to the art of this period which reached
its apex in the Baroque. Even if many contributions to the thought of this
period were made by criollos, the Indigenous influence was not absent. The
relevance of the Indigenous for the work of the criollos is particularly strong
in their efforts to liberate themselves from their Spanish forebears. The In-
digenous elements of their culture provided the criollos the means to differ-
entiate themselves clearly from their Spanish roots. Thus the criollos dis-
cussed the Indigenous elements present in their philosophy, art, and religion.
Beginning in the sixteenth century, there were some Indigenous writ-
ers—the teachers of the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, for example—
and, at the same time, there were some mestizos, such as Friar Diego de Val-
ades, the son of a conquistador and a Tlaxcaltecan Indian. To a much greater
extent, though, was the criollos who, in addition to criollismo, defended the
Indigenous and the mestizo. For example, at the end of the sixteenth century
in Spain, Father Juan de Zapata y Sandoval, who was born in the Indies and
taught in Valladolid, opposed the Spaniards and demanded that responsibili-
ties, positions, and offices be given to criollos, mestizos, and even to Indians, in
this order of preference. He claimed that the Indians themselves would make
better bishops because they knew the language and customs of their people.
In another case, Carlos de Slglienza y G6ngora studied many aspects of the
Prologue ix
Indigenous culture, compiling this information in order to understand better
the new nationality that was emerging. He also studied the colonization of
some parts of Florida. Finally, in the expression of literature, we find Indige-
nous and even black and mulatto elements within the poetry of Sister Juana.
The contribution of the Jesuit Francisco Xavier Clavigero stands out; he
knew various Indigenous languages and was a teacher of Indians at the Cole-
gio de San Xavier. He shared with Siguenza a passion for Indigenous cus-
toms, and he wrote a Historia antigua de Mexico, in which he collected numer-
ous data on the Mexicans and prepared various treatises defending the
'Americans' (Hispanics, Indians, etc.) from the accusations of such 'enlight-
ened' thinkers as Buffon, De Pauw, Raynal, and others, who held that every-
thing American was inferior to the European. According to these thinkers,
the animals in Colonial Mexico included less developed animals such as lions
without manes (pumas) and dwarf camels (llamas), and the human inhabi-
tants also were considered to be inferior at such latitudes; they imagined the
land to be an area submerged in swamps and choked by impenetrable jun-
gles. Clavigero counters all of these biased assumptions with reliable infor-
mation and careful arguments, using the best sources to express the great-
ness of Indigenous cultures, of which he felt himself to be an heir. He also
wrote an interesting Historia de la Antigua California in which he narrates a
part of the colonization and evangelization of these lands by the Jesuits, tes-
tifying to the influence that colonial thought had there.
The main current of Mexican colonial philosophy was Scholasticism. A
si long current of Renaissance humanism also was present in sixteenth-century
Mexican thought, sometimes in its pure form, sometimes in a mix of
Scholastic humanism. Many Scholastic thinkers were, to a greater or lesser
degree, influenced by the Renaissance. Elements of neo-Platonism and Sto-
icism can be found as well in, for example, the work of Dr. Francisco
I Icrnandez. Already in the seventeenth century, there is a touch of Stoicism
in the poetry of Juan de Sandoval y Zapata. In the seventeenth century, one
notes the presence of hermetism, above all in the work of the Jesuit Atanasio
Kl icher. The Society of Jesus practiced quite effectively a certain syncretism
thai created a favorable atmosphere for the mestizaje and the Baroque. In
I his way, in addition to a type of humanist Scholasticism, there was also a
baroque Scholasticism, with touches of hermetism and other currents of the
period, and even some pure hermetism (if one can even speak of such a
Ihltig). Toward the end of the seventeenth century, the reception of modern
philosophy and science began and, alter much opposition, it grew quite
•.Hung hy Ihe second lull' of Ihe eighteenth century. Tills reception of modern
x History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico

thought was largely the result of the efforts of the Jesuits but also of the Ora-
torians, the lay clergy, and others. The combination of these modern ideas
with the more traditional Scholastic doctrines resulted in an eclecticism, or a
modernized Scholasticism. Purely modern thinkers are not found until the
end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century.
Scholasticism formed the foundation for Mexican colonial thought, and
recently, Scholasticism has received growing attention from scholars, not
only as a guide to the past but as a tool for understanding the present.
Scholastic contributions to logic, philosophy of language, metaphysics, ethics,
and other areas have found some contemporary applications. Scholastic doc-
trines have contributed interesting points of view to such diverse issues as
the problem of universals, of individuation, of justice, among others, in such
Foreword
a way that these doctrines continue to serve the present.
The Origins of Hispanic Philosophy
Jorge J. E. Gratia
Jorge J. E. Gracia

I his book fills a large gap in an important segment of the history of Western
philosophy: Latin American philosophy. This gap is largely the result of an
dltempt to view the history of philosophy in Spain, Portugal, and each of
lliclr colonies and former colonies in the New World as separate and largely
unconnected developments. This is evident in the standard general catego-
M/.nioiis according to which the philosophical thought of the mentioned ge-
">:i.i|>hical areas is divided and studied: Spanish philosophy, Portuguese phi-
losophy, Catalan philosophy, Latin American philosophy, Spanish-American
philosophy, and Ibero-American philosophy.
I he category 'Spanish philosophy' usually includes only the philosophy
ili.n has taken place in the territory occupied by the modern Spanish state,
» hcihci before or after the state was constituted in the fifteenth century as
i M-MIII ill the efforts of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. Thus,
niii.i histories of Spanish philosophy discuss the thought of Roman, Islamic,
ind lewish philosophers who worked in that territory, as well as of medieval
Hid subsequent authors Who did likewise. In some cases, these accounts
tiiiurnlrate on Castlllian-speaking philosophers, and at other limes they
rtUn Include those who speak Catalan and Portuguese. They generally ig-
nore, however, the work ol Latin American authors and seldom explore the

xl
xii H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
close ties of those authors to philosophers working in the Iberian peninsula. 1
General histories of philosophy seldom, if ever, do justice to the historical
relations between Iberian and Latin American philosophers nor to the phi-
losophy of Latin America. 2 Indeed, it is particularly rare to find any reference
to Latin American contributions to philosophy in histories other t h a n histo-
3
ries of Latin American philosophy. This becomes quite evident w h e n one
turns to particular periods of the history of philosophy, such as the periods
which especially occupy Beuchot, the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
This period is studied u n d er such labels as Renaissance Philosophy, Counter-
Reformation Philosophy, Late Scholasticism, Late Medieval Philosophy, Sec-
ond Scholasticism, and Silver Age of Scholasticism, to m e n t i o n just the terms
most frequently used. Some historians may w a n t to argue that there is justi-
fication for this oversight in some cases. Indeed, one could argue that the im-
pact of the Renaissance in Latin America came too late to be incorporated
into a general history of the Renaissance, and also that the vector of influ-
ence w e n t only one way, from Europe to Latin America, and not vice versa. 4
It is not true, however, that the impact of European Renaissance though t on
Latin America came too late to be considered in histories of Renaissance
thought; h u m a n i s m influenced Latin American thought via Iberian thought
beginning in the first half of the sixteenth century. Moreover, although it is
true that Latin American h u m a n i s m did not influence European humanism,
it does nonetheless present some interesting characteristics which should not
1. Cf. Alain Guy, Histoire de la philosophic espagnole, 12th ed. (Toulouse: Universite de
Toulouse-Le Mirail, 1985); Marcial Solana, Historia de lafilosofiaespahola: Epoca del Re-
nacimiento (sigh XVI), 3 vols. (Madrid: Real Academia de Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Nat-
urales, 1941); and Jose Luis Abellan, Historia critica del pensamiento espahol, 1 vols.
(Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1979-91).
2. For example, Wilhelm Windelband's influential A History of Philosophy, 2 vols.
(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1958), and W. T. Jones's extensive, multivolume A
History of Western Philosophy (New York: Harcourt, Brace, & World, 1952) do not make a
single reference to Latin American philosophers.
3. Even in histories of Western philosophy that take into account Iberian develop-
ments this is true. See, for example, Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy (New
York: Image Books, 1950). It is only recently and sporadically that general dictionaries
and encyclopedias of philosophy include references to Latin American philosophy.
Only general histories of philosophy produced by Latin American philosophers contain
materials on Latin American thought. See, for example, Jose Vasconcelos, Historia del
pensamiento fUosofko (Mexico: Ediciones de la Universidad Nacional de Mexico, 1937.
4. Among histories and studies of Renaissance thought that ignore Latin America,
see, for example, Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1979); Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought: The Classic,
Scholastic, and Humanistic Strains (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1961); and Charles B.
Schmitt, et al„ eds., The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1988).
Foreword xiii
be ignored in an overall history of Renaissance philosophy as Beuchot makes
d e a r in this book. 5 Just as with histories and studies of Renaissance thought,
histories of the Counter-Reformation, late Scholastic philosophy, and so on
generally neglect Latin America, even t h o u g h these histories do m a k e refer-
ence to Iberian contributions to philosophy. 6
The general neglect of Latin American thought outside Latin American
countries makes n o historical sense. What is particularly distressing is to see
i he failure to take into account the close relations of the philosophy of Latin
America and the countries of the Iberian peninsula even within studies pro-
duced in Latin America and the Iberian peninsula. For texts dislodged from
I In- tradition which produced t h e m are silent, and m a n y of the texts pro-
duced by Latin American and Iberian philosophers are the product of close
i i-l.ilions between Latin America and the Iberian peninsula. This is especially
i lear in the case of Latin American Scholastics, because their link to the au-
lliors of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries they emulated was medi-
ated by Iberian Scholastics. Alonso de la Vera Cruz (15047-1584) and Al-
ii ii iso Briceno (15877-1669?) cannot properly be understood w h e n one does
nol lake into account the work of Iberian Thomists and Scotists o n w h o m
iln-y partly relied or throug h w h o m they approached the work of Thomas
Aquinas (12257-1274) and Duns Scotus (12657-1308), as Beuchot makes
i lear in this book. 7 But this problem is not restricted to this period. The work
i)l some Latin Americans in the twentieth century w h o looked to Nicolai
il.uimann and M a x Scheler as intellectual mentors, for example, is incom-
i>icln-nsible unless one keeps in mind that they first learned about t h e m
through Jose Ortega y Gasset (1883-1955). Indeed, there is an Orteguean
> lor other studies, see Jose M. Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano en los sig-
/ii.v XVI y XVII, 2d ed. (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1974);
tllllllc Furlong, Nacimiento y desarrollo de la filosofia en el Rw de La Plata, 1536-1810
(llui'lios Aires: Guillermo Kraft, 1952); Alain Guy, Panorama de la philosophic Ibero-
\mMcaine du XVIe siecle a nos jours (Geneva: Patifio, 1989); and Gabriel Mendez Plan-
' .II it-. Ilumanismo mexicano del siglo XVI (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de
Mi urn, 1946).
ft Carlo Giacon's La seconda scolastica, 2 vols. (Milan: Fratelli Bocca, 1946), and
'.i liinill's Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy pay considerable attention to Iber-
i HI philosophy (see in particular the chapters by Charles H. Lohr and E. J. Ashworth in
il» latter). Clher histories that cover the period do not do so. Cf. Norman Kretzman, et
ill fdv. The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
VI r.lly PrcSS, 19K2).
' i Concerning Alonso de la Vera Cruz and his relations to Iberian thought, see also
W.illfi Redmond and Manikin Beuchot, Pensamiento y realidad en Pray Alonso de la Vera
> nit (Mexico: Universidad Autonoma de Mexico, 1987). Concerning Briceno, see Wal-
li i I l.i 1111 is»li Bspfndoln, l:.u torno a lafilosofiaen Chile IW4-I810 (Santiago: Universidad
• ihilh.i de Chile, 1963), pp, 24 10.
xiv H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
'color' to the Germanism of Samuel Ramos (1897-1959) and others w h o re-
8
lied o n H a r t m a n n and Scheler for m a n y of their ideas. Although this color
fades somewhat as Latin Americans learn German a n d become directly ac-
quainted with German texts, it never quite disappears, for the patterns of
interpretation and emphasis established at the beginning left discernible
9
traces.
The same can be said about studying Iberian philosophy apart from Latin
American philosophy, for even cases in which the philosophy of Latin Amer-
ica did not explicitly influence Iberian philosophers, the Latin American real-
ity did. Consider t h e case of Iberian philosophers from the sixteenth century,
such as Francisco de Vitoria (1492/3-1546). Can w e ignore the fact that
m u c h of w h a t they thought about philosophically was prompted by the n e w
reality they confronted as a result of the discovery? 10 Did they not see that
n e w reality through the eyes of those w h o lived and traveled to the colonies?
It was Latin Americans, w h e t h e r adopted or native, w h o provided Iberian
philosophers of the sixteenth century with m a n y of the issues and themes
they were to explore. Again, this need not be restricted to that age. The most
distinguished group of Spanish philosophers in the twentieth century, the
transterrados (fugitives from the Spanish Civil War), moved to Latin America
and were as influenced by the philosophers they found or helped develop
there as they influenced t h e m . "
The use of the category 'Hispanic philosophy' is helpful in focusing atten-
tion on historical relations and p h e n o m e n a that are generally ignored in his-
tories that use other categories and divisions. 12 It should be made clear, h o w -
8. Cf. Samuel Ramos's Hacia un nuevo humanismo: Programa de una antropologia filoso-
fica (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1962).
9. Cf. Francisco Romero's Theory of Man, trans. William Cooper (Berkeley: Univer-
sity of California Press, 1964); and Risieri Frondizi's What Is Value? An Introduction to Ax-
iology, trans. Solomon Lipp (La Salle, 111.: Open Court, 1963).
10. In the case of Vitoria, the discovery seems to be an important concern, as is evi-
dent in Reledio de indis (1538) and Relectio de iure belli (1539). In fact, there is substantial
evidence that colonial Latin American thinkers influenced not only Iberian authors but
also European philosophers such as Descartes. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Aportaciones de
pensadores novohispanos a la filosofia europea y universal," in Estudios de historia y
filosofia en el Mexico colonial, Mexico (UNAM, 1991), pp. 43-51.
11. On the transterrados, see Jose Luis Abellan, Filosofia espanola en America (1936—
1966) (Madrid: Bdiciones Guadarrama, 1967). The concern of Jose Gaos, Eduardo
Nicol, and other transterrados with the relation of Latin American thought to Iberian
thought is evident in their writings and can be explained only by the influence that
Latin Americans and the Latin American reality had on them. Gaos's Historia del pen-
samiento de lengua espanola en la edad contempordnea (1744-1944) (Mexico: Seneca, 1945)
and Nicol's El problema de lafilosofiahispanica (Madrid: Editorial Tccnos, 1961) make no
sense plucked from the Latin American experience.
12. The term 'Hispanic' is a derivative from Hispania, I he name used by Romans for
Foreword xv
ever, that the use of this category does not imply that there is something pe-
culiar, some idiosyncratic feature or features, that characterize such philoso-
phy throughout its history." M u c h Spanish and Latin American thought of
I he last one h u n d r e d years has devoted itself to the search for the uniqu e
features which characterize Spanish, Latin American, and national philoso-
phies, distinguishing t h e m from each other and from the philosophies of
other countries and cultures. 14 This effort, however, has been to a great ex-
lent fruitless, for it has been difficult to identify even one feature that can
si'I've to characterize any of these philosophies, let alone w h a t I refer to here
•is Hispanic philosophy. There are n o doubt certain concerns, certain ap-
proaches, and certain methods in philosophy that characterize one or m o re
periods of the history of Hispanic philosophy, a fact which is well established
in numerous studies. 15 But there is n o definitive evidence that indicates this
may be true for all the philosophy included u n d e r the epithet 'Hispanic'.
The category of Hispanic philosophy needs to be understood differently. I
propose to understand it as the philosophy produced by a group of philoso-
phers w h o span diverse political, territorial, linguistic, and ethnic and racial
boundaries but w h o are closely tied historically. It is not language that ties
I he Iberian peninsula. Its use was popularized by the members of the Generation of
1898, a Spanish group of intellectuals who flourished at the turn of the century and
who can be considered the progenitors of modern Iberian thought. In philosophy, the
in in 'Hispanic' has been used to refer to the philosophy of Spain and Spanish America
liy Eduardo Nicol. See his ProMema de la filosofia hispanica.
I l. In this I must differ with Nicol and those who have tried to see some common
element to all Hispanic philosophy. See Eduardo Nicol, "Meditation del propio ser: La
Insp.inidad," in Filosofia e identidad cultural en America latina, ed. Jorge J. E. Gratia and
Iv.m .laksic (Caracas: Monte Avila, 1988).
14. Ivan Jaksic and I have gathered the most important texts of this controversy
II PI n cming Latin American philosophy in the collection cited in the previous note. The
• onlroversy was fueled in part by the peninsular quest for a cultural ethos so evident in
Ihc < ieneration of 1898 and in subsequent authors, and it received philosophical justi-
llirillon through Ortega y Gasset's perspectivism. It was explicitly formulated as the
problem of Latin American philosophical identity by Leopoldo Zea in 1942 and, al-
lliotlgh il found immediate detractors, such as Risieri Frondizi, the controversy still sur-
vives In various forms. For Frondizi's objections, see "Hay una filosofia iberoameri-
irtllfl?" Realidad 3 (1948), 158-70. Zea's original article, "En torno a una filosofia
,unci liana," and Frondizi's article are reproduced in Gratia and Jaksic, Filosofia e identi-
ilthl cultural, pp. 187-207 and 211-27 respectively. Ofelia Schutte explores the issue of
11 ill in, 11 Identity in Latin America in Cultural Identity and Social Liberation in Latin Ameri-
• ,iii Thought (Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press, 1993).
I V See, for example, -Lafilosofiaen America: Trabajos presentados en el IXCongreso Inter-
Mmrtcano de Filosofia, 2 vols. (Caracas: Sociedad Venezolana de Filosofia, 1979); Ideas en
IOIIIO de Latinoamirica, 2 vols. (Mexico: Oniversldad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico,
I 086),' Jorge I. li. Grade, ed., latin American Philosophy in the Twentieth Century (Buffalo,
N Y.: Prometheus Hooks, 1986); and Anu'rica Latina: Historia y destino, 2 vols. (Mexico:
I llllverildld National Autonomy de Mexico, 1992).
xvi History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
these philosophers, for some of them write in Latin, whereas others write in
Catalan, Spanish, or Portuguese. Nor do they come from the same country.
Some of them were born in Spain or Catalonia, but others were born in Por-
tugal and the various Spanish and Portuguese colonies and countries of Latin
America. Indeed, in many cases they taught and wrote in lands other than
their native countries. Finally, they cannot be regarded as having the same
ethnic or racial background, since their origins differ, some being European,
others being descendants of Africans or native Americans, and still others
representing a mixture of various races and ethnic groups. What these
philosophers have in common is not language, country, race, or ethnic back-
ground but rather a history. It is the events of that history, the historical real-
ity they share, that provides the unity that brings them together.
Naturally, historical ties tend to generate common characteristics, but
those characteristics may not extend beyond certain periods of time or geo-
graphical areas. There can be continuity without commonality. A may follow
B, and B may follow C, and C may follow D, thus implying a connection be-
tween A and D, even though A may have nothing in common with D. This is
the kind of unity that Hispanic philosophy has. It is not a unity of common
elements. Francisco Suarez (1548-1617) may not have anything in common
with Francisco Romero (1891-1962), but both Suarez and Romero are tied
by a series of events that places them together and separates them from
Descartes, Hume, and Kant. It is not necessary, then, to find common char-
acteristics of all Hispanic philosophers for them to be justifiably categorized
as Hispanic. What unites them is the same sort of thing that unites a family,
as Wittgenstein would say.'6 There may not be common features among all
of them, but they belong together because somehow they are all historically
related, as a father is to a son, an aunt to a niece, and grandparents to grand-
children. The Wittgenstenian metaphor of the family is particularly appropri-
ate in this case, for a history of philosophy is always the history of the philo-
sophical thought of a community. Beginning in the sixteenth century, the
Hispanic community includes not only the inhabitants of the Iberian penin-
sula but also those of Latin America.
Still, one may question the need or benefit of using the category of His-
panic philosophy to study the philosophers from the Iberian peninsula and
Latin America. If there are no characteristics common to all Hispanic
philosophers, what can an account of Hispanic philosophy add to accounts of
16. Ludwig J. J. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations (New York: Macmillan,
1953), sees. 66-67.
Foreword xvii
periods or countries which more clearly have characteristics in common? In
short, what do we gain from the study of Hispanic philosophy that we do not
already know and know better from the study of say, Spanish, Catalan, Por-
luguese, and Latin American philosophy? My claim is that we gain a greater
understanding of the historical reality of a particular area of the history of
philosophy that is otherwise missed.
A history of philosophy is an account of how ideas developed and thus in-
volves an account of how philosophers influenced each other. For an ac-
count to be historical it must pay careful attention to the events and figures
I hat played roles in history, avoiding the introduction of artificial divisions
among them. My claim is that the notion of a Hispanic philosophy more
I ban any other notion reflects the historical reality of the philosophy pro-
duced in Spain, Catalonia, Portugal, and Latin America, for it recognizes that
(here are no fast boundaries among the philosophers of these territories.
Consider Francisco Suarez, who was born in Spain but taught in Portugal for
ma ny years, and consider Antonio Rubio (1548-1615), who worked in Mex-
ico but whose Logic became a textbook in Spain.17 More recently, the case of
Onega y Gasset stands out, for his influence in Latin America was perhaps
greater than in Spain.18 These are just a few examples of the many that re-
veal the historical unity of Hispanic philosophy. To parcel out Hispanic phi-
losophy into various compartments according to political, territorial, racial,
i H linguistic groups is to miss many of the historical ties that bind the diverse
elements that make up the philosophy of Spain, Catalonia, Portugal, and
Latin America.
There are still two other objections that may be raised against the use of
I he term 'Hispanic' to characterize the philosophy of the countries of the Iber-
lan peninsula and Latin America. One may wish to object, for example, that
II ie I erm 'Hispanic' is not only Eurocentric but in fact indicates the relation of
doniinator-dominated which for several centuries characterized the relations
between the countries in the peninsula and their colonies in America. Would
liol the use of this term, then, tend to perpetuate a spirit of domination that
would stand in the way of the intellectual liberation of Latin America?
17. Concerning Suarez, see Raoul Scorraille, Francois Suarez de la Compagnie de Jesus,
.'. vols. (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1912). Concerning Rubio, see the appropriate sections;
(iflllegOS Roeafull, Pensamiento mexkano, pp. 262-78; and Walter Redmond and Mauri-
ilu lieiicliol, La Idgica mexicana en el siglo de oro (Mexico: Universidad Nacional
Aul<iiioiii.i de Mexico, 1985).
18, Ally good hislory of Latin American philosophy will reier to this influence, but
I here ore also mote specialized studies. See, for example, Abellan, Filosofia espanola, pp.
HM ').»; ,nul .lose CiiKis, Sobiv Ortega y Gasset (Mexico: Imprenta Universilaria, 1952).
xviii History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Note that this objection does not challenge the accuracy or usefulness of
this term for describing the actual historical reality of Latin America. The ob-
jection challenges its use because it regards the term as dangerous insofar as
it can be used to perpetuate a situation that is morally wrong and thus intol-
erable. Could the use of the expression 'Hispanic philosophy' promote the
dominance of Iberian philosophy, thus leading to further intellectual en-
slavement in Latin America?
My response is twofold. First I would like to respond as a historian. Even if
it were the case that in fact the term 'Hispanic' carried with it the kind of bag-
gage that could stand in the way of the intellectual liberation of Latin Amer-
ica, still the use of the term would be justified as long as it were applied to a
historical period where it served to characterize accurately the historical situ-
ation. The historian is not concerned with what should have been but with
what actually was the case. My claim is precisely that the history of Iberian
and Latin American philosophy up to the present, and particularly in the pe-
riod that concerns Beuchot's book, supports the use of such a term, bringing
to the fore historical connections that otherwise would remain hidden.
Second, although the term may at some point have been used in a way
which gave support to the objection, I do not believe that this is any longer
the case. As it is generally used today, I believe the term simply refers to any-
thing that has to do with Spain, the Spanish language, Latin America, or the
Iberian peninsula.19 Thus, I do not think its use can result in the perpetuation
of a relation of dominator-dominated in a way that would promote the con-
tinuance of a subservient role for Latin America.
The second objection is that the use of this term is misleading because it
suggests that Latin American philosophy depended throughout its history on
the thought of the Iberian peninsula; whereas, in fact this is not so. Indeed,
so the argument goes, after the colonial period, Latin America turned toward
France, England, and Germany for philosophical inspiration, ignoring what
went on in the peninsula.
19. In Latin America and Spain, the term is frequently used to refer to things Span-
ish, thus excluding the Portuguese or Brazilian; see n. 6 above. There are some sub-
groups of the Hispanic community in this country, moreover, who object to the use of
the term to refer to themselves. Whether they are justified or not is irrelevant for my
historiographical thesis. Nonetheless, it should be noted that most of the arguments ad-
duced in this direction are based on limited knowledge of the history of the Iberian
peninsula or of Latin America. See "Chicanos, not Hispanics," Third World Forum (14
March 1990); Earl Shorris, "Latino Si. Hispanic, No," The New York Times (28 October
1992); Earl Shorris, Latinos: A Biography of the People (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992),
pp. xv-xvii; and David Gonzalez, "What's the Problem with 'Hispanic,'" The New York
Times (IS November 1992).
Foreword xix
In response I must first agree that at least since around 1750, Latin Amer-
ica has been heavily influenced by the thought of philosophers from France,
England, and Germany. But this does not militate against the notion of a His-
panic philosophy for two reasons. First, because the term 'Hispanic philoso-
phy' used here is not meant to convey a sense of philosophical dependence
of Latin America on the peninsula. My point in using the term does not con-
cern philosophical dependence but historical relations in general. Second, it
is not only in Latin America that the influence of France, England, and Ger-
many has been felt but also in the Iberian peninsula itself.20 In this sense,
I here is much that looks the same in Latin America and in the Iberian penin-
sula. Finally, much of the influence of the thought of French, English, and
German authors, whether we Latin Americans like it or not, did come
llirough Iberia. The case of Ortega's introducing German thought in Ar-
gentina and elsewhere and the influence of the transterrados in Mexico and
oilier countries should suffice as illustrations.
In short, the category of Hispanic philosophy is a useful one for the de-
scription and understanding of the history of the philosophical thought of
Latin America and the countries of the Iberian peninsula. Whether it will
continue to be so is, of course, a matter to be determined by the future. For
I lie present it serves well the purpose of those who wish to understand the
ihonght of the world created by the European encounter with the Americas.
II is important to note that it is only after 1550 that it makes sense to
speak of Hispanic philosophy. It does so for two reasons. First, this is the first
lime that a new intellectual unity that can be distinguished from European
philosophy is formed by the Iberian peninsula and the Latin American
colonies. There is for the first time in history a political unity of the kingdoms
ol I lie Iberian peninsula and thus of the colonies of those kingdoms. There is
also religious unity after the expulsion of the Muslims and the Jews. In addi-
llon I here is a strong sense of mission which permeates the activities and
ihlnking at the time. This is the period at which the international medieval
Intellectual union, which had characterized Europe for over a thousand
yens, breaks up under the stresses of humanism, the Reformation, and the
political pressures exerted by modern European states. Moreover, the Iberian
world, in spile ol its strong political and ideological interests in Europe, grad-
ually directs its attention toward the colonies of the New World, the extraor-
dinary opportunities they make available, and the enormous demands those
colonies exert on ihe peninsula. Iberia, then, not only becomes unified in
M. Sec Alii'll.iii's llistoriii eiitkii, where such iiillucmvs are recorded.
xx History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
various ways but at the same time becomes increasingly separated from the
rest of Europe and closer to the New World. This is reflected in the intellec-
tual life of both the peninsula and the colonized territories and thus justifies
for the first time the category 'Hispanic'.
Previous to 1550 it makes no sense to employ this category in historical
accounts. The Roman philosophers of Iberian origin, such as Seneca, be-
longed culturally and intellectually to a unit that was centered elsewhere
and extended well beyond Iberia. Likewise, Islamic philosophers of Iberian
origin, such as Averroes, belonged to a world that gravitated toward a differ-
ent axis. Something similar can be said of Maimonides and other Jewish
philosopher-theologians of the medieval period, for their history grouped
them in ways which had little to do with the Iberian peninsula. In the same
manner, medieval Scholastics from the peninsula were part of the greater
unit represented by European Scholasticism. They were at home in that phi-
losophy and their historical and intellectual relations were not so much to
each other as to the common heritage of the age. Indeed, the agenda that
moves them is centered primarily elsewhere, in Paris, Oxford, Cambridge,
and Rome. All this changes in the sixteenth century. Although the Iberian
and Latin American philosophers of the time continue to address issues of
general concern to Europeans and to be influenced by sources which origi-
nate outside the peninsula and Latin America, there is a strong surge of in-
terest in problems and issues that arise from the historically unique situation
posed by the discovery, colonization, and evangelization of the New World.
Moreover, there is also, in part as a result of common interests but also hav-
ing to do with other factors, a tightening of the relations among philosophers
of these various lands who exchange ideas and dispute among themselves in
ways that were not enacted before. Indeed, recent studies show a strong
predilection in some of the Hispanic authors of this period for their Hispanic
contemporaries.21
This leads me to the second reason why this is the first historical period
for which the term 'Hispanic philosophy' is justified. The philosophy pro-
duced in the Iberian countries and their colonies after 1550 and before the
colonies' independence springs forth to a great extent as a response of a well-
established Iberian Scholastic tradition to the issues that confront Iberian
and Latin American intellectuals at the time and that result from the discov-
ery and colonization of the New World. It is a philosophy, then, grounded in
an Iberian tradition and in the consideration of issues and problems of which
21. See, for example, Espfndola, En tomo a lafilosofta en Chile, pp. 36-37.
Foreword xxi
Iberian and Latin American philosophers had first-hand experience in most
cases. This lends their philosophy an autocthonous character that is missing
in most subsequent Iberian and Latin American thought. Indeed, many Iber-
ian and Latin American philosophers have complained repeatedly about the
derivative nature of more recent Iberian and Latin American philosophical
l bought. They charge, often with reason, that philosophical thought in these
areas has resulted from uncritical borrowing from non-Hispanic—European,
and Anglo-American sources—thus lacking originality and authenticity.22
The reasons for this lack of originality and authenticity are to be found pre-
cisely in the fact that Iberian and Latin American philosophers have forgot-
icn their roots and that philosophy must begin in human experience. It does
not pay to talk about what others say if we have no first-hand experience of
what gave rise to what they say. This is, of course, what makes the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries different. For the thinkers of that period
were not only well-grounded historically in their intellectual traditions but
concerned themselves with what they knew best. That is why they can be
accurately regarded as Hispanic philosophers and why they were able to
excel to the degree they did.
The development of the kind of intellectual unity in the sixteenth century
lhal I have used to justify the category of Hispanic philosophy can be under-
stood if one considers the four challenges faced by the period in question: the
encounter with the New World, the rise of Renaissance humanism, the
spread of the Reformation, and the growth of skepticism. The encounter
willi the New World had a profound and lasting impact on the thinking of
I luropeans. It posed for Iberians in particular a set of problems that were new
ami ihat required immediate solution. The Iberians were confronted with
hillierto unknown peoples with different cultures and religious beliefs who
nonetheless possessed enormous riches and who quickly became subject to
II i n n . What were the rights of these people? Should Christianity be imposed
mi ihern? Should they be treated as slaves? W h o was the rightful owner of
I lie riches which hitherto had belonged to t h e m ? What should the con-
querors make of the natives' laws and traditions? Questions such as these
were raised and had to be answered concerning most aspects of the lives of
the conquered peoples, from general aspects of the relations a m o n g peoples
22, The most eloquent articulation of this criticism is provided by Augusto Salazar
linndy In his /lixisle una jilosoffa de nuestra America? (Mexico: Siglo XXI, 1968); and his
'•i-nliiliiy problema del peiisiiinienlo hispano-amerkano, trans. Arthur Berdtson (Lawrence:
University of Kansas Center for Latin American Studies, Occasional papers no. 16,
Itf6v),
xxii H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
considered as nations, to particular aspects of daily living. Issues ranged from
international mercantile laws to t h e validity of pre-Columbian marriages.
Obviously, the discovery of America represented an enormous challenge
to intellectuals in the Iberian peninsula, forcing t h e m to raise and deal with
issues that they had not confronted before. This oriented their thinking to-
ward n e w issues, away from traditionally traveled European areas and into
n e w territories. The impact of the discovery on philosophy was an awaken-
ing to the need to deal with legal and ethical issues that were n e w to the
times and that tended both to form a core of concerns that tied Iberian and
Latin American thinkers together and at the same time to distance t h e m
from their European counterparts w h o had other concerns and agendas. 23
The other three challenges faced by Iberian and Latin American philoso-
phers and theologians at this time had a similar effect of strengthening the
ties amon g t h e m and distancing t h e m from the rest of Europe, supporting
their historical interrelations and thus the development of a Hispanic philo-
sophical universe. But this effect was not accomplished in the same way as it
was accomplished by the encounter with the New World. The challenges of
humanism, the Reformation, and skepticism did not open the exploration of
n e w themes that would draw Iberian and Latin American philosophers
closer. W h a t these challenges did was to alert t h e m to the need to come to-
gether in order to collect their forces and repel those w h o m most of t h e m
perceived as enemies. The need to defend w h a t they considered to be the true
Faith, to purge it from contamination by u n o r t h o d ox or dangerous doctrines,
and to vanquish those w h o threatened it had the effect of drawing these
philosophers together in a way that had not happened prior to this time. 24
The impact of h u m a n i s m o n the Iberian peninsula and its colonies was
felt quite early and, although some Iberian a n d Latin American intellectuals
were receptive to humanism, the m o v e m e n t was generally perceived by ec-
clesiastical and governmental authorities as a threat to the orthodox Faith. 25
23. There is much literature on this topic. Among the most recent publications that
give an idea of the issues in question is Luciano Perefia, The Rights and Obligations of In-
dians and Spaniards in the New World (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca
and Catholic University of America Press, 1992). The issues in question were not only
moral and legal but extended to matters of commerce and economics. See, for exam-
ple, M. Grice-Hutchinson, The School of Salamanca. Readings in Spanish Monetary Theory,
1544-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952); and R. Sierra Bravo, El pensamiento socialy
economico de la escoldstica desde sus origenes al comienzo del catolicismo social, 2 vols. (Madrid:
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1975).
24. Cf. Luis Gil Fernandez, Estudios de humanismo y tradition cldsica, (Madrid: Editor-
ial Complutense, 1984), pp. 15-94.
25. J. Fuster, Reheldesy heterodoxos (Barcelona; Edlcions Ariel, 1972), p. 72.
Foreword xxiii
The discovery of n e w literary, philosophical, and artistic works from the an-
cient world had given rise n o t only to a r e n e w e d interest in pagan ideas b u t
lo a change of attitude in the intellectual community that was taken by
many to pose a threat to the integrity of Christianity. Humanism was consid-
ered a threat, then, because it looked to pagan antiquity as an ideal era
whose values had to be emulated. The Christian Middle Ages, and in particu-
lar Scholasticism, also had looked to antiquity for enlightenment, but the at-
liiude of the humanists was broader and less cautious. Scholastics borrowed
from the past selectively, filtering w h a t they borrowed throug h the sieve of
Christian doctrine and accepting only w h a t they thought could be h a r m o -
nized with that doctrine. 26 In spite of the borrowing en masse that took place
In Ihe thirteenth century, a suspicious attitude concerning pagan antiquity
was never absent, as the repeated condemnations of heretical and pagan
doctrines illustrate. 27 The humanists, by contrast, were attracted to the an-
cients and emulated less discriminately the forms and values of the period as
displayed in art and literature. Their concern with beauty, the h u m a n body,
(indent rites, literary style, and pagan religious ideas was a source of concern
in ecclesiastical authorities. Although some humanists were devoted Chris-
I l.iiis and used their textual and linguistic skills for the service of t h e Faith,
many were interested in the recovery of classical knowledge and art, not for
i he sake of enriching the Christian faith but for its o w n sake. This was cer-
tainly different from the attitude of medieval Scholastics and, moreover, ap-
I MM red potentially dangerous to those in the Iberian peninsula and its
i1 ilonles w h o wished to preserve the medieval worldview. 28
Another challenge, the Reformation, h a d an effect o n Iberian and Latin
American philosophers and theologians similar to that of h u m a n i s m. Indeed,
ii posed an even greater threat t h a n h u m a n i s m to the Church, for it was a
challenge within the Church's o w n ranks and involved theology, the
i Ii in ill's conceptual foundation. Moreover, this rebellion against institu-
tionalized Christianity gained considerable political support in some parts
ill Europe. There had b e e n heretical challenges to t h e Church from within
11N tanks during the Middle Ages. Large revolts had occurred in southern
fiance, as happened with the Albingensians, for example. There had also
'(.. Bonaventure, Collaliones in Hexaemeron 19, in Opera omnia, vol. 5 (Ad Claras
Aqu.is: Collegium S. Bonavenlurae, 1882-1902), p. 422.
17. Btlenne Gilson, History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (New York: Ran-
ll House, 1954).
.'H. The conduct nl Renaissance popes like Leo X did not help to assuage the lears of
'.mil people, for a readable account of l.eo X ami oilier Renaissance popes, sec E. R.
iI beillii. The Had Popes (New York: Dorset Press, 1969).
xxiv History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
been serious threats to Christianity from without, primarily from Islam. But
the Reformation was a different sort of movement for various reasons, three
of which stand out: First, it was a challenge based on criticisms concerning
the corruption prevalent at the Papal court. Second, it had strong political
overtones that lent it power in a way that some of the earlier reform move-
ments had lacked. Third, it was a theological challenge arising from within
the Church itself. These factors combined to make the Reformation a most
powerful threat and one that endangered the stability and future of the
Church.
The final challenge which helped to draw Iberians and Latin Americans
together is less defined than the others but not for that reason less effective.
This was the rise of skepticism. Skepticism had not been strong in the Middle
Ages. It was known primarily through Augustine, who had argued against it
in Contra academicos in particular. In fact, skepticism had a bad name among
Scholastics, who used it to accuse and condemn their opponents.29 Yet, there
were many Scholastics who adopted a skeptical or somewhat skeptical
stance in order to defend those tenets of the faith that they thought could
not be defended if reason were held to be the ultimate arbiter of belief. Thus,
there was a background to the skepticism that developed in the sixteenth
century with authors like Montaigne, and that was so decisively to affect the
course of early modern philosophy. The skepticism of Montaigne, however,
went far beyond that adopted by some Scholastics and did not aim to support
the Faith. Montaigne's question, Que sais-je?, combined with a tolerance of
what ecclesiastical authorities considered an easy morality, was regarded as
an unwelcomed development by those who considered themselves champi-
ons of the Christian faith.30
The response of the Church to humanism, the Reformation, and skepti-
cism was swift. First, there was a movement toward reform led by members
of the Church hierarchy which aimed to stamp out corruption and also to
regularize Christian doctrine, rites, and laws. The most effective instruments
used to achieve these aims were the Council of Trent (1545-1563) and the In-
quisition. The Council took care of doctrinal matters, whereas the Inquisition
29. See John Duns Scotus's charge of skepticism against Henry of Ghent. Opus ox-
oniense I, dist. 3, q. 4, a. 1. In Duns Scotus, Philosophical Writings, ed. Allan Wolter (Lon-
don: Nelson, 1963), pp. 103-6. For discussions of skeptidsm in the Middle Ages, see K.
Michalski, La philosophic au XlVe siecle. Six etudes (Frankfurt: Minerva, 1969); and
Mauricio Beuchot, "Escepticismo en la edad media: El caso de Nicolas de Autrecourt,"
Revista Latinoamericana deFilosofia 15, 3 (1989): 307-19.
30. For a treatment of the growth of the skeptical movement in the sixteenth cen-
tury and the beginning of the reaction to it, see Richard I'opkin, The History of Scepticism
from Erasmus to Descartes (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1964).
Foreword xxv
was charged with the task of enforcing the new standards. Second, the
movement of renewal affected also the rank and file members of the Church.
Among grassroots efforts the most successful was the foundation of the Soci-
ety of Jesus by Ignatius of Loyola (1491-1556). This religious order became
the symbol of reformed Roman Catholicism and one of the most effective in-
struments of the Counter-Reformation.
In the Iberian peninsula and the Iberian colonies, the reaction to the use
of humanistic, Reformation, and skeptical ideas by the ecclesiastical estab-
lishment was also quick. Humanists, reformers, and skeptics were portrayed
as mixtures of grammarians and heretics whose influence had to be eradi-
cated.31 This was achieved in various ways, including the exercise of strict
controls on the publication and distribution of books and the general dis-
couraging of book learning.32
The intellectual climate at the time in which the Iberian thought of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries flourished, therefore, was a defensive
one. The Church was under siege and felt it had to fight its assailants. The re-
sult among Roman Catholic intellectuals was a great effort to rethink and de-
lend traditional Christian theology. Thus we find an abundance of literature
dealing with doctrinal controversies cast both in apologetic and theological
modes. Both modes are amply documented in the history of the Church
prior to this time, but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there was a
it'itewed interest in them. Moreover, the polemical and defensive tone of
•.(ime of these writings contrasts with the tone of many earlier Scholastics.
I'IH- Iberian and Latin American thought of the period mirrors these charac-
Ici islics. The effect of humanism, the Reformation, and skepticism in the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries, then, was to make Iberian and Latin
American philosophers and theologians close ranks so that they might over-
i unit' these challenges to the established Church.
As noted, the attitude developed by the Roman Church in response to the
( hallenges of humanism, the Reformation, and skepticism was not peculiar to
11 if Iberian countries and their colonies, but the leadership of the Church's re-
sponse fell largely to the Iberians—to the government of the peninsula where
.n ins were required, and to its philosophers and theologians where intellec-
11 i.il weapons were in order. Latin Americans, of course, did not participate as
11. See mi. 24 and 25 above.
12. Sec M. de la I'inta I.lorcnte, l.a Inquisicidn espanolay los problemas de la culturay de
III Intolenmcia (Madrid: lidicioncs Cultura llispanica, 1953-1958); M. Defourneaux, In-
•liuuciou y cciisiini dr libros en la lispatla del sigh XVIII (Madrid: Taurus, 1973); and Vi-
11'iilr <i. Oucs.ida, I.il vida intelecliuil en la America espaiiola durante los sifllos XVI, XVII, y
\ VIII (Itiiciins Aires: Aruoldo Morn y llcrniano, 1910), pp. 3-33.
xxvi H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
actively in this affair, but their activities were regulated to a great extent by
w h a t was taking place in the peninsula, making t h e m dependent and sub-
sidiary to it. Nowhere is this more evident, for example, t h a n in the control-
ling of reading materials allowed into the colonies. Although there have
been some exaggerated claims concerning the control exercised by peninsu-
lar authorities over the circulation of books in the New World, it is evident
that efforts were m a d e in this direction and thus that to a certain extent t h e
peninsula established the intellectual parameters within which intellectuals
from the New World were supposed to w o r k . " This, naturally, tended to sep-
arate the New World from intellectual developments occurring beyond the
Pyrenees and to tie it closely to peninsular concerns and news.
Apart from the four challenges discussed, there are two other factors that
need to be mentione d because they also helped shape the course of Iberian
and Latin American thought and thus the development of Hispanic philoso-
phy. These t wo factors are the relatively late emergence of Iberian Scholasti-
cism and the close relations between Church and State that developed in the
Iberian peninsula.
The relatively late emergence of Iberian Scholasticism m e a n t that this
m o v e m e n t was influenced by well-established traditions associated with var-
ious religious orders. From the thirteenth century onwards, religious orders,
particularly the powerful Franciscans and Dominicans, had appropriated cer-
tain ideas and authors, a n d they promoted t h e m with extraordinary zeal.
The Franciscans devoted themselves to the study and dissemination of the
thought of Augustine (345-430) and Duns Scotus, whereas t h e Dominicans
worked u n d e r the spiritual tutelage of Thomas Aquinas and, t h r o u gh him,
Aristotle. This commitment to a certain set of ideas and to certain authors be-
came accentuated in some writers as time w e n t on, lending the later Middle
Ages an overall ideological tone. There was, however, a reprieve o n this feel-
ing of partisanship in the early sixteenth century, perhaps as a result of the
influence of h u m a n i s m and the overall rebellion against the excessive tech-
nicism that characterized the practice of philosophy in most European uni-
34
versities, and particularly in Paris, at the time. But this reprieve ended
33. See n. 32 above.
34. For the technical character of the philosophy of this period, see Carlos Norefia,
Studies in Spanish Renaissance Thought (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1975); R. Garcia Villoslada,
La Universidad de Paris durante los estudios de Francisco de Vitoria, 0. P. (1507-1522) (Rome:
Universitas Gregoriana, 1938); V. Munoz Delgado, La logica nominalista en la universidad
de Salamanca (1510-1530); V. Munoz Delgado, "La logica en Salamanca durante la
primera mitad del siglo XVI," Salmantkensis 14 (1967): 171-207; V. Munoz Delgado, "La
Obra logica de los espafloles en Paris (1 500-1525)," BstttdtOS 26 (1970): 209-80; and V.
Foreword xxvii
quickly after the rise of the Jesuits and the subsequent growth of rivalry be-
i ween t h e m and the Dominicans.
The respect for well-established conceptual traditions, together with the
large literature inherited from t h e thirteent h and fourteenth centuries,
helped develop, moreover, an encyclopedic attitude in which recovery and
exposition became central to the Scholastic enterprise. Not that this attitude
had been lacking in earlier stages of Scholasticism. From t h e very begin-
ning, the Middle Ages displayed a concern with the recovery and preserva-
IIIHI of the past. Thus w e find t h r o u g h o u t t h e period m a n y encyclopedias
ol knowledge. The earliest successful attempts in this direction were De in-
stltutionedivinarum litterarum of Cassiodorus (4777-570?) and Etymologiae of
Isidore of Seville (d. 636). Both of these owed debts to earlier classical
• rces—as is t h e case of Isidore with Suetonius Pratum, for example—and
both works w e r e greatly successful, t h e first owing to its elegant a n d easy
style, and the second because of t h e mass of material it contained. 3 5 This
kind of effort w e n t on, as is clear from the Speculum majus of Vincent of Beau-
Vills (1190/12007-1264?), produced in the thirteent h century, and the
iicslia, u n d e r t a k e n by Francesc Eiximenis (1340-1409) at the end of the
Fourteenth century.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the encyclopedic emphasis on
Hfltllering all available information surrounding a topic became more pro-
nounced. So m u c h h a d been produced, a n d it was of such high quality, that
II was natural for late Scholastics to feel they had to preserve it and at least
I.ike il into account in their o w n thinking. For this reason we find during the
pci iod much that is primarily expository and m a n y works whose character is
lufoi inative. This attitude is displayed even in the work of the most original
Iberian Scholastics, such as Francisco Suarez. In m a n y ways, and in spite of
llli'lr originality in m a n y areas, Suarez's Disputationes metaphysicae (1597)
i nnslitute an encyclopedia of metaphysics in which every topic, every au-
11101 of importance, and every relevant argument is carefully presented, ex-
amined, and evaluated. 36 Unfortunately, this emphasis on the past some-
Mllfloz Delgado, "Logica hispano-portuguesa hasta 1600 (notas bibliografico-doctri-
rl«ik".|," Kcpertorio de historia de las ciencias eclesidsticas en Espana 4 (1972): 9-122; and E. J.
V.I i wnlli. Language and Logic in the Post-Medieval Period (Dordrecht-Boston: Reidel, 1974).
I Inn' were some good reasons for the criticism of humanists like Luis Vives and others.
II, Sec Peter L. Schmidt's "Suetons 'Pratum' seit Wessner (1917)," in The Classical
11, i, lilion and llic Americas, ed. W. Haase, el al. See also Gilson, History of Christian Philoso-
I'hvm the Middle Ages, p. 107,
16, oilier examples are the Ciirsus Conlmbrkensis and Juan de Santo Tomas's Cursus
l>hlh>wphtcui. Sec .iiilm Trentman, "Scholasticism In the Seventeenth Century," in The
• iimbrldgt History ofLater Medieval Philosophy, ed. N. Km/man, ci ,ii„ pp. 8?5-?7.
xxviii History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
times obscures the brilliant contributions of the period and has mistakenly
led some historians to characterize it as sterile.
The second factor that played a major role in shaping the Hispanic
thought of the period was the close relationship that developed between the
Roman Church and the Iberian states, particularly the Spanish state. In the
fifteenth century the Roman Church became the state church in Spain, and
the pope granted the Spanish kings the right to appoint the highest members
of the hierarchy in the country. This extraordinary development made Spain
a de facto theocracy in which the interests of the state and the interests of the
Church were identified. It is easy to understand the reasons for this situa-
tion. First, Spain had become the main defender of the Faith against the
threat of Islam. Having successfully expelled the Moors from Iberian soil
after a seven-hundred year struggle, Spain was in a favorable position to
continue the defense of Christianity throughout the Mediterranean. More-
over, Spain was poised to become, and in fact did become, the first and most
powerful European modern nation. Its kings, who also became emperors of
the Holy Roman Empire for a time, controlled not only the Iberian peninsula
but territories in Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Germany as well, and
thus exercised extraordinary power.
Second, the Spanish struggle against Islam had been both national and
religious; the Spanish kings had fought in the name of the Cross both for ter-
ritory and for the spread of Christianity. Therefore, it made sense to extend
this political, military, and religious struggle against the reformers.
Third, Spain had recently discovered America, and this provided an un-
usual opportunity for both colonization and missionary work. Since the
Church had no means to organize the indoctrination of the newly discovered
lands, it was natural that the Spanish crown be entrusted with the task, en-
forcing once more the bonds that united Church and state in the peninsula.
Fourth, the preoccupation with the Reconquista had, to some extent, kept
Spain away from the intellectual developments associated with the early Re-
naissance, making it an ideal place of operations for the defense against hu-
manists, reformers, and skeptics. A militant faith was needed to defeat the
challenges faced by the Church, and Spain certainly had such a faith. Spain
had the faith, the power, and the means to conduct the struggle, and so it
was to Spain that the task fell. Consequently, philosophical thought in the
Iberian peninsula became subject to political influence and functioned in
many instances as a tool of the Spanish government.
As a result of the two factors identified (lale emergence of Scholasticism
and close relations between Church and slate), and the four challenges it
Foreword xxix
laced (the discovery, humanism, the Reformation, and skepticism), the phi-
losophy of this period in Iberia and its colonies developed close ties, which
separated it from the rest of Europe and made it chart a course on its own,
but it also developed some characteristic features that tended to distinguish it
from prior and subsequent European thought. It was, for example, more en-
cyclopedic, expository, and eclectic; it had a defensive, apologetic, and theo-
logical emphasis; it had the state and its power behind it and thus was partly
influenced by political considerations that affected the state; and it developed
.1 set of new issues dealing with international law and human rights.
For our purposes, the most significant aspect of all this is the separation of
I lispanic philosophy from the mainstream of European thought: for in spite
of considerable popularity at the time, most of the Hispanic philosophers of
I his period have been largely forgotten. Suarez, Vitoria, Rubio, and some of
the authors discussed in this book were common names in the philosophical
controversies of the time. Suarez's Disputationes metaphysicae, for example, was
printed in more than seventeen editions outside the Iberian peninsula be-
tween 1597 and 1636, whereas Descartes's Meditations were edited only nine
limes between 1641 and 1700.37 Yet Descartes is considered a major figure in
the history of philosophy, whereas Suarez is hardly known. Indeed, if we
were to ask the more than eleven thousand philosophers who teach in the
United States today to tell us a few facts about Suarez, I am sure only a couple
hundred, if that many, would be able to reply. Yet Suarez is without a doubt
the most important and well-known Hispanic philosopher of the period. Only
• i dozen American philosophers have ever heard of Briceno or Rubio.
We may ask, then, a question: Why have these philosophers been forgot-
ten? The answer is to be found in the very points I have been making con-
cerning the development of Hispanic philosophy. For the reasons given, the
philosophy of the Iberian peninsula and its Latin American colonies became
Increasingly isolated from European philosophy, thus losing the historical
lies il had had with it. Hispanic philosophy turned in upon itself, concerned
.ihoul the peculiar and pressing problems faced by Hispanic society, and, in
fcar of European developments that threatened its political and religious sta-
bility, it looked for support in the past. Thus, it not only became isolated from
l he mainstream philosophical developments in the West but consciously re-
let led these developments in favor of its medieval foundations. The result
w.is to be expected. European philosophy continued on its own way and
*7. Sco ,1. Irlanc, "I.a proycaion sobrc Europa de una gran metali'sica, o Suarez en
la lllnsoiiii en Ins (lias del B.irmco," Kuzdny I'e, niiincro cxtraordinario (1948): 236.
xxx History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o

came to regard the philosophy practiced in the Iberian peninsula and its
colonies as marginal and regressive. For a while, the political and military
power of Spain insured that Iberian voices were taken seriously outside the
peninsula, but the decline in political and military power in the seventeenth
century contributed to the view of Iberian philosophy as stagnant and retro-
grade. This view slowly extended to all Hispanic philosophy and thought,
leading to the general perception that there is little of importance to be XheHistory of Philosophy
found in it.38 Thus were forgotten the original and extraordinary contribu-
tions to philosophy of the Hispanic authors of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
inColonialMexico
As to this period's enduring philosophical importance, I believe that time
will vindicate it. In my o w n experience, I have dealt with n o philosophical
issue for which I have not found m u c h help in the writings of these philoso-
phers. In areas of contemporary interest, such as semiotics, the philosophy of
language, ontology, and logic, the work of Hispanic philosophers beginning
in 1550 holds vast reservoirs of interesting, original, and valuable materials.
Most of these materials, however, are not easily accessible; they are available
only in old and difficult to find editions. And, of course, the materials are in
Latin, a language with which very few philosophers are familiar today. Thus,
the job of those w h o wish to bring to light the contributions of this period to
the history of philosophy is not easy, but I believe the enterprise should
nonetheless deliver ample rewards. Fortunately, n o w w e have a first and
firm step in this direction with the publication of Mauricio Beuchot's learned
study of the history of philosophy in colonial Mexico. Let us hope that others
follow.39

State University at Buffalo

38. Indeed, Hispanic philosophers themselves are relentless in their repetition of

this view. Cf. E. Villanueva, "Philosophical Analysis in Mexico," in Philosophical Analysis
in Latin America, ed. Jorge J. E. Gracia, et al. (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1984), p. 170, and
Salazar Bondy, "The Meaning and Problem of Hispanic American Thought," in Latin
American Philosophy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Jorge J. E. Gracia, p. 234.
39. A more extensive version of this paper was published in Review of Metaphysics 46
(1993): 475-502.1 thank the editor of the journal, Jude Dougherty, for his permission
to use parts of the article.
 •§§¥• Introduction
Understanding the History of Philosophy

i n Colonial Mexico

T
o understand the history of philosophical ideas in Mexico, one
should consider the meaning of philosophical trends in Mexico. Be-
cause scholastic philosophy played a central role during colonial
nines, it will be considered in depth. The rest of this chapter presents the
\ lews lhat various historians and philosophers had of scholasticism in colo-
111.11 M e x i co and an evaluation of these views. We will thereby be engaged in
11 n- philosophy of history—the history of philosophy in colonial Mexico. Our
i|lK'Slion is: What meaning for the history of philosophy does colonial Mexi-
i ,in philosophy hold?
I ei us begin with what previous historians of the philosophy of Colonial
Mexico have said about the cultural phenomenon with which they have
dealt. I low have they evaluated the presence of scholastic philosophy and of
modern philosophy in it? We will consider diverse the opinions regarding
lliese issues.

Beginnings
II we cast to one side historians and bibliographers (such as the great
i Millars .ind Heiisi.iin) who did not consider ex professo the philosophical
2 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o Introduction 3

trends in New Spain, t h e n the debate of the second half of the nineteenth look at it closely, it does not destroy itself. On the contrary, it grows and per-

century between Agustin Rivera and Agustin de la Rosa can be considered as l<«.ts itself with the contingency of truth which can be found within the other

the beginning or, at least, as a n antecedent of the history—that is, historiogra- systems of thought." 5 The presence of scholastic philosophy in Mexico was,
according to Valverde, a great benefit to the country.
phy—of the philosophy of New Spain.
For Valverde, t h e colleges of the various religious orders a n d the univer-
Agustin Rivera published a work in 1885 called Lafilosofla en la Nueva Es-
slly constituted the institutional center of scholastic philosophy. Valverde
pana,1 to which h e added the significant subtitle: Disertacidn sobre el atraso de la
iMaintained that the schools provided the m e a n s through which the orders
Nueva Espana en las tiencias filosdficas. This work is a criticism of various Mexi-
rave I he Indigenous and Hispanic population a Christian world picture. 6 He
can historians: Lucas Alaman, Adolfo Llerena, Niceto de Zamacois, Ignacio
views the activities and results of the university favorably, overlooking the
Aguilar y Marocho, and others w h o expressed favorable opinions of colonial
stages of decadence the university suffered. This explains w h y Valverde does
thought. Canon Rivera viewed this as a n exaltation of Spain against Mexico
<MI| comment on the defects of scholasticism nor on the limitations it implied
and considered it his duty to counteract this 'attack' against his country. This
lot Mexico. His view can be accused of being too sympathetic.
response was answered by Canon Agustin de la Rosa in his work, La instruc-
Regarding the colleges of the religious orders, Valverde claims that almost
tion en Mexico durante su dependencia de Espana (1888). 2 In this work, de la
• vi'i y order had either its o w n school or a variation of one of the m a in philo-
Rosa disputes the view that the backward condition of science in Mexico is
sophical schools. The most important orders were the Franciscans w h o prac-
not worse t h a n the one in Spain or Europe in general. He also defends the
illi eil Scotism, the Dominicans and the Augustinians w h o practiced Thomism,
claim that m a n y colonial thinkers were not at the same level as their Euro-
Hid lhe Jesuits w h o followed the teachings of Suarez. Though each order
pean colleagues. He offers m u c h proof of this, as well as historical considera-
11 | II cscnled a distinct group of thought, there was agreement concerning the
tions regarding colonial thinkers and institutions. It was de la Rosa's purpose
luiuiiimentals of faith. Valverde locates the major differences betwee n the
not to defend Spain but rather to defend scholasticism itself, a scholasticism
MI dels in the diverse interpretations of some Aristotelian doctrines. He ex-
which h e feared was compromised in viceregal Mexico. Rivera answered
3 |ilil11is, "The talented disciples feel a great enthusiasm w h e n realizing differ-
h i m with another text, and in both texts w e find a n apologetic impetuosity
i in opinions held by wise professors about c o m m o n truths. This spirit en-
rather than a critical attitude toward the sources a n d the historical signifi-
lllllilens understanding and awakens curiosity; the students think, search,
cance of the events.
Ii .id. and consult on their o w n . It is not strange that the innate love for sci-
i nlllli Independence makes disciples daring in their ideas and not very re-
E m e t e r i o Valverde Tellez i|M'( llnl in llieir refutations; but such is the way in which intelligence is de-
(i loped, and this is following the path of philosophy." 7 Valverde is full of
Bishop Valverde Tellez, w h o devoted some space to colonial philosophy in
in.il'.r lor .ill 1 his and for the Church's efforts to promote publishing houses
two of his works, was calmer and m o re p r u d e n t t h a n either Rivera or de la
riml libraries. Perhaps this causes us to suspect him of excessive partialities
Rosa. In Apuntaciones historicas sobre lafilosofla en Mexico (1896), 4 h e demon-
In II evaluating the contributions of scholasticism to the theoretical and
strates a strong inclination for scholastic philosophy. He tells us that "[a]s a
whole and in detail, scholastic philosophy is the closest to the truth; and, if we I .i lilosoli'a cscolaslica en su conjunto y detalles, es la mas conforme a la verdad
I'M II mil.id.i, no se destruye, antes se acrece y perfecciona, con el contingente de ver-
1. Agustin Rivera, Lafilosofla en la Nueva Espana: Disertacidn sobre el atraso de la Nueva i III 111 if Ii.ill.use puede en los demas sistemas." Ibid., p. x.
Espana en lascienciasfilosdficas (Lagos: Lopez Arce, 1885). fi ll'lil . |>, 5Iff.
2. Agustin de la Rosa, La instruction en Mexico durante su dependencia de Espana I "'. ilisiipulos dolados de lalenlo y aplicacion, sientense poseidos de singular
(Guadalajara: n.p., 1888; reprint, Guadalajara: Instituto Tecnologico de Guadalajara, • iiiii'il.iniii, in,nido .idvierlcn la divergencia de opiniones entre profesores igualmente
1952). On the debate, see also J. Hernandez Luna, Dos ideas sobre lafilosofla en la Nueva | • . ,ii i 11.1 Hi- vcnl.iilcs |ior lodos reconocidas; el mismo espfritu de partido aviva el
Espana (Rivera vs. de la Rosa) (Mexico: UNAM, 1959). i un inlliiilciilii, desplcrla la ciiiiosid.id, se plensa, se indaga por propia cuenta, se lee, se
" illllrt mi es i.no que el amor inn.ilo a Li indcpciidciKia cienlflica los haga un tanto
3. See Agusli'n Rivera, Treinta sofismas y un buen argument/) del Sr. Dr. D. Agustin de la
.in ( hlir. en MIS Ideas, algo Irrcspetuosos en sus impugn.ui ones; pero asf se forman las
Rosa (Lagos: Lopez Arce, 1887). lull lliiuii I.is y nlii CS illtd.ll' pot el ciniino de l.i lilosoli'a." [bid., p. 90.
1. Valverde Telle/., Apuntaciones histdricas sobre lafilosofla cu Mexico (Mexico: Ilcrrero
linos., 1896).
4 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
practical training of the Mexican people, but w e can recognize some good el-
ements in his point of view.
In the Critica fllosofica, o Bibliografia de la filosofia en Mexico (1904), 8 Val-
verde introduces a n u m b e r of philosophers of New Spain, compiling, for the
first time, relevant bibliographical, biographical, and systematic informa-
tion. The preference for scholasticism which was noted earlier is evident in
the minimal attention Valverde pays to the modernization of philosophy.
For example, h e gives little attention to it w h e n discussing Gamarra, but he
recognizes that one has to be open to various n e w and different trends and
that in this case Gamarra was the most willing to introduce m o d e r n philoso-
phy in Mexico.
Valverde TeTlez's work is important because he gives us much information
about the period, and in this he was an innovator; furthermore, it is first-
hand information that he found in archives and old libraries and even in
books he managed to gather personally. Bibliographies, as well as reliable
and authorized histories, are other sources he used. He is, to a certain extent,
the most serious pioneer in these fields of the history of colonial philosophy.
Above all, he is someone w h o wanted, ex professo, to write a reflective and
critical history of philosophy in Mexico. Of course, as a clergyman educated
in scholasticism, he was prejudiced or ideologized to a certain extent. But he
is the one w h o worked hardest and most seriously to trace the sources of this
history. This makes him an important and notable figure in the history of
Mexican philosophical historiography.
Jose Vasconcelos
In an appendix to Historia del pensamiento filosofico (1937), Jose Vasconcelos
discusses philosophy in Mexico and devotes some space to colonial philoso-
phy. Influenced by his strong aesthetic perspective, Vasconcelos links philoso-
phy with other cultural manifestations: "In all countries, great architecture
corresponds to great philosophy; and mediocre or monstrous architecture cor-
responds to incomplete or partial philosophy." 9 Accordingly, because there
was great architecture in colonial Mexico, there must have been an acceptable
philosophy.
Vasconcelos owes most of his information to Valverde Tellcz and uses
8. E. Valverde Tellcz, Criticafllosofica,o Bibliografia de lafilosofiaen Mexico (Mexico:
Ilcrrcro linos., 1904).
( I '
). "|H|n uxlo pueblo, .i gran filosofia corresponde gran arqultectura, y .i lilosoli'.is
incomplci.is, p.iriicul.ircs, corresponden arquttecturas medlocrcs a monstruosas/ Vas-
concelos, Hisioriadelpensemlentofllosdfleo, p 537,
Introduction 5
only a few other sources; for example, Beristain or Antonio Caso. He quotes
admiringly from the Caso's article on Diaz de Gamarra in El Universal, from
I iccember 1935. 10 In situating colonial philosophy, Vasconcelos takes into ac-
Count the thought of those philosophers of New Spain w h o worked in the
university and in the colleges of the orders. He indicates the most prominent
ones and their contributions to concrete events. In general, his evaluation of
ilie effects of scholasticism in Mexico is positive, albeit lacking in some nec-
essary details.
S.imuel Ramos
!n Samuel Ramos's Historia de la filosofia en Mexico (1985)," we encounter
v .ii ions evaluative accounts of both scholastic and m o d e rn colonial philoso-
phy. I le is severe in his treatment of scholastic philosophy and more sympa-
thetic loward m o d e rn philosophy (it is evident that he does not k n o w very
ch about the former). He takes into account the philosophical work of the
.Ixlecnth century carried out in the university as well as the work that was
lipi lotted by the orders. The orders were located at the universities but also at
" liters separate from the universities. He considers the Dominicans and the
\ MI;I isl inians as preservers of the orthodox Thomist tradition, the most power-
lul and, by and large, the official trend; the Franciscans practiced Scotism,
v\ lili Ii had little influence. For Ramos, the Jesuits were innovators because
Hi. v defended the reformed scholasticism of Molina and Suarez. 12 But the
ileplhof Ramos's appreciation of scholasticism is questionable. What does he
lersland by 'reformed' scholasticism? Scholasticism, after all, u n d e r w e n t
niiiiiy reformations. H o w ' r e f o r m e d ' w a s Suarecian scholasticism? An under -
I.Hiding of Ibis simply as a combination of traditional scholasticism with a
re modern version of it is clearly false. It is misleading to characterize Suare-
••< liolastieism as t h e result ofMolina's and Suarez's personal contributions
Mi ll I MI i he same sort of thing was done by philosophers from other orders,
ni. I n Is well known that as the most innovative of the reformers, Suarez's con-
H Hi in was more substantial than this. His greatest aim was an eclectic one;
In tried in synthesize Thomist doctrines with Scotist ones, and both of these
nil nominalism. 1 5 Bui these attempts do not yet a m o u n t to 'reformed
in Ibid . p 545,
' i '•• I Ramos, Historia de lafilosofiaen Mexico, vol. 2, Obras completas (Mexico:
II I A M l''M'.|
ll>nI p I .'-I
i '• See i M.iiinic/ Gomez, ' i v.ilu.H urn de Francisco S I U I C Pllfisofo," Cuadtrnus
iihiiHInin lie I'llosoflti I (1980) 5 25
6 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
scholasticism', as Ramos, with his privileging of the m o d e r n for the sake of the
modern, believes. The n e w is not always better t h a n w h a t preceded it, and so
Ramos's depiction of 'reformed scholasticism' is not accurate. In it w e find him
granting authority to t h e m o d e r n without proper justification.
Ramos's remarks on certain historical circumstances are very clear. It is
not to be denied that scholastic philosophy was used by some people as an
ideological tool to subdue and stabilize oppression, but not all authors did
that, and m a n y of t h e m even criticized such misapplications. We cannot sep-
arate philosophy from its concrete historical situation, but w e must think
carefully about w h a t is involved in understanding philosophy historically.
Certainly, philosophy is not politically neutral, and this insight must be ac-
knowledged in our study of colonial philosophy.
Ramos denounces the limited freedom of the scholastics, a limitation due
to the strict vigilance that the Inquisition exerted on orthodoxy. As a result,
Ramos claims, colonial philosophers of New Spain did not discuss concrete
issues but took refuge in empty theories and speculations. Ramos questions
w h y Friar Alonso de la Veracruz's lucid mind was not more critical of this sit-
uation. 14 In fact, however, in 1561 Friar Alonso w e n t to defend the Indians
before Philip II; unfortunately, because the laws of the Indies forbade Span-
ish or Americans living in America to write about the colony, his defense re-
mained unpublished. We should not, on the other hand, judge Ramos's cri-
tique of Friar Alonso too hastily, for its weaknesses may be justified. It is
understandable that Ramos had not read Friar Alonso's philosophical-legal
teaching 15 because only recently did the researcher P. Burrus, w h o edited
those works, bring Friar Alonso's defense to light. In this defense, Friar
Alonso deals with m a n y concrete issues related to the newly formed society.
Before these recently edited works were published, only the m o re theoreti-
cal works of Friar Alonso were widely available, and it is certain that Ramos
only k n e w the abstract Friar Alonso of the Recognitio Summularum, Diakctica
Resolutio, and Physica Speculatio, but not that of the Speculum Coniungiorum, De
Dominio Infidelium, or Dubia, works in which Friar Alonso deals with more
concrete matters. In addition, recent developments have shed n e w light on
the works of other thinkers of this period; the work of Tomas de Mercado,
for example, has become a classic of economics and economic ethics.
Ramos contemplates the colonial seventeenth century as a century of in-
tellectual isolation and stagnation. He states that the Hapsburgs and the
Church obstructed progress, and he describes Scholasticism as a decadent,
14. See Ramos, Wstoria de lafilosofla en Mexico, |>. I 3 3.
15. See A. Gomez Robledo, El magisterioftlosiflco-jurtdleode Alonso de la Veracruz (Mex-
ico: I'ornin, ]')M).
Introduction 7
seclusive, and conservative trend; its publications and teachings bogged
down with repetitive and official dogmatism. 16 The Mexican intelligentsia
was represented by poor criollos, mestizos, and some Indians. They were con-
cerned with culture, governmental or ecclesiastic bureaucracies, and teach-
ing. Instead of devoting themselves to science, the scholastics entertained
lliemselves in sterile disputes, formalism, and empty syllogisms, paying n o
attention at all to reality. 17 According to Ramos, the Jesuits were the only ex-
ception, but their efforts were in vain. The members of the Society of Jesus
were the most open to m o d e r n thought. Their material power allowed t h e m
lo have freedom of thought and even to introduce those political ideas that
prepared the ground for independence. Ramos's claim that the Jesuits were
"separated from orthodoxy w h e n they taught Suarez" is exaggerated, but it
is h u e that the Jesuits were innovative. In Ramos's assessment of the Order,
Sigiienza y Gongora stands out because he maintained close ties to the Je-
suits; h e h a d b e e n in t h e Order and asked to die within it.
Ramos's judgments against other scholastics could appear to be out of
place if they are not understood within a concrete historical context. Admit-
icdly, there were philosophers w h o devoted themselves solely to strengthen-
ing their logical and semantic instruments in order to deal with abstract and
even pseudo-problems instead of considering with more pressing concrete
problems. This happens in all periods, even in our own. And we could say it
happens not only within scholasticism but in all philosophical trends. Never-
ilieless, m a n y seventeenth-century philosophers of New Spain did devote
i heir studies and their talents to concrete problems. And this is true not only
• •I modern ones but of scholastics as well. We find in Friar J u a n de Zapata y
Sandoval a fine example of this; h e wrote an excellent treatise on distribu-
nve justice. 18 However, w h e n scholastic thinkers saw that a specific doctrine
• ould be applied to solve problems, they applied the doctrine and n o longer
Nought to change or a m e n d the doctrine other t h a n in superficial ways. This
i i e,iled a conservative, even stagnant, tendency, which obviously did not en-
hance innovation. Change for the sake of change was not valued during this
period of colonial thought.
The scholastic philosopher searched for truth, not for novelty. The modern
mind, which is to some extent a historicist one, thinks that everything has al-
ready been overcome, or as Hegel would say, aufgehoben. Truth is therefore
•.ouglil only in what is new, and innovation is valued for its o w n sake, not
16, Sec Ramos, Hlstoria de lafilosofla en Mexico, p. 137.
17, Ibid., p, I 19.
IK. .in,m ile Zapata y Sandoval, De Iusiiiia dlstributiva (Valllsoleti: Cristoph. Lasso
\.I,,I. 1609),
8 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
necessarily for the good it brings. The scholastic w h o finds truth in w h a t is
n e w tries to assimilate it. But before this, he must prove it, exercising rigor in
his methods. It is simplistic and easy to say that one does not change just be-
cause one is static or fixed. Sometimes the claim is made that all conservatism
and reluctance to change is the product of an ideological position—a conve-
nient way to cover up economic, political, and social injustice. This is an
oversimplification; there are cases in which a theory is preserved because it is
better than a n e w one. There may be good theoretical reasons for this that
make such conservatism legitimate. Progress in philosophy differs from
progress in the empirical sciences. Empirical science regularly admits change
and looks forward to increases and modifications. Philosophers, in contrast,
depend upon earlier doctrines, often maintaining and preserving these.
From this 'triumphant' or 'optimistic' perspective from which the past is
looked down upon, Ramos interprets the birth of m o d e rn philosophy in
Mexico as a struggle against scholasticism, with scholasticism representing
the oppressors' power. Mexicans discovered that scholastic philosophy could
not address pressing social problems in real life, whereas m o d e rn philosophy
could. 19 According to Ramos, the political revolution required a philosophical
revolution, and that is why m o d e r n philosophy was embraced. He states,
"The struggle against Peripateticism was dangerous and heroic: for anyone
w h o dared to attack those doctrines could be blamed of heresy and some-
times even of rebellion. However, Charles Ill's illustrated government allowed
the publication of n e w ideas and the criticism of the traditional regime." 20
Ramos mistakenly denies that scholasticism has any value. Instead h e
should have criticized its abuse; that is, its use as an ideological weapon or a
substitute for or rival of empirical science. All schools of thought have used
some aspects of philosophy in the wrong way, and this misuse should be
eliminated. However, to strip a school of thought of any value based upon
these misuses is unjust. It was the bad use of schofasticism that gave way to
oppression. Attributing the oppression to scholasticism amounts to a failure to
acknowledge the freedom and defense of justice and the h u m a n rights doc-
trines that scholasticism produced in abundance. 2 1 The great influence that
scholastic doctrines had u p o n the m o v e m e n ts of independence also must be
recognized. Moreover, often scholastic doctrines were, in fact and in many
19. See Ramos, Historia de lafilosofiaen Mexico, p. 148.
20. "La lucha contra el peripaletismo era peligrosa y heroica, pues Codo aqucl que
osaba atacar las doctrinas de la escuela se cxpom'a a ser acusado cle hcrcji'a y a voces
hasla dc sedition. Sin embargo, el gobicrno iluslrado do Carlos III loleid que se pub-
ticaran las ideas nuevas y la crftica contra el regimen escolar tradlelonal." ibid., p, is.;.
.'. I. Sec Silvio /aval.i, La defensa dt los derechos del hombtt en AmMca I anna (sighs XVI
will) (Mexico; IINAM UNESCO, I'm.')
Introduction 9
respects, stronger and more formative; that is, more widely used, to justify
i he movement toward independence than the doctrines of the Enlighten-
ment (which are typically associated with the movements of independence). 2 2
Unless we w a n t to commit this error of misinterpretation by reducing a
philosophical approach to ideology instead of explanation, w e have to judge
i he forces and trends of history with an open mind. Ramos reduces scholasti-
cism to one mor e structure of colonial domination, and thus he can easily
discredit it. He presents scholasticism as something that justified colonial
domination and overlooks the struggles undertaken by m a n y scholastics (Las
( asas, Zapata y Sandoval, and others, for example) against domination.
Ramos believes it is difficult to value scholasticism positively. He attrib-
lltes to scholasticism the function of maintaining the laws of the Indies and
iheir oppressive system. Scholasticism, he asserts, kept minds separated from
reality and shaped the state and Church into a power that penetrated all
i lungs. Moreover, under its influence laws came to be viewed as fixed ideas,
special structures that should not be changed. Under scholasticism, society
was not viewed as a living, changing organism but as a static, unchanging
ii iiclure. But this is clearly false if we bring to mind, for example, the dy-
namic and mutable conception of society that Saint Thomas Aquinas devel-
i 'i >rd of society. 23
Ramos also claims that the dogmatic and rigid training that scholasticism
Imparted hindered and restricted the intellectual, religious, moral, and eco-
nomic life of the colony. This training and the attitudes that they promoted
I iiissod from the iiterate people to the common people by means of m a n y in-
li i mediaries and in this way shaped the Mexican soul. He states: "Scholastic
philosophy has shaped the Mexican character more or less directly. This can
nil he recognized by a certain lack of will, by an unconscious habit of expect-
• ui: everything from either the government or God. This weakness also partly
• plains the habit of imitating from other countries the ideas that should
solve our problems." 24 Furthermore, scholasticism is guilty for the Mexicans'
I.n I, nl empirical understanding. Ramos does acknowledge one advantage of
• Imlasticism for Mexicans; it developed logicai abilities in t h e m that in tur n
1
This has been thoroughly studied by O. C. Stoetzer, Las rakes eseoldsticas de la
Wtith ipdi ion de hi America espanola (Madrid: Centra de Bstudios Constitucionales, 1982).
' I Sec Saini Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae, I-Il, q. 91, a. 5, ad 1; a. 6, c.; 96, a.
1
I q mi, a y ad 1.
' I la lilosoli.i escol.islica, ni.is o menus directamenle, es urio de los factores que
I' MI iiiodc'lado el taiai lei iiiexicano, el cual se dislinguc lodavfa por una delta falta de
"'"mid propla, por tin hahiio inconsclente de esperarlo todo de Dios o del gobierno.
1
i ' 'I' lnlul.nl dc la propia inn i.iliva expllca lanibicn, aiuiquo solo parcialmcnte, la COS-
"Hii'ii ilc iwnai dc oiios J>.ii•.<••. el pensamiento que ha de resolver nuestros proble-
llhli < •. (In II l,i imilac " K.linos. HiStoHa de /a flloSOfta en l\le\ieo. p. I S7.
10 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
led to a certain clarity and precision of thought that awakened a critical spirit.
With this small concession, Ramos t h e n dismisses scholasticism.
Ramos's characterization of scholasticism should be questioned. Was it
scholasticism or the Spanish government that produced weak, passive Mexi-
cans? The Spanish conquerors were exposed to centuries of Catholic religion
and scholastic philosophy, and yet they were bold and enterprising; w h y
weren't the Mexicans? W h y weren't other countries, where scholasticism
was practiced, also passive? Ramos uses logically flawed arguments. A trend
of thought must be less passionately and more carefully evaluated; consid-
ered with logically sound arguments and not mere half-truths. It is easy to
assert dogmatically that various propositions form the foundation of a given
school of thought and t h e n to trace all economic, political, and social evils of
a given society to these propositions. However, Ramos's argument that scho-
lasticism caused specific economic, political, and social ills in Mexico is not a
logically sound one. Other scholars have argued that scholasticism led to
progress in Mexico. 25 Our search for scholarly justice compels us to evaluate
this historical p h e n o m e n o n more carefully.
David Mayagoitia
Mayagoitia studied scholastic and modern colonial philosophy within the
contexts of both the universities and the Jesuit colleges. With respect to the
scholastic philosophy cultivated in the university, he recognizes that the most
important characteristic of the university was not its originality. That is one
of the points we acknowledged in our discussion of Samuel Ramos's views,
but w e also have to recognize that Mexican scholastics were as good as their
European counterparts. It is unfair to say that all of t h e m merely imitated Eu-
ropeans. Many of them, such as Friar Alonso, Mercado, and Rubio, made
original contributions to uniquely American problems. ' 2 w lis also a major factor in the process of emancipation from Spain). During
According to Mayagoitia in his Ambiente filosofico de la Nueva Espana (1945),
the scholastics of the university were openly suspicious of and hesitant to
25. See, for example, V. Mufioz Delgado, "Nominalismo, logica y humanismo," in
El erasmismo en Espana, ed. M. Revuelta Sanudo and C. Moron Arroyo (Santander: So-
ciedad Menendez Pelayo, 1986), pp. 109-74. Mufioz Delgado studies the achievements
of scholastic philosophy in the area of logic and semantics and compares these to (rends
of modern thought. For another example of this type of evaluative approach, see also
Sierra Bravo, El pensamiento socialy economico de la escoldstica. The achievements and con-
tributions of scholastic philosophy in terms of justice and the common good arc ana-
lyzed in this work.
26. See David Mayagoitia, Ambientefilosiflco de la Niicvn Espafla (Mexico: .his, 1945),
p. 106, n. 2.
Introduction 11
support m o d e rn philosophy. They used arguments to determine w h e t h e r to
accept or reject this philosophy, and some of these arguments revealed good
reasons for supporting the n e w theories. "But we cannot at all conclude from
this that Aristotelian-Thomist philosophy rejected all scientific data or
demonstration a priori. We k n o w that there were some people w h o rejected
.ill new thought without taking into account its truth or fafsity, perhaps be-
t.uise of their unjustified prejudices or seniie tendencies. Moreover, there
was not m u c h interest in the renovation of systems and methods of educa-
i ion; this probably happened because they were not prepared for the assimi-
lation and coordination of the n e w with the everlasting in philosophy." 27
Sometimes, however, the scholastics did not find convincing enough reasons
in adopt the n e w philosophy. And that is what we all demand from any
philosophical doctrine in order to assimilate it. We do not change our philo-
.ii|ihical views just for the sake of novelty; this would be superficial and im-
I'liulcnt. Sometimes scientific discoveries were accepted while the philoso-
phy associated with t h e m was considered unacceptable. Admittedly, there
was occasionally a certain opposition, intermingled with political interests.
i'.lit this was not caused by scholastic philosophy but rather by the exploita-
tion of it by some people for their own ends. Scholastics displayed a deep in-
nicst in the search for truth.
Willi respect to the Jesuits' philosophicai endeavors, Mayagoitia describes
I tie work of the colleges, pointing out the educational system by which they
were i tiled and which prevailed in the Society everywhere, as can be seen in
II n- Ratio Studiorum. He speaks about some prominent teachers w h o taught in
iln- colleges, and he stresses their success in the education of some notable
(K'ople. Mayagoitia mentions the intellectual and political balance resulting
1111111 111 e scholastic training. This balance formed the basis of colonial institu-
llons, of their unity of faith, their peace, and their economic prosperity. (It
i iilnnial limes, philosophy, Mayagoitia telfs us—and Ramos had afready illus-
ion n l I his—could reach the people, and m a n y customs and proverbs attest to
I Ills "' People did spend a great deal of time on conceptismo and memorization,
lit.ll tins type of learning cannot be attributed solely to the influence of
' I "I'riii de esto en ninguna manera sc puede concluir que la filosofi'a aristotelico-
IIIIIIISM in ha/aba a priori cualquier dato o deinostracion de caracter cientmco. No por
I'lln ili'sti cemos que hubo partlculares que Ucvadosporprejuiciospocojustificados o
I'i'i inulcnclas seniles rechazasen todo lo nuevo sin preoeuparse de distinguir entre lo
i nlailcm y In [also. Mas aim. sc nolo cierta llojcdad en renovar sistemas y aim meto-
ilni ilf nine.n inn pioh.ililrmriilc por no cm nnliarsr aptos para el liabajo de asimi-
1
V i n n i i l i n a i inn tie In niii-vn r u n to q u e cs p c i t - n n c e n lilnsofl'a." Ibid., p . 1 1 I.
•!< Ibid , p. 178,
12 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
scholasticism. It is also the result of the overall decadence of the Spanish Em-
pire, w h e r e a sort of subtle 'conceptual Gongorism' was at its height and
which affected institutions in America. 29 This decadent element was never
really overcome; m a n y elements of logic and metaphysics as practiced in
Latin America carry its traces today. 30
Because of their broad outlook, the scholastics, notes Mayagoitia, played
an influential role in the modernization of philosophy. The missionaries
brought ideas from Europe, and they did not destroy t h e past needlessly: "It
was exactly the opposite: they w a n t e d to recover the past, to go back to t h e
great teachers, and vindicate t h em from all that had been unfairly attributed
to t h e m . They wanted to incoportate the n e w sciences into perennial phi-
losophy and to the teaching programs." 3 1 Mayagoitia indicates that the Je-
suits contributed to the development of philosophy in Mexico and at-
tempted to rejuvenate Aristotelian-Thomist philosophy, coordinating or
synthesizing it within m o d e r n philosophy and science. Yet this particular
Jesuit endeavor was a contributing factor in the Jesuits' banishment from
Latin America.
Oswaldo Robles
Our observation that there was m u c h diversity of interests and skills to be
found among groups of scholastic philosophers in New Spain finds its most
precise formulation in these words of Oswaldo Robles in Filosofos mexkanos
delsiglo XVI (1950): "We have to say that there were very different scholas-
tics in New Spain—and w e are talking about the three colonial centuries.
There were Thomist, Suarecian, amd Scotist scholastics; there were deca-
dent, rigid, purist, eclectic, innovative, and even some terribly soporific ones.
There were also some praiseworthy ones, and some paralyzed and servile
29. Ibid., pp. 181-82.
30. See Redmond and Beuchot, La logica mexicana.
31. "Todo lo contrario, querian resucitar el pasado, volver a los grandes maestros,
reivindicandolos de cuanto se les habia injustamente atribuido, e incorporar a la
filosofia perenne y a los programas de ensenanza las ciencias que entonces comenzaban
a florecer." Mayagoitia, Ambientefilosoflcode la Nueva Espana, p. 194.32. "Debemos de-
clarer que entre los escolasticos de la Nueva Espana, y comprendemos en esta afirma-
cion los tres siglos coloniales, los hubo de distintos matices y de muy diversos meritos.
Los hubo tomistas, suariztas y escotistas; los hubo decadentes, rfgidos; puristas, eclec-
ticistas, innovadores y aun deplorable y abominablementc soporiferos. Unos con
grandes merecimientos, otros esclerosados y serviles; unos comenlando agilmi-nic el es-
pirilu de los lextos, olros esclavos de la lelra. Y todos ellos eran cscolaslkos por diversas
razoncs: pero predoininaron los que lo fueron por el mctodo de exposition, de domic la
tnnegable artdez de sus escritos que ha constituido el principal obstficulo para que si- <li-
linulan enire nuestros contemporaneos Ideas y doctrinas de Indlscutiblc Imporiancia.''
Oswaldo Robles, FiMsofos mexlcanos del slab XVI (Mexico: P 1930), pp, 8 9
Introduction 13
ones; some of t h e m were agile commentators of the texts, and some of t h e m
were enslaved by t h e texts. Yet all of t h e m were scholastics, but for different
i easons. The predominan t ones were those whos e arid m e t h o d of exposition
made it difficult to divulge very important doctrines and issues a m o ng our
contemporaries." 3 2 As with any school of knowledge, scholasticism came in
• ill sbapes and sizes. There were those w h o used a sterile m e t h o d and doc-
nine, t h u s moving away from the Mexican reality; a n d there w e r e others
who directed and applied all of their strength and intellectual instruments to
daily problems. This is true for all periods, even during t h e seventeenth cen-
i in y, w h e n scholasticism seemed to be caught in a predominantly conserva-
livc attitude.
According to Robles, this makes it unfair to say, as Agustin Rivera did and
US others continue to do, that all Mexican scholasticism was decadent. Al-
i hough there were detestable scholastic works, detestable in their stifling for-
malism and their false and repetitive verbose style, there were also masterly
Works that dealt with concrete issues and contained important and relevant
observations. Hence Robles adds, "Let us make clear that it is both sophistic
.mil unfair to judge the scholars w h o taught and wrote in New Spain without
IM111icr consideration: not all of t h e m were important thinkers, nor were all
abstruse and c o m m on ones." 33 He gives the example of Friar Alonso de la
Vera Cruz who, although not an original thinker, was an excellent peda-
i:>i):iie. Vera Cruz revived the Aristotelianism of old texts with practical, so-
• id, and historical applications, thereby fostering the history of philosophy. M
IIlis occurred relatively early because, for example, the British colonization
bail already begun in 1587, and "Not until 1685 did the teaching of philoso-
phy begin in North America, w h e n William Brattle gave a course on Logic
n Harvard College. His course was based u p o n Cartesian principles. The
n Klbook for this course circulated, in manuscript form, for half a century;
I ' "Debemos declarer que entre los escolasticos de la Nueva Espana, y compren-
lOS <u esta alirmacion los Ires siglos coloniales, los hubo de distintos matices y de
diversos meritos. Los hubo tomistas, suariztas y escotistas; los hubo decadentes,
!'•'.. puristas, eclecticistas, innovadores y aun deplorable y abominablemente so-
Irmv Duos COD grandes merecimientos, otros esclerosados y serviles; unos comen-
I' I dgllmente el espi'ritu de los lextos, otros esclavos de la letra. Y todos ellos eran es-
iu os por diversas razoncs; pero predominaron los que lo fueron por el metodo de
isl( ion, de domic la tnnegable aridez de sus escritos que ha constituido el principal
i. iiln para que se difundaD entre nuestros contemporaneos ideas y doctrinas de in-
iillblc Importancia." oswaldo Robles, FiMsofos mexkanos del siglo XVI (Mexico: Por-
i •»',()». pp, g i).
•' I "Dejemos, rn consecuencla, bien sentado epic es soflstico e injusto hacer juicios
ir.iiiu Hiii rclailvamentc a los escoldsticos que enseiiaron y escrlbieron en la Nueva
mi no iiiiln'. iiirinii pensadores llusires; pero tampoco fueron todos glosadores
ii •. i- Indlgesios." Ibid , p 10
I i Ibid p 22
14 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
eventually, in 1735, it was printed in Boston. This happened almost two cen-
turies after Friar Alonso had printed his lessons for the opening of the Uni-
versity of Mexico." 35
Jose Maria Gallegos Rocafull
The most complete and erudite history of the philosophy of New Spain of
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is found in the work of Jose Maria
Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano en los siglos XVIy XVII (1974) .36 It is a
well-documented and detailed work on the general thought in Mexico dur-
ing these centuries, and it remains the most informative study of this period.
Gallegos takes all previous investigations into account. Nevertheless, in his
book w e find only a few hermeneutical and evaluative assertions concerning
the repercussion of scholastic philosophy in Mexico. His is a study of docu-
ments that, whiie serious and detailed, is only informative.
There are not m a n y instances in which h e comments upon the authors
he discusses in his history. For example, in one passage he says that the
courses given in arts or philosophy were not highly regarded at the univer-
sity; they were merely stepping stones to more prestigious positions. Medi-
ocre professors used empty rhetoric to attract attention in hopes of being
promoted to a better position." In another section, Gallegos Rocafull says
that some professors did pay attention to the real problems of America, and
he praises t h e m for it.™
It is evident that Gallegos Rocafull considers scholastic philosophy valu-
able. His evaluation is not partisan, however, for he does not take sides either
for or against it. He shows himself to be a conscientious and parsimonious
historian w h o follows the documentary protocol and demonstrates, at all
times, an admirable erudition. His work is the result of the direct consulta-
tion of m a n y texts; he demonstrates a competence and precision in working
with diverse authors and themes, as well as skill and depth as a scholar and
thinker.™
35. "[S]61o hasta 1685 principiaba en Norteamerica la ensefianza de la filosofi'a,
cuando William Brattle explico en Harvard College un curso de logica inspirado en los
principios cartesianos y que manuscrito circulo durante medio siglo, hasta que fue im-
prest) en Boston en 1735, casi dos siglos despues de que nuestro fray Alonso imprim-
iera sus lecciones al inaugurate la Universidad de Mexico." Ibid., p. 12.
36. Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano. All citations are from the second edi-
tion published in 1974.
37. Ibid., p. 297.
38. Ibid., pp. 302 and 306.
19. Thai brief summary of Gallegos Rocafull's work appears as a collaboration In
acollective volume; "La Blosoffa en Mexico en los siglos xvi y xvn," in Bstudioi de histo
rladelaflhsoflamMixIco, Ird cd (Mexico UNAM, 1980) pp 93 120
Introduction 15
Vicente L o m b a r d o T o l e d a no
Lombardo Toledano's work on philosophy in Mexico, Las corrientes filosofi-
cas en la vida de Mexico (1963), is written from a Marxist perspective. 40 In it he
lakes on the task of searching for the social (ideological) role of t h e philoso-
phy of New Spain. He is highly critical of schofastic philosophy as it was prac-
liced in the university, claiming that it prepared the way for the hierarchies
of I lie civil and ecclesiastic government, and it guaranteed a conservative
II cud of thought: "What some historians have called the renovating contri-
I >n l ion of philosophy in the teachings of Friar Alonso de la Vera Cruz and his
Colleagues is, on the contrary, the regression of Spanish thought to its ortho-
dox condition of the Middle Ages, following what had happened in events
"ii the peninsula. It is not the vivification of ideas urging t h e m forward, but
rather the going back to formalist and dogmatic scholasticism in order to face
the new ideological trends of the Renaissance." 41 He has a higher opinion of
humanists such as Garces, Zumarraga, Don Vasco, and Las Casas. In contrast
i" Ramos and Mayagoitia, Lombardo says that scholastic philosophy did not
reach the people. He claims that "Renaissance philosophy, based upon the
rational and critical examination of h u m a n problems, was limited to use by
i lie missionaries, and it did not reach the larger part of colonial society." 42
lombardo finds a sense of nationalism not in philosophy but rather in the
literature of Ruiz de Alarcon and Sister Juana, among others. Lombardo finds
III Sigiienza a philosopher whose work reached the people, yet he adds that
Mgiienza was active at a time w h e n the university was in decline. The same
happens with other modern Mexican philosophers: "Native Spaniards are not
iln philosophers any longer. The criollos are the ones w h o now understand
ili-n philosophy is a means to transform the country's situation; in the same
way .is ii was used by scholastics to support the feudal and enslaving
II Kline."" Here he refers to the most important m o d e r n philosophers, such
i ' ..iiii.ii ra and the Jesuits.
in Vicente Lombardo Toledano, Las corrientesfilosoficasen la vida de Mexico, 2d ed.
I Mexico: Universidad Obrera de Mexico, 1963).
II In qiir.ilgunoshistoriadores han llamado aportacion renovadora de la filosofi'a
• II l.r. enseflanzas de fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz y sus colegas, es, por el contrario, e!
""•" del pensamiento espanol hacia su cauce ortodoxo de la Edad Media, sigu-
I" It) que ocurrfa en la peninsula. No es la vivificacidn de las ideas lanzandolas ade-
1
lino l.i vuelta a la escolcistica formalista y dogmatics para enfrenlarse a las corri-
i un •. Idrnloglcas del Renacimiento/ ibid., p. 27.
i 11 |.i Hlosoffa renacentlsta, basada en el examen rational y critico de los proble-
Mi
' limn is, 11><• piim ip.ilinriiic patrimonlo <lc los misioneros, y tampoco alcanzci a
.i\.m.i de l.i sociedadcol al " Ibid., p. 15.
i '• 1'1'i.in de ••(•! los espaflolcs pc lulares los flMsofos. Ahora son los criollos los
i 111>ic• 11«lc• 11 que l.i I I I U M I I I . I (•.. u n 111-.111 i n n |i 11.i• i-.I.>iiii.ii i.i .Jin.i, ,i,.|
16 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Leopoldo Zea
Leopoldo Zea devotes some pages to colonial philosophy in his history of
philosophy in Mexico, La filosofia en Mexico (1955).44 Following Ramos, he
thinks that scholastic philosophy was an instrument used to maintain an es-
tablished order and deny all that was modern, thereby contributing to the
passive attitude of Mexicans.45 Only clergymen had access to culture, as can
be seen even in the fathers of independence. But modern philosophy, with its
emphasis on freedom and political autonomy, had a great impact even on
clergymen.
Mexicans freed themselves from Spain but not from the Church. This
emancipation had to wait until the arrival of liberalism. But modern and lib-
erating thought infiltrated the Jesuits, from Gamarra to the fathers of inde-
pendence. For example, Hidalgo could have been influenced by Clavigero,
and Aldama studied Gamarra's work.46
For Zea there was philosophy in Mexico, and its problems and their solu-
tions were uniquely Mexican. "What is not original is the means to obtain
such solutions. In this case, Mexican philosophy has used an arsenal of ideas
offered by European culture, a culture of which she is the daughter. But such
ideas, when transported to our lands, while preserving their original form,
have, through a transformation of content, become ours. This, I repeat, is
what makes these problems exclusively ours."47
Zea does not deny that European theories have provided Mexico with
philosophical instruments for reflection. With their aid, uniquely Mexican
problems and situations have been addressed. He notes, "We do not at-
tempt, as has been wrongly attempted, to impose certain philosophical con-
ceptions upon Mexican reality. On the contrary, we will try to search for the
philosophical conceptions that are suitable to this reality. Reality will not be
sacrificed for the sake of ideas, but ideas will be adapted to reality. This real-
ity, will be constituted by different and opposing interests, which will look for
their justification in these ideas."48 Zea applies this insight to the philosophy
pais, de la rnisma manera que les sirvio a los escolasticos para sostener el regimen feu-
dal y esclavista." Ibid., p. 42.
44. Leopoldo Zea, Lafilosofiaen Mexico, vol. 1 (Mexico: Libro-Mex Eds., 1955).
45. Ibid., p. 15.
46. Ibid., p. 24.
47. "Lo que no ha sido original es el instrumental para obtener dichas soluciones.
En este caso se ha servido del arsenal de ideas que le ha ofrecido la Cultura Europea de
la cual es hija. Pero tales ideas al ser trasladadas a estas nuestras tierras, guardando su
forma de origen, se han hecho nuestras al transformar su contenido. Esle conicnido,
vuelvo a repetirlo, es el que le da problcrnas snlamenle nueslros." Ibid., p. 9-10.
48. "No se va a pretender, comu erroneairienle se ha prelendldo, iiiipoiier .i la real-
Introduction 17
of New Spain, and he uses it to develop a critique of the decadent aspects of
scholasticism.
There was in the colony a static philosophy used to justify the power of
certain social groups. But why couldn't a philosophical instrument imported
from Europe, as scholasticism was, be applied successfully to both this sort of
problem as well as other problems facing Mexico? Undoubtedly, the (social)
sciences that came afterwards were better prepared empirically, but the prin-
ciples of justice and common good that scholasticism studied in various
forms provided excellent theoretical support for Mexico's liberation. Yet be-
cause these principles did not correspond with those of the government, on
many occasions the government obstructed their application.
livaluative Conclusion: The Role and Social Function of
Scholastic Philosophy in Mexico
We have discussed the role and function of scholasticism in Mexico; and
i his question is neither a matter of history, nor of historiography, but of his-
lorical hermeneutics and of the philosophy of history. To be more precise, it
belongs to what may be called the philosophy of history in Mexico, and, to
be even more specific, to the philosophy of the history of philosophy in
Mexico.
Let us consider one side of the matter. What did Mexicans contribute to
scholastic philosophy? They contributed a philosophy that was well done
.iiid, lurthermore, done for the good of the people and society. They passed
1111 11 ici r cultural products through a teaching that was critical and sometimes
even original. This intellectual dissemination was forceful and important.
Samuel Ramos and David Mayagoitia help us see this when they say that
scholasticism reached the people and offered them a structure of thought.
According to Ramos, this structure reached the people after having been fil-
Icred ihrough the clergymen's preaching and was manifested in customs and
s,lyings. Its most complicated aspect, however, was reserved for those familiar
wilh ils lechnicalities.
Now we may ask: What did scholastic philosophy give the Mexicans? In
uiiiny cases, scholastic philosophy was indeed used as an ideological tool by
iliose in government to oppress, but there were also many cases in which
Id.id niexlcaii.i unas detcrminadas concepciones lilosoficas; todo lo contrario, lo que se
11.11.1 ser.i buscfir aquellas concepciones lilosolicas que convengan a esta realidad. La re-
.illil.id no ser.i sacrlliuida a las ideas, sino eslas adapladas a la realidad. Esla realidad la
hii in.ii.HI los divcisos interest's en pugna, los males huscaran en I.is ideas su propia jus-
lllli.iilon," Ibid., p. 14.
18 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico

scholasticism was used against oppression and injustice. It was used to argue
in defense of the rights of Indians, to reveal the injustices of domination. Las
Casas, a follower of Vitoria and Soto, Friar Alonso, Quiroga, and Zumarraga
are only some examples of philosophers who used scholastic doctrines to
fight injustice rather than to justify it. Other scholastic philosophers who de-
fended human rights and common economic-social welfare include Tomas
de Mercado, Pedro de Hortigosa, and Friar Francisco Jimenez. Some doc-
trines of scholastic philosophy were even used to defend the supreme values
of freedom and autonomy, as we can see in the war of independence.49 We
may say that in Mexico's colonial period we find both good and bad applica-
tions of scholastic philosophy, but that the scholastic philosophy practiced in
colonial Mexico was not inherently bad.
2 iffi The Sixteenth Century
49. See Stoetzer, Las rakes escoldsticas.
The Humanist Philosophers

General Outlook

D
uring the sixteenth century, although all scholars had a scholastic
formation, humanism became increasingly important. Thus we
can recognize two tendencies in the thought of this period, a
scholastic one and a humanist one. Of course, many thinkers showed strains
of both tendencies. Therefore, we can talk about 'scholastic' humanism and
'humanist' scholasticism. But the predominance of either trend allows us to
•.peak of two different groups of philosophers in this century: humanists and
scholastics.
The intellectual climate in Mexico permitted the existence of both groups.
I litre was not only material prosperity, but both the religious orders and the
university possessed a great wealth of knowledge. Not without a touch of
Ininy, Mateo Rosas de Oquendo sings of this:

Tanto galrin caballero,

inuchas y bizarras damas
tales bizarros al uso,
i ic.is y coslosas gains
gran suma de mercaderes
. 11 M •. aunque todoel mundo abarcan,
i DiiKi pesos de rcloj

L9
20 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 21

unos suben y otros bajan; The representatives in Mexico of this humanist trend of thought were
muchos doctores de borla, I riar Julian Garces, Friar Juan de Zumarraga, Friar Bartolome de las Casas,
muchos letrados de fama,
Vasco de Quiroga, and Doctor Francisco Hernandez. The reformist and uto-
licenciados canonistas
que a Bartulos aventajan; lian thought, inspired in Erasmus of Rotterdam and Constantino Ponce, was
teologos de conciencia he outstanding one in Zumarraga's philosophy. Las Casas's thought was
que la conservan y amparan . . . .' ;iiided by social experimentation and the defense of the Indians. He was con-
ei ned with ideas that pointed out man's dignity and the Gospels' strength to
A very gallant gentleman,
many and grand ladies levate m a n . Quiroga's philosophical-social thought was influenced by the
Very peculiar costumes, .line strength of the Gospels and reinforced by More's Utopia. And Doctor
rich and expensive clothes lei nandez's humanist tendency was characterized by the attention he paid
A huge number of merchants: o Greek philosophic sources. His intention was to combine Platonism, Aris-
although they sail the whole world,
olelianism, and Stoicism.
some go up and some go down,
The h u m a n i s m of these thinkers was Christian to the extent that it corn-
like weights on a clock.
Many doctors of hood and gown; lined scholasticism with radical evangelism. This Christian h u m a n i s m moved
many famous men of letters; leople to work for life because w h e n doing good in this life, they were work-
licensed canonists in: lor their o w n good in the afterlife. This is well expressed by Pedro de
who surpass Bartulos; rrejo:
and theologians with a conscience
who preserve and defend conscience itself. . . . I .i muerte se nos acerca.
Viendo ya el tiempo que pasa
de la vida,
Humanist Philosophers con bien la otra vida merca
en aquesta vida escasa
One of the important characteristics of Renaissance humanist thought was y .illigida.
the interest in emphasizing man's dignity. This interest led to the purification I,i vida se nos acaba
of scholastic teaching, removing all sorts of unnecessary and elusive ques- y nosotros no acabamos
de enlender.
tions. In light of this n e w interest, h u m a n i s m returned to both classic and
[oque el anima a la aldaba
evangelic sources. Concerning t h e classic sources, t h e humanists tried to re-
del bien, que solo llevamos
cover the correct and elegant Latin of the best Roman writers, and they did I" poder.
the same with the Greeks. With respect to the sources of Christianity, the in-
Heuli is approaching us.
tention to imitate the simplicity of the first Christians, to follow the Gospels to
Seeing now lime passing away in life,
their last consequences, to demonstrate appreciation for the Holy Fathers,
i .mi with goodness the other life
and to transform the habits of the Church were evident. This attitude brought Inning ihis present life ol need and distress.
political changes that were associated with 'Humanism.' The attempt to l ilc luings us lo an end:
transform both Church and State into an ideal of a higher virtue caused the i\c Jo mil come lo an end ol understanding.
appearance of various Utopias; Thomas More's was among the most impor- i in- soul is knocking ai the door of that good
u inc h we cannol bear wiihoui strength.
tant of these. Utopian thought found an open and fertile field of work in the
New World. Itolli cil llii'sc philosophical and religious trends converged in whal we n o w

I. Alfonso Reyes, "Rosas de Oquendo en America," in Capltulos de literature! espaflola,

lsi ser. (Mexico: La C.IS.I de Espafifl en Mexico. 1939), pp, 22 71. • Pcdrodc trcjo, CanchneroGeneral (Mexico: UNAM, 1981),p, 81,
22 Histor y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
call humanism . This can be observed in the following Mexican humanist
philosophers.
Friar J u a n d e Z u m a r r a g a
Zumarraga was born sometime between the end of 1468 and the begin-
ning of 1469 in Tabira de Durango, in the province of Vizcaya, Spain.' He later
entered the Franciscan Order in the Monastery of Our Lady of Aranzazu, in
the province of Cantabria. ft is k n o w n that he was a caretaker in several
monasteries: Abrojo, Avila, and perhaps the Monastery of San Esteban in
Burgos.
In 1527, Zumarraga was offered and accepted the post of Bishop of Mex-
ico, thereby becoming the first bishop of Mexico. He arrived in New Spain in
1528, but he was not consecrated until 1533. The consecration took place in
Spain, w h e r e Zumarraga had gone to respond to the accusations against him
for defending the Indians. 4 He returned to Mexico in 1534 and continued to
defend the rights of the Indians. His dedication to this struggle was far-reach-
ing; he founded the first college in the New World, Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco.
He also established the college of San Jua n de la Cruz, and he created the hos-
pital of San J u a n de Dios. He introduced the printing machine and worked for
5
the establishment of the university. His works bear the influence of Renais-
sance h u m a n i s m .
Written works
Zumarraga's works display both scholastic and humanist tendencies. His
Segundo parecer sobre la esclavitud (1536) is more scholastic in tone, as seen in
his rejection of slavery is based upon divine law, natural law, and the rights of
m a n , all of t h e m part of the scholastic tradition during Zumarraga's time.
Both his Doctrina breve (1543-1544) and Doctrina cristiana (1546) are consid-
ered humanist works; the first was influenced by Erasmus of Rotterdam and
the second by Constantino Ponce. Erasmian influences can also be found in
his Regla cristiana breve (1547). 6
3. J. Garcia Icazbalceta, Fray Juan de Zumarraga, primer obispo y arzobispo de Mexico
(Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpc, 1952); F. de J. Chauvet, Fray Juan de Zumarraga (Mexico:
n.p., 1948).
4. A. M. Carrefio, "Un insigne protector de los indios," in Misionerosde Mexico, (Mex-
ico: Jus, 1961), pp. 44-48.
5. Carrefio, "Don Fray Juan de Zumarraga y la impronia," in ibid., pp. 49 61 •
6. luan dc Zumirraga, "Segundo parecer sobre la esclavitud," In Ttxtos polltkos in la
Nueva Espafta, ed. C. Herrejon Peredo (Mexico: UNAM, 1984), pp, 173 83; Doctrina
S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 23
Scholastic traits in Zumarraga's philosophical-legal doctrine
We find several characteristics of Scbolaticism in Zumarraga's Segundo
parecer. Scholastic elements are evident both in the terminology and in the
development of the arguments. The work was written in response to three
questions Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza put to Zumarraga: (i) Was it fair that
i here were rescue slaves (esclavos de rescate) among the Indians; (ii) Should
I here be war slaves a m o n g the Indians; and (iii) Should the Indian governors
who were entrusted with war declarations also be consigned to slavery and
I ii anded with iron? These were central issues, and Zumarraga sent t w o sets of
answers to the Viceroy because he found his first set deficient.
Zumarraga claims that it is unjust to h a v e rescue slaves. Although slavery
was sometimes justified by claiming that slavery was customary a m o n g t h e
Indians, the Bishop maintained that this did not justify the enslavement of
the Indians by the Spaniards. He claimed that his position was supported by
most learned and religious authors and was concordant with the spirit of
Si liolasticism. He writes: "There is n o law, reason, or example to justify the
slavery of the Indians; and our Christianity does not suffer this tyrannical
practice because it goes against natural law and Christ's law, and so should
I" abolished. There is n o doubt regarding this; there is nothing m o r e to be
111 response to the issue of w h e t h e r there should be war slaves among the
Indians, Zumarraga gives a negative answer, justified with six reasons. He be-
>'11 is by claiming that "the war against the pagans is unfair and wicked, u n d e r
m y icrms of authority, and even m o r e so is the war against those w h o live in
I" an- and quiet." 8 Because t h e Indians have n o t attacked persons or their
property, there are n o reasons w hy Indians themselves should be attacked;
m y attack against t h e m is unjust. Certainly, the Indians have not attacked
iinyone, but they were attacked by the Spaniards; they have not stolen any-
111IIu'.. hul their possessions have been taken away; they have not assaulted
birvr miiy provechosa de las corns que pertenecen a la fe caiholica y a nra. cristiandad, en estilo
• ••mo pa coiiiii(n) inlelige(n)cia (Mexico: n.p., 1543); Doctrina cristiana mas cierta y ver-
I.LICIO paragentes sin erudkUny lelras (Mexico: n.p., 1546); and Regla cristiana breve, ed.
i ilmrj (Mexico: Jus, 1951).
No hay Icy, in ra/.on, in ejcniplo, por donde estos se hagan esclavos como se
li II en, in iiucshn cristiandad sufre lal rescate liranico y contra ley natural y de Cristo,
• in' ddic abollrse de] todo; y por no haber c\uc\c\ en esta primera pregunia, no bay que
ill. a ma'," ("Segundo parecer," p, 180),
H |iJ-. Injusia c Inlcuti la gucrra que se declara a los infieles, por vtrtud dc
' II a,|inri .iiiiiniil.nl. sobre lodo a oquellos que viven en pa/ y [ian<|iiilidad." Ibid.
24 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
the Christian religion, either with blasphemy or persecution, but are happily
converted to t h e faith. So w a r against t h e m is unjust and wicked.
A second argumen t used to support this condemnation of slavery is that
"any law that acts against the h o n o r of God or of the Catholic Faith and its
preaching and spreading is unjust, tyrannical and violent." 9 All practices car-
ried out within t h e context of slavery are condemned. Anything that has
been acquired u n d e r the pretext of slavery must be returned.
Zumarraga also argues against slavery based u p o n his interpretation of
papal policy. He claims that the pope assigned the Indies to the king and
queen of Spain only so that the Christian faith could be spread there, not so
that slavey could be practiced. Furthermore, the king of Spain was obliged to
fulfill the duty given to him by the pope. The king had able ministers and ad-
equate m e a n s to carry out this duty, a duty to preach the Christian faith to the
Indians of the Colonies "in which the king was considered the supreme rep-
resentative to carry out such a mission." 10 This was his principal task and his
power over the Indians consisted solely in this. Enslaving the Indians was not
part of his duty, nor was it his right. There was only one way to preach to the
Indians and give t h e m the Evangelist faith: "in peace, instruction, goodness,
servility, and liberality." 11 This was exactly w h a t Christ and his Apostles had
done, living perfect lives, not judging those w h o listened to the preachers and
not taking their possesions away from them. Finally Zumarraga contends that
lack of knowledge and ignorance or "completely negative infidelity" did not
explain the lack of Christian faith among the Indians, because "from this vice
of ignorance all other vices flow; such a vice is isolated, not universal, that is
to say, one person does not have all the vices." 12 Therefore, the Indians can-
not be called savages, and naturally neither can they be called servants nor be
enslaved.
Regarding the issues related to the declaration of war, enslavement, and
the branding of the Indians, Zumarraga once again defends the Indians. In-
deed, he asks the king to establish a law for preaching to the Indians "for the
love of the shed blood of Christ may the conquests—so called by the ambitious
and greedy ones—be removed; for they may truly be an injury to our faith
9. "[E]s injusta, tiranica y violenta toda ley . . . que va contra el honor de Dios o de
la fe catolica y de su propagation y predication." Ibid., p. 181.
10. "[P]ara los cuales se le reconoce [al rey] como duefio y superior por el supremo
vicario de Cristo en relation a dicha finalidad." Ibid.
11. "[E]n paz, sabidurfa, instruction, humildad, benignidad, manscdumbrc, liberal-
idad." Ibid., p. 182.
12. "|S|on dados tambien a lodos los vitios que de ella dimanan, pern de una forma
ordinaria, no universal, es deeir: no licne caila iimi lodos Ins vitios." Ibid.
Sixteenth Century: Humanist s 25
and blessed n a m e of Christ, which has already been denied and taken in vain,
even before they k n e w it." 13 Zumarraga finds fault with t h e royal judiciary
provisions because they were not effective in eliminating these problems.
Humanist influences in Zumarraga
Although Zumarraga does not cite Erasmus directly, it has been shown
I hat some of his ideas were taken, occasionally wor d for word, from Eras-
mus. 14 In his Doctrina breve, of 1543-1544, the influence of Erasmus's Sn-
quiridi&n o Manual del caballero cristiano, and Paracksis ad Christianae Philosophiae
sludium is clearly and sometimes explicitly present.
Zumarraga closely follows Erasmus in the pious and moral aspects of his
work, not in those doctrines that were thought doubtful or heretical. Zumar-
raga's studies of Tostado had familiarized h i m with t h e Holy Fathers (e.g., Au-
I'.ustine and Chrysostom), and his study of Erasmus deepened this connec-
i ion. The reformist parts that Zumarraga takes from Erasmus are critiques of
some of the activities of the Church. He indicated that some of these activities
were in urgent need of reform, for they violated certain ascetical and mystical
beliefs. He adopts Erasmus's nostalgia for a primitive Christianty, which was
more simple, pure, internal, and spiritual t h a n the corrupted Christianity of
II is time. Nonetheless, he does not share Erasmus's nostalgia for ancient
philosophers. Zumarraga believed that ancient philosophers were pagans,
.iiul iheir science did not lead to salvation.
'/,umarraga's Doctrina breve (1543) was prohibited by Bishop Montufar, not
because of its Erasmian theses, but due to a theological reference to the blood
of Christ, which, mor e t h a n heretical, was obscure and misinterpreted. 1 5
However, the Catechism was finally published in 1546 under the title of Doct-
uiiit cristiana. This is a book in which the presence of the Summa de doctrina
aisiiana by Constantino Ponce is obvious. (Ponce was burned in 1560 be-
i nuse he was thought to be a heretic.)
I V " | Y ] por amor de la sangre de Cristo derramada, que se quiten ya estas que llaman
li i'. mfseros ambiciosos y cobdiciosos conquistas, como de verdad sean ellas oprobiosas in-
i is de niieslra santa fe y del bendito nombre de Cristo, el cual tienen ya renegado y
hlflsfcmado estos infelices, ante que lo conozcan y les sea denuntiado." Ibid., p. 183.
H. .1. Almoina, "El erasmismo en Zumarraga," Filosofiay Letras 29 (January-March
IV48): 93-126. Perhaps Almoina overemphasizes the influence of Erasmus upon
/nni.irraga, but we cannot make concessions to the opposing view that favors, under
lllc Influence of the great reformist fervor in Spain at the time, the influence of the
I i.nii iscans. See C. .1. Alejos Gran, "Zumarraga, Erasmo y la observancia franciscana,"
i tirthaglnensia, 6 (1990): 288. See also R, E. Greenleaf, Zumarraga y la inquisition mexi-
iiina, 1336-1343 (Mexico: FCB, 1988), p. 38.
IV Oswald Kobles, Plldsofos mexfcanOS del Stylo XVI (Mexico: Pomia, 1950), p. 120,
n 24,
26 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
The h u m a n i st influence of Erasmus in Zumarraga's Regla cristiana breve
(1547) is evident. In this work, any m o v e m e n t towards the relaxing of cus-
toms is resisted while, as in the earliest years of Christianity, the preaching of
simplicity and virtue is proposed. In Christianity, h u m a n needs are simply
satisfied, corruption is absent, and there is a sincere asceticism according to
which one lives with t h e mystery of charity. Zumarraga says about this
Christian attitude: "Sweet law of love. Oh Benign Lord, h o w good you give
so that our law and b o n d is sweet; our law tells m e to eat, drink, and sleep,
and it shows m e to be as this divine will of ours. Blessed is such a Lord that
takes o n the duties of all his servants; let the Angels give glory to such a
knowing Lord and the creator of such wise knowledge that let Him govern
with the tribute and pity born from the sin which can redeem t h e weight of
that sin." 16
Friar B a r t o l o m e d e Las Casas
Bartolome de Las Casas (1484-1566) was a Spanish Dominican w h o de-
fended the rights of the Indians as n o one else had done before. Philosophical
anthropology, social or political philosophy, and the philosophy of law all
meet in a study of his ideas. The richness of the Thomist and humanis t
philosophies is present in the empirical results obtained from his social exper-
iments in New Spain. His whole life was devoted to an ideological and practi-
cal struggle. 17
Even w h e n he made errors in his social experiments, such as the bringing
of black slaves to New Spain to help with heavy work, Friar Bartolome always
demonstrated concern for the rights of the Indians. This concern is demon-
strated most clearly in his debate with J u a n Gines de Sepulveda. Sepulveda
based his argument o n Aristotle's work, categorizing the Indians as 'barbar-
16. "Ley de amor suaue. O benigno sefior quan bien dezis que vuestra ley y yugo es
suaue, vuestra ley me manda que coma y beua y duerma, y me ensefia ser vuestra
diuina volutda. Bendito sea sefior que tanto cargo tiene de sus sieruos, gloria den los
angles a tan sapientissimo sefior y criador que por tan alta sabiduria ordenasse, que con
tributo y pena nacida del pecado se redima el censo del mismo pecado." Zumarraga,
Regla cristiana breve, pp. 109-110.
17. See Lewis Hanke, Estudios sobre Fray Bartolome de Las Casas y sobre la lucha por la
justicia en la conquista espahola de America (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela,
1968); The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America, Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 1949; and Bartolome de las Casas: An Interpretation of His Life and
Writings, The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1951. See also I. Perez Fernandez, Cronologia documen-
tada de los viajes, estanciasy actuaciones de Fray Bartolome de Las Casas (Puerto Rico: Univer-
sidad Central de Bayamon, 1985) and Inventario documentado de los escrttos de Fray Bar-
tolome de Las Casas (Puerto Rico: Universidad Central de Bayamon, 1981).
S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 27
ians' and thereby justifying the mistreatment they received and their use as
slaves in the service of Spain. While Las Casas used Aristotles's work to argue
against Sepulveda, he also gathered support from the Gospefs and the
Thomistic doctrine olius naturalis (also used by Francisco de Vitoria). 18
Humanist influences
Las Casas's training with the Dominicans was scholastic, b u t h e was also
inlluenced by the h u m a n i s t school of the Renaissance. Furthermore, h u -
manist influences were present in his earlier schooling. It is probable that he
si ndied grammar with Elio Antonio de Nebrija, w h o had already established
,i school in Seville, the birthplace of Bartolome. 1 9 Marcel Bataillon has traced
I he influence of Erasmus on Las Casas t h r o u g h the people w h o were in the
court of Charles V. The Emperor had been educated in Flanders, and he
brought several Flemish courtiers back to Spain, some of w h o m were close
lo the humanist group of Rotterdam. Among these courtiers whom
Charles V integrated into his court were Pierre Barbier, the ally to the chan-
cellor Jean Le Savage, and Adolfo de Borgona, Master of Veere and of Bev-
cicn, w h o had been educated by Jacques Batt, one of the most intimate
II i e n d s of E r a s m u s . 2 0
Marcel Bataillon sees the influence of Thomas More's Utopia in t h e social
experiments of Las Casas; for example, w h e n he brought families of workers
in colonize N e w Spain in a peaceful way. More's influence can also be found
in Las Casas's attempt to attract t h e Indians to the faith by the persuasion of
preaching, giving a special place to rhetoric. This replicated the way Renais-
sance humanists argued against the logic and dialectics of the Scholastics. 21
Another sign of Las Casas's h u m a n i s m can be found in his study of Indian
i iiliure, and the concern and respect he shows for it. Las Casas attempted to
understand the indigenous culture o n its o w n terms, rather t h a n o n Euro-
lie,in ones. 22
18. R. Hernandez, "Francisco de Vitoria y Bartolome de Las Casas, primeros
iroii/.aiites de los derechos h u m a n o s , " Archivo Dominicano 4 (1983): 199-266; Mauricio
Hruchot, "Fundamentos filosoficos de la justicia: Vitoria y Las Casas," CJDAL
(Kcpublica Dominicana) afio 5, n. 11 (1985): 8.
19, The leading authority o n the life of this friar speaks of this possibility. See I.
I'ruv Fernandez, Fray Bartolome de Las Casas (Caleruega: OPE, 1984), p . 20.
.'(). Marcel Bataillon, Estudios sobre Bartolome de Las Casas (Barcelona: Peninsula,
I ')'/(>), |)|>. 147(1.
-'. I. Mauricio Beuchot, "Aigimiciilacion, retorica y conversion en Bartolome de Las
< .i'..iv" Cuadernospara la historic! de la evangelization en Amirica Latina 4 (1989): 123-28.
:,.'.. Mauricio Beuchot, "l.a actualidad de la antropolbgfa lilosolica de Fray Bar-
liiliiiuc de Las Casas," Ciunlcrnos de Realidadcs Sotiales (1986): 255-65 mi. 2 7 - 2 8 .
28 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
Sources of Las Casas's philosophic theory:
experience, praxis, and argument
J o h n Mair of t h e Monteagudo school of the University of Paris was the
first person to discuss the problem of the slavery of the Indians. 23 In 1510, he
used Aristotle to legitimize the claim that the Indians were slaves by nature.
The Bishop J u a n de Quevedo did the same in 1519, during a debate at Barce-
lona. Las Casas responded to this claim in the following way: "The philoso-
pher was a gentile, and h e is burning in hell; thus we have to use those as-
pects of his teachings which are compatible with our Catholic faith and
customs." 24 Later, Las Casas used the works of Aristotle to argue against slav-
ery. Just as Aquinas and Vitoria had done, Las Casas also developed his o w n
philosophy, one which included aspects of Christian faith.
Las Casas was a secular cleric and trustee for only a short period of time
before he enrolled in the Dominican Order in 1523. There he devoted himself
to the study of Aristotle, integrating aspects of Aristotle's philosophy with his
o w n ideas. We see this in his m o n u m e n t a l work, Apologetica Historia, and in
Historia de las Indias. The latter, which he began in 1527, is a work in which he
integrates the ideas of Francisco de Vitoria and Domingo de Soto.
The theoretical basis of Las Casas's thought:
philosophical anthropology
Las Casas's arguments in defense of the rights of Indians are based o n an
anthropological-philosophical concept of the h u m a n being. This notion of
person results from his use of Aristotelian-Thomist philosophy and Christian
thought. M a n is a composite of body and spiritual soul, and from this com-
posite there arises some essential qualities that bring with t h e m certain rights
and duties. This line of argument is consistently maintained in Las Casas's an-
25
thropology, sociology, historiography, and philosophy of history.
Las Casas bases man's attributes o n his bodily and spiritual composition.
23. Lewis Hanke, Elprejuicio racial en el Nuevo Mundo (Mexico: SEP, 1974); Aristotle
and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World, Bloomington, Ind.:
Indiana University Press, 1970; and Mauricio Beuchot, "El primer planteamiento
teologico-juridico sobre la conquista de America: John Mair o Major," Ciencia Tomista
103 (1976): 213-30.
24. "[E]l Filosofo era un gentil y esta ardiendo en los infiernos, y por ende tanto se
ha de usar su doctrina, cuanto con nuestra fe y costumbres de la religion catolica con-
viniere" Bartolome de Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, vol. 3, ed. A. Millares Carlo
(Mexico: FCE, 1951), pp. 342H.
25. H. Someda, "Bartolome de Las Casas como hisloriador," Studium 23 (1983):
137-45.
Sixteenth Century: Humanist s 29
Some of those attributes are essential, others are accidental, but both e n d o w
humans with certain rights and duties. According to Las Casas, all h u m a n s ,
without exception, belong to the category 'rational animal'. He writes, "All
the nations of the world are composed of men, and only one definition ap-
plies to each one of these men." 2 6 From this it follows that there are n o sub-
stantial or essential differences among men; the only differences are acciden-
lal ones. 27 Each m a n has the same attributes of knowledge and will, that is, of
rational knowledge and rational appetite. 28 Thus, the concept of man's free-
dom is derived from man's rationality. 2 '
The second trait that Las Casas attributes to man, freedom, comes from the
exercise of the will according to reason. Freedom results from the conjunc-
tion of reason and will in which reason enlightens will: Freedom is the con-
scious and responsible exercise of will. The existence of a h u m a n nature guar-
antees the validity of a natural right and so of freedom. Las Casas writes,
"From the beginning, mankind, all men, all lands, and all other things, were
free and allodial, due to a right of nature and people. Rational h u m a n nature
endows m e n with freedom; as rational, they are born free. All m e n share this
uitional nature; it follows t h e n that God did not create slaves; He conceded
equal freedom to all men." 3 0 Accordingly, m a n will be able to dominate things
inferior to himself, but never is he permitted to treat other h u m a n beings as
•.Lives.
Las Casas also analyzes the attribute of sociability. This, according to Las
(Lisas, is a natural characteristic of man, for only w h e n accompanied by other
people can he fulfill his needs. According to Las Casas, "all that is vital to
h u m a n nature is naturally convenient to man." 3 1
Religion is derived from all previous attributes. Las Casas is sure that m a n
26. "Todas las naciones del mundo son hombres, y de cada uno de ellos es una no
in.is la definition" Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, vol. 2, p. 396.
27. This is one of the Thomistic theses Las Casas takes from Vitoria.
.',<S. R. J, Queralto Moreno, El pensamientofilosojko-politicode Bartolome de Las Casas
(Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1976), pp. 98ff.
29, Bartolome de Las Casas, Del unico modo de atraer a todos los pueblos a la verdadera
rtHgldn, ed, A. Millares Carlo (Mexico: FCE, 1942), pp. 28-29.
10. "Desde el principio el genero humano, todos los hombres, todas las tierras y
inil.is las olras cosas, por derecho natural y de gentes, fueron libres y alodiales, o sea,
11.int.is y no sujetas a servidumbre. En cuanto al hombre se demuestra, porque desde el
i ii ij'.ni de la naturaleza hurnana racional todos los seres humanos nacian libres. Puesto
i]UC siendo todos los hombres de igual naturaleza, no hizo Dios a un hombre siervo,
•iliici que a todos concedio Identica libertad." Bartolome de Las Casas, De regia potestate o
Ikrccho dt autoditerminaddn, ed. L. Perefla (Madrid: CSIC, 1969), p. 16.
11. "|T|odo aquello sin ID cual no puede conscrvarse la naturaleza humana es natu-
i.iiiiirnic convenlente .il hombre" Bartolome' <le Las Casas, Altjunosprincipios, in Trata-
./,'v, ed, L ll.iiikc, J, Tudcl.i, .ind A. Millares Carlo, vol, 2 (Mexico: FCE, 1965), p. 1241.
30 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
is naturally inclined to religion. The search for truth is derived from rational-
ity; the search for good is derived from freedom. From both of these, religion
is derived, for religion is the search for the Ultimate Truth and for the
Supreme Good, which is God. Natural reason by itself is not sufficient, and
this is w h y revelation is necessary. The access to true faith is a right of man;
so, it follows that it is necessary to preach to the Indians. In all other aspects,
Indians are h u m a n s in the same way as all the other peoples of the world. The
existence of 'lesser' m e n would be a mistake of nature. And this would imply,
argues Las Casas, that nature is fundamentally wrong which in t u r n implies a
weakness of the Creator: "From which it necessarily follows that it is com-
pletely impossible for one nation to be useless, or to have so little or such bar-
baric judgment, or to be lacking proper judgment, to such an extent that it is
unable to govern and cannot be inducted, brought to, and indoctrinated by
an upstanding moral code, and thereby instructed in matters of faith and in-
fused with the Christian religion." 32
Therefore, the unity of the h u m a n race is essentially preserved, and there
are only some accidental differences between peoples. These do not dissolve
the basic unity of the h u m a n race but only show the heterogeneous condi-
tions in which h u m a n s live. In fact, all differences can be reduced to the unity
of fundamental equality; h u m a n duties and rights are the same for all m e n .
The philosophical anthropology of Las Casas
in his debate with Sepulveda
At a conference in Valladolid in 1550, Las Casas took advantage of the con-
vocation of theologians called by Charles V to oppose Sepulveda and use his
anthropological-philosophical ideas to defend the Indians against the charge
of barbarism." Following Aristotle, Sepulveda argued that the Indians were
natural barbarians and thus had to be protected under the tutelage of the
Spaniards. In exchange for this protection, the Indians would have to work for
t h e m as slaves. In order to avoid the simplistic Aristotelian argument of slav-
ery or of the servi a natura, Las Casas wanted the term 'barbarians' to be prop-
erly understood, and he pointed out four types or meanings that Aristotle gave
32. "De lo cual se sigue necesariamente ser imposble de toda imposibilidad que una
nacion toda sea inhabil o tan de poco y barbarisimo juicio y de baja y apocada razon
que no sepa gobernar y no pueda ser inducida y traida y adoctrinada en cualquier
buena doctrina moral, y mayormente instruida en las cosas de la fe e imbuida en la re-
ligion cristiana." Bartolome de Las Casas, Apologetka historic! sumaria, ed. E. O'Gorman,
vol. 1 (Mexico: UNAM, 1967), p. 167. Cf. Bartolome de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indi-
ans, trans. Stafford Poole (DeKalb, 111.: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992).
33. Queralto Moreno, Elpensamientofilosiijko-polflico, p. 1 16.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 31
lo this word, demonstrating that the category of barbarian did not apply to
ihe Indians. In the exchange with Sepulveda, Las Casas proved himself to be
.m able, talented, and rigorous thinker. 34 First, Las Casas showed that, given
Ihe cruel and i n h u m a n e behavior of some Spaniards in their conquest of the
Indies, the word 'barbaric' as understood by Sepulveda would be applicable
to the behavior of the Spaniards as well. 35 If 'barbarian' is taken to refer to
I hose m e n w h o do not speak the same language as m e n from other towns or
who do n o t have their o w n language, t h e n we have a definition secundum
quid (that is, some groups would fit this category only considered in relation
lo others). This provides, however, no legitimate right to impose slavery by
means of the servi a natura argument. Finally, if 'barbarian' is taken to m e a n a
man of low instincts (cruel and ferocious), unable to govern himself, t h e n it is
legitimate to dominate h i m according to Aristotle's servi a natura principle.
This last definition of 'barbarian' is precisely w h a t Sepulveda tried to show
.uid what Las Casas fought to disprove. 36 According to Friar Bartolome, only
men lacking a soul are removed from any h u m a n essence and so fall outside
Ihe bounds of humanity. They are the exception to nature for nature errs
only in rare cases. These people are flawed because of a mistake of God. Las
i lasas writes, "Therefore, not all barbarians lack reason, nor are they natural
slaves or unfit to govern themselves. For some barbarians naturally and justly
11. i ve kingdoms with jurisdictions and good laws and their reign is a legitimate
political system." 37 Insofar as he denies that barbarians should be violently
persecuted like savage animals, Las Casas distances himself from Aristotle's
position. He maintains, as Christ preached, that even the barbarians should
he attracted to natural order.
Barbarism was also defined so as to include those w h o were not Christian.
These barbarians lack of knowledge revealed that they simply were n o t ac-
quainted with moral customs and political systems. But Las Casas argued that
14. See Lewis Hanke, Uno es todo el genero humano. Bstudio acerca de la querella que
'/>/'<' la capacidad intelectual y religiosa de los indigenas amerkanos sotuvieron en 1550 Bar-
•lonte de Las Casas y Juan Gines de Sepulveda (Chiapas, Mexico: Gobierno Institucional
el Estado, 1974), pp. 83-123; and All Mankind Is One: A Study on the Disputation between
ariolomi de las Casas and Juan Gines de Sepulveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious
tipacity of the American Indians, (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), pp.
I 112.
15. Bartolome de las Casas, Apologia, ed. A. Losada (Madrid: Nacional, 1975), pp.
'I 43. Cf. Poole, In Defense, p. 29 and pp. 41^19.
16. Las Casas, ApologHtka, pp. 436-37. Cf. Poole, InDefense, pp. 11-53.
17. "Por lo tamo, no lodos los barbaros carecen de razon ni son siervos por natu-
iliv.i o indignos de gobcrnarse a si mismos. Luego algunos barbaros justamente y por
rituraleza tlenen relnos y dignldades teales, jurlsdlcdones y leyes buenas y su regimen
nlltlco es legitime)." I ..is C.IS.IS, Apologia, p. 1 14. Poole, In Defense, p. 42.
32 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
the Indians could n o t be blamed for being unfamiliar with Christianity.
Therefore, they should be brought into the faith without violence and with
love. Las Casas demonstrated that the Indians were not people of low in-
stincts, unable and unfit to govern themselves. Therefore, the Spaniards
could not legitimately argue that the Indians were, by nature, slaves.
Social philosophy and the philosophy of history
Bartolome de Las Casas extended his philosophical ideas to social philoso-
phy. He examined ideas within their historical contexts and viewed society as
a n unfolding process. In t h e beginning, races passed t h r o u g h stages of bar-
barism until they began to develop into civilizations. According to Las Casas,
we cannot at any stage speak of complete barbarism, only of degrees of it.
Gradually, these groups of people acquire the three degrees of prudence that
Aristotle describes as monastic prudence, economic prudence, and political
prudence. These correspond to the three stages in the development of civi-
lization. The first stage of this development is the individual, the second is the
domestic or private stage, and the third is the social stage. 38 Some countries
have helped others in this process of development; this must always be done
without violence and domination. Las Casas contends that the Spanish had
rights over the development of Indian society only in the sphere of religious
conversion; they h a d n o right to dominate the Indians. 39 According to him,
the seed of faith is planted in each Indian town, and the Indians only have to
be led to the perfection of this faith; the Spanish should lead t h e m with care
and love. 40
Philosophical anthropology and the philosophy of law:
human rights
Taking h u m a n nature as a base, Las Casas (as Vitoria and other Thomists
had done before) postulated a ius naturae or natural law u p o n which current
law is based and whic h should be respected by current law. 7MS naturae corre-
sponded to iustitia, that is, justice, legal or general, that presents itself as com-
mutative and distributive. Within this tradition, Las Casas understood law in
terms of order. Justice was understood in terms of the virtue which com-
mands one to give all other people their due; justice orders man's acts accord-
ing to the rights of all other men, in "giving and conserving the rights of the
38. Las Casas, Apologetica, chap. 195-96; also Silvio Zavala, La defensa de los derechos
del hombre en America Latina, (Mexico: UNAM-UNESCO, 1982), pp. 30-40.
39. Las Casas, tinico tnodo de atraer, p. 92.
40. Qucrallo Moreno, PewamlmtO jilosofico-polttico, pp. 102-3.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 33
oiher" 41 Las Casas focuses o n the social aspects of justice, t h a t is, on distribu-
(ive and legal or general justice because commutative justice only considers
I lie individual.
From this concept of justice, it follows that an injustice takes place in each
of the following cases: (1) w h e n , according to t h e current social order, a law
is broken; (2) w h e n a law that was abided by in the past, b u t is n o longer en-
forced, is abided by; and (3) w h e n a law that is not only inapplicable n o w but
I hat goes against t h e current order is followed (this injustice is t h e most
severe). 42
According to Las Casas, w e find examples of all three types of injustices in
11ic conquest of t h e Americas. First, the natural law which required Span-
iards to respect the freedom of Indians was not followed. Second, inapplica-
ble laws were followed; this is w h y Las Casas insisted u p o n the reformation
nl ihe laws of the Indies. Third, unjust laws were followed (unjust because
I I icy violated the a u t o n o m y of the Indians), a fact denounce d by m a n y mis-
.icinaries.43
Mights and liberties
Friar Bartolome's legal-political philosophy finds expression in De regia
potestate.** In this work, he shows that current law establishes the state based
on natural law; therefore, current law will only sanction and obey natural
l.iw. The first thing to appear as a natural right is the original freedom of
h u m a n beings. M a n is free, by nature or essence, and he can only lose his
freedom (for example, w h e n he becomes a slave) by accident: " . . . freedom
h.is been an inherent right of man, due to his rational nature, and that is w h y
II is a natural right. . . . That is w h y slavery does not have its origin in natural
hui in accidental causes; that is, because it has been imposed or made a law." 45
According to the right to freedom m a n has had from the beginning, infe-
rlor things are subject to him, and, as inferior things are allodial, m a n has the
•11. "|D]ary conservar en su derecho al otro" Las Casas, Del tinico modo de atraer, p. 514.
4 2. E. Ruiz Maldonado, "La justicia en la obra de fray Bartolome de las Casas," in
/ Ibro Arnialdel 1SEE, vol. 4, pt. 2 (1974-1975): p. 16ff.
I). B. Ruiz Maldonado, "El Cardenal Cisneros, Bartolome de las Casas y la reforma
<lc Indias," in Libro AnualdelISEE, vol. 4, pt. 2 (1974-1975): pp. 119-34.
It. V. 1). Carro, Los postulates teologico-jurtdicos de Bartolome de las Casas. Sus aciertos,
tm olvidos y sus falias, ante los maestros Francisco de Vitoria y Domingo de Soto (Seville: Es-
i in-l.i de Bstudios Hispanoamericanos/CSIC, 1966), p. 3Iff.
•IV " . . . la libertad es un derecho inherente al hombre necesariamente y desde el
prlnclplo de la naluialc/a rational, es por eso de derecho natural. . . . Por eso la esclav-
liinl ile suyo no tiene origen en causas nalurales, sino accidentales; es decir, por haber
.idi i Implies!,! i) en villi nl lie una lijiura jun'iliea" Las Casas, De regia potestate, p. 17.
34 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
right to occupy them by possessing them. The first man who uses or occupies
things has the right to possess them. Therefore, by the right of the first man
who occupies (ius primi occupantis), men have their kingdoms and obtain ter-
ritory for their countries.
But groups only become states when they organize the political power that
will have the authority to govern. When men are gathered within a society,
they cannot be left to act randomly. The social community has to be organized
as a political community. An authority is necessary so that men reach their
goal, that is, society's goal, which is human perfection in all respects. And so-
ciety is there to ensure that men do not seek only their private benefit but also
the common good.46 Consequently, natural right involves subjecting oneself
to authority. This subjugation is one of the fundamental rights of man.
A ruler receives his authority from the people who elect him. Thus, if a
ruler opposes the people, he loses the authority the people gave to him. The
theoretical root of this fact is that no man is freer or by nature in possession of
more authority than another one. Democracy is therefore a fundamental
right of man. If there be a monarchy, it must be an elective one: "We say that
the king is the one to whom the supreme power and authority of the govern-
ment has been given by the people of the town, community, or kingdom."47
Freedom and democratic or popular authority
Thus, authority's only origin is the people's vote. A governor is given
enough authority to govern, but he will never have more authority than the
people, even though they are subordinated to him. In this way, the people
form the legislative and juridical structure of the regime.48 Clearly, according
to Las Casas's principles, a republican regime would be favored over and
against a monarchical one.
Jurisdictional power rests with the people; a ruler has this only insofar as
he seeks the common good, and only under this condition is he authorized to
formulate laws. Justice must always be in accordance with the common
good, and the common good, in turn, must accord with human nature. Thus,
current law is based upon natural law. At the level of the people's law, which
is essentially sanctioned natural law, there is a pact between subjects and
46. Las Casas, "Tratado comprobatorio delimperio soberano," in Tratados, vol. 2, pp.
1065-66.
47. "Aquel decimos ser rey a quien la suprema potestad y jurisdiction del gobierno
es cometida por el pueblo o comunidad o reino" Las Casas, "Tratado de las docc dudas,"
in Obras escogidas, ed. J. Perez de Tudela Bueso and E. Lopez Oto, vol. 5 (Madrid: UAH,
1956), p. 487.
48. Las Casas, De regia potentate, p, 54.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 35
rulers. As this is a constitutional pact, no freedom is lost upon entering into
il .*' If the ruler betrays the pact in any way, power returns to the people. This
is one way to control the abuse of power. Finally, just as each man is free, so is
each community independent, having the right to self-rule.50
The common good is society's goal, and a ruler must seek this by the distri-
bution of justice, and here current law and natural law meet: "Any spiritual
or temporal governor, of any group of free men, is obliged to order his regime
according to a common good and to govern according to this."51 The last
clause, "en cuanto a ella misma" ("according to itself"), has a parallel in "ac-
cording to its nature," that is, according to natural law. Las Casas sees author-
11 y only as a part of society (the whole to which it is subordinated). Authority
orders the common good, which results in the spiritual and material refine-
ment of the community.
The common good and justice share a relation of reciprocity. Through this
i elation, social balance and harmony are established.52 Justice produces peace
iJuit makes the pursuit of happiness possible. The demands of justice require
dial jobs and responsibilities be distributed in a balanced manner. Following
Aristotle, Las Casas proposes the following classification of these: peasants,
.ulisans, soldiers, traders, priests, and judges.
Hifilice and the rights of man
Justice becomes concrete in a legal corpus or public law, that is, in laws
'..iiiitioned by the people's consensus, either in a direct or in an indirect way.
A ruler governor is subject to those laws, and this is why he is not alone in
dictating the laws, but rather he must take the needs and wants of the people
Into account. Justice and law are the same in a certain way, but the first is ab-
••i i ad and the second concrete. Law channels men's actions toward the com-
mon good and deters what is opposed to it. All individuals, even the ruler, are
•ailijecl to the law.53 With this, Las Casas sought what is called today "state of
law," in which the instrument for the people to communicate with the ruler
i •. i lie referendum.54 Freedom is the summum of political society. For Las Casas,
49. Ibid., pp. 34-35.
10, On Ihis analogy between the citizen's rights and the state's rights, see Luciano
i'i irn.i Vicente, La carta de los derechos humanos segun Bartolome de Las Casas (Guatemala:
vento de Santo Domingo, 1978), pp. lOff.
11. "Ttodo Jefe esplrltual o temporal de cualquier multitud de hombres libres esta
ii!il!}(ado .1 Ordenar su regimen al (in de la multitud [that is to say, to common good], y
i Holiernarla en cuanto a ella misma." Las Casas, Tratados, vol. 2, p. 1257.
•' i..is Casas, ApologCtica, vol. I, i>. 155.
•> i Las Casas, Deregla potestate, p, 17,
• I [bid., p, 53,
36 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
not even the Christian faith is obligatory.55 He expresses the need for material
freedom: although goods were originally for everybody, man is at liberty to
possess and have his own private property.56
Something similar happens with nations. A kingdom is inalienable as a
whole and in its parts. The ruler cannot give away the country, or a single city,
or the goods of the people.57 For that reason the king could not concede hold-
ings in America to the 'trustees' because that would have meant handing out
territory, or, at least, the goods of Indians. When a ruler becomes a dictator,
he acts against the common good of the people and thereby loses his author-
ity ipso facto. In such a case, the people must oppose him, and, given the op-
portunity, remove him from power.58 According to the teachings of Aquinas,
laws should evolve at the same rate as the social and political history of the
community. Las Casas believed that in the same way that it is possible to cor-
rect, adapt, or revise a law; it is possible to resist a tyrant.59
Las Casas became interested in anthropology and sociology in order to de-
velop a doctrine of freedom. Las Casas was a champion in the struggle for jus-
tice and the defense of human rights (most definitely evident in the case of the
Indians).60 He developed a doctrine of freedom that integrated anthropology
and sociology, creating a philosophy intended to protect the dignity of man.
Vasco de Quiroga
Vasco (or Basco) de Quiroga was born in Madrigal de las Altas Torres,
Spain. While his date of birth is unknown, and despite one conjecture that
marks 1470 as the year of his birth, we know that he died in 1568, and it is
unlikely that he could have lived 95 years. Recent studies show that this birth
date does not correspond with his activities in New Spain and that it is more
likely that he was born in the late 1480s.61
55. E. Ruiz Maldonado, "Proselitismo cristiano, libertad religiosa y justicia en la
obra de Bartolome de las Casas," Christus 469 (1974): 32-45.
56. Perefia Vicente, La carta de los derechos humanos, pp. 10-11.
57. Las Casas, De regia potestate, pp. 58-59. This line of argument was used by the
theorists of American independence, such as Friar Servando Teresa de Mier.
58. Las Casas, "Tratado de las doce dudas,"in Obrasescogidas, vol. 5, pp. 506 and 511.
59. Bartolome de Las Casas, "Memorial al rey (1543)," in Obras escogidas, vol. 5, p.
198. Aquinas deals with the problem of the evolution of law in Summa Theologiae, I-II,
q. 97, a. 1.
60. A. Lobato, "Dignidad del hombre y derechos humanos en Fray Bartolome de las
Casas y en la doctrina actual de la iglesia," Communio 18 (1985): 59-81.
61. Francisco Miranda, "Vasco de Quiroga, artifice humanisla do Michoacan," in
Humanismo y ciencia en la formacion de Mexico, ed. C. Hcrrojcin Pcredo (Zamora,
Mexico: El Colegio de Michoacan, 1984), p. 1 33.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 37
Quiroga studied law, probably at the University of Salamanca, and he be-
came a canon lawyer in 1515. He practiced law until 1530 in Valladolid and
worked in the court there. Later he was called to serve the court of Mexico.
This was the second court (chronologically) that had been formed in Mexico;
the first had not functioned properly.
Quiroga arrived in Veracruz in 1531 and wrote his famous letter concern-
ing the social experiment of the hospitals of Santa Fe. He was a dedicated
judge of the court, and he tried to reform it so that the second court of Mexico
would not have to be replaced as the first one had been. His ideas on justice
and humanism can be found in his Information en Derecho (1535). In this work
he discusses issues related to conquest, colonization, and evangelization.62
In 1538, Quiroga was elected Bishop of Michoacan, and on January 16,
1539, he took possession of his see. Friar Juan de Zumarraga consecrated him
at the end of 1538 and also conferred upon him successively all of the clerical
degrees. Quiroga began his work at Tzintzuntzan and then went on to
Patzcuaro, eventually taking this as his definite see. Quiroga's activities dem-
onstrate a devotion to social work. In 1543, he founded the Hospital of Santa
Marta. This was the first in a series of planned communities, communities or-
dered according to Quiroga's humanitarian ideals. In connection with the
community of Santa Maria, he began the construction of the Cathedral of
Santa Maria, a very ambitious architectural project. The cathedral was to be
built in the shape of a hand, with five naves, one for each principal language.
The city itself was planned as the fusion of two races, Indian and Spanish. It
was to be a social experiment intended to examine the results of such a fu-
sion, i.e., the mestizaje. This proposal was so radical that the Viceroy of Men-
doza opposed it and even ordered two cities built instead of one, a different
one for each race. Later Quiroga founded the College of San Nicolas for the
education of priests, thereby anticipating the idea of the seminary. Quiroga
knew several indigenous languages and translated some religious texts from
the languages used at the college. Quiroga also founded a school for girls, and
some other schools, both for children and adults.63
In 1543, Quiroga left for Europe to attend the Council of Trent, but strong
storms forced him to return. He began the trip again in 1547 and this time
reached Spain. Once there, he became active in the debates going on in Val-
ladolid concerning the rights of Indians. He opposed Bartolome de Las Casas's
62. P. B. Warren, Vasco de Quiroga y sus hospitales-pueblo de Santa Fe (Morelia, Mexico:
tiiiivcisid.nl Mlchoacana, 1977).
(i t. R. Vilklez, Hslmlio sociopedagogico de In obra educativa de don Vasco de Quiroiia (Mcx-
Ico: n.p., 1975).
38 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
position and voted in favor of granting p e r m a n e n t territory rights to the
Spanish in the Indies. Francisco Miranda comments:
Concerning the concession which he had to express in the meetings of Val-
ladolid of 1550 (where the king gathered the most lucid people of his universi-
ties and those whom, due to their experience and education, he considered ca-
pable of helping him to understand the problems), Don Vasco's opinion was
different than Bartolome de las Casas's. Las Casas sought the complete separa-
tion of the indigenous people within the new society that was being formed in
the Indies. Using the human body as a metaphor for the state, Don Vasco
claimed that it was impossible to separate Indians and Spaniards. He compared
the Spaniards to the skeleton of the body, that is, the underlying structure of
the body; the Indians were the flesh, the protective covering for the underlying
structure. Just as the human body needs both skeleton and flesh, the new soci-
ety needs both Spaniards and Indians. 64
Because Friar Alonso de la Vera Cruz had agreed to serve as Vicar in Mi-
choacan, Quiroga was able to remain in Europe until 1553. During that time,
he wrote about the Indians. He wanted those in positions of power, especially
the pope, to make informed decisions with respect to the colonies. Only a few
of the documents he composed have been recovered. During his stay in
Spain, Quiroga established contact with Saint Ignatius of Loyola and urged
h i m to send Jesuits to Mexico.
In 1554, Quiroga returned to his see in Patzcuaro, Michoacan, remaining
there until his death in 1565. He devoted his energies to the realization of his
humanitiarian vision; that is, establishing hospitals and centers of training for
Indians. In 1555, he attended the first Mexican Provincial Council, where h e
obtained permits for the construction of hospitals next to each town's church.
He printed a catechism, promoted education, enhanced craftworks, and orga-
nized markets. Actively engaged in this social work, he died suddenly in Uru-
apan, o n 14 March, 1565.
It is difficult to k n o w exactly h o w long t h e hospital-towns lasted. The
64. "Referente a su opinion sobre las encomiendas que le toca expresar en las jun-
tas de Valladolid de 1550, en las que el rey coiigrega a las gentes mas lucidas de sus uni-
versidades y a quienes cree capaces de ayudar a entender la problematica por su expe-
riencia y luces, difiere su idea de la opinion expresada por Bartolome de las Casas,
quien buscaba en el fondo la separation total de los indigenas dentro de la nueva so-
ciedad que se iba fincando en Indias. Para Quiroga, utilizando el simil del cuerpo hu-
m a n e indios y espafioles como elementos de la nueva sociedad era imposible separar-
los ya; habia que favorecer el que cada uno jugara su propio papel y en su realismo ve
la conveniencia de que tomaran los espafioles el papel rector, pero que a la inancra del
cuerpo humane ellos constituyeran el esqueleto, siendo capaces de dnr la estructura del
mismo, guardados y sustentados por los indigenas, a mancra de la came en el cuerpo
humano." Miranda, "Vasco de Quiroga," pp. 142-43.
S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 39
principal function of the hospital-towns was to provide social welfare and
eductional training. Vestiges of these programs remain in Michoacan today.
Silvio Zavala observes that "regarding the hospital-towns, Mexican historians
agree that their development was felicitous. In his testament of 1565, Quiroga
expressed satisfaction with their progress; in the eighteenth century, Moreno
referred to their enduring presence; and in the nineteenth century, Riva Pala-
cio remarks u p o n the veneration that the Bishop still holds a m o ng the Mi-
choacan Indians, and Leon mentions the subsistence of the hosptial project." 65
A closer examination of the social context within which such programs
arose merits closer investigation. The hospital-towns were the result of an
ideal of liberation. Quiroga's hospital-towns were part of a remaining ten-
dency in Latin American thought, namely, the philosophy of liberation.
Social-philosophical ideas of Quiroga
The liberation of the Indians was a major t h e m e of Quiroga's work. In In-
formation en derecho, Quiroga opposes the enslavement of the Indians. 66 He ar-
gues that the war to enslave the Indians was unfair. 67 Based u p o n Cayetano's
classification system, Quiroga claims that these infidels did not fall u n d e r the
Christian king's dominion. Cayetano distinguished three groups of infidels:
(1) those w h o are Christian subjects by right and in fact; for example, the
.lews and Moors living in Christian lands; (2) those w h o are Christian subjects
by right but not in fact; for example, the infidels w h o occupy lands they have
taken away from Christians, for example the Muslims w h o occupied parts of
Spain; and (3) those w h o are not Christian subjects by right, e.g., those living
in lands that have never belonged to Christians. 68 According to Quiroga, Indi-
ans belong to the third group. Therefore, it is unjust to fight against and en-
slave them.
Quiroga maintained that the only fact that could justify a war against the
Indians was their resistance to the preaching of the Gospels or an y actions
65. "Por lo que respecta a la suerte de los hospitales-pueblo, los historiadores mexi-
canos aceptan comunmente un desarrallo feliz; Quiroga, el primero, se mostraba satis-
fecho de su marcha en el testamento de 1565; en el siglo XVIII, habia Moreno de su
perduracion; Riva Palacio admitfa en el siglo XIX la veneration de que gozaba aiin el
nombre del obispo entre los indios michoacanos; Leon, liltimamente, habia con entusi-
iismo de la subsistencia de las lundaciones." Silvio Zavala, "La Utopia de Tomas Moro en
l.i Nueva Espana," p. 21.
66. Vasco de Quiroga, Informacidn en derecho . . . sobre algunas provisiones del real Con-
sejo de Indias, ed. C. Herrejon Peredo (Mexico: SEP, 1985).
67. Ibid., pp. 68 II.
<>8. T. de Vio C,irdin.il C.iyriano, In Summam Thcoloijiaim Divi Tlwmae, Romae, II-II,
q (.(., ,i. 8.
40 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
that endangered such preaching. It was, therefore, legitimate to wage war
against the Indians because the government which had been in power before
the arrival of the Spaniards had been a government resistant to such preach-
ing. According to Quiroga, there is a right (and even the obligation) to preach
the Gospels to the Indians, because this was the best doctrine t h e y could be
taught; and if they were opposed to such preaching or made it difficult, the
Spanish were justified in their use of violence against the Indians. Violence
should always be a last resort; the preaching of the Gospels should be done
persuasively and peacefully. But violence could be used against any regime
opposed to this peaceful preaching. Any regime that pursued violence against
the preachers of Christianity deserved violence. Following and applying
Cayetano's logic, Quiroga argued that this was the case with the Indians.
Their regime did not permit the preaching of Christianity and so violence
against t h e m was justified. The Indian government is s h o w n to be tyrannical
rather t h a n just, and, therefore, it is illegitimate. A war to liberate the Indians
from this unjust government was justified. In fact, only if these governments
were attacked and overthrown could the Indians be liberated.
Because Indians violently opposed the preaching of Christian doctrines,
Quiroga saw the war against t h e m as a means of pacifying them, 6 9 not as a way
to destroy them. Therefore, h e denounced and fought against the way the
conquest was realized. Moreover, he insisted that it was not legitimate to ini-
tiate a war to implement slavery. Once again, following Cayetano,™ he says,
"And of these unfaithful subjects: these Christian slaves should be freed by
competent judges, better still it seems that the ones w h o are already faithful
subjects can and should be freed; for it is worse that the faithful are oppressed
t h a n the barbarous and unfaithful ones: there can be nothing m o re precious
for the free m a n t h a n having freedom." 71
Vasco de Quiroga proposed, for the good of the Indians and the Spanish, a
mixed policy in which material and spiritual aspects of society were shared by
both the Indians and the Spanish. That is, there would be indigenous juries of
about thirty families; indigenous councils, with about four jury members; and
69. Quiroga bases this point on Chancellor Juan Gerson. See C. Herrejon Peredo,
"Fuentes patristicas, juridicas y escolasticas del pensamiento quiroguiano," in Textos
politicos en la Nueva Espaha (Mexico: UNAM, 1984), p. 170.
70. Cayetano, In Summam Theologicam, II-II, q. 16, a. 8.
71. "Y si de los infieles siibditos esos tales siervos cristianos opresos se pueden quitar
por jueces competentes, con mayor razon parece que se podrian y deberfan quilar de los
que ya son siibditos fieles; pues mas prohibido es a los fieles tener cosa opresa y mal
habida, que no al barbaro e inflel, mayormente libertad de hombrc librc, que dc pre-
ciosa no se puede estimar." Quiroga, Informacidn en derecho, p. 140.
S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 41
most importantly, an Indian mayor or tacatecle. A Spanish mayor w h o pos-
sessed m o re power t h a n all of these would represent the Royal Court, which,
in turn, would represent the Spanish Throne, 7 2 Despite the fact that the
weight of power remained with the Spanish, this plan was never accepted.
Quiroga proposed a mixed government because, like Bartolome de Las
Casas, h e felt that Indians had the right to rule over their land. Of t h e Indians,
Quiroga writes:
They were in almost the same state, way, and condition; not only concerning
slaves but also the election of caciques, the men or principals who were to be
chosen; also for them being content with the little they possessed, the same ap-
plies today, although it is little, without concerning themselves of tomorrow;
they had a healthy contempt and lack of interest for the things so desired and
adored in our mixed up world, the things of our world, with all the ambition,
the arrogance, the pomp, the vainglory, the hustle and bustle. We can clearly
see that they are not used, nor ruled, nor accustomed to this New World, but to
my way of seeing it, those people see our mixed up world of iron, steel, and
things even worse. . . . "
In order to m a k e a connection betwee n the Golden Age and his view of
the position of Indians in New Spain, Quiroga cites at length passages from
Lucian's Saturnales.7* He w a n t e d to establish a government for Indians that
would liberate t h e m and lead t h e m to a mor e prosperous and happ y life. In
this way, the traps of corruption into which the Spanish had fallen would be
avoided. This n e w government would be purer and better t h a n anything be-
fore it, a model for t h e m u c h - n e e d e d reformation of t h e Church. Quiroga's
humanist ideas pervaded all areas of his reformist thought, religious as well as
political. Convinced by Thomas More's Utopia, Quiroga was certain that his
humanist ideals could be realized.
Quiroga explicitly stated that More was inspired by Lucian's Saturnaks. He
believed that More had used the customs presented by Lucian as a kind of
72. Ibid., pp. 168, 175, arid 206.
73. "[C]uasi el mismo estado y manera y condition; no solamente en esto de los
siervos, pero aun en la election de los caciques o senores o principales que elegian, y
t.unliien con el mismo contentarse con poco, y con lo de hoy, aunque sea poco, sin ser
solfcitos por lo de manana, y con un muy buen menosprecio y olvido de todas las otras
cosas tan queridas y deseadas y cobdiciadas deste nuestro revoltoso mundo, cuanto por
ellos olvidadas y menospreciadas en este dorado suyo, con todas las cobdicias, ambi-
i lones, soberbias, faustos, vanaglorias, trafago y congojas de el; que claramente vemos
que no hay ni se usan ni reinan ni se acostumbran entre estos naturales en este mundo
nuevo, y a mi ver, edad dorada entre ellos, que ya es vuelta entre nosotros de hierro y
dc acero y peor " ibid., pp. 188-89.
74. R, Vill.isciior, "Luciano, Mom y el utopismo de Vasco de Quiroga," Cuadernos
Americana i (1942) 155-75.
42 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
model for the laws and order of his Utopia. Quiroga w a r n e d that several mea-
sures would have to be taken so that Indians would not remain tied to an aus-
tere way of life but would be attracted by the promises of material wealth.
Building u p o n the Indian's virtues of humility, simplicity, and gentleness,
Quiroga h o p e d to lead t h e Indians to value material prosperity withou t for-
saking moderation. This hope was tied to another, that of developing in Indi-
ans the value of work. Quiroga claimed that, because Indians were content
with little, they were n o t industrious and did not like work. But they were
not lazy; they only needed to be taught the value of work. Quiroga's goal was
to motivate Indians to work diligently and to combine this with their disdain
for luxuries; effectively, Quiroga w a n t e d to create a Christian community for
75
Indians like those of the earliest times.
The hospitals and social security
Quiroga's hospital-towns m a d e h i m a celebrated figure. According to Mi-
randa, Quiroga believed that
[t]he institution of the hospital had the Virgin Mary's (Nana Wari Yurishu) cult as
its justification, and the whole community was organized around this cult; it was
a brotherhood in which all participated; it was the most important source of so-
cial aid, taking care of the ill, providing burial for the dead, shelter for the pil-
grims, and help to the needy (orphans, widows, and poor people). The whole
community constantly increased the hospital's funds thereby allowing for a cer-
tain splendor in the festivities. Moreover, this fund and the work of the members
of the brotherhood provided the community with economic resources; these in
turn were in need of control which the ecclesiastic authorities provided."76
The hospital project was practical insofar as it had social goals, and it was
liberating insofar as one of its major goals was to aid in the establishment of
the self-sufficiency of Indians. Guiding this liberating, practical work was a
theoretical base expressed in the humanist and Utopian ideal. The hospitals
were conceived as part of something 'natural' or as a return to nature; that is
75. Quiroga, Information en derecho, p. 201. See also Nicolas Leon, Don Vasco de
Quiroga. Grandeza de su persona y su obra (Morelia, Mexico: Universidad Michoacana de
San Nicolas de Hidalgo, 1984), pp. 139if.
76. "Era el hospital una institution que tenia como justificative el culto a la Virgen
Maria, Nana Wari Yurishi, y en torno a este culto se organizaba la comunidad, una
cofradia de la que formaba parte todos; se preocupaba de cuidar los aspectos asisten-
ciales mas importantes, asi fuera la atencion a los enfermos, el entierro de los muertos,
la acogida a los peregrinos o la ayude a los menesterosas; huerfanos, viudas y pobres.
La comunidad toda incrementaba constantemente los fondos del hospital que daban
esplendor a la celebration de las fiestas y que contando con el trabajo de los confrades,
constimfan siempre im recurso importanlc en la ceononii'.i clc la coimmidad que cxigt'ii
vigilancia y control de las atiloridadcs cclcsiaslicas para qui' no se l,i apropiaran los am
blciosos." Miranda, "Vasco de Quiroga," p. 147.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 43
w h y agriculture was to become a main occupation in t h e hospitals. There h a d
to be a daily work schedule of six hours. Goods h a d to be shared. We find ref-
erences to these regulations in Quiroga's Reglas y ordenanzas, as well as in
other writings.
All t h e people would work according to their strength a n d health, and t h e
distribution of goods would be according to the needs of each member : "So
that the result from the daily six h o u r s ' labor has to be apportioned a m o n g all
the people; and each of t h e m will get, according to his needs, w h a t is neces-
sary for h i m and his family to live comfortably, so that n o one in the Hospital
lacks anything." 7 7
With the moderate work of the community, there would be abundance
even for those w h o could not work. And this work and abundance would be
a service and a celebration of God. In order that only those w h o lived in the
community could m a k e use of the land and that this land could n o t be sold to
those w h o did n o t live within the community, Quiroga added rules for t h e
use of garden plots. Garden plots could only be cultivated by those w h o h a d
duly received them. The aim of this system was to ensure that the inhabitants
could live free of danger and vice (laziness, ignorance, etc.), while pursuing a
life of integrity and wisdom in a communal spirit, a life according to Christian
doctrine.
With the Doctrina he had written and printed and which had received the
pope's approval, Quiroga wished to teach his pupils the Gospels and the
virtue of prudence. He took advantage of the natural virtues of Indians and
encouraged t h e m to abandon any vices they might have, such as laziness.
Quiroga writes, "[i]n taking away the evil, and keeping the good of your cus-
toms, ways, and circumstances, like in all good p r u d e n t policy which should
be given to people like you: you must attempt, according to the quality, m a n -
ner, condition, mistakes, needs, and capacity of the people to w h o m it is
given, to keep t h e m in good condition, without destroying their characters,
or changing t h e m for something different, which could possibly be evil rather
I b a n good for them." 7 8
77. "Item lo que asi de las dichas seis horas del trabajo en comrm como dicho es, se
hubiere, despues de asi habido, y cogido, se reparta entre vosotros todos, y cada uno de
vos en particular aeque congrua, comoda y honestamente, segiin que cada uno, segun
sn calidad, y necesidad, manera, y condition lo haya menester para si, y para su familia,
de manera, que ninguno padezca en el Hospital necesidad." Vasco de Quiroga, "Reglas
y ordenanzas para el gobierno de los hospitales de Santa Fe de Mexico y Michoacah,"
In Vasco de Quiroga: educador de adultos, ed. Francisco Miranda and G. Briseno (Patzcuaro,
Mlclto.iciii, Mexico: CRIil'AI./Colcgio de Michoacan, 1984), p. H5.
78. "[Qjuitindoos lo malo, y dcxahdoos In bueno de vuestras cost timbres, manera y
< licidii, como en toda biieim pollefa, que <lc niievn se haya de d.u a person.is seme-
j.inlrs, que de ell.i y de prudemin Ileum l.inl.i necesidad, como vosotms lenels, se tlehe
44 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Quiroga also offered advice to parents within this social organization. He
wanted children to be taught to work in the fields as if it were a game, so that
they would learn to do such tasks with happiness and would work joyfully
one or two hours a day. He also requested that children learn to have a com-
munal sense and to be just in distributing the harvest. He insisted that girls be
taught the tasks proper to women. He established a system whereby younger
members of the community served elders, for this taught the children to re-
spect their elders and eliminated the need for servants.
Quiroga goes on to describe the working details of the community. Build-
ing and restoration would be an integral part of the community. There would
always be more sown than necessary to ensure that there was enough for the
community in case the following year reaped a bad harvest. Dress would be
the same for all the people. There would be holidays in which relaxation and
rest were celebrated. Elections would be democratic and focused on the
virtues of those elected as heads of family, principals, rulers, etc. Justice
would be enforced by the rector and the rulers, so that there would be no
need of judges. All would proceed with love (caridad) as the guiding principle.
Quiroga insisted on hygiene, paying attention to physical as well as mental
health. Concerning the hospital, he says, "[f]or the sick there is shelter (the
house), or the large infirmary: it is two times larger than the place for the
healthy. Inside the shelter for the sick, there is a room for those with contagious
illnesses, and opposite this there is another room for those with illnesses that
are not contagious. Between the two there is a chapel covered on either side
with a highly decorated altar; this is where the masses are given. The other two
rooms at the head of this building are for the mayor and medical dispensor of
the sick, who also occupy offices in this infirmary."79 A doctor, surgeon, and
pharmacist would be assigned to care for the sick. However, in order to empha-
size the benefits and joy of membership in the community, festivals were to be
held in the main hall to celebrate the society. In his Reglasy ordenanzas, Quiroga
established expulsion from the hospital as the gravest punishment.
hacer, y conviene se haga, que es, y ha de ser conforme a la calidad, y manera, y
condition de la gente a quienes se de, y segun sus faltas, calidad, y necesidades, y ca-
pacidad, conservandoles siempre lo bueno, que tenga, y no destmyendolo, ni trocan-
doselos por lo que no les cuadra, ni conviene (segun suerte, y manera de vivir, en-
tendimiento, estado, y condition) y les sea a ellos mas danoso, que provechoso." Ibid.,
p. 138.
79. "Para los enfermos hay una familia [i.e., a house], o enfermeria grandc
cuadrada: dos veces mayor que las otras de los sanos, y algo apartada de ellas, en quo
en el un cuarto haya una sala grande para los enfermos de males contagiosos, y olra
enfrente de ella para los de enfermedades no contagiosa*, y en medio del patio una
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 45
As Zavala has shown,80 Quiroga's Reglas y ordenanzas were inspired by
Thomas More's Utopia. Going further, though, the Reglas y ordenanzas antici-
pate social welfare as we know it today. Quiroga worked for the integral de-
velopment of the town, where safety would be assured. This physical safety
as well as the just distribution of goods would help to prevent problems asso-
ciated with orphans, old age, widowhood, unemployment, and overpopula-
tion. The well-being and perfection of the individual would be obtained only
within this welfare system. According to Quiroga:
The hospital-towns impart physical, mental, and spiritual well-being: physical
health during a designated stay in a sick-room; mental health by a system of di-
versions and games, good usage of free time, holidays and adequate rest each
week; spiritual health would be achieved through rest and tranquility, medita-
tion and the contemplation of the natural surroundings. Maintenance of
health through this division of activities helps to balance differences due to
gender, age, physical capacities, and sensibilities. The result is dynamic health,
both for the individual, as his circumstances dictate, and for the group and its
specific needs. Don Vasco thought about a complete system because he divided
health into certain fields, those of anatomic, physiological, mental, social, and
economic health which were all superimposed and amalgamated to create
man as a bio-psycho-social unit.81
What has been referred to as Quiroga's 'socialism' or 'communism' is per-
haps more accurately called a sense of community (comunitarismo) because it
really consists of community work accompanied by a highly developed sense
of social consciousness: "Quiroga looked for the creation of a better society.
We can say, employing modern terms that were not used in his time, that his
capilla cubierta por los dos lados, en que haya un altar adornado completamente,
donde se diga misa, y la puedan oir los enfermos, y las otras salas de cabeza, y pies sean
para el Mayordomo, y Despensero de los dichos enfermos, y para tener las oficinas
necesarias a la enfermerfa." Ibid.
80. Zavala, Utopia de TomdsMoro.
81. "En los 'hospitales-pueblo' se imparte salud. Salud fisica en la estancia especial
destinada para ello; salud mental dentro del regimen organizado en el que se planean
diversiones yjuegos, ocupacion del tiempo libre, vacaciones, descanso semanal; salud
(•spiritual a traves del reposo y la tranquilidad, la meditation, el estudio contemplativo
de la naturaleza, salud porque se minimizan o restringen en extremo el sufrimiento y el
dcsajuste al considerar los factores edad, sexo, capacidad fisica, preferencias afectivas,
en el reparto de las tareas profesionales. Salud dinamica, individual, de acuerdo con las
liiviinslancias que rigen la existencia de cada quien, y comunal, acumulativa en el
grupo. La totalidad de los campos organicos esta abarcada, concentrada con una finali-
dad: la de que los terrenes analomico, fisiologico, mental, social, economico, se super-
pongan y ainalgaiiicii, y al fundirse rescatan al hombre como unidad biopsicosocial." F.
Cardenas de la Pefla, Vasco de Quiroga, precursor de Secjuridad Social (Mexico: Instituto
Mi-xic,mo del Scgiiro Social, l'K>K), p. 1 ?2.
46 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
goal was to create a welfare state. He understood the process and put it into
practice. The primary material consisted of individuals who found dignity in
work. A just social and human context was necessary in order to create a fin-
ished work from this raw material."82
Clearly, the humanitarian enterprise of Quiroga had its roots in Renais-
sance Christian humanism. Through Thomas More's Utopia, Quiroga learned
about the 'golden age' portrayed in Lucian's Saturnales, and he applied what
he learned of the European 'golden age' to the Indian societies in the New
World. Influenced by these ideas, Quiroga maintains that "the work to be
done in the civilization of the New World consisted not simply in the transfer
of old customs but also in the elevation of them from their natural simplicity
to ideal levels of humanism and primitive Christianism. The instrument for
realizing such a task would be More's Utopia, whose laws were the most ade-
quate for the accomplishment of this enthusiastic project for the improvment
of man."83
The question of the war of conquest against the Indians
There is one more aspect to consider in this account of Quiroga's ideas. In
spite of his strong humanstic ideals, Quiroga supported the Spanish conquest.
In his work, De debellandis indis,"4 a philosophic-theologic-legal treatise, we
find his arguments in support of the legality of the war made by the Spaniards
against the Indians. The ideas expressed in it differ radically from those ex-
pressed in Quiroga's other works; so much so that scholars such as Silvio
Zavala do not think that Quiroga is the author of this work.85 Translated from
the Latin, the title of the contested work reads: "On the war that should be
brought against the Indians." The conclusion reached in the work is that it is
82. "Quiroga buscaba la construction de una sociedad mejor y valdria la pena, uti-
lizando los terminos modernos que el no conocio, decir que su meta era conseguir la
seguridad social. Comprendia el proceso y lo puso en practica. La materia prima eran
los individuos que habfa que habituar a su propia dignidad por el trabajo, pero nece-
sitaba el contexto social justo y humano para sacar de esa cera blanda la mejor ima-
gen." Francisco Miranda, "Vasco de Quiroga: precursor de la Seguridad Social," in Vasco
de Quiroga: educador de adultos, ed. Miranda and Briseflo, p, 66.
83. "[L]a tarea de la civilizacion en el Nuevo Mundo ha de consistir no en la trans-
ferencia de la vieja cultura a los pueblos descubiertos, sino en elevar estos, desde su
simplicidad natural, a las metas ideales del humanismo y del cristianismo primitive El
instrumento sera la Utopia de Moro, cuyas leyes son las mas adecuadas para encauzar
esta obra entusiasta de mejoramiento del hombre" "Reglas y ordenanzas," n.p.
84. Vasco de Quiroga, De debellandis indis, ed. Rene Acuna (Mexico: UNAM, 1988).
85. In his introduction of De debellandis indis, Rene Acuna gives the reasons lli.il
urge him to present this treatise as the original of Don Vasco. Bui others express serious
doubts about this. Por that reason, one should see the work of Silvio Zavala, Tin bllSCI
del tratado de debellandis indis de Vasco de Quiroga," Historia Mexiama 1 7 / 6 8 (1968):
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 47
the obligation of the Spaniards to impose their culture upon the Indians, even
if violence is necessary.
The author of this treatise knew that Cajetan, Vitoria, Soto, and Las Casas
had each claimed that, according to both the law of nations and natural
law, the Indians could not be dispossessed of their goods, especially if the
Spaniards wanted to convert them. Therefore, the war against the Indians
was unjust, because their goods justifiably belonged to them and the
Spaniards had no right to take them away. However, the author of this
treatise opposed these writers and made another assumption: Any power
and kingdom, even a civil power, comes from the Church, and, therefore,
Christ has the sovereign right to endow absolute power on the pope, his
representative on earth. As this power was transferred from the pope to
the Spanish kings, the Spanish kings could justify their ownership of the
Indies. Opposing Cayetano, who said that the Indians were not subject to
the power of the Church and, therefore, could not be offered by the Papacy
to the Spanish kings, the author of the De debellandis treatise responded by
stating that only God and His Church had the right of power and, therefore,
the pope was completely within his rights to offer the Indies to the Spanish
kings.
Furthermore, the author continues, there existed not only the right to at-
tack the Indians but also, under certain circumstances, even the duty to make
war against them. Because the Indians did not recognise the authority of the
Church, modern civilization, or the Gospels, the Spaniards had a duty to de-
clare war against them for purposes of reformation. There are two types of in-
fidels: those who recognize the power of the Church and hence should not be
attacked, and those who do not recognize such a power and thus are inca-
pable of having principalities and must be brought, even through violent
means, to recognize the power of the Church.
That such a document coufd be the work of Quiroga seems to be highly
questionable. After all, Quiroga, like Las Casas, had fought hard to defend the
lights of Indians against the cruelty of the Spanish.86 His obedience to certain
laws and practices led him to make war against the Indians but only in order to
put them in a position to understand and benefit from European civilization
'185-515; B. Biermann, "Don Vasco de Quiroga y su tratado de debellandis indis," Historia
Mcxkana 18 / 72 (1969): 6 i 5-22; Silvio Zavala, "En torno del tratado de debellandis indis
de Vasco de Quiroga," Historia Mexicana, 18 / 72 (1969): 623-26. Because the issue of
Ihc work's authenticity has not yet been resolved, instead of speaking of Don Vasco as
llie aulhor of lliis work, we refer simply to 'the author'.
86. Quiroga, InfomuuhUi en Ikreclio, passim; F. Man in Hernandez, "Don Vasco de
Quiroga, protector de ins indloi/" Salmantictnsis vi (1987): 61-85.
 48 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
and the Gospels.87 Quiroga was essentially a defender of the Indians; his
thought can be understood as a humanitarian and humanist philosophy
blended with his Christian ideals.
Francisco H e r n a n d e z
Francisco Hernandez, physician to Philip II, was born in Spain in 1518 and
came to Mexico in 1570. He was commissioned by the king to complete some
studies of the flowers and plants in New Spain. In the seven years he spent
exploring, aided by his son, he faced many obstacles and suffered many pri-
vations. Hernandez died in Spain, and his contributions to science went un-
recognized.
In addition to his studies of nature, however, Hernandez wrote philosoph-
ical works that reveal a strong humanist tendency. His philosophical works in-
clude (1) Compendia de philosophia moral segun Aristoteks en las Ethicas que escrivio
a Nicomaco, (2) Libro primero de los phisicos que tracta de los principios de ciencia nat-
ural, (3) Quaestiones stoicorum liber unus, (4) Probkmatum stoicurum liber unus,
(5) Problemata seu erotemata philosophica, secundum mentem peripateticorum, et
earum principis Aristotelis, and (6) Problemata morqlia exmente Aritotelis.m At least
four of these works (Libro primero de los phisicos, Probkmatum stoicurum liber
,11 unus, Problemata seu erotemata philosophica, and Problemata moralia) appear to
19:11
have been written in New Spain. The titles of the first two suggest they are
commentaries on Aristotle, but in fact they are notes upon Aristotle's works,
sometimes as brief as summaries and in no way comprehensive. Perhaps they
are best considered as representative of the interests Hernandez had in certain
aspects of Aristotle's philosophy rather than as attempts at a systematic treat-
ment of his thought. This is also true of the Problemata moralia ex mente Ari-
totelis, an independent work in which Hernandez combines elements of the
philosophy of Plato and Aristotle which was typical of the humanist and Re-
naissance style of the time. Platonic elements are present in his neoplatonic
essay on love, which Hernandez regarded as Stoic (recall that the Stoics, too,
were interested in the connections between the thought of Plato and Aristotle).
87. Marcel Bataillon, "Vasco de Quiroga et Bartolome de las Casas," Revista de Histo-
ria de America 33 (1952): 83-95; G. Vargas Uribe, "La influencia de la Utopia de Moro en
los hospitales lundados por Don Vasco de Quiroga," Boletin de la Coordination de la Inves-
tigation Cientifica de la UniversidadMichoacana 10 (1986): 16-23.
88. G. Somolinos d'Ardois's introductory biography and bibliography to Francisco
Hernandez, Obras Completas (Mexico: UNAM, 1960), and E. C. Frost, "Los interest's
filosoficos de Francisco Hernandez," in Francisco Hernandez, Obras Completas, vol. 6
(Mexico: UNAM, 1984), p. 205.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 49
This tendency to combine the elements from both Plato's and Aristotle's
thought is particularly evident in Hernandez's work on physics and ethics.
Natural philosophy
Hernandez was an accomplished natural scientist who carried out biologi-
cal and medical research, and thus his interest in the works of Aristotle was
focused upon those aspects which dealt with physics and natural philosophy.
His work on Aristotle proceded by summarizing and discussing the problems
posed by Aristotelian texts.
Hernandez first worked on Aristotle's Physics. He also discussed nature,
concentrating on nature in motion, or corporeal nature, and established its
principles: matter, shape, and privation. He explained in some detail the
functions of the following Aristotelian principles: When a thing changes,
matter is the support of the change, and what really changes is the shape,
that is, the matter changes its shape into a different shape, which the body
was lacking before. This is why privation and shape are somehow opposed in
the process of transition from the privation of a shape to its possession. The
receptacle in this process is matter. Such a process is movement or change
(not only local but of any other kind). Hernandez then discussed the four
causes of movement and of being: the final, efficient, formal, and material
causes. The final cause is the change's end or fate; the efficient cause is the
agent of the production or change; the formal cause is the way in which the
matter is transformed; and the material cause is the matter itself. He consid-
ered the order of the causes and the movement they provoke with their in-
flux. He also dealt with another Aristotelian theme: that of chance as op-
posed to necessity. And, in relation to movement, he spoke about the place in
which it happens, discovering time and the void. In the same way that Aris-
totle had been led by his study of the series of movements, the movers, and
movement to the postulation of a Prime Mover, Hernandez, too, is led to a
Prime Mover whom he calls God.
In his Aristotelian book, Del cielo y del mundo, Hernandez dealt with the
world's unity and with the finitude of the sky. He claimed that there can be
nothing outside of this realm because the sky is not a composite of the four
sublunar elements, but a single, quintessential element. He considered its
perfection and perpetual movement and studied celestial orbs and their
movements, the sun, the moon, and the stars, referring to the earth as the
center of the universe.
Hernandez's Aristotelian book, De la generation y la corruption, dealt with
oilier pcripalhelie llicmcs, such as llie four elements (earth, water, air, and
50 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
fire) with their opposing qualities, their transmutations, the mixtures pro-
voked by them, their increase or growth in all living things, and their death or
decomposition.
Following Aristotle in De meteoris, Hernandez wrote a work "about what
happens above," in which he dealt with cosmic vapours, comets, the galaxy,
and the winds. In this book, he included an analysis of earthquakes and other
acts of nature such as thunder, lightning, hailstones, snow, mist, frost, rain,
springs, mountains, the sea, rainbows, metals, and stones.
To complete his examination of physics, Hernandez includes a discussion
of the soul. According to him, the soul allows living things to have movement.
There are three types of soul: vegetative, sensible, and rational. Hernandez
studied the vegetative soul, its nutrition, growth, and generation. He noted
the uses and senses of the sensible soul: sight, sound, smell, taste, and touch.
He then addressed the Aristotelian theme of corruption of the sense when the
sensed object is excessive. He provided a detailed discussion of visibly per-
ceived, sensible objects, and he connected these objects to the common, sensi-
ble objects in general, which are the data that the external senses structure
and order through the common or internal sense. Hernandez next gives an
account of Aristotelian psychology: the reflexive or evaluative imagination,
and memory. He also considered the faculties of motion; that is, the appetitive
and affective. His final object of study in this work is the rational soul. Here he
gives an analysis of the intellect, in both its active and passive functions, and
treats some problems related to human understanding and will.
In his work on natural philosophy, Problemas o erotemasfilosoficos,Hernan-
dez discusses what he had treated in earlier works, this time by means of a
questionnaire, although he introduces some substantial changes. For exam-
ple, in his discussion of the answer to the question: Why is it said that matter
contains all potential forms?, he claims that it is because matter has the ca-
pacity to receive all (substantial) forms; without this capacity, matter would
not be able to contain all forms and nature shows us that matter does indeed
contain all forms.8' He considers various types of movement: straight, curved,
and reflexive, as well as the movements of space, the void, and time. He also
explains the reason why certain things had infinite or eternal movements
and others did not. In his book about the sky and the world, he discusses
some interesting issues concerning geocentrism. In his work on generation
and corruption, he discusses mixed and composite bodies.
In his book on meteors, we find a curious question: "Why do comets an-
89. Hernandez, Obras Completas, vol. 6, p. 272.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 51
nounce the arrival of earthquakes, droughts, winds, floods, death, plagues,
wars, the fall of kings and catastrophes for princes?"90Hernandez tries to give a
scientific answer to this question, explaining how comets were formed from
exhalations: When comets descend to the depths of the earth, they provoke
earthquakes, dry the air and make it windy, contaminate the environment
and produce plagues, excite people and move them to war and revolution.
This type of reasoning was considered scientific during Hernandez's time.
Concerning the soul, in addition to what is dealt with in the Aristotelian com-
pendium of the problems of the soul, some questions are raised about percep-
tion and knowledge; these are rather rudimentary and chimerical observa-
tions. But we also find more substantial observations on vital spirits, for
example.91 Here Hernandez makes reference to the physicians who dealt the-
oretically with what Descartes would later call 'animal spirits'. Hernandez
adds something about the physiological place of evaluative thought and
memory, and he ends with some questions regarding the intellect and will.
Moral philosophy
In his Compendio de philosophia moral segun Aristotles en las ethicas que escrivio
a Nicomaco, Hernandez closely follows the order of the Aristotelian Ethics. He
begins with a treatment of man's purpose, the search for the good life. This
search is carried out in many ways. There is, however, only one authentic
Good and only this can make men truly happy. This is the common or politi-
cal good. This common good unites the goods of both body and soul, which
are ordered in the living of a virtuous life and classified into intellectual and
moral virtues. Departing from Aristotle, Hernandez, in his appendix, states
that God is more perfect than the political good. Thus, Christain faith super-
sedes Aristotelian philosophy.
Virtues are good habits, that is habits that dispose one to do good acts (in
contrast, vices are bad habits). The good habit "perfects and honors man, and
man's actions; we have already said virtue is to be found in the middle be-
tween two extremes, because this is the essence of art, which is far more un-
certain than virtue, but it is always difficult to find the middle."92 With this
statement, Hernandez accurately interprets Aristotle's doctrine.
90. "iPor que los cometas presagian terremotos, sequias, vientos, inundaciones,
muerte, pestes, guerras, cafdas de reinos y calamidades para los pn'ndpes?" Ibid., p. 284.
91. Ibid., p. 303b.
92. A good liahil "perfecciona y honra al hombre, y a la accion del hombre; ya
li.ivcmos dicho qui- la virlnd oslii on el medio, porquc lambicn es eslo proplo de las
linos, que son inuilio ma's Inclcrtas que la viand, y rs sienipre cosa imiy dificullosa bai-
lor el medio." Ihid., p, * I ''I1
52 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Next comes a study of voluntary action. Free acts are necessary for moral-
ity to be possible at all. Following Aristotle, Hernandez distinguishes volun-
tary from involuntary actions. Involuntary actions have no ethical dimension
(acting from force, fear, ignorance, etc.). The application of the will is some-
thing we choose, something dependent upon our deliberation. From this
process of deliberation, voluntary acts emerge; they can be virtuous or lack-
ing in virtue.
Having discussed voluntary action in general, Hernandez moves on to par-
ticular virtues. He begins with moral virtues: temperance, justice, and pru-
dence. Fortitude is tested in difficult times and is demonstrated by an ability
to face suffering with courage. There are many types of fortitude and many
adverse circumstances in which we can test this virtue. "Fortitude is the
power to sustain dangers, rather than back away from t h e m ; . . . to resist fear,
in resisting fear we bear our superiors and face our equals or inferiors; resist-
ing a fear is more difficult than bearing one that one does not like."93 Temper-
ance moderates pleasure. One should not take more goods than is necessary,
and one should limit the goods desired to those that are present and not those
that are absent.
From among the virtues dealt with by Aristotle, Hernandez held generos-
ity to be the most important, because it helps to moderate the distribution of
wealth, keeping a balance between prodigality and avarice. Magnificence
adds splendor and excellence to generosity. Modesty is the mean between
ambition and lack of ambition. Gentleness (or good temper) tempers irascibil-
ity and the fury of lost honor, which Hernandez says was typical of the Span-
ish at this time. Hernandez classifies friendliness as the ability to converse and
deal with people, seriousness as the middle ground between irony and osten-
tation, and ready-wit as the mean between buffoonery and boorishness. Fi-
nally, Hernandez speaks of shame, which is not a virtue but which helps to
curb passions and avoid vice.
The Aristotelian idea of the virtuous man is a beautiful one which the me-
dieval Scholastics integrated into Christianity. Using this idea as his model,
Hernandez presents an ideal of a human being who is not blindly taken by his
passions but is led in action by his virtues which organize the passions or nat-
ural desires that are inherent in man. Passion is not denied, for it is, in itself,
not bad but good; only its extremes are to be avoided, for these are vices.
Vices arise from excess or lack of prudence or moderation; virtue opposes
93. Fortitude is the ability to "softener los peligros que no acometerlos,. .. resistlr el
ternor, [por ella] sufrimos al superior y acomclcmos al igual o inferior, clc I.is cuale)
eosas es rn.is cliIfci 1 la primora, ilen siiirir dolor que no gozo." Ibid., p. I.'.,'.a.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 53
these. Consequently, the mature and accomplished man develops good habits
that are virtues—both moral and intellectual virtues—and avoids the vices
that pervert the natural impulses of passion. It has been said that this ideal is
absurd and unattainable because the perfectly equilibriated man, contem-
plated by the Greeks and Christains, does not exist. This criticism rests on a
misunderstanding of Aristotle's doctrine whereby virtue is understood to be a
type of geometric equilibrium rather than the result of deliberation in con-
crete circumstances. Philosophers who supported Aristotle's doctrine of
virtue were well aware that virtue is an ideal that is always a paradigmatic
tendency, to be achieved only with great difficulty, perhaps never, but
nonetheless an essential guide for human action. The virtuous man is a man
of reason; he is authentically human.
Next, Hernandez discusses justice. Following Aristotle, he distinguishes
justice from injustice; an unjust person is "he who works against laws, he
who is too greedy with the goods of wealth, and he who is not interested in
eliminating evil."94 Hernandez understood justice within a social context as
participation in and solidarity with the common good. He divides justice into
legitimate (or legal), distributive, and conmutative justice. The first, legiti-
mate justice, concerns the order of the individual insofar as it contributes to
the order of society; the second, distributive justice, refers to the order of soci-
ety with individuals; and the last, commutative justice, speaks about common
order among individuals. These categories also relate to money, necessity, and
provision. Hernandez refers to the natural right every citizen has to his own
rational essence. He connects these themes to a discussion of right and equity
that aim to procure the common good, thereby making justice a real and con-
crete thing in society.
Hernandez concludes his treatment of virtue with a discussion of intellec-
tual virtues. While other virtues concern action, intellectual virtue is directed
to reflection. Reflection is divided into five categories: art, prudence, under-
standing, science, and wisdom. Art is the habit concerned with what can be
created; prudence deals with things that cannot be made but can be done or
realized, like moral conduct; understanding is concerned with the origin of
I hings that cannot be shown; science is the "the demonstrative habit, which is
born from things that are not more noteworthy than their conclusion,"95 and
94. An unjust person is "el que obra contra las leyes, el que es demasiadamente
cobdicioso de los bienes defortuna,y el que no quiere ser participe de los males." Ibid.,
p. 329a.
95. Science is "hibitO demostratlvo, que nace de las cosas que no son mas notorias
que In conclusion." Ibid., p. 336a.
54 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
the category of reflection, which is wisdom, contains the knowledge that is
greater t h a n any of the other categories, because it comes from the very origin
of things and imparts knowledge about the highest causes (i.e., metaphysics).
In addition, curiosity is the virtue to ask, give advice, and consult; therefore, it
is closely related to prudence. Shrewdness is also attached to prudence be-
cause it is fast a n d certain j u d g m e nt that belongs to law. The Greeks had a
n a m e for a virtue that they called 'gnome', or things pertaining to equality. 96
Virtues accompany one another and prudence is favorable in all of them, but
it is wisdom that is truly the crown and o r n a m e n t of virtue.
In his book, Problemas morales segiin la doctrina de Aristoteles, Hernandez
dealt with Aristotelian ethics by m e a n s of a questionnaire. He asked w h a t
happiness is and w h y it is to be found in intellectual virtue. Another question
in this questionaire is: W h y are there intellectual and moral virtues? He re-
peats these questions often but also introduces n e w ones. He asks, "Why is
virtue in the middle, which determines prudence, but not controlled by the
thing itself?" 97 T h e answer is that virtue is a chosen habit and moderation is a
function of reasoning proper. Hernandez t h e n asks, "Why don't w e call
strong those w h o die in order to avoid a terrible grief? Because they were not
moved by virtue b u t rather by bad intentions (sino Ios movio el medio de u n
mal)." 9 8 Another topical question that Hernandez raised is:
Why does distributive justice consist of the proportion of things that are distrib-
uted and the number of people they are distributed to? Because there can
never really be equality between two people, and justice must be exercised
among many. In this way, the amount one person surpasses another, the same
as one thing surpasses another, the distribution will be fair according to geo-
metric proportion, but it will not take care of civil dissension. But there has to
be proportion in both the measure of distribution and distribution itself. Such
proportion occurs in two ways: the separate one, which has four periods, and
the continuous one, which has three. The first one is that of distributive justice
because if we observe that one thing is to another as one person is to another,
then we will also see that such is the measure or proportion of a thing to a per-
son, as of the other thing to the other person. We will also prove the accuracy,
if there is the same proportion between each of the persons and between each
of the things, rather than between both things and both people. 99
96. Ibid., p. 338b.
97. "t[P]or que se sitiia la virtud en el medio, que determina nuestra prudencia y
no fijado por la cosa misma?" Ibid., p. 343b.
98. "i[P]or que no llamamos fuertes a los que por evitarse una pena sc dieron
muerte? Porque no los movio la virtud, sino el medio de un mal." Ibid., p. 346b.
99. "iPor que la justicia distributiva que guarda este medio ConslSte en la propor-
tion entre las cosas que se dlstrtbuyen y las pcrsonas a quienes se disiiibiiyni.' I'orque
S i x t e e n t h Century: H u m a n i s t s 55
He also mentions natural law and legality. Concerning wisdom, h e says that
only he is wise w h o has reached complete knowledge of w h a t can be k n o w n ,
because knowledge involves both intellect and science.
Stoic ideal: harmony between Plato and Aristotle
In the preface to Libro unico acerca de las cuestiones estokas (addressed to King
Phillip II), Hernandez explains that this is his attempt to conciliate Peripa-
thetic and Stoic doctrines. The primary t h e m e he uses to achieve this is the
t h e m e of love; he indicates that, as far as h e knew, n o one had ever devoted
enough attention to this t h e m e .
He asks about the origin of the world a n d deals with t h e Aristotelian a n d
Platonic doctrines, favoring Aristotle, w h o spoke of a world created by God ab
aeterno, not temporally. The latter would imply that the world would have
been created after eternity, suggesting a time before time. 100 Hernandez t h e n
asks if love and desire are opposed to the will, 101 and his answer is negative
because the will is ruled by reason and there are m a n y things we desire that
are in conformity with reason such as virtue and wisdom. Another interest-
ing question that Hernandez poses in this miscellaneous series of questions is
w h e t h e r desire can have as its object something which does not exist. 102 His
answer is that the object must exist because w e cannot love w h a t w e do not
know, and we do not k n o w w h a t does n o t exist in some way. Hernandez fur-
ther asks w h e t h e r contemplative life excludes the practical life; for example,
if it involves giving up the life of material riches. The Stoics maintained that
wealth was to be despised, but the Peripathetics did not hold this, claiming in-
stead that wealth actually enhances the theoretical life, making it comfortable.
apenas si pueded haber igualdad entre dos personas, y la justicia debe ejercitarse tanto
supera una cosa a la otra, sera recta la distribution que se haga guardando la propor-
tion geometrica, descuidada la cual sugiran dimensiones civiles. Mas no solo ha de
haber proportion en la media de lo que se distribuye, sino tambien en lo mismo que se
distribuye. Tal proportion es de dos especies, la separada, que tiene cuatro terminos, y
la continua, que tiene tres. La primera es propia de la justicia distributiva, pues si
vemos que en una cosa es a otra como una persona es a otra, podremos tambien adver-
lir conjuntamente que tal es la medida o proportion de una cosa a una persona, como
la de otra cosa a otra persona. Podra asimismo comprobarse la exactittud, si hay la
misma proportion entre cada una de las personas y cada una de las cosas que entre
.imbas cosas y ambas personas." Ibid., pp. 352b-353a.
100. This theory is wrongly attributed by some scholars to Aristotle. It was also de-
fended by Aquinas who said that we could accept the creation of the world by faith, be-
cause the creation in time was more probable. Hernandez mentions the miraculous In-
tervention of God; see Thomas Aquinas, "De aeternitate mundi contra murmurantes,"
Opusatla (Taurini: Marielli, 1950).
101. Hernandez, Ohms Complclas, p. 567b. 102. Ibid., p, 369a.
 56 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Hernandez combines both doctrines, saying that one may wish for (or even
procure) wealth but only as a means to other ends; one should not be bound
to it. Having discussed these practical issues, Hernandez next considers love
and desire for pleasurable things and finds that continence plays an impor-
tant role in the moderation of these desires. He also deals with the question of
love for noble things or superior goods, which is the most perfect love, be-
cause it reaches its climax in divine love. Following his Christian philosophy,
Hernandez claims that, insofar as it is possible to understand God at all, the
more one knows God, the more one loves Him.103
This love of God is accompanied by desire that elevates it and makes it
complete; it is the climax of happiness. Hernandez expresses this in the fol-
lowing way: "From this we can infer that happiness lies in superior goods,
and in the acts and habits of the intellectual soul, which are the supreme ones
and the goal of all other human habits; we can say that man is man above all
the other living beings."104 Concerning the relation between God and man,
Hernandez asks whether happiness consists in the knowledge of God or in
the love of God. Here, the answer is that the love of God creates happiness.
Although one cannot love what one does not know, and God is remote from
the limited knowledge of man, it is necessary to love Him, and this love in-
creases with our knowledge, as limited as it is, of God.
The most complete love and knowledge of God can only be obtained in
the next life. Yet, because some had reached an intense relationship with God
in this life, Hernandez asks whether perhaps ecstasy or rapture is a more pro-
found affection than dreaming. Dreams are distinguished from visions of ec-
stasy by the naturalness of the former and the intensity of the latter.
All beings, even inanimate ones, and more especially, sensible beings and
superior beings, share what we call love. According to Hernandez, inanimate
beings possess a type of innate love, due to the attractions that exist in nature;
sensible beings possess sensible desire, and superior beings possess rational
love. The most perfect beings love the least perfect beings and vice versa, but
the most perfect love of all is that between most perfect beings; God, the most
perfect being, loves all things.
All these considerations reveal Hernandez to be a Platonist or Christian-
ized neo-Platonist rather than a Stoic. Hernandez even deals with a favorite
theme of neoplatonic humanists, that of man as a microcosm: "We will finally
103. Ibid., p. 375b.
104. "De donde se infiere que la felicidad estriba en los biencs superiores, y en Ins
actos y habitos del alma intelectiva, que son los supremos y el Jin de los ilein.ls li.ibiios
humanos, y merced a los cuales el liombrc es liombre y csl.i por cm nn.i <lr los dcin.is
seres animados." Ibid., p. ?76b.
Sixteenth Century: Humanists 57
say that, as in the microcosm where man is the axis between the corporal
parts, understanding is the axis between the faculties of the soul; and just as
in the macrocosm, the sun is among corporal beings what divine understand-
ing is between spiritual things."105
Love has an origin: the loved thing is its efficient, final, and formal cause,
while its material cause is the lover; that is why the loved thing is usually
more perfect than the lover. Hernandez asks who the first loved one was. In
order to give content to this sort of tautology, he adds that, according to Plato,
the first loved one is God's intrinsic love, a love in which the lover and the
beloved are the same. Extrinsic love, or God's love for the world that He has
created, came afterwards. Hernandez ends with a question concerning the
origin of created love: Whether it was born in the inferior world of generation
and corruption, in the celestial world of perfect movement, or in the spiritual
world of pure intellectual vision. He defends the claim that love began in the
created world, more particularly in the angelic world, and from there it was
transported to the inferior world. "It is not easy to say how love was trans-
ported to the celestial and inferior worlds. As we mentioned before, some
claim that it was derived from the first intelligence and then moved through
the other more imperfect ones and finally to all inferior ones; others say that
it was transported to all intelligences simultaneously just as an image can be
reflected simultaneously in innumberable mirrors."106
As he had done in his Aristotelian works, in this Stoic work Hernandez
adds a book entitled Libro unko acerca de los problemas estoicos about problems
arising from the doctrine he had exposed. He begins with some questions re-
lated to love, and, as was customary in Renaissance and humanist treatments
of this topic, he uses Greek symbolism and mythology. He relates love to
beauty. Here he again tries to combine the ideas of Plato and Aristotle, as the
Stoics had tried to do. He claims that beauty depends more on shape than
matter; in other words, beings composed of matter and form are beautiful
when form dominates matter, for in this case, proportion is achieved. Imma-
terial beings are beautiful only with respect to form.107 For this reason, spiri-
i ual beings are more beautiful. He asks why some souls capture beauty more
105. "Diremos finalmenete que, asi como en el microcosmos que es el hombre el
eje es entre las partes corporales lo que el entendimiento entre las facultades del alma,
asi en el macrocosmos es el sol, entre las cosas corpdreas, lo que es el entendimiento di-
vino entre las espirituales." Ibid., p. 388b.
106. "Como se haya commiiiiicado el amor al mundo celeste y al inferior, no es facil
dccirlo. Afirman algunos que, como antes indicamos, ilerivo de la primera Intdlgenda
,i oiras in.is Imperfecta!, y por ultimo a loil.is las iiili'iioics; olros ilicen que a la vez y de
una sola vez se conumlco ,i lodas las iiiielifjciiiias, como si algo visible se iellej,ise, sl-
Miiill.iiiiMiiiciilc, en etpeJOl liiiiiiini'i,ililcs." Ibid., p. I'' lb.
my. [bid., p. 198b,
58 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico Sixteenth Century: Humanists 59

than others, and he attributes this to the influence of matter or the body,
which helps some and hinders others.
In his Platonic discussion of love and beauty, Hernandez introduces an in-
teresting problem that demonstrates a deep appreciation of Platonism in spite
of his general preference for Aristotelian doctrines. The problem is that of try-
ing to reconcile Plato with the Bible:
If the ideas and understanding are divine, then why does Plato think that di-
vine knowledge is different from the ideas and that God is different from both
understanding and the ideas; something which is prior to these? Why does
beauty seem to be prior to the beautiful thing and wisdom prior to the wise
man? It might be because in reality they are the same, but it does not seem cor-
rect to say that wisdom is wise or beauty is beautiful, but that their origin is so.
A unique supra-being rather than a non-being is posited because it is the most
ineffable and incomprehensible being. For, although we seem to have some
knowledge of divine beauty, we have none of the beautiful per se. And this
seems to be in agreement with the Holy Scriptures, where we can read in Gen-
esis: "In wisdom God created heaven and earth," and other similar expressions
seem to confirm that wisdom is somehow different from God, who created it ab
aeterno and created all things from it.108
The attempt to combine Aristotelian and Platonic doctrines reveals Hernan-
dez's debt to the Stoic tradition and Renaissance humanism.
General Evaluation of Humanism
Having completed an analysis of these four thinkers, we can reach some
conclusions regarding humanism in the philosophy of New Spain. First, these
authors are not humanists in the strict sense of this term; rather, they are
thinkers with scholastic training who were also receptive to Renaissance hu-
manist ideas.
In the work of Hernandez, we can observe some typical traits of Renais-
sance philosophy, such as the attempt to combine Plato and Aristotle. This
tendency was shared by the Stoics in classical times, and Hernandez recov-
ered it in his neostoicism. The influence of the ancients, for example, Aristo-
tle and Plinius, is present in all of these philosophers as well, and it is present
in them in a direct way; that is to say, without intermediaries.
Juan de Zumarraga's reference to Erasmus in the Doctrina breve and his ap-
preciation of the Spanish humanist, Constantino Ponce, as expressed in the
Doctrina cristiana, reveal a direct humanist influence. Zumarraga shared with
Erasmus and Ponce the ideal of returning to the origins of the Church, a time
during which people lived the message of the Gospels with simplicity and
honesty.
The source of Don Vasco de Quiroga's humanism was Thomas More's
Utopia. In his Information en derecho, Quiroga describes Indians in an age full of
happiness that he parallels to the 'Golden age' (cf. Lucian's Saturnales). He
wanted to maintain this state of innocent happiness for the Indians. To this
end, he planned towns, hospital-towns inspired by More, that would protect
the Indians from the Spanish. Qurioga carefully laid out his plans for these
hospital-towns in the Reglasy ordenanzas he left for these institutions.
The great Bartolome de las Casas can be called a humanist because he real-
ized humanist ideals in his fight for the Indians, although his defense of
human dignity has certain scholastic roots. In his struggle for the freedom of
the Indians and in his belief that monarchy has no divine origin but originates
in the people, we can observe the influence of both Medieval Scholastic and
Renaissance doctrines.

108. "i?ox que supone Platon el entendimiento divino distinto de sus ideas, y a
Dios distinto de uno y otras y anterior a ellos, si son las ideas el mismo entendimiento
divino, y el entendimiento divino el mismo Dios, y, por otra parte, parece anterior la
belleza a la cosa bella y el sabio a la sabiduna? Bs acaso porque, aunque en realidad
sean lo mismo, no parece propio decir que es sabia la sabiduna o bella la belleza, sino
aquello de donde la belleza o la sabiduria emanan. Da asi por supuesto un unico no entt
sino supraente, por ser lo mas inefable e incomprensible. Pues aunque parezcamol
tener algun conocimiento de la belleza divina, ninguno tenemos de lo bello per se. Y
aun parece tal manera de hablar mas de acuerdo con las Sagradas Escrituras, donde se
lee en el Genesis, I: 'En sabiduria creo Dios el cielo y la tierra,' y olras exprcsioni's se-
mejantes que parecen confirmar que la sabiduria es en ClertO modo distinto de Dios,
quien la produjo ab aelerno y creo en ell.i loci.is las cosas." Ibid., p. <!(> lab.

^^^Hl^^^^^^^l

3 I p The Sixteenth Century
The Scholastic Philosophers
Among Mexican Scholastics of the sixteenth century, one finds sev-
/ \ eral authors of importance, such as Friar Alonso de la Vera Cruz
JL J L . O.S.A., Friar Tomas de/Mercado O.P., and Father Antonio Rubio
S.J. Other minor figures are also of interest. We have grouped Scholastics ac-
cording to religious orders (with the exception of those belonging to the secu-
lar clergy). It is important to follow this procedure because one can thus per-
ceive the different Schools encompassed by the Scholasticism of the period.
The Thomist School was composed of Dominicans, Augustinians, and mem-
bers of the secular clergy; the Scotist School flourished among Franciscans;
and among Jesuits there prevailed a divergent Thomism initiated by Pedro da
Fonseca (1528-1599) and explored by Francisco Suarez (1548-1617).
Franciscans
The Franciscans were the first priests to reach New Spain. They arrived in
1523, but during the sixteenth century, they could not devote much time to
philosophy due to their evangelizing and pedagogical work. One musl nol
forget that, in addition to teaching the Catechism, they were also in charge of
the instruction of Indians. Friar Pedro de Gante, Friar Bernardino de Sa-
hagun, and Friar Toribio de Benavente (called 'Motolim'a' by the Indians)
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 61
excelled in this task. They also had to attend to the education of their own
priests. Thus, it was within this context that philosophy was taught at the
time.
Along with schools for children, the Franciscans set up other educational
institutions for the training of Franciscan priests. Studying was also under-
taken in several convents such as those of San Francisco and San Diego. In
addition to Friar Juan de Zumarraga, who became famous at the time, other
Franciscans also excelled in philosophy. For example, we know that Friar
Miguel de Gornales, born in Mallorca in 1527, came to Mexico in 1555 at the
age of twenty-eight to offer an arts course at a convent of his order. Similarly,
we know that Friar Marcos Camara, after reaching New Spain at a very
young age, became a Franciscan in 1564 and was a lecturer of philosophy
(and perhaps of theology as well).1 Finally, we have the Tratado de logica
(1597) by Friar Pedro de Espinosa, who taught at the end of the sixteenth
century.2
Together with logic and grammar, Scholastics introduced rhetoric into the
area of philosophy known today as linguistics (sermocinalis). To help with the
education of Franciscan priests, Friar Diego Valades wrote a treatise intended
to provide them with the rhetorical tools to convert the Indians to Christian-
ity. The treatise contains several philosophical elements from the Lullian the-
ory of rhetoric.
Diego Valades
Valades was probably born in Tlaxcala in 1534. His mother was Indian
and his father a conquistador, thus he was a mestizo. Given his origin, he could
interact with the Indians, whom he came to know and love deeply. At a very
young age he came under the tutelage of Friar Pedro de Gante, for whom he
later worked as a secretary. He entered the Franciscan Order around 1551
and was ordained in approximately 1555, when he was about twenty-one or
twenty-two years of age. He almost always worked with Indians: first as an
instructor at the School in Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco and then as a preacher in
Nahuatl. Later, he was the guardian of the Convent in Tlaxcala, and he
1. Sec Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexkano, pp. 220 and 224.
2. Sec Walter Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy in the Iberian Colonies ofAmerica
(The Hague: Martinus NijholT, 1972), p. 38, no. 280. The author states that it is found
in the library Of the Ulllversldad de San Luis Potosf. See also L. Gomez Canedo, Los
archives de la hisloria tic America, I'criodo colonial espanol (Mexico: lnsliluto Panamericano
de Geograffa e fflstoria, 1961), p. 343.
62 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
preached the Gospel to the Tarascan Indians around 1560. He also preached
the Gospel to the Otomies in 1569 and lived in the Convents of Tepeji del Rio
and Tula. Finally, he preached to the Chichimecans of Queretaro, Zacatecas,
and Durango.
In 1571, while he was the procurator of his province in the Franciscan
Curia of Rome, he finished the Rhetorica Christiana. This work was the result
of many years of study and was published in Peruse in 1579. We have no
record of the place or the date of Friar Diego's death, but it must have oc-
curred in Italy during the 1580s.
The aim of Valades's Rhetorica Christiana was to prepare priests to educate
and evangelize Indians, and therefore it contains much theology and numer-
ous references to the Holy Scriptures. Nonetheless, it also includes notable
chapters on philosophy. For example, the first of its six sections consists of a
discussion of the definition and the qualities of the orator, his relationship to
the liberal arts, and authoritative of argumentation. The second section is
more philosophical. In it, Valades defines and divides rhetoric, explaining its
purpose (chaps. 1-6). He specifies the purposes of rhetoric, saying that he will
talk about them all (chaps. 7-19). He does so with a marked Lullian tone, for
Lull's influence on Franciscan philosophy was strong. Valades also explains
the main elements of rhetoric: invention, disposition, elocution, memory, and
argumentation (chaps. 19-29). In the third section, the most outstanding
chapters are on pronunciation (chap. 16) and on the division of the affections
and how these should be stirred (chap. 21). Section 4 has several chapters
that deal with philosophical issues. Chapters 1 and 2 are about the genres of
oratory; chapter 3 deals with the demonstrative genre of discourse; chapters
13 and 14 are concerned with the deliberative genre; chapter 17 discusses the
judicial genre; and chapters 18-20 concern the laudatory genre. In the fifth
section, the author expounds the following elements of invention or con-
struction of discourse: exordium, narration, egression and digression, parti-
tion, confirmation, confutation, and conclusion. Moreover, he goes back to
the art of the orator and the stirring of the affections. In the sixth section, he
touches upon the tropes or figures of discourse and the different kinds of ar-
gumentation, pointing out which function as topics of rhetoric or argumenta-
tive foundations (i.e., supports) of oratory.3 Valades offers a philosophy of
rhetoric according to which the art of oratory is part of the general theory of
argumentation: it is not merely a matter of stirring the passions but of appeal-
ing to reason (argumentation) and to emotion (persuasion) as well.
3. See B. J. Palomera, Pray Diego Valadfo, evangelizador, liuiiiniiislti de lit Nuevti lis
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 63
Dominicans
The Dominicans, or preaching priests, reached New Spain in 1526. In ad-
dition to their work as missionaries, they attached great importance to intel-
lectual work because the structure and constitution of their Order required
it. Friar Bartolome de las Casas, whose work was described in our discussion
of humanist philosophers, was one of many prominent Dominicans. As early
as 1540, the study of philosophy was established in the Dominican province
of Santiago. We find reference to this in records of the provincial chapters,
where there is mention made of the establishment of a Chair for summulae
(these were compendiums of logic) at the Convent of Santo Domingo in
Mexico City. The text used for instruction was written by Pedro Hispano and
accompanied by the commentary of the Dominican Domingo de Soto. The
first edition of the commentary dated from 1529. The first professor of arts,
or philosophy, was Friar Andres de Moguer. He was educated at the cele-
brated Convent of San Esteban de Salamanca. It is said that Friar Andres de
Moguer left numerous manuscripts, but they have been lost.4
Friar Bartolome de Ledesma, an outstanding theologian who excelled in
philosophy, was appointed lecturer of philosophy in 1552. He too had stud-
ied in San Esteban de Salamanca. In Mexico, at both the Convent of Santo
Domingo and the Real Pontificia Universidad de Mexico, he taught the vig-
orous Thomism he had learned in Salamanca. From 1560 to 1570 he lec-
tured in the arts. He was also a censor appointed by the Inquisition and later
became Bishop of Oaxaca. He published a theological work, a Summa of
Sacraments, which reflects his knowledge of philosophy.5 For example, he dis-
cusses the concept of sign in his exposition of the notion of sacrament and the
idea of substance in his treatment of the Eucharist and trahsubstantiation.
Similarly, in his treatise on baptism, Ledesma, following Vitoria, condemns
ihe use of force during evangelization except when preaching is resisted.
pana. Su obra (Mexico: Ed. Jus, 1982); and Fray Diego Valades, evangelizador, humanista de
la Nueva Espana. El hombre y su epoca (Mexico: Ed. Jus, 1963). These works have been
compiled in Diego Valades, O.F.M., evangelizador humanista de la Nueva Espana. El hombre,
su epoca y su obra (Mexico, Universidad IberOamericana, 1988). See also I. Osorio, Flo-
resta de gramdtica, poetica y retorica en Nueva Espana (Mexico: UNAM, 1980), pp. 134 ff.
and Diego Valades, Retorica Cristiana, ed. Tarscicio Herrera, et al„ a bilingual edition.
(Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1989).
4. See Maurido Beuchot, Fildsofos dominicos novohispanos (entre la universidad y sus
colegios) (Mexico: UNAM, 1987).
">, Bartolome dc Ledesma, De septum novae legis sacramentis summartum (Mexico: An-
lonlo lispinosa, 1566; Pamplona, 1 581; Salamanca: Malfas Guast, 1585). See Mamiei<>
IU-III hoi, "ll.iriolomr de Ledesma y su Siiina de stimulation," lisliidios de hisloria novohis-
pana II (1991): 253-65.
64 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Friar Pedro de Pravia was a contemporary of Ledesma. He had also been a
student at the Convent of San Esteban and was later a lecturer at the School
of Santo Tomas de Avila. After reaching New Spain, he became a professor at
the convent in the capital and at the university. De Pravia's propensity for
controversy and argument became apparent in the lectures he delivered at
the convent in 1553 and when he taught at the university, around 1558. Like
Ledesma, de Pravia was strongly influenced by Cayetano, especially in the
courses on philosophy that he offered both at the convent and the university
and in his treatise on the Eucharist where he explains transubstantiation.6
Because Friar Tomas de Mercado was the most reputed figure among the
Mexican Dominican philosophers of the sixteenth century, we will discuss
his views in greater detail.
Tomas de Mercado
Tomas de Mercado, a leader among sixteenth century Dominican philoso-
phers, was born in Seville, Spain and probably arrived in Mexico as a mer-
chant. There he entered the Order of Preachers in about 1552. Assigned to
the Convent of Santo Domingo in the capital, he studied philosophy and
theology at the Convent's School, where he was ordained in 1558. He was
advanced in years and probably had some education when he entered the
Order, because he was ordained shortly after and was immediately destined
for teaching, which was uncommon.
Upon being ordained, Mercado was appointed lecturer of arts in the Con-
vent of Santo Domingo, holding that professorship until 1562. For some
time he was the curate of the same convent in Mexico, but he was later
transferred to Spain. In Spain he studied in Salamanca and Seville. In Seville
he also taught philosophy, moral theology, and law, and acted as an advisor
to merchants. During his stay in Spain, Tomas de Mercado published the
works that, as suggested by several indications found in them, were for the
most part the result of his teaching experience in Mexico. The commentary
to Pedro Hispano's Tractatus or Summulae of logic, the translation and com-
mentaries to a section of Aristotle's Organon (namely the Categories and the
Posterior Analytics, apart from Porphyry's Isagoge), and an Opuscle on selected
logical arguments were the result of his experience as a lecturer in arts. His
6. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Lectores conventuales en la Provincia de Santiago de
Mexico (siglo XVI),' Archive Dominkano (Salamanca, Spain) 7 (1987). A bilingual edi-
tion with an introductory study of the treatise by Pravia on lite Eucharist is being
prepared by Clara Ines Ramirez and Mauricio Beuchot and will be published by
UNAM.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 65
theological and economic work on commercial transactions and contracts
reflects his lectures, discussions, and moral advice.7
On his way back from Spain to Santiago, Mexico, he was struck by a fatal
illness. He died in 1575 and was buried in the ocean off the coast of Veracruz,
in San Juan de Ulua. In a document about the visits that the members of the
Inquisition paid to ships in order to check the books they carried, there is ref-
erence to the visit to San Juan de Ulua in August of 1575 and to the ship in
which Mercado was traveling when he died. It laconically states: "Ship.—
San Juan, property of Juan Antonio Corzo; grand master: Rodrigo Lechon,
scribe: Bme. Hernandez. Books: Historia Pontiftcial, Paulo Jovio, Orlando, Horas,
and others, as well as four trunks belonging to a friar called Tomas de Mer-
cado who died at sea."8
The 'summulae' or formal logic
Mercado's interpretation of Pedro Hispano's Tractatus or Summulae logicales
follows the school of St. Thomas Aquinas. With little innovation, he here ac-
cepts the line of Thomist commentators such as Juan Versor and Domingo de
Soto, belonging to what was known as Minor Logic (logica minor or parva log-
icalia). Adopting Soto's perspective, Mercado's intention is to discuss subjects
pertaining to formal logic, setting aside ontological or psychological matters
for the Major Logic (or magna) and the Opuscle. This prepared the way for the
division drawn by Juan de Santo Tomas in the seventeenth century between
'formal logic' and 'material logic'. In pointing out that the summulae should
only discuss formal logic, Mercado anticipated the understanding we have of
logic today.
Mercado deals with the logical form of reasoning or argumentation,
closely examining terms and sentences or propositions. Terms are ordered
according to the proposition and the proposition is ordered according to the
7. See Tomas de Mercado, Suma de tratos y contratos (Salamanca: Matias Guast,
1569; Seville: Fernando Diaz, 1571 and 1578; Italian version, Brescia: Pietro Maria
Marchetti, 1591; incomplete modern version with an introductory study by R. Sierra
Uravo, Madrid: Editora National, 1975; complete modern version with an introduc-
tion by N. Sanchez Albornoz, 2 vols. (Madrid: Clasicos del Pensamiento Economico
Espanol, Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, 1977); Commentarii luddissimi in textum Petri His-
pani. . . cum argumentorum selectissimorum opusculo . . . (Seville: Fernando Diaz, 1571;
translation and introduction by Mauricio Beuchot, Mexico: UNAM, 1985); In logicam
magnam Aristotelis commentarii, cum nova translatione textus ab eodemauctore (Seville: Fer-
nando Diaz, 1571). The commentary on Porphyry's Isagoge, or book of Predicables, has
been translated with commentary by Adoli'o Diaz Avila, and the Commentary on Aris-
totle's Categories, or book Of Predicaments, has been translated with commentary by
Mauricio Beuchot.
8. I1. Hernandez del Castillo, ed., Ubivs y libreros en ehiqloXVI, 2d ed. (Mexico: FCE-
AGN, 1982), p. 510.
66 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
argument. Therefore, he presents an analysis of the theory of formally valid
argumentation that takes into account the arrangement of the elements. The
definitions, divisions, and properties of such elements are studied, and the
rales of formation and transformation of the elements that validate infer-
ences, consequences, or argumentations follow. The Opuscle touches upon
problems that are not appropriate for beginners because of their difficulty;
such problems are set aside for more advanced students.
The book opens with Jacobo Donio's Epigram, which comes after the title
page and the Privilegio real.' In this epigram, Donio praises Mercado, com-
paring him to Hercules, for having avoided all the useless matters and exces-
sive technicisms typical of decadent Scholasticism, especially among nomi-
nalists, of the time. These technicisms had burdened the manuals and
courses on logic to such an extent that they scared students away from the
study of philosophy, instead of attracting them to it. Donio exaggerates many
of these useless matters and excessive technicisms; in fact, many of these
matters are now valued highly by contemporary historians of logic and cor-
respond to some subtle problems discussed in recent discussions of logic. It is,
however, true that in Mercado's time the books on logic were burdened with
superfluous elements and that technical problems made the study of logic an
arduous task. Today logical and mathematical symbols facilitate the discus-
sion of these problems.
After the Epigram comes the dedication to Cristobal de Rojas y Sandoval.
Today this kind of dedication seems excessive and pompous, but during Mer-
cado's time it was commonplace and not understood as false praise but
rather simply as acknowledgments expressed to a well-known person. Fol-
lowing the dedication is the Proemio to the reader in which Mercado explains
his intention to purge formal logic by removing the complications to which it
had heretofore been subjected. The prefatory matters end with an Encomia
(eulogy) by Jacobo Donio.
This volume contains two works. Apart from the Summulae, there is an
Opuscle of arguments that appears as an appendix. Here, Mercado discusses
many objections against the subjects he addresses. These subjects pertain to
what would later be called "the philosophy of logic." Naturally, Mercado re-
solves many other difficulties and objections throughout, but, in keeping
with his intention to exclude the complications that made other logic texts
9. See Mauricio Beuchot, "La logica formal en las Sumulas (1571) de Tomas dc\Mcr-
cado," Cuadernos Salamantinos de Filosofia (Salamanca, Spain), 10 (1983): pp. 141-56;
and "Introduccion" to Tomas de Mercado, in Comenlarios hwidkimm alttxto de Pedro His
pano (Mexico: UNAM, 1.986), pp. 5-26.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 67
confusing, he sets these aside so as not to encumber the work but rather to
facilitate its comprehension.10
The Summulae are structured as follows: the Prologue presents Mercado's
conception of the nature of logic and announces the division of the work into
five books. The first book deals with signs, language, and terms. The second
takes up sentences, modes of knowing, propositions, and the properties of
terms. In the third book, Mercado discusses the relations between categorical
assertive propositions and includes a treatise on modal propositions. The
fourth book concerns the hypothetical and exponibile propositions. The fifth
book is devoted to syllogisms. It is surprising that the Opuscle does not refer to
all the books of the Summulae; it is an appendix of considerable length, but it
only deals with matters that are related to the contents of books 1 and 2.11
In the first book on signs, language, and terms, Mercado includes a chap-
ler devoted to supposition. In this section he provides us with one of the
clearest explanations of that property of terms. He also offers a classification
of supposition that contains the most essential ones and provides very intelli-
gible criteria with which to distinguish them.12 In the fourth book, which is
also remarkable, Mercado offers a very faithful and precise Aristotelian un-
derstanding of propositions or sentences. From the general theory of propo-
sitions and its classes, he selects two main divisions: the categorical and the
hypothetical (or the simple and the compound). He sets the categorical aside
.ind focuses on the hypothetical. Mercado studies the most basic types of hy-
polheticals: the conjunctive or copulative, the disjunctive, and the condi-
lional (together with negation). With precision he provides us with truth-
lables, which were known since the times of the Megarians and Stoics, and
highlights some of the main rules of inference pertinent to every logical con-
nective.13 Based on this he constructs a solid propositional logic.
In his explanation of syllogisms, Mercado discusses quantification logic,
Icrms, and predicates. The exposition is didactic and provides a very useful
procedure for the determination of the valid and useful syllogistic modes for
each figure of the syllogism. In the same way, his treatment of the principles
.ind fundamentals of syllogistic argumentation tallies perfectly with the ex-
position of his derivation.
10. The arguments compiled in this Opuscule correspond only to the issues dealt
wilh in the lirst two books of the five that make up the Summulae.
I 1. Sec Redmond and Beuchot, La logica mexicana.
12. Sec Mamicio Hcnchol, "La semantica en la logica de Tomas de Mercado," Critica
12, a. 42 (1982): 49-63.
1 V Sec Maurld0 Beuchot "La 16gica propOSldonal en Tomas de Mercado," Didnoia
HI (1984): 21 I l'».
68 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
'Dialectics' or material logic
In the commentary on the Logica magna or Logica mayor concerned with
the Aristotelian writings that were not dealt with in the Summulae, Mercado
presents his view of the foundations of logic itself and of science in general.
The commentary is based upon Mercado's translation of the Greek into
Latin. In the preface, he briefly deals with the nature of logic, its function
and importance. He goes on to comment on Porphyry's Isagoge, the obliga-
tory and habitual introduction to Aristotle's Categories with which Aris-
totelian logic books actually begin, and, at this point, he examines the differ-
ent predicables. He immediately turns to the predicaments or categories
themselves, pointing out that he is doing so in a logical way and without
touching upon metaphysics. Because Mercado had dealt with De interpreta-
tione in the Summulae—that is, with matters that for us belong to the philoso-
phy of language—and with the Analytica priora in his discussion of the propo-
sition and of syllogism, here his focus is the Analytica posteriora. It consists of a
Treatise on Demonstration; that is, of a discussion concerning what consti-
tutes science. This Treatise is very useful because it identifies the limits of
demonstration as well as its strengths; Mercado distinguishes the conditional
(hypothetical) from what is properly scientific (apodictic) and explains the
conditions required for knowledge to be considered scientific in an Aris-
totelian sense.
Mercado examines and explains the conditions that Aristotle assigned to
principles such as self-evidence, immediacy, and antecedence or priority with
respect to conclusions. Every science is based upon certain primary principles
that must be known beforehand. Mercado analyzes and clarifies the different
types of logical priority, as well as the different ways in which a scientific
proposition is better known and immediate. These topics have been reexam-
ined in recent philosophy of science, especially in the formal sciences.14
Social and economic philosophy
Tomas de Mercado achieved substantial fame with his Suma de Tratos y
Contratos, considered a classic work in the area of the ethics of economics and
even in the theory of economics itself, because it discusses problems and
concepts that were to be developed later by Hutcheson, Adam Smith, David
14. See Mauricio Beuchot, "La logica material o dialectica (1571) de Tomas de Mer-
cado," Palabra 1, rm. 2-3 (1986): 76-88; and "Los principios de la cicniia en Toni.is de
Mercado," Quipu. Revista Latinoamericana de Historia de las Cieneias y la Teciwloylit M\
(1986): 103-111.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 69
Ricardo, and other pioneers in this field.15 In this celebrated Suma, Mercado
first deals with natural law as the basis of positive economic justice. He goes
on to relate natural law and positive law or authority to the subject with
which he is concerned: commercial relations (he devotes several chapters to
these topics in the context of the Indies). Immediately thereafter comes the
pragmatics of wheat (from Felipe II). He subsequently deals with exchanges
and bank transactions, devoting the following book to loans and usury, con-
cluding with a treatise on restitution.
According to Mercado, the philosophical backbone of economics is consti-
tuted by reason and justice. Thus, ethics becomes the mediator between eco-
nomics and philosophy. Mercado's goal was to unite theory and praxis as
much as possible. Man desires knowledge, knowledge about that with which
he interacts, and this is transaction. But to carry out transactions, one must
distinguish the just from the unjust. Since reason guides human life, transac-
tion must conform to reason. Life is good when it is rational, and it is rational
when just. Mercado's anthropology rests on the belief that human reason
conforms itself to natural law when it authentically follows human nature
(which is human reason in search of justice). Effectively, man makes use "pri-
marily of reason or natural law, from which the latter (i.e., the practical) more
closely derives; it is the measure and proper rule of all human rules."16 Free-
dom is based upon reason and must respect the needs of human beings, needs
that compel individuals to form society. Mercado bases his grounding of both
the rational order of justice and commercial laws on his sharp observations of
commerce, buying and selling, cash flows, etc. He concludes that merchants
have three purposes: the first, to be useful to their nation; the second, to help
the poor; and the third, to promote the advantage of their own families.17
Although Tomas de Mercado was not an original thinker, he encouraged
the study of logic, and he applied his philosophical and theological knowledge
lo economics. Thus he is a deservedly esteemed figure of Mexican cultural life.
Other figures
Another remarkable Dominican philosopher was Friar Cristobal de Or-
lega who was appointed lecturer of the arts to the Convent of Santo
is. See J. Iniguez, "Tomas de Mercado y la Suma de Tratos y Contratos," Justicia y Paz.
Revista de Derechos Humanos, 2 (1987): n. 2. See also Mauricio Beuchot and J. Iniguez, El
iviisiimieiito Jihsttjico de Tomas de Mercado. L6gicay economla (Mexico: UNAM, 1989).
u>. Mercado, Suma dt tratosy contratos, n. 27.
17. Ililil., nn 115-16.
70 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Domingo in 1578.18 The Order conferred on him the degree of Master in Sa-
cred Theology. He also taught at the University, where he became a teacher
of theology in 1591. He became Rector of the University on 10 November
1602 and died in 1604.
In 1583 Friar Fernando Bazan was appointed professor of arts at the Uni-
versity where he also taught two seminars on theology (one as substitute to
the Chair of Prime and the other as Tenure of Vespers) in which he proved his
competence in philosophy as well as in theology. The depth of his philosoph-
ical thought is also evident in his theological writings. Father Bazan left hand-
written commentaries to Aquinas's Summa Theologiae (I-II and III) which, ac-
cording to the chronicler Davila Padilla, were much appreciated: "And
although many things on this matter have appeared during our time, his will
be much appreciated because, with brevity and acuteness, he has seen what
is most difficult in Theology and what is most pure in Metaphysics."19
Friar Luis Lopez, from the Convent of Santo Domingo in Oaxaca, wrote
Instructorium negotiantium sive tractatus de contractihus et negotiationibus, a work
pertaining to the ethics of economics, a field that had been cultivated by
Friar Tomas de Mercado. This piece of Friar Lopez's work was intended for
merchants. In spite of differing points of view, this work, together with those
of Vitoria and Soto, makes up a veritable school of social and economic
morality brought to America by Bartolome de las Casas and Tomas de Mer-
cado. Its members applied the doctrines of this school to the events and prob-
lems that arose in America.20
Augustinians
The Augustinians reached New Spain in 1533. In addition to their work
as missionaries, the intellectual work they performed in their convents and
schools was also of importance. They had schools in the Purepechan and
Tarascan regions as well as in other areas such as the capital, where they es-
tablished the celebrated School of the Convent of San Agustin. Friar Alonso
de la Vera Cruz played a very important role in these Augustinian educa-
tional projects.
18. See A. Franco, Segunda parte de la Historia de la Provincia de Santiago de Mexico,
(Mexico: Museo National, 1900), pp. 180 ff.
19. A. Davila Padilla, Historia de la fundacion y discurso de la Provincia de Santiago de
Mexico, de la Orden de Predicadores (Mexico: Editorial Academica Literaria, 1955), p. 572.
20. See Mauricio Beuchot, Lafilosoflasocial en los pensadores novohispanos (Mexico:
IMDOSOC, 1989).
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 71
Alonso de la Vera Cruz
Friar Alonso was one of the founders of the philosophical and intellectual
life of New Spain. In many respects he may be considered the founder and
'patriarch' of philosophy in Mexico. He was born in Caspuenas, Spain,
around 1504. He studied grammar and rhetoric at the Universidad de Alcala
de Henares and went on to study arts and theology at the Universidad de
Salamanca where he received the degree of Master in Theology. He studied
under highly acclaimed masters, such as the Dominicans Francisco de Vitoria
and Domingo de Soto, who introduced him to Aquinas's philosophy. In time
he also became a professor of arts in Salamanca.
He was ordained a secular priest and was already a young professor with a
brilliant future when something unforeseen changed the course of his life. In
spite of great academic and material promise, he decided to join a group of Au-
gustinians who were embarking to Mexico to spread the Gospel. They invited
Vera Cruz to teach theology and act as their teacher in New Spain. Thus, in
1536 he abandoned the prospects of a brilliant career and moved to New Spain
where, upon arrival at the port of Veracruz, he became an Augustinian priest.
Friar Alonso de la Vera Cruz taught arts and theology in schools which he
helped to establish: Tiripetio in 1540, Tacambaro in 1545, and soon after Ato-
tonilco. He was the first to teach seminars, open libraries, and publish works
on philosophy in America. Not surprisingly, Oswaldo Robles calls him "the
Venerable Father of Mexican Intelligence."21 and Rafael Salazar to some ex-
tent considers him the representative of 'criollo philosophy'.22 In 1553 he be-
came a professor at the newly-founded Universidad de Mexico, where he
taught the Sacred Scriptures and Scholastic theology. His philosophical works,
1 he first to be published in the New World, appeared in Mexico in 15 54 and in
1557. After many years devoted to encouraging philosophical and theological
studies, he died in New Spain in 1584.2'
Philosophical work
Friar Alonso wrote what may rightfully be called the first coursebook for
philosophy of the New World. It encompasses minor logic, major logic, and
21. Robles, Pilosofos mexicano, p. 11.
22. See Rafael Salazar, "El ser absoluto en la filosofia de Fray Alonso de la Vera
Cruz," Libro Anual del ISEE 1 (1971): 199-221; and "La persona humana como testigo
del ser en la filosofia de Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz," Libro Anual del ISEE, 2 (1973):
257-74.
2 >. See I' Ccre/o de Dicno, Alonso de Veracruzy el dtrecho degcnlcs (Mexico: f'orriia,
I9H5).
72 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o
physics in the Aristotelian sense. To this one might add his philosophical-
juridical work. The section on logic and physics contains three m a in works:
Recognitio summularum, Dialectica resolutio, and Physica speculation which is his
strictly philosophical work. 25 He explored other areas as well and left m a n u -
26
scripts that are n o w greatly appreciated. We will discuss some of his philo-
sophical and juridical works o n the Conquest because they constitute valu-
able practical applications of his highly speculative thought. 2 7 We t u r n first to
his logical physical, and juridical thought in that order.
Logic occupies a very important position in Friar Alonso's thought. The
first two works cited above are devoted to this subject. The Recognitio summu-
larum is so called because it is a revision or abbreviation of the Summulae o n
logic. It deals with logic, and, although it includes introductory parts, it con-
tains topics similar to those taught today in courses on mathematical logic
(but without the symbolism). 28
In his minor logic, Vera Cruz tries to revise and abbreviate the Summulae,
leaving out all that was useless and out of place in relation to formal logic. In
t h e treatise on terms and their logical properties, h e explains the mai n as-
pects of the theory of supposition. His explanation of this classic doctrine is
competently executed. Supposition was the logical-semantic component
with which medieval philosophers established the kind of meaning or refer-
ence that a term had in the proposition. For example, in " h u m a n has t wo
syllables," the term ' h u m a n ' has material supposition; that is, it supposes for
itself as a term, therewith indicating a reference to the word. In the proposi-
tion "man is a species," ' m a n ' has simple formal supposition, having as a ref-
erence point a c o m m o n concept or c o m m o n n a t u r e. This is not to be con-
fused with "man has reason," w h e r e ' m a n ' has personal supposition with
reason presupposed for t h e individual and not for essences, concepts, or
24. The editions are the following: Recognitio summularum Reverendi Patris lllefonsi a
Vera Cruce (Mexico: Ioannes Paulus Brissensis, 1554; 1562 [Salamanca]; 1569; 1573;
1579 [hypothetical]); Dialectica Resolutio cum textu Aristotelis edita per Reverendum Patrem
Alphonsum a Vera Cruce.... (Mexico: Ioannes Paulus Brissensis, 1554; 1562 [Salamanca];
1569; and 1573); Physica Speculatio, Aedita per R.P.P. Alphonsum a Vera Cruce. . . . Accessit
compendium Spherae Campani ad complementum tractatus de coelo. . . . (Mexico: Ioannes
Paulus Brissensis, 1557; 1562 [Salamanca]; 1569; and 1573). The Spanish editions do
not include the Compendium.
25. See Redmond, Bibliography of Philosophy, p. 105.
26. See A. Bolafio e Isla, Contribution al estudio bibliogrdfico de Pray Alonso de la Vera
Cruz (Mexico: Robredo-Pornia, 1947).
27. See Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano, pp. 276 ff; and "La filosoli'a en
Mexico en los siglos XVI y XVII," in Estudios de historia de lafilosoflaen Mexico 3d ed.
(Mexico: UNAM, 1980), p. 134.
28. As with the other Scholastics, his formal logic can be rcconstriu led will) mod-
ern symbolism; see Redmond and Beuchot, La Idgicti mcxhinid. pp. 17 It.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 73
words. The theory of supposition served to determine t h e intension and ex-
tension of terms in order to control their quantification and to ensure the
validity of inferences. Friar Alonso's logical acuteness m a y be seen in his
discussion of t h e supposition of terms with special quantifiers in analyzable
propositions (which were k n o w n as exponibiles or resolubiles).
In predicate logic, Vera Cruz employs n e w quantification signs used by
nominalist logicians. Many of the authors after him neither used nor ade-
quately understood these signs. These quantifiers were innovations in formal
logic that the excellent medieval and post-medieval nominalist logicians had
developed. Vera Cruz's quantification logic also includes numerou s extensions
of the quantification of predicates, k n o w n today as multiple quantification.
Following the Stoics, Vera Cruz's prepositional logic also contains trea-
tises o n hypothetical propositions for which h e provides truth-functional ta-
bles. And his treatment of argumentation, unlike most, is not limited to syl-
logisms. The core of his treatment of argumentation is the general doctrine
of inference or consequentia that includes m a n y areas such as modal logic. In
the area of modal logic, for example, Vera Cruz makes distinctions in order to
work with modal propositions de re without either confusing or reducing
t h e m to de dicto modals. This is widely studied by contemporary logicians. He
also made advances in the logic of relations. 25 In general Vera Cruz's work
demonstrates that h e had a strong grasp of the developments of logic during
his time.
In major logic or dialectics, Vera Cruz carries out an analysis (resolutio) of
the principles that pertain to logic and to science in general. Thus the title of
his work: Dialectica resolutio. The semiotic, epistemological, and even meta-
physical problems of formal logic were studied by dialectics or major logic;
this is w h y it was later called 'material logic'. Vera Cruz deals with the nature
of logic, the entity of reason that is its object, as well as with predicables and
categories. This work also contains an extensive study of universals, the
principles of knowledge, and the fundamentals of science.
Dialectics usually included some treatises relative to Porphyry's Isagoge,
Aristotle's Categories, in some cases, the De interpretatione, and, above all, the
Posterior Analytics. The Posterior Analytics and, on occasion, the De interpreta-
tione were discussed in the Summulae, and the Topics and Elenchi were reserved
29. Walter Redmond states the following: "It is known that before De Morgan,
I'rcge, and Peirce there was no general theory of the relations in the history of logic.
Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz and Scholastic colleagues of the XVIth century constantly
.iii.ilyv.od the logical relations, both syntactical (prepositional and predicative) and se-
iii,nnic, ,ind Ihey also made use of an onlological theory of relations," Kelaciones y
inutilities tvmpltjM en In Willed mexiciiiiti del sigh XVI (forthcoming),
74 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
for the appendices. Alonso de la Vera Cruz's work was no exception to this
trend. His Dialectica or Logica contained treatments of the Isagoge, the Cate-
gories, and the Posterior Analytics.
The first treatise of Vera Cruz's dialectics is on predicability, which corre-
sponds to the Isagoge. This is followed by a treatise on predication, or the
main types of predicates, namely the categories, a subject that corresponded
to the Categories. Finally, he discusses the theory of scientific demonstration
that corresponds to the Posterior Analytics.
In the dialectics, Vera Cruz studies the logical universal. The universal is a
concept and constitutes the instrument of reasoning, the nucleus of thought.
Therefore, although this seems to be an abstract subject, for Scholastics like
Vera Cruz it was a useful and necessary one. Now, the universal is an entity
of reason that is the object of dialectics or logic. Because the entities of rea-
son are products of the operations of the mind, and the first operation pro-
duces the universal, Vera Cruz studies the universal as the starting-point of
logic. He concludes that the universal has the ontological status of a mental
entity (i.e., reason), a concept of the mind that is expressed both by the term
and its sign.30 He divides the universal into five types that were known as
the quinque voces and were present in Porphyry's Isagoge, studying the man-
ner in which the universal is known and produced in the intellect by means
of abstraction and intellective comparison. However, he argues that if the
nature and function of the universal in thought is not understood, it is im-
possible to comprehend logic because the modi sciendi or modes of knowing,
which constitute the objective of logic, would not be understood. These
modes are three: (1) definition, (2) division or proposition, and (3) argu-
mentation. These modes of knowledge, due to their reliance on our under-
standing of the universal, demonstrate the importance of the universal for
knowledge.
Of subjects treated in dialectics, the predicables stand out. Predicables are
names given to the elements that can function as subjects or predicates in
sentences or propositions. The discussion of predicables centered around
whether they were extralinguistic or linguistic; that is, whether the subjects
or predicates were things or words without any relation to things. Vera Cruz
shows that there is need for a middle term. The words play the role of sub-
jects and predicates, but they definitely do so because they refer to things, to
realities.
30. See Mauricio Beuchot, "EI problems de los universales en Domingo tie Solo y
en Alonso de la Vera Cruz," Revista de Pilosofla 17 (1984): 249-73; reprinted in Kol
niond and Beuchot, Pemamientoy realidad en I'rny Alonso de la Van C,ni7.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 75
After a discussion of predicability, Vera Cruz deals with predication, espe-
cially with categories; that is, with the supreme genres of predicates or
modes of knowing. His treatise begins with a brief section on the modes of
predication, called ante-predicaments. Following a consideration of the main
modes of predication—that is, univocity, equivocity, analogy, and denomina-
tion—he goes on to the most general predicates. These are the categories
enumerated by Aristotle: a substance and nine accidents; namely, quantity,
quality, relation, action, passion, place, time, position, and habit. The treatise
concludes with a section on post-predicaments, which are the relations that
the categories have to each other; for example, anteriority, simultaneity, op-
position, etc."
When presenting the table of categories, Vera Cruz does not shy away
from a question that comes up immediately: What basis does the table of cat-
egories have in reality (if and when it has one); is it arbitrary, and if so, how
arbitrary? These questions concern whether the table of categories is natural,
artificial, or both. Strangely enough, there have been more than just a few
philosophers who claim that their table of categories is, if not the only valid
one, the one that best conforms to reality. Vera Cruz asks whether such a
claim is possible; that is, whether one can speak of a table of categories that
conforms with more precision to reality. Within this context he discusses the
problem of objectivity and subjectivity. Is man's perception of the categories
of reality tainted by subjectivity? Is it relative to culture, language, and the
conceptual scheme he has received? Or can it achieve objectivity? Why
should one table of categories be accepted instead of another? What are the
decisive criteria for its acceptance? Would these criteria take the form of a
formal argument, whether transcendental or of a different sort? The Platon-
ists declare that reality is categorized by nature and that this categorization
occurs a priori. The nominalists believe that all possible categorizations are
merely arbitrary. In response, Vera Cruz urges us to adopt a middle course ac-
cording to which, following the Platonists, it is possible to accept a categorical
order given in nature. However, following the nominalists, this order is not
perceived a priori but a posteriori; it is an arbitrary and cultural construction.
In the treatise on science, Vera Cruz speaks of science as knowledge
ih rough demonstration. He classifies demonstration, following Aristotle into
demonstration of fact, or quia and explicative demonstration of cause or
31. See Mauricio Beuchot, "La dialectica comofilosofiade la logica en Alonso de la
Vera Cruz," in Pemamiento y realidad en Pray Alonso de la Vera Cruz, ed. Redmond and
Beuchot; reprinted in Dos homtrtajes, Alonso de la Vera Cruz yPrancixcoXavierClavigero, ed.
M.miino liciidioi and u. Navarro (Mexico: U'NAM) (forthcoming).
76 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
propter quid. The latter is the most demanding and is satisfactorily and ade-
quately applicable only to mathematics. He establishes conditions or criteria
for the explicative demonstration or cause, that is, the characteristics of its
premises and conclusions, especially the epistemic characteristics of axioms
and theorems as well as of rigorous inferential concatenation. This enables
him to create a hierarchical table of sciences.
Finally, Vera Cruz's treatises, Topicos and Sofismas are also exceptional.32
All this work was carried out for the sake of his teaching because Vera Cruz
was conscientiously preparing himself to offer all that was within his grasp to
those who, in Mexico, were new to philosophy. In his courses on philosophy,
he wanted to offer all that was being offered at the universities in Europe,
His work culminates in his Physica speculatio, which deals with cosmology
and astronomy. In particular, Vera Cruz considers the nature of physics, cor-
poreal being, movement and its classes, and space and time. He also com-
ments on De caelo, De meteoris, De generatione et corruptione, and De anima. De
anima studies living beings, especially man. This work concerns not only the
senses and the sensitive aspects of human beings but also the intellect, rea-
son, and the life of the spirit. Therefore, the problem of the immortality of
the soul is raised, a problem closely related to what was, in Vera Cruz's time,
the celebrated problem of the agent intellect.33
With respect to legal philosophy, we must consider the De decimis (on
tithes), the De dominio infidelium, and the Speculum coniungiorum. The last of
these is a sampler of practical philosophy that describes Friar Alonso's ideal
of the human couple; that is, it applies ethics or morals to marriage and the
family. This work contains remarkable sections devoted to the issues of con-
sent, marital separation, and the difficulties inherent in marriages between
Indians. The last was an important issue because missionaries had to deal
with problems such as polygamy.
Antonio Gomez Robledo34 places Friar Alonso's work on the philosophical
and legal docrines concerning the political situation of the New World into
the same category with Vitoria's. Moreover, Vera Cruz emerges as a champion
32. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Introduccion" to the bilingual edition of the Elenchi and
the Topics by Fray Alonso (Mexico: UNAM, 1987); reprinted in Pensamiento y realidad en
Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz, ed. Redmond and Beuchot.
33. See Mauricio Beuchot, "La antropologia filosofica de Alonso de la Vera Cruz," in
Homenaje a Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz en el IV centenarlo de su muerte (1584-1984), ed.
Mauricio Beuchot and others (Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Juridicas, UNAM,
1986), pp. 11-24, and in Pensamiento y realidad, ed. Redmond and Beuchot.
34. See Antonio Gomez Robledo, El magisteriofilosdficoy jurfdico de Alonso de la Vera
Cruz (Mexico: Porrua, 1984); see also E. J. Burrus, The Writings of Alonso de la Vera Cruz,
5 vols. (Rome and St. Louis, Mo.: n.p., 1968).
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 77
of the Indians whose passion equals that of Las Casas, although Vera Cruz's
search for justice was not as exceptional as that of the Bishop of Chiapas. Sev-
eral things illustrate the generosity of the scholastic juridical doctrine found in
the De dominio infidelium. Like his teacher, Vitoria and the theologians of Sala-
manca, Friar Alonso believes that sovereignty can only be granted by the peo-
ple and that a ruler becomes a dictator either by the manner in which he
came to power (tyrannus ab origine or a titulo) or the way he governs or rules
(tyrannus a regimine). When either the way in which he came to power or the
use of his power is unjust, then the ruler deserves to be overthrown. Vera
Cruz denies that there are humans who are, by nature, destined to serfdom.
Accordingly, the dominion of the king and his encomenderos over the Indians
depends upon popular will and not upon a dictate of nature. Indians cannot
be dispossessed of their land; Indigenous peoples, despite their infidelity or
paganism, cannot lose their right to own land.
Friar Alonso also follows Vitoria in the demand that Indians be taught
Christian doctrine, whether or not they are legitimately welcomed by the
encomenderos. At the same time, he claims that Indians are legitimate owners
of land. Wyclif claimed that Indians could have no dominion over anything
because of original sin. The Thomist School opposed this, claiming that Indi-
ans were legitimate owners of their land and, therefore, that any land taken
from them had been taken unjustly. Friar Alonso does not acknowledge the
universal power of the emperor defended by Miguel de Ulzurrum, nor
Ostiensis from Ostia's claim regarding the the universal power of the pope.
He concludes that Indians are legitimate rulers of their land and neither the
emperor nor the pope can justifiably seize those lands. Nevertheless, Vera
Cruz does allow for the possibility of the pope's commissioning the emperor
as lord of the entire globe for spiritual purposes and of giving this emperor
part of the world for the sake of evangelization. Here Friar Alonso actually
resorts to the ominous doctrine of the indirect temporal power of the
Church.
This conclusion is open to question. Indeed, although Vitoria himself de-
fended the right to preach the Gospel, in Mexico it was done with violence,
and this invalidated such preaching. The need to preach the Gospel did not
confer the right to conquer infidels. In the opinion of Vitoria and Vera Cruz,
the Conquest had no legitimacy. In fact, even if the pope and the emperor
h.ul jurisdiction over lands, it did not follow that they owned these lands.
Besides, the indies were not colonies but were, as established by the Laws of
the Indies, realms or provinces and were entitled to the rights accompanying
such status.
78 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Like Vitoria, Friar Alonso discusses the illegitimate and legitimate actions,
as well as reasons for acting during the Conquest. The illegitimate reasons
that Vera Cruz mentions are the following: (1) disbelief of Indians, (2) de hire
possession of the New World by the ancient Roman empire, (3) injuries in-
flicted upon the Spaniards by Indians, (4) Indian opposition to evangeliza-
tion, (5) contra naturam sins committed by Indians, (6) mental retardedness
and feeble-mindedness of Indians, and (7) the Conquest as God's mandate.
Those who resorted to these reasons could not legitimize the Conquest.
However, Vera Cruz invokes the following reasons that, from his point of
view, do legitimize the Conquest of Indians, although they do not legitimize
the manner in which this was accomplished: (1) natives were under the
obligation of receiving the faith and the emperor could compel them to fulfil
it; (2) fulfillment of this obligation could also be enforced by the Roman
pope; (3) giving a Christian prince to the converts; (4) tyrannical rule of bar-
barian princes; (5) anthropophagy and human sacrifices practiced by Indi-
ans; (6) alliances between the Spaniards and other Indigenous peoples,
above all the Tlaxcaltecs; (7) free and voluntary vote of Indians; and (8) ius
communicationis et commercii, as well as other derivative rights.
Evaluation
Alonso de la Vera Cruz follows Aristotelian and Thomist doctrines but
demonstrates an extensive knowledge of the new humanist theories of his
time. Despite his didactic intentions, he develops some philosophical innova-
tions and becomes a clear exponent of intellectual renewal.35 In fact, apart
from his knowledge of the Aristotelian and Thomist tradition, one may also
note the influence of the 'neoterici', a name that designates both the nominal-
ists and Renaissance humanists. Just as he was a disciple of Vitoria in Sala-
manca and a devoted follower of Soto, in his work we may also perceive his
intention of assimilating new doctrines derived from humanist philosophers
and not just a desire to imitate their style.
Above all, Friar Alonso is a missionary of knowledge. The other mission-
aries worked eagerly to spread the Gospel throughout the New World, but
teachers like Friar Alonso were also devoted to the promotion of philosophi-
cal and theological studies. Moreover, although originality was not their pri-
mary objective, several of these men made remarkable contributions and
opened new paths in philosophy. Vera Cruz's work has the particular merit
35. For some of bis innovations, see Maurkio Beuchot and li. Gonzalez Ruiz, "L.a
falacia de peticion de principio en Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz," Nova TtllUS I (1985):
221-33.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 79
of planting a philosophical seed in the newly discovered lands. Although he
transferred Scholastic thought to New Spain, he did not merely copy it; he
changed and purified many doctrines and, above all, modified teaching
methods, divesting them of the technicalities with which later Scholastics
had burdened them. He was the first to open schools and libraries, and he
has thus gained the name of initiator and father of Mexican thought.
There is another aspect to Vera Cruz's contribution worthy of mention
here. Friar Alonso was the first to train students of his time in philosophy;
this group of students included Spaniards, criollps, and Indians. In his com-
mentary on a work by Antonio Gomez Robledo,36 Silvio Zavala observes, "It
is a privilege for great university masters to have disciples who deserve them.
This is the case of Friar Alonso de la Vera Cruz with respect to his master Vi-
toria, not only because he inherited the knowledge of the new Scholasticism,
but also because he maintained a propensity to observe the events of the
world critically. Vitoria had witnessed the Conquest from the considerable
distance of a celebrated university of the Old World. Vera Cruz came into his
own as a thinker at a nascent Mexican university, only three decades after
Cortes conquered Tenochtitlan, with students who were the immediate de-
scendants of the conquistadores and of the first settlers of New Spain."37 An
example of Vera Cruz's efficiency as a teacher is to be found in his outstand-
ing disciple, Antonio Huirzimengari Mendoza y Calzonzin, son of the last in-
digenous lord of the Tarascans.
Other figures
Another remarkable philosopher who belonged to the Order of Saint Au-
gustine was Friar Jose de Hinojosa, a Spaniard who was a professor at the
Real y Pontificia Universidad de Mexico until he returned to his native
country.38 He started teaching at this Mexican university in 1561 and was
the first to be appointed through a competitive process. He won the Chair of
Arts, which was given to him officially on April 19, 1561.39 In his lectures,
he used a well-established text of the Dominican Domingo de Soto,40 but
eventually he prepared his own coursebook, Summa philosophiae scholasticae
36. Seen. 31.
37. Silvio Zavala, "Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz en la vision de Antonio Gomez Rob-
ledo," Di&logOS (El Colegio de Mexico), n. 113 (1983), 22.
?«. See Samuel Ramos, Historia de lafilosofia en Mexico, vol. 2 (Mexico: UNAM, 1985),
j). I 14,
v>. See C, H. de la 1'l.rz.i y .Lien, Crinica de la Real y Pontiflcia Universidad de Mi'xico,
vol. I (Mexico: Miipicut.i IlniviMsil.iti.i, 1931), p. 28.
'10. Iliid.. p. 60.
80 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
patris Dominici de Soto, Ordinis Praedkatorum, in usum Academiae Mexicanae acco-
modata. This work was, however, never published and has been lost. In 1566
Hinojosa was promoted to the Chair of Theology, which he held until he re-
turned to Spain, where he was given a Chair at the Universidad de Osuna.41
We also have a philosophical work by Friar Francisco Coronel (born in
Torija, Spain), entitled Quaestiones aliquot eruditissimae in libros De anima Pri-
mae Partis Divi Thomae, written between 1589 and 1591.42 Influenced most
strongly by Aquinas, Coronel's work deals with the soul and examines the
definition offered by Aristotle, who considers it the first act of an organism.
Coronel distinguishes the soul from the body and explains how it can subsist
after the death of the body. He then goes on to discuss the intellective soul
and to analyze its character as a form united to matter, which is the body. He
studies the means of this union and concludes that the soul is found
throughout the entire body and in each of its parts.
Focusing upon the soul, Coronel examines whether the soul can be iden-
tified with its faculties, and he decides it cannot. The soul is susbsistent and
has, rather than is, its faculties. Coronel adds that these faculties of the soul
are divided according to the objects toward which their acts tend. He thus
dwells upon the faculties of the soul, in its vegetative, sensible, and intellec-
tual parts. In this discussion of the sensible part, he examines both internal
and external senses. When considering the intellectual part of the soul, he
raises the issue of whether our intellect can know a singular object. He ex-
plains knowledge of singular objects as something to which the intellect has
no direct access (only the senses can know individuals directly); this knowl-
edge is a reflexive act of the intellect. Finally, he discusses the soul in its rela-
tion to rational understanding; that is, the discursive intellect and not only
the apprehensive (or 'intuitive') one. He concludes the work with a discus-
sion of the kind of knowledge that the separated soul may acquire.
We also have a handwritten commentary by Friar Juan Amorillo, Com-
mentaria in primam divi Thomae a quaestione 12 ad 14. Amorillo's commentary
concerns the knowledge that man may have of God in order to form some
concept of Him in accordance with the diverse names that may be given to
Him, and the issue of the knowledge that God has of things.43
Friar Juan Contreras was born in Mexico, where he studied and gradu-
ated from the University. After having explained Soto's Summulae for the
competitive examination, Contreras was appointed to the Chair of Arts in
41. See Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano, pp. 294-95.
42. See J. Yhmoff Cabrera, Cataloao de obras manuscritas en latin de la liiblioleca Na-
tional de Mexico (Mexico: UNAM, 1975), p. 192.
43. [bid,
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 81
1578. He taught Summulae, dialectics and physics (or natural philosophy). In
1587 he resigned, probably resentful because he had not been promoted to a
more important and prestigious position. Although he took several competi-
tive examinations for the seminars on theology, he failed to gain another
teaching position. Within the Augustinian Order, Contreras was a professor
at the School of San Agustin,44 Rector of San Pablo, Prior of the Augustinian
Convent in Mexico, and Definitor and Provincial of the Order (1596).45
When he died in 1613, Contreras left a manuscript entitled Lectiones philoso-
phiae studentium captui accommodatae*6
Two Augustinians shared the surname of Zapata. There is a reference to
Juan Zapata y Alarcon at a university cloister on 10 November 158947 and as
the president of a viva.a The title of his thesis is Has totius dialecticae generales
assertiones defendet. . . in Mexicano S. P. N. Augustini, coventu F. Bernardus Romero
artium liheralium studiosus sub praesidio et tuttissimo auxilio, literatissimi Patris
Joannis Zapata Alarcon, eorundem Artium Lectoris meritissimi. Die 20 mensis au-
gusti post meridiem. Ex offlcina Melchioris Ocharte anno 1597. A coursebook is at-
tributed to him, but we do not have it.49
De iustitia distributiva, published in 1609 in Valladolid, Spain, is also attrib-
uted to Juan Zapata y Alarcon,50 but it is probably the work of Juan Zapata y
Sandoval, another Augustinian. It is entitled Fratris Ioannis Qapata y Sandoval,
augustiniani. ... De iustitia distributiva et acceptione personarum ei opposita discep-
tatio. Pro Noui Indiarum Orbis rerum Moderatoribus, Summisque et regalibus Con-
siliariis elaborata. . . . Anno 1606, Vallisoleti, excudebdt Christoforus Lasso Vaca.31
Reference has also been made to a work in three volumes produced at the
end of the sixteenth or the beginning of the seventeenth century by Friar
Diego Villarrubia, entitled Philosophia scholastico-Christiana.32
Jesuits
The first Jesuits who came to Mexico arrived in 1572. In Europe, the Soci-
ety of Jesus was known for its didactic undertakings. These clergymen were
44. See Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano, p. 221.
45. Ibid., p. 296.
46. See E. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografiafilosoficamexkana, vol. 1 (Zamora, Mexico: El
(lolegio de Michoacan, 1989; fascimile edition of the 2d ed. of 1913), p. 20.
47. See Plaza y Jaen, Crdnka de la Realy Pontificia Universidad de Mexico, vol. 2, p. 184.
48. See Valverde Tellez, Bibliografi'afilosoficamexicana, vol. 1, pp. 15-16.
49. Ibid., p. 16.
'>(). Sec Gallegos Roc.ifull, HI pensamiento mexicano, p. 295.
51, The balm-Spanish bilingual edition of this work was published by UNAM,
edited by Arluro Ramirez Trcjo and M.nuicio Hcuehol.
52. See V.ilvcide telle/, HiblloiiraflafllOStSflMtMXtCCUta, vol. 1, p. 23,
82 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
cloistered, so they generally operated outside the universi-t T ty. In IJ74 Poihcr
Pedro Sanchez founded the School of San Pedro and Seaiin IMliln, lIlC flrsi
major Jesuit school of New Spain." Father Pedro Lopez d e HParr.i Wll llic flisl
philosophy professor at the School of San Pedro and San F* aablo.*1 I 111 P were
other minor schools or 'students quarters' in existence a s * well, 1U| li II San
Miguel, San Bernardo, and San Gregorio, a school for y o u n i g g Indian! Around
1583 these schools merged to form the great School of Sara.. I Ildefonitl
P e d r o d e Hortigosa
Father Pedro de Hortigosa (also known as Ortigosa) vwwas mors Involved
with theology than philosophy, yet, through his t e a c h i n g , lie did Irllnitc
to the philosophical education of Mexican philosophers. I lie dliu dl lUiwi'd
various philosophical matters in his theological works.
Hortigosa was born in Villa de Ocana, Toledo, in 154t-7\7. Ik illldjjll liu
manities at the local Jesuit School, later attending the UnAjwvmld.nl dl Hi all
where he studied and then graduated with a bachelor of a n t s dt'KH I lllhw
quently, at eighteen years of age, he joined the Society c»f!l Jcmi III 111
vows in 1571. He continued his studies at the Colegio JlvM.ixInin di Maid
where he eventually succeeded his own professor, F a t h e r A A/III, In I III ' lldll
of Theology. Thus, he acquired the same rank as Alonso EDiir/d II
Toledo, and he received the praise of Francisco Suarez.56
Hortigosa traveled to Mexico in 1576 to lecture in t h e o H o c r II llli Ijlllegkl
Maximo de San Pedro. There was, however, no theology B|iinn i ll
that the students he had were students of philosophy - who liiid IIUilM
briefly with Pedro Lopez de Parra. Alegre recounts that 3Hloiil| Ill
that if he wanted students of theology, he would have t«oo lldlll ll I There he studied under Francisco de Toledo and became acquainted with the
self." Hortigosa took on this task, continuing the courser- in plillii U|lll) (I
ready begun under Lopez de Parra, yet he did it with the iarri I e n I li Ml ill |Hl'|iAl
ing good philosophers so they could later attend his lectur-«e"iiMi llirill
also become good theologians. He taught arts for only cz>nnr s I lIlHl
turned to theology, which he taught for the next forty y e a i i h H>
53. See C. Diaz y de Ovando, El colegio maximo de San Pedro y St^nw f'tft
ico: UNAM, 1985), pp. 14 ff.
54. See David Mayagoitia, Ambientefilosdfico de la Nueva Espana„ - i (MMll
p. 166.
55. Ibid., p. 141.
56. See Robles, Filosofos mexicanos, pp. 67-70.
57. See F. X. Alegre, Historia de la Provincia de la Companta de . Mctuli i
ed. B. J. Burrur and P. Zubillaga, rev. ed. (Rome: Instilli« mini III
1956-1960).
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 83
accepted that the University asked permission from the Society of Jesus to
honor him with the title of Doctor of Theology; the title was conferred in
1582. He continued teaching at the Jesuit School and on occasion acted as
Dean of the School of Theology at the University. Considered a wise and
saintly man, he died on 12 May 1626.
Among Hortigosa's purely theological works, there are several related to
philosophy. Some center around what would now be known as philosophy
of religion. In several sections of his treatise, De natura theologiae, de Dei essen-
tia et de perfectionibus, Hortigosa discusses the problems of God's existence and
divine attributes. He also devotes a section of this book to the knowledge
that man may have of God. On the other hand, in De fide, spe et charitate
(1590), Hortigosa questions the notion of a 'just war', an issue that falls
within political or social philosophy. With respect to this issue he states the
following: "(1) War is not always illicit, it can be honest if carried out under
the proper conditions. (2) Three conditions are required if war is to be licit;
namely, public authority, just cause, and honorable intention. (3) When one
of these is lacking, war is illicit."58 He also wrote a Tractatus de usu auri et ar-
genti apud Novohispanos pertaining to economic philosophy.59
Antonio Rubio
Antonio Rubio was born in Villa de Rueda, close to Medina del Campo, in
1548. He later went to Alcala and, after taking three courses on philosophy
at the Universidad Complutense, entered the Society of Jesus in 1569 at the
age of twenty-one. OnCe a member of the Society, he studied one year of
philosophy and four years of theology at the Colegio de Alcala de Henares.
teachings of Toledo's teacher, Domingo de Soto.60
Rubio was sent to Mexico in 1576 to teach philosophy and theology at
the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo where he succeeded Hortigosa to the
Chair of Arts. He taught philosophy for four years, beginning in October
1577, and around 1580, he began to teach theology and continued until
58. Gallegos Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano, p. 207.
59. According to Oswaldo Robles, the handwritten manuscripts of the first two
works are in the Library of the Universidad de Mexico, and the third manuscript is lo-
aned in the Secretan'a of the Iglesia Catedral Metropolitana de Mexico, Filosofos mexi-
canos, pp. 70-71.
60. For I he biography of Rubio, see Alegre, Historia de la Provincia; see also Walter
Redmond, "I.a l.ogka Mexic.in.i de Antonio Rubio: Una nota historica," Dianoia, 28
(1982); reprinted in Redmond and llcucltol, La loqica mcxicana en el siglo de on,
pp, 24 I li.
84 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
1592. Owing to Rubio's growing prestige, in 1593 the Jesuit province re-
quested the General of the Order to grant him a doctorate and permission to
publish a coursebook for philosophy or a commentary on Aquinas. Actually,
Rubio's coursebook is a commentary on Aristotle modeled on Aquinas's own
commentary. The Universidad de Mexico granted him the degrees of Master
(1594) and Doctor of philosophy (1595) and theology.
In 1600 he went to Rome as the Procurator of the Order's Mexican
province. He was also sent to Europe to publish the philosophical work he
had written during the twenty-five years he had spent in Mexico. In 1601
the Spanish Crown granted him permission to publish a book of logic, and in
1602 he went to Spain. The following year, in 1603, his coursebook for phi-
losophy was approved by an exacting committee and became a compulsory
text at the Universidad de Alcala. His commentaries on logic were also pub-
lished and became standard textbooks. In 1605, reacting to the news that not
all university instructors were using Rubio's textbook in their courses, the
king wrote a letter restating the policy that obligated all instructors to use
Rubio's textbook. Responding to a request from the university teachers,
Rubio wrote briefer commentaries on Aristotle's logic so that the subject
matter could be taught in less time thereby adhering to the conventions
adopted by the Universidad Complutense. These shorter commentaries were
published in 1606 under the title Logica mexicana. Rubio continued working
on his coursebook for philosophy and wrote sections on physics and psychol-
ogy; however, the project was interrupted by his death in 1615.
Works
Rubio intended to include logic, physics, and metaphysics in his course-
book, but some sections on natural philosophy and meteors, and the entire
section on metaphysics, were never written. Among his works are the fol-
lowing: the extensive commentaries on Aristotle's Dialectics, the shorter com-
mentaries or Logica mexicana, the commentary on the Physics, the De caelo et
mundo, the De ortu and the De anima.61 All these works underwent several
printings, a fact that attests to the high regard in which they were held.62
1
61. For Rubio's bibliography see Redmond, Bibliography ofPhilosophy, pp. 84-85, nn.
626-32. See also I. Osorio Romero, Antonio Rubio en lafilosofianovohispana (Mexico:
UNAM, 1988), pp. 75-83.
62. Commentarii in universam Aristotelis Dialecticam (Alcala, 1603; Cologne, 1610;
1613); Logica mexicana . . . hoc est Commentarii breviores et maxime perspicui in universam
Aristotelis Dialecticam (Cologne, 1605; Valencia, 1606; 1607; Cracow, 1608; Cologne,
1609; Alcala, 1610; Lyons, 1611; 1613; Alcala, 1613; Paris, 1615; Cologne, 1615; Va-
lencia, 1615; Lyons, 1617; 1620; Cologne, 1634; London, 1641); Commentarii in otto li
bros Aristotelis de Physico audali.... (Madrid, 1605; Valencia, 1606; Cologne, I MO; V.ilen-
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 85
Theories
Owing to the influence of humanism, the tradition of Summulae had lan-
guished, and Aristotle's texts were given more attention. As a result, Rubio's
work consists of commentaries on Aristotle that are organized systematically
as a coursebook. This is particularly evident in Rubio's logic. This commen-
tary on Aristotelian logic deals with Porphyry's Isagoge and Aristotle's Cate-
gories, De interpretatione, Prior and Posterior Analytics, Topics, and Elenchi. It cov-
ers the entire Organon."
Rubio is inclined toward a moderate Scholasticism, without the faults of
the decadent variety of this movement. Following a humanistic tendency to-
ward pedagogy, he was led to simplify the materials with which he dealt. He
begins With the usual introductory themes on logic itself. Dialectics is neces-
sary for all the non-rudimentary levels of science and proves useful, if not es-
sential, at least at the beginning. Dialectics is itself a science because it
demonstrates conclusions based upon evident principles. It is also an art be-
cause it includes rules of procedure and of application that are to be followed
in practice. Dialectics is speculative and practical and its object of study is rea-
son or thought.
Rubio's discussion of universals in the context of Porphyry's Isagoge is
worth mentioning. He rejects nominalism and Platonism, adopting an Aris-
totelian and Thomistic middle course. Only individual entities exist in reality.
Universals exist only in the mind but are abstracted by the mind from things
that exist in reality. So, universal natures exist in things in a material, or fun-
damental manner, whereas in the mind they exist in a formal or proper
manner only. Thus, against the Nominalists, Rubio maintains that universals
liave a material, foundational, or fundamental reality in things, but they
only have a formal reality in the mind and not in things. Against the Platon-
ists, he denies that universals have reality outside of things. The universal
exists in the many, e.g., in man or in humanity. A consequence of universal-
ity is predication; the universal is predicable of many. There are five modes of
eta, 1610; Lyons, 1611; Alcala, 1613; Cologne, 1616; Lyons, 1618; 1620; Alcala, 1620;
Brescia, 1626; Cologne, 1629; Lyons, 1640); Commentarii in libros Aristotelis de caelo et
mundo (Madrid, 1615; Lyons, 1616; Cologne, 1617; Lyons, 1620; 1625; Cologne, 1626;
Brescia, 1626); Commentarii in libros Aristotelis de ortu et interitu (Madrid, 1609; Lyons,
1614; Madrid, 1615; Cologne, 1619; Lyons, 1620; Alcala, 1620; Lyons, 1625; Brescia,
1626); Commentarii in libros Aristotelis Stagiritae philosophorum principis de anima (Alcala,
161 I; Lyons, 1613; Cologne, 1613; Madrid, 1616; Lyons, 1620; Brescia, 1626).
63. For this discussion, we will use the edition oi Rubio's coursebook published in
Lyons, Sumptilms Antonii I'llli'hotll. 1620.
86 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
predication, which are called predicables; all other modes of predication are
reducible to them. Predicables are entities of reason that only exist 'objec-
tively' (objective), namely, as objects of thought.64
Rubio explains the five predicables separately and goes on to the predica-
ments or Aristotelian categories. Aristotle had placed the ante-predicaments
before them. These are special modes of predication: denomination, univo-
cation, and equivocation. The last is divided into two: the causal and the sys-
tematic or analogous, which is why Rubio deals with analogy in this context.
He studies the nature of analogy and its division; the type of abstraction in-
volved in analogies in relation to the analogized; the analogy between God
and creatures; and the analogy present among creatures themselves; namely,
between substance and accidents and between accidents themselves. He dis-
cusses every one of the ten Aristotelian categories and concludes the section
with a discussion of the post-predicaments. These are relations among vari-
ous categories. The post-predicaments are opposition, priority (or anterior-
ity), simultaneity, transference, and the modes of having.
Rubio proceeds to comment on the De interpretatione which contains the
main elements of the Aristotelian philosophy of language. He discusses the
elements of the proposition which are the noun and the verb. He conceives
the proposition as a sentence that is true or false and affirms or denies some-
thing about something else. Rubio adds a classification of propositions into
categorical and hypothetical, and he deals with the relations between propo-
sitions, such as opposition, equipollence, etc.
For Rubio, the Categories is concerned with the first operation of the mind;
that is, the apprehension of simple elements. The second operation, namely
the composition of elements within the proposition, is the subject matter of
the De interpretatione. Finally, the remaining books of the Organon concern the
third operation of the mind, which is reasoning, and thus the syllogism is dis-
cussed in them.
According to Rubio, the Prior Analytics describes the syllogism in general,
and the other books on logic focus on particular species of syllogisms. The Pos-
terior Analytics considers scientific, demonstrative, and necessary syllogisms;
the Topics focuses on the probable or contingent syllogism; and the Elenchi
concentrates on the false and sophistic syllogisms. The Prior Analytics studies
the nature and division of the syllogism. Moreover, the book formulates the
rules to convert imperfect modes into perfect ones (of the first figure) and
64. See Mauricio Beuchot, El problema de los universale (Mexico: UN AM, 1982),
passim.
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 87
discusses its division into modes and figures. In the Posterior Analytics, the dis-
cussion of scientific or demonstrative syllogisms reveals that the structure of
science is based on apodictic (necessary, universal, and evident) principles.65
All this is discussed in connection to the gnoseological problems involved in
human faith, certainty, and the criteria of truth. The Topics briefly discusses
inferential rules of discussion and the probable or contingent syllogism.66 The
Elenchi, in dealing with sophisms and false syllogisms, establishes what is ex-
cluded from logic and thereby serves as a good tool for the teaching of proper
argumentation.
Rubio goes on to treat Aristotle's ideas on philosophy and nature. He be-
gins with a preamble on the division of philosophy into physical or natural
and metaphysical or supranatural philosophy. In a short history of philoso-
phy, he deals with the epistemological status of physics: its nature as a sci-
ence and its object. This discipline is speculative; it is a unified science, not a
disperse one. Its objects are entities subject to motion. Rubio adopts the Aris-
totelian division of natural or physical philosophy. Each division studies the
moveable entity from a different perspective. In the Physica, Aristotle exam-
ines the principles/beginnings and causes of natural things; in the De caelo et
mundo, he studies local movement and the elements of astronomy; the prin-
ciples of movement or substantial changes of generation and corruption are
dealt with in the De ortu et interitu, whereas De meteoris deals with generation
and corruption of some imperfect composites; De anima focuses on the prin-
ciple of vital movement; and the Historia animalium, together with a lost trea-
tise on plants, discuss the movement of the body that has either a sensible or
vegetative soul. Rubio did not comment on the books concerned with mete-
ors and animals.
At the time it was assumed that one had to proceed from the most famil-
iar to the least known, and thus Rubio asks at the beginning of his discussion
of the Physica whether it is convenient to begin the book with effects and
I lien go on to causes. His response is that the causes and principles with
which one must begin are those that demonstrate the properties of physical
things easily grasped by means of their operations. He dwells on other mat-
ters concerning method as well.
Rubio also discusses the principles of natural corporeal beings. He briefly
65. Sec Waller Redmond, "Logica y ciencia en la Logica mexicana de Rubio," Quipu.
lievlsta latinoamericana de historia de las ciencias y la tecnologta (January-April, 1984), in
Redmond and Beuchot, i.a Idgica mexicana en elsiglo deoro, n. l, pp. 273 ff.
66. See Mauricio Heuehol, "l.os lopicos dialogicos en la IJyicii mexicana de Anlonio
Kuliio," I'liilosoi'hica (Valparaiso, Chile), forthcoming,
88 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 89

deals with the modes and limits of things (i.e., their limits or the incipit and
that the faculties are distinguished in terms of their objects. He studies the
the destinit of each). Rubio discusses Aristotle's definition according to which
facuities of the vegetative, sensible, and rational soul, especially, understand-
principles are not made from other things but compose other things. Then he
ing. He concludes with a discussion of the soul separated from the body.
moves on to discuss the contrariety that is found between principles. Contra-
Following Aristotle's order, Rubio next studies generation, corruption, al-
riety is important because it allows change and movement that takes place
teration, increase and decrease, the combination of simple elements to form
where there is matter, form, and the privation of form. He considers typically
composites, and the primary qualities of simple elements. He discusses the
Scholastic issues: whether matter is one and the same for all physical and
subject and terms of generation (a quo and ad quern) as well as substantial
natural things, and whether it is merely potentiality or has some act by
generation and alteration. Corruption is established to be a power of sublu-
virtue of which it can subsist independently from form and its properties.
nary bodies, their relation to generation; that is, how a body is broken down
Concerning form, Rubio investigates whether it derives from the potentiality into its raw material. Rubio studies the degrees and subject of alteration, by
of matter, whether it can subsist without matter (for example, in the case of explaining how nutrition influences the growth of living beings. He goes on
the human soul), whether there is a multiplicity or unity of forms in the sub- to a discussion of rarefaction and condensation, action and reaction, and the
stantial composite, etc. He also questions whether privation is only an entity mixtures or combinations that appear in composite entities. Rubio also dis-
of reason or whether some kind of reality corresponds to it. cusses the primary qualities of elements and explores whether they are sub-
Rubio also discusses nature and causes. He examines Aristotle's remarks stantial or accidental forms and how they exist in the elements. He continues
on existence, essence, and the division of causes (the four Aristotelian with the problem of the reciprocai generation of elements and the tempera-
causes: material, formal, efficient, and final cause), as well as first and second ments of composite bodies. Rubio concludes with the problem of whether
types of causality. To this he adds something on the exemplary cause, which one thing can be reproduced with the same numerical identity (and he adds
he considers to be related to the formal cause. He also studies chance and interesting remarks that anticipate present advances in biology such as
fate. Following the Scholastic and Aristotelian order of exposition, he moves clones).
to the infinite (whether it is actual or potential and whether it can be known
Finally Rubio comes to the books on the heavens and the universe. He
by man), place and time, the vacuum and the continuum, the relation be-
touches upon the elements that compose the cosmos; namely, the four phys-
tween the mover and moved, the phenomenon of motion in its entirety, du-
ical essences, which are water, air, fire, and earth, as well as the fifth essence,
ration, the beginning of everything, and the Prime Mover. Rubio ends this
heaven. Here he discusses the nature of the universe, its divisions and prop-
section with a discussion of straight movement, reflection, and violent
erties; the definition, movements, and properties of celestial bodies, as well as
movement.
the elements and their relations. Anticipating Leibniz and his universal opti-
He opens his discussion of the soul by asking whether the study of the
mism, Rubio states that the nature of the universe is the perfection that is
soul is compatible with physics. He then gives an account of how the study of
characteristic of the creature; heavenly beings are even more perfect than
physics is divided and what it is for. He studies the nature or definition of the
sublunar beings, and celestial bodies are incorruptible and incapable of being
soul and its classes: vegetative, sensible, and rational or spiritual. The pri-
generated. Philosophical argument cannot prove that there is only this uni-
mary issue concerning the relations of the soul is how these relations consti-
verse and not many others. Through faith, however, we can conclude that it
tute one soul in a human body. Rubio concludes that this is so because what
is more convenient to believe that there is only this one. On the other hand,
is most perfect can comprise and realize the most imperfect and its corre-
and contrary to the beliefs of the ancients, ceiestial bodies are not animated.
sponding functions. Next he considers animation; that is, whether the soul
Therefore, living things are more perfect than celestial ones. Rubio accepts
has a particular site in the body or whether it informs the entire body and
I hat the stars influence earthly things such as minerals, animals, and even
how it can do this. Rubio then discusses the difficulties surrounding the issue
humans; however, he rejects the idea that future events can be known by
of the faculties of the soul: (1) Are the faculties distinct from the soul? (2)
menus of the stars because he holds that angels, not the stars, are responsible
How the faculties can be distinguished from the soul? (3) How can the facul-
lor ihe movements of celestial bodies. Rubio closes wilh a section on the four
ties be distinguished from each other? Rubio's response to the l.isi question is
elements mentioned earlier .mil says ih.u earth is Ihe center of the universe.
90 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico Sixteenth Century: Scholastics 91

In accordance with traditional ideas on cosmology and despite the fact that and Aliqua notatu digna super Commentaria P.D.F. Toleti in libros Aristotelis De gen-

several scientists of the time already had stated that it moved from west to eratione et corruptione.

east, he maintains that the earth is static because of its gravity and inclination. Arias is more original in other works where he not only adds issues and
Although Rubio never completed the metaphysics he had envisioned, his scholia to ancient and medieval authors (Aristotle, Euclid, Juan de Sacro-
coursebook for philosophy is extensive. In spite of the contemporary rele- broso) but also personal observations and analyses. For example, he dis-
vance of his work in logic and ontology, it is fair to say that his cosmology cusses the calendar, the construction of clocks, and meteorological and astro-
and physics are outdated, burdened by a tradition that resisted the advances nomical phenomena in the manuscript, In libros Aristotelis De coelo scolia
of experimental science. quaedam et praedpuae de sphera mundi partim ex veterum astronomorum partim ex
recentiorem doctrina et observatione collectus per doctissimum P. Antonio Arias, Soci-
etatis Jesu. He also left an interesting treatise, De lingua originali, written while
Antonio Arias he taught the Bible. Arias was a remarkable linguist and philologist. In his
This philosopher was born in Valladolid, Spain, in 1565 and died in Mex- works on biblical exegesis, he uses the official Latin text (Versio Vulgata) and
ico on 10 July 1603." He entered the Society of Jesus on 16 October 1581, also considers the Hebrew, Aramaic (which was called 'Chaldean' during
and he was among the first and most eminent Jesuits who traveled to New Arias's time), Greek (the Versio Septuagintae), and other Latin texts. Motivated
Spain. He taught at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo where he was well- by this erudition, he engaged in the search for the original human language.
respected. He also occupied several positions in the Mexican province of the His work is a prelude to later works on the philosophy of language.
Society of Jesus, among others as Secretary and Procurator of the Congrega-
tion of the Annunciation. Although he died at the age of thirty-nine, he left
behind a considerable number of writings.
At the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo, Arias taught philosophy and
theology. Within the field of philosophy, he devoted himself especially to
cosmology or natural philosophy, leaving several remarkable philosophical
works on these matters.68
His known philosophical works consist primarily of class notes in which
he shows little originality, closely following the Spanish Jesuit Francisco de
Toledo;6' on occasion he merely summarizes Toledo. At other times he com-
ments and defends Toledo's doctrines, resorting to the authority of Aristotle,
Aquinas, Pedro de Fonseca, and Domingo de Soto. Only on rare occasions
does he offer important doctrines of his own. His work on philosophy in-
cludes: Illustris explanatio Commentariorum P.D. Francisci Toleti, S.J. in octo libros
Aristotelis De physica Auscultatione per Reverendum Admodum Patrem Antonium
Arias, ejusdum Societatis et Philosophiae in celebri Mexicanrum Accidentia professorem

67. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Arias, Antonio, S.J..," in Encidopedia de la Iglesia Catdlicu
en Mexico, ed. J. R. Alvarez, vol. 1 (Mexico: Encidopedia de Mexico, 1982), pp. 330-31;
Alegre, Historia de la Provincia, vol. 1. See also A. Perez de Rivas, Cronica y historia de la
Provincia de la Compania de Jesus de Mexico en Nueva Espana (Mexico: n.p., 1896).
68. See J. E. Uriarte and M. Lecina, Biblioteca de escritores de la Compania de JtsAs
pertenecientes a la antigua asistencia de Espana desde sus origenes hasta el ana de 177 i (M. 111 ii 11
n.p., 1925-1930).
69. See GaEegoS Rocafull, El pensamiento mexicano, pp. 287-89.

i|f§ The Seventeenth Century
I
t is extremely difficult to provide a well-balanced interpretation of sev-
enteenth-century Mexico. On t h e one hand, t h e seventeenth century
can be seen as a period of peace and contentment, a period of economic
prosperity and of political stability; it even appears to be a century in which
knowledge was not only passed on but also developed in n e w directions. On
t h e other hand, w e also k n o w that t h e lower classes were unjustly oppressed
and that there existed a marked degree of absolutism. The level of culture
was comparable to Spain's, but the fruits of culture were only available to
Spaniards and criollos w h o supported the clergy.
The Mexican clergy of t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y found itself in a far m o r e
comfortable situation t h a n that of the brave missionaries from the previous
century. The task of t h e clergy was n o longer to w i n souls for t h e true faith
b u t rather to maintai n b o t h t h e learning and order a m o n g t h e multitude of
indigenous peoples w h o h a d b e e n taught t h e Christian doctrine in a very
superficial way. As a result, t h e clergy grew, w i t h m a n y people embracing
this w a y of life n o t because they felt a true vocation for it but because they
were attracted by t h e t h e splendid life one could lead in a convent.
Spaniards a n d criollos, even half-breeds a n d Indians, could be found in
these convents. 1 Nevertheless, even during this period, w h e n rules rapidly
became lax and decadent attitudes flourished, there were priests w h o truly
1. See I. A. Leonard, La epoca barroca en el Mexico colonial (Mexico: I'Cli, 197-1),
pp. 74-75.
•>.'
Seventeenth Century 93
believed in their intellectual mission and strove for t h e well-being of t h e
whole of society.
Nonetheless, a general feeling of stagnation prevailed. Figures such as
Friar J u a n de Zapata y Sandoval, Don Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, and
Sister J u a n a Ines de la Cruz became active in the fight against this decay. Oc-
tavio Paz complains about the lack of philosophical and theological depth
during this period, both in Spain and in Mexico:
The doctrine had been established and the important thing was to put it into
practice. The Church became immobilized in Europe and was always on its
guard. Scholasticism defends itself badly, like the heavy Spanish ships which
were prey to the lighter Dutch and English ones. The decadence of European
Catholicism coincides with its Hispanic American zenith: it spreads through
new lands the moment it stops being creative. It offers a preformed philosophy
and a petrified faith, and therefore the originality of the new believers has no
possibility of expressing itself. Their participation is passive. The fervor and
depth of Mexican religious feeling contrast with the relative poverty of its
product. We do not possess great religious poetry, or an original philosophy,
and we do not have even one important mystic or reformer. 2
New Spain was certainly dependent o n t h e latest research from Europe, b u t
this does n o t m e a n that there was n o original work being carried out in New
Spain, especially in the areas of Scholastic philosophy, the newly introduced
modern philosophy (Bacon, Descartes, etc.), and hermetic philosophy.
Fernando Benttez characterizes the complex situation of seventeenth-
century Mexico in the following way:
New Spain was not the prosperous, peaceful country the historians who love
the viceregal period would like us to imagine. It was a huge colony and its pros-
perity was monopolized by the high clergy, the landowners, the merchants,
and the miners: it was a far cry from a just, ordered, and calm realm. There
were two bloody uprisings in Mexico City, one in 1624 and another in 1692.
Hundreds of rebels had their heads cut off. The Inquisition organized its cruel
2. "La doctrina estaba hecha y se trataba sobre todo de vivirla. La iglesia se inmovi-
llzaba en Europa, a la defensiva. La escolastica se defiende mal, como las pesadas naves
ii'spanolas, presa de las mas ligeras de holandeses e ingleses. La decadencia del catoli-
vismo europeo coincide con su apogeo hisparioamericano; se extiende en tierras
nuevas en el momento en el que ha dejado de ser creador. Ofrece una filosoffa hecha y
Una fe petrificada, de modo que la originalidad de los nuevos creyentes no encuentra
ocaslon de inanifestarse. Su adhesion es pasiva. El fervor y la profundidad de la reli-
Cinsiil.ul inexicana contrastan con la relativa pobreza de sus creaciones. No poseemos
una gran poesi'a religiosa, como no tenemos una filosoffa original, ni contamos con un
solo nifslico o reformador de importancia." Octavio Paz, "Un mundo en otro," in El
ptrtgrinotnsu patrta, Mexico, in La abrade Octavio Paz, vol. l (lelmpressloii, Mexico: FCE,
1989), pp. 111-12.
94 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 95

autos de fe, the indigenous population rebelled in the north, the Isthmus of los and Indians came to occupy important public positions as well. Friar J u a n
Tehuantepec, and Yucatan, and if there were long periods of peace, this peace
de Zapata y Sandoval, an Augustinian, soon became well k n o w n because of
was the result of imprisonment, exile, the garrotte, the gallows, inquisitional
his excellent treatise o n distributive justice. Don Carlos de Sigtienza y Gon-
burnings, and interiorized repression. 3
gora was a criollo whose studies on the Indigenous culture became one of the
Yet during this period, w h e n injustices were so often committed by the pow- foundations of Mexican nationalism.
erful members of society, there were some members of the intellectual clergy If w e bear in mind these examples of intellectual capacity and achieve-
w h o raised their voices against such injustices. This is the case, for example, ment, it becomes clear why, at the beginning of the century, Bernardo de Bal-
of Bishop Palafox y Mendoza, w h o wrote a defense of the indigenous popu- buena commented favorably upon culture in Mexico. Addressing a potential
lation. 4 Above all, he defended t h e m against the alcaldes mayores and corregi- visitor to Mexico City, he writes of the University:
dores w h o had taken t h e place of the encomienda in tormenting the Indians. In
Si quisiera recreation, si gusto tierno
this connection, w e may also m e n t i o n Friar Miguel Aguayo, a Franciscan; de entendimiento, ciencia y letras graves,
Father Francisco Coello, a Jesuit; and Friar Alonso Norefia, a Dominican trato divino, don del cielo eterno;
w h o had been associated with Friar Bartolome de las Casas. They voiced si en espiritu heroico a las suaves
their disagreement with those w h o were opposed to the liberation of the In- musas se apliCa, y con estilo agudo
de sus tesoros Ies ganziia las Haves;
dians. Yet, in spite of some rather conservative policies concerning the rights
si desea vivir y no ser mudo,
of the Indians, certain macehuales, or poor indigenous people, held important
tratar con sabios que es tratar con gentes,
positions during the seventeenth century: "This was the case of Don Nicolas fuera del campo torpe y pueblo rudo;
del Puerto, an Indian, a university lecturer of rhetoric and t h e n of canon law, aqui hallara mas hombres eminentes
Canon of Mexico and Bishop of Oaxaca. He was called the Cicero of the en toda ciencia y todas facultades,
courts of Mexico and the Mexican Solomon. We find another example of que arenas lleva el Gange en sus corrientes;
monstruos en perfection de habilidades,
this in the case of the Indian Jesuit J u a n Esteban w h o was born in Tepot-
y en las letras humanas y divinas
zotlan. It is said that he was so industrious, almost instinctively so, w h e n
eternos rastreadores de verdades.
teaching others to read and write and became so famous for this that chil- Precianse las escuelas salmantinas,
dren were sent from Spain to learn with him." 5 During this period other criol- las de Alcala, Lovaina y las de Atenas
de sus letras y ciencias peregrinas;
3. "La Nueva Espafia no era un pais prospero y pacffico como afirman los escritores precianse de tener las aulas Uenas
amantes del virreinato. Era una enorme colonia cuya prosperidad monopolizabaii el de mas borlas, que bien sera posible,
alto clero, los latifundistas, los comerciantes y los mineros, y de ningun modo un reino mas no en letras mejores ni tan buenas;
justo, ordenado y tranquilo. Dos motines sangrientos estallaron en la ciudad de Mexico
en 1624 y en 1692. Centenares de negros rebeldes fueron degollados. La inquisition que cuanto llega a ser inteligible,
organizo sus crueles autos de fe, los indios se rebelaron en el norte, en el istmo de cuanto un entendimiento humano encierra,
Tehuantepec y en Yucatan, y si hubo largos periodos de paz, esta paz la impusieron la y con su luz se puede hacer visible,
carcel, el destierro, el garrote, la horca, las hogueras inquisitoriales y la represion interi- los gallardos ingenios desta tierra
orizada." F. Benitez, Los demonios en el convento. Sexo y religion en la Nueva Espafia (Mexico:
Era, 1985), p. 13. 10 alcanzan, sutilizan y perciben
4. See J. de Palafox y Mendoza, De la naturaleza del indio, in Obras del llustisimo, Exce- en duke paz, o en amable guerra. 6
lentisimo y Venerable Siervo de Dios Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, vol. 10 (Madrid: D.
Gabriel Ramirez, 1762), pp. 444-93. 11 you want recreation, the tender flavor
5. "[E]se fue el caso de don Nicolas del Puerto, indio, catedratico de retorica, y of understanding, science and grave letters,
luego de canones en la universidad, candnigo de Mexico y obispo de Oaxaca, que file and a divine treatise, the gift of eternal heaven;
llamado el Ciceron de los estrados de Mexico y el Salomon mexicano, y en otro orden,
il you apply yourself with heroic spirit to the soft muses,
el del jesuita indio Juan Esteban, natural de Tepotzotlan, quien 'tuvo tal tadustria, casi
instinto, de ensenar a leer y a escribir y tuvo en ello tanto credito, que desde Espafia le and catch the keys io their treasures with a line style;
trafan nihos para que lograsen sis ensenanza." GallegOS Rocafull, Blpensamicnto mexi-
cano, p. 51. (.. It. ile ll.illiuen.i, (imndiTil mexiciiiid, .M i-il, (Mexico: UNAM, 1934), pp. 59-61.
 96 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
S e v e n t e e n t h Century 97

if you desire to live and not be silent, el Serafm, en quien esta el retrato
and to deal with wise men, that is, gentlemen, del nudo celestial de Dios hecho hombre;
away from the sleepy countryside and boorish people— con los que de su misma regla y trato
here you will find men who are eminent siguen descalzos de virtud la senda,
in every science and all the faculties, y al mundo dan de pie ventero ingrato.
more of them than the grains of sand Del famoso Augustino la gran prenda,
carried in the streams of the Ganges; en santidad y letras rico erario,
monsters in perfection of skills del libre mundo concertada rienda;
and in divine and human letters la Compania y santo relicario
eternal searchers of truths. del nombre de Jesus, su gran concierto
Salamantine schools pride themselves, de profesos, colegio y seminario,
t un
•mi'
those of Alcala, Louvain, and of Athens
regarding their peregrine letters and sciences;
adonde al cielo vivo, al mundo muerto,
esta el unico fruto que pariste
• lih!
they pride themselves on having classrooms full de tu sangre y virtud precioso injerto;
E of more hoods, which might very well be the case, angel en todo, porque en todo fuiste
but not in better or nearly as good letters su madre, y alma y cuerpo le criaste
than what gets to be intelligible, con la doctrina y leche que le diste.

it
inasmuch as a human understanding involves, La estrecha regla, donde en fino engaste
and with light becomes visible resplandece la gloria del Carmelo,
the gallant minds or this land sin que el brocado entre el sayal se gaste;
reach it, made subtle and perceive del pio Mercedario el santo celo
in sweet peace, or in kind war. en rescatar, conforme a su institute,
los cuerpos y las almas para el cielo;
Balbuena's descriptions are exaggerated. Nevertheless, it is evident that a
y del monje antiqufsimo de luto
rich intellectual atmosphere existed in Mexico. This despite the fact that both que en el monte Casino por su mano
• l«lkll

the theory and the practice of justice were n o longer w h a t they h a d been rompio de Apolo el simulacro bruto;
during the previous century. Overall, w h e n compared to the sixteenth cen- de la fria Nursia alumno soberano,
ill!
tury, the seventeenth century is less impressive. It is also interesting to note hasta en el nombre singular bendito,
Ill'
nueva grandeza al suelo mexicano. 7
II! that the great majority of the testimonies that were supposedly written dur-
in. ing this century have disappeared. These testimonies were produced at the From the Spanish torch that, once lit,
university as well as at the colleges of the religious orders. These colleges illuminated the world and reformed the earth,
were k n o w n for their dedication to both science and virtue. Here we have also born from Guzman's lineage,
Guzman, that holy trumpet at whose war cry
Balbuena's florid description:
the intellect trembles, and the land rejoices and sees
De la espanola antorcha que encendida more stars than the eighth heaven encloses.
x
alumbra el mundo y reformo la tierra, Admire his temple, house, and riches,
tambien del tronco de Guzman nacida, as well as the pulpit that gave his order its name,
el clarin santo, a cuyo son de guerra and instantly inspires learning and virtue.
tiembla el intelecto, el suelo goza y mira and to which humility was made renown
mas luces que el octavo cielo encierra. by the Seraphim, in whom the portrait is found
Su templo, casa y su riqueza admira, of the celestial knot of God made man;
y el piilpito que dio a su regla el nombre with those who of that same rule and agreement of his
y a soplos, letras y virtud inspira; follow barefoot Ihe path of virtue,
y a la que de humildad puso renombre
7. 11)1(1., |)|). I l l) 12.
98 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico Seventeenth Century 99

and to the world they give standing up an ungrateful innkeeper. Fortunately, not all documents from this period were mishandled in this
From the famous Augustine the great pledge, way; the Biblioteca Nacional has possession of a commentary on the Senten-
a rich treasury in holiness and learning, cias written by Friar Pedro de Leyva. He tries to stress the importance of the
the harmonious rein of the free world;
doctrine of Duns Scotus, the principal doctor of his Order. His text begins
the Company and holy relic
of the name of Jesus, his great symphony with the following words: "Incipiunt proemiales quaestiones super prologum
of professed followers, schools, and seminaries, Primi Sententiarum a nostro clarissimo necnon sapientissimo Patre Fratre
where to the heaven alive, to the world dead Petro de Leiva, nuper et acutissime (quia scotice) enucleatae in hoc Sanctae
there is only fruit you gave birth Barbarae. . . . Angelopolitano coenobio, Die Januarii 17a. Anno Dni 1620."
from your blood and virtue, beautiful blend; This commentary was written in the Convent of Puebla in 1620.
angel in everything, because in all you were
his mother, and soul, and body you raised for him There also exists documentation on the journey that the famous Friar
with the doctrine and milk that you gave him Buenaventura Salinas made across Mexico. Friar Buenaventura was born in
The narrow ruler, where the fine mounting Lima and had held numerous positions in the Order. One such position took
shines the glory of Carmelo, him to Mexico in 1646. He was a great defender of the criollos and wrote an
without the brocade between the sackcloth wearing out; Apologia por los criollos. Another work, Cursus philosophiae, was to be published
of the pious Mercedary the holy concern
in Rome, but it was never printed and all traces of it have disappeared. Sali-
to rescue, in accordance with its institution,
the bodies and the souls for heaven; nas died in Cuernavaca in 1653.
and of the very ancient monk in mourning Another Curso on Scotistic philosophy was written by Friar Francisco Cruz,
who at Mount Casino by his hand who at the beginning of the century had crossed over from the province of
broke from Apollo the brutish rehearsal; San Jose to that of San Diego. In this second province he taught philosophy;
of the cold Nursia sovereign student,
the Curso is a compilation of his lectures (the manuscript has been lost). At the
until the blessed singular name
new greatness to the Mexican soul. lime of his death in 1655, Friar Francisco was a censor for the Inquisition.
In 1658, a Scotus Chair was created at the University for the Franciscans.
Our study of the philosophy of New Spain during the seventeenth cen- Athough it was a Chair of Theology, it greatly influenced the growth of Scotis-
tury will concentrate on the philosophical positions of the most important I ic philosophy. The philosophy produced by those who held this Chair is rig-
religious orders and the most prominent members of the secular clergy. The orous and sophisticated, and could even be termed 'subtle', an epithet that
philosophical position of Sister Juana fries de la Cruz will also be considered. had also been applied to Scotus. Use of this epithet was widespread; it even
appears in this humorous matinal song from the Cathedral of Mexico (1654):

Franciscans A los cojos, los difuntos

hechos justillos se siguen,
In the seventeenth century, Franciscan philosophers became more promi- mas palidos que el temor
nent than in the previous century because they were no longer entirely ab- y mas que la noche tristes.
sorbed by the evangelization activities that had been entrusted to them. At Reparando de la vida
comas, apices y tildes,
the beginning of the century, Friar Jose de Gabalda, born in Valencia, finished
ya Valerios por lo flaco,
his studies in Mexico. He taught in Guatemala, where he left a manuscript, ya Escotos por lo sutiles,
Comentario a las "Sentencias" (a commentary on the work of Pedro Lombardo). con prolundas reverencias
According to Beristain, after Gabalda died, his work was sold as wrapping .i Pedro can tan los Kyries,
paper, due to an oversight on the part of Convent authorities.8
i'il. (Mexico: I'uonlo Cultural, 1947), p. M\, n. \2M; and Gallegos Rocafull, El pen-
\,titticiilo iiifxictiiio, p. 117.
8. Sec J. M Ucrislnin do Sou/a, Diblioteca llispmio Ameriainu Sfplcnirioiial, vol. 2, it'd
100 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
y han dado en querer hacer
de Requiem a los maitines. 9
To the crippled, the deceased
crammed facts follow,
more pale than fear
and more sad than nights.
Caring about life
commas, iotas, and tildes,
already Valerios because they are so thin,
already Escotos because they are so subtle,
with deep reverence
to Pedro they sing the Kyries,
and they now desire to make
Requiem to the matinal.
Don Emeterio Valverde Tellez mentions a work by Friar J u a n de Almanza
called Disputationes una cum sectionibus in universam Aristotelis philosophiam, octo
libros comprehensam, anno 1660. Valverde says that this text was found in the
Franciscan Convent in Queretaro. 1 0 He also mentions another philosophical
work written by Friar Martin de Aguirre, whic h has since been lost, a Ldgica.
On the first page this passage was found: "Incipiunt trienales scholasticae
controversiae u t i n a m feliciter super universam, naturalem, rationalem et
supernaturalem philosophiam iuxta m e n t e m subtilissimi praeceptoris, N.
Joannis Duns Scoti. . . per Fratrem M a r t i n u m ab Aguirre liberalium artium
lectorem elaboratae . . . in hoc divi Bernardini vulgo de Xochimilco coenobio
a n n o Domini 1687 mense februario die vigesimo quinto hora n o n a ante
meridiem."
This manuscript (1687) contained two works on logic; the Summulae and
the Dialectica magna, copied by Friar Bias de Carmona y de San Jose. Accord-
ing to Valverde, it was found in the Museo del Padre Chaparro in Temascal-
cingo, but Gallegos Rocafull disputes this claim. 11
Finally, we come to Friar Andres Borda (or Bordas), a Mexican w h o be-
came well k n o w n at the university, successfully holding the Scotus Chair for
twenty years. His philosophical manuscripts, De qualitate qualificabilium propo-
sitionum and Commentaria in Scoti quodlibeta, have been lost. His only pub-
lished work (1708) was Solution de la Realy Pontificia Universidad de Mexico a las
9. Nocturno III/III, in Poetas novohispanos, segundo siglo (1621-1721), Parte primera, ed.
Mendez Plancarte (Mexico: UNAM, 1944), p. 82.
10. See Valverde Tellez, Criticafilosdftca("Mexico: Sues, de Fco. Din/, do I .ci'in, 1904), p. 51.
11. See Valverde Tellez, Bibliografiafilosdficamexicana, pp. 21-24; Galli'icos Rocafull,
El pemamiento mexicano, p. 318.
S e v e n t e e n t h Century 101
catorce cuestiones propuestas por los RR. PP. velemitas. He was a specialist in canon
law, philosophy, and theology. 12
Dominicans
The Dominicans were active both in teaching and writing at their colleges
and at the University (the St. Thomas Chair was founded in 1617).
Antonio de Hinojosa
The first major philosophical figure a m o n g the Dominicans of t h e m sev-
enteenth century was Friar Antonio de Hinojosa. Hinojosa entered the Order
in 1590 and taught arts and theology in the Convent of Santo Domingo. In
1603 he became a lecturer of philosophy there. In that same year he was a
candidate for the presentatura, and his order suggested he teach theology.
Hinojosa also studied at the Universidad de Mexico, and in 1606 he re-
ceived the degree of Master or Doctor in Theology. Afterwards h e was ap-
pointed Prior of the Convent Of Coyoacan w h e r e the historian Antonio de
Remesal visited him. Remesal describes the Convent in this way: "I observed
that it was closer to a university cloister t h a n to a Convent of friars." 13 This he
attributed to the great a m o u n t of studying that w e n t on, and the austere way
of life of its inhabitants. So great was Hinojosa's intellectual and moral
stature that, four years after receiving his degree, o n 10 November 1610, he
was listed (with Friar Luis Vallejo) as candidate for the rectorship of the Uni-
versity. However, due to obscure legal motives hinted at by the outgoing rec-
tor and ratified by the Real Audiencia, a decison was reached that prohibited
clergymen from becoming rectors. 14
Hinojosa published a book in Madrid in 1627 called Directorium decissionum
regularium circa ambiguitates constitutionum on the rights of people w h o were
members ,of religious orders. In it he makes reference to another book ready
for print: Clypeus thomistarum ex quaestionibus metaphysicis et theologicis affabre
compactumP Hinojosa's interest in metaphysics is evident from the title of this
work.
12.Ibid.
13. "|N|ote que mas parecia claustro de universidad que Convento de frailes." A. de
Remesal, Historia de la provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala de la esclarecida Orden
ile nuestrogloriow Padre Santo Domingo de Guzman (Madrid, 1619).
14. See Mauricio Mcucliol and A. Mclcon, Los dominkos en la Realy Pontificia Univer-
sidad de Mexico, (Mexico: Oudrioos Doniiiiicuios, 1984) p. 18, n, 10.
I'>. lU'tisliiiu iiiciuioiis ilils, anil so docs .1, (iarcfa Iia/halcela HihliOfirnJJit mexicana
102 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Francisco Naranjo
Another important Dominican was Friar Francisco Naranjo, a man fa-
mous for his outstanding memory and intelligence. He was a criollo born in
Mexico City. In his youth he had been posted in the Castle of San Juan de
Ultra. He entered the Dominican Order in 1604. He studied in Mexico at the
Convent of Santo Domingo, and he taught at different convents belonging to
the Order and then at the University. He began teaching at Santo Domingo
in 1616, lecturing on arts. He was promoted to Lecturer of Theology, first in
the Convent of Puebla in 1620 and then in the Convent of Mexico in 1624,
where he taught for several years.
In 1631 he tried for a Chair but failed to obtain it. He tried again in 1636,
but once again he failed. It was only in 1638 that he was named to the St.
Thomas Chair, which he held until 1653. For many years, people remem-
bered that in his two unsuccessful attempts for the Chair he had impressively
recited several texts from memory, including Aquinas's Summa as well as a
series of other works by Aquinas and others. The written record of these ex-
traordinary events still exists.16 Naranjo's teaching career was cut short when
he was named Bishop of San Juan de Puerto Rico. Before this, however, he
had held two other positions within the Order as Regente de Estudios and Cen-
sor for the Inquisition.
According to Beristain, when Naranjo was named bishop, he burned his
scholastic manuscripts saying, "This is no longer necessary, all a bishop needs
is the Book of Christ." Yet, according to other sources, there was a folio vol-
ume in the Convent of Santo Domingo which Naranjo wrote, the Teologia en
lengua castellana. This manuscript was removed from the Convent by mem-
bers who considered such subject matter inappropriate for the cloister. Al-
though the manuscript was lost for a long time, it has recently resurfaced,
thereby affording us a firsthand appreciation of Naranjo's vast knowledge
del siglo XVI (Mexico: FCE, 1954), n. 146, p. 426. Beristain says that Hinojosa had pre-
pared a Clypeus thomistarum before the author of Clypeus Theologlae Thomisticae was born.
Beristain probably meant Juan Bautista Gonet (1616-1681), a French Dominican who
wrote five volumes of Clypeus theologiae thomisticae (Cologne, 1671). He does not take
into account that long before Hinojosa, the Hungarian Dominican, Petrus Niger
(1434-1483), had written a Clypeus thomistarum contra modernos et scotistas, published in
Venice in 1481, and a Clypeus thomistarum adversus omnes doctrinae doctoris angelici obtrec-
tatores, published in Venice in 1504.
16. See G. R. G. Conway, Friar Francisco Naranjo and the Old University of Mexico
(Mexico: Gante Press, 1939); A. Zahar Vergnra, "Frai Francisco Naranjo," Anuario de
Filosofia del Seminario de Invest ic/aciones Filosdficas de la Facullad de Filosofla y l.elras de la
UNAM, 1 (1943): 47-90.
Seventeenth Century 103
and intelligence." Naranjo's name appears in 1663 in the Adas of the provin-
cial chapter houses of the Order, on a list of the dead. It is, however, clear
that he had died earlier, probably in 1655.
Another well-known Dominican of the times was Friar Jose Calderon. He
was born in Antequera de Oaxaca and received a scholarship to attend the
College of Santa Maria de Todos los Santos. He received his doctoral degree
in theology at the university and was then ordained and entered the Do-
minican Order. He was a lecturer at various convents and also a Prior.
Valverde mentions his work, Compendium philosophiae Thomisticae in usum
Fratrum Praedicatorum S. Hippolyti de Oaxaca, which was a summary of Domingo
de Soto's coursebook for philosophy and was used in the colleges of that
province for a long time. Valverde thinks it was printed,18 but it has been lost.
Thus, most of the works on philosophy by Dominican friars in the seven-
teenth century which we have mentioned have been lost. The only docu-
ment we have to give us a general idea of the development of Thomist phi-
losophy during this period is Naranjo's Teologia. Information about the rest
must be gathered from second-hand accounts.
Augustinians
Like the Dominicans, the Augustinians devoted a great amount of their
time to teaching during the colonial period. During the seventeenth century,
this devotion to pedagogy remained strong, yet the hours spent teaching
decreased.
Diego Basalenque
Among the Augustinians of the seventeenth century, Friar Diego Basa-
lenque occupies a central position. He not only wrote a series of historical
texts, but he also produced a number of philosophical studies at the beginning
of the century. He was born in Salamanca, Spain, in 1577 and came to Mex-
ico to study, ultimately settling in the state of Michoacan.19 Here he taught
arts and then theology. He wrote on logic and physics and also prepared a
17. The author of this book found it in the Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, and it
will be published by the UNAM.
18. See Valverde Telle/., Apuntaciones historicas, p. 425.
19. lie wrote a history of Michoacan. See D. Basalenque, Historia de la provincia de
San Nicola's de lolentino de Michoacan, del Orden de N. P. San Agustin, Aho de 1673, ed. J.
Bravo Ug&Tte (Mexico: I'omia, 1963).
104 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
coursebook for philosophy. His work on logic is the Summa summularum et
totius diakctkae Aristotelis per Fr. Didacum Basalenque Salmanticensem Ordinis
Eremitarum S. P. nostri Augustini Anno Domini 1602 mensis julii. It is a com-
pendium on dialectic that focuses on studies of Aristotle's De interpretatione
and Posterior Analytics. Valverde Tellez and Gallegos Rocafull say that this
work can be found in the library of the Augustinian Convent of Morelia,20
but it is found in fact in the Augustinian Archives of the City of Mexico.21
Basalenque also wrote the following work on natural philosophy: Commen-
taria in octo libros Physicae, De coelo et mundo et Metheoris. Per Fr. Didacum Basalen-
quem Ordinis Eremitarum S. P. nostri Augustini. Anno Domini 1603. Die 22 mensis
mail. This manuscript contains Physica, De coelo et mundo, and De metheoris. It
was kept in the Augustinian Convent of Morelia, and is now in Mexico City.
Basalenque's coursebook for philosophy is entitled Philosophia ad usum
scholae. Apparently, it was kept first in Charo and later in Morelia, eventually
being brought to Mexico City. De contractibus is a work on moral economy to
which Valverde Tellez makes reference,22 but which has been lost.23
Juan de Rueda
Juan de Rueda was Mexican. He lectured on theology at the Colegio de
San Pablo in Mexico. Then he competed successfully for the Chair of Rhet-
oric at the University, preparing a Commentarium in orationem Ciceronis pro
Marcello. In 1689 he obtained the Chair of Arts and held this position for
eight years. He died in 1697, leaving the manuscript of a coursebook for phi-
losophy, Cursus philosophicus. This manuscript contains the following sec-
tions: Summulae, Logica sive dialectica, Physica sive philosophia naturalis; Disputa-
tiones in duos libros Aristotelis De coelo et mundo, Disputationes in libros Aristotelis
De anima sive Tractatus de anima, Disputationes metaphysicae, Quaestiunculae in
tres praecipuos Aristotelis libros De metheoris. This coursebook was written be-
tween 1675 and 1677 and can be found in the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico.
Rueda's teachings are highly abbreviated; he includes only the most basic
notions of logic and deals with them in the traditional order, beginning with
20. See Valverde Tellez, Biblografiafilosoficamexicana, p. 26; Gallegos Rocafull, El
pensatniento mexicarw, pp. 315-16.
21. We wish to thank Father Roberto Jaramillo for letting us study these works.
One can also consult his book, Los augustinos en Michoacdn, 1602-1652. La difkil formacidn
de una provincia (Mexico, 1991).
22. See Valverde Tellez, Biblografia filosdfka mexicana, pp. 27-28.
23. See Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy in the Iberian Colonies of America.
p. 17, n. 128.
Seventeenth Century 105
terms, then discussing enunciations before moving on to consequences or
syllogisms. He explores the nature and division of the terms; their single
property, that is, signification; and the properties these acquire within a
proposition, that is, supposition. He examines the different parts of an enun-
ciation, particularly the noun and the verb; he analyzes the statement in re-
lation to quantity (universal, particular, etc.), quality (affirmative or nega-
tive), and opposition, equipollence and conversion. He also studies modal,
expositive, and hypothetical propositions. He works on the different modes
of knowledge such as definition, division or classification, and argumenta-
tion, concentrating on syllogistic argumentation.
In major or dialectical logic, Rueda analyzes the primary issue of the sub-
ject of logic. He treats the predicables and studies the universal and its five
categories: genera, species, differences, properties, and accidents. After this
he deals with the predicaments or categories. He begins with the antipredica-
ments, which consist of the modes of predication, that is, univocity, equivoc-
ity, analogy, and denomination. In his discussion of predicaments, he dis-
cusses quantity, quality, and relations, and he concludes with the so-called
postpredicaments, the relations established between predicaments, for ex-
ample, anteriority, simultaneity, posteriority, etc. Regarding the second oper-
ation, enunciation or proposition, he only discusses its most important prop-
erty, that is, its capacity to be true or false, adding some considerations on the
truth of contingent future propositions. Regarding the third operation, that
is, inference or argumentation, he discusses its different properties or rules
and then concentrates on the principal class of argumentation, that is, scien-
tific or demonstrative argumentation. He studies its conditions and structure
and compares it with faith, opinion, and other forms of thought.
The section on physics begins with a discussion of its object of study and
its scientific qualities. Rueda follows the Aristotelian process of exposition. In
the first book he discusses the principles of physical bodies: matter, form, and
privation.. Regarding matter, he speculates on its existence, essence, classes,
and relations to forms. He adds something on privation and analyzes sub-
stantial union, asking how substantial union takes place in substantial com-
position and how many types of unions exist in it. In the second book, he
passes from principles to causes, claiming that causes are a kind of principle
related to being and not just to knowing. He establishes a difference between
the natural and the violent, and he locates causality between these two cate-
gories, describing it in general terms and relating causes to their effects. He
then proceeds to discuss each of the four Aristotelian causes: final, efficient,
formal, ,IIHI nnilciial. lie compares natural or second causes wiili llie first or
106 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Supreme Cause and explores the problem of physical predetermination of
the former by the latter. He comments on books 3 and 5 of Aristotle's Physics,
discussing action and passion, the two aspects of movement. He then ana-
lyzes the different classes of movement and discusses various ideas concern-
ing infinity. Book 4 explores the nature of place, the void, and time. Rueda
concludes with a discussion of two problems, one from book 7 of Aristotle's
Physics, namely, the problem of action at a distance, and another from book
8, that is, whether or not a creature can be eternal. As one can see, he adds
new topics (such as infinity and the possibility of creatures being eternal) to
standard Aristotelian and Scholastic discussions.
Rueda also comments upon those books of Aristotle that discuss the heav-
ens, the world, generation and corruption, and something on meteors. These
were important issues in the seventeenth century. Rueda's "Commentary on
Aristotle's De anima " begins by defining what the soul is and describing its di-
vision into three parts: vegetative, sensible, and rational. He also discusses
how the soul informs the body according to its parts. He then analyzes the
sensible part of the soul. This analysis involves an enumeration of the senses,
particularly the external senses, and especially sight. An account of the ratio-
nal part of the soul is also provided, in which the focus is on understanding
and reason. He follows Aristotle very closely, dividing understanding into ac-
tive and passive (or possible) parts. He explains the process of cognition and
its result, which is the 'mental verb', a concept or judgment. His "Commen-
tary" concludes with a discussion of the will, habits, and the divided soul.
Rueda devotes three disputations to metaphysics. The first concerns pos-
sible entities, or the possibility of an entity, understood as the first step to-
wards studying the relation between essence and existence. The second dis-
putation explores the transcendental properties of unity, truth, and goodness
which all entities must possess and the way in which these properties mani-
fest themselves. The third disputation is incomplete but was intended to give
an account of predicamental entities, that is, substance and accident.
Rueda's scholarship, "shows that the level of philosophical studies in
Mexico was at the same level as studies in Europe."24 Friar Juan de Rueda is
attentive and receptive to the best Scholastic thought produced during his
time. However, he can be faulted for his negligence of the modern ideas that
were becoming available in the seventeenth century. This was a common
weakness among this group of thinkers. Nevertheless, they did develop phi-
losophy in Mexico.
24. Gallegos Rocafull, Elpensamiento mexicano, p, 335.
Seventeenth Century 107
In closing, we mention one other important Augustinian, Friar Diego de
Villarrubia. He was born in Puebla and taught theology at Valladolid (today
Morelia). He also taught in Mexico, where he wrote Philosophia scholastico-
christiana. This manuscript has been preserved in the monastery of Charo.25
Mercedarians
During the seventeenth century, the most important Mercedarian in phi-
losophy was Friar Pedro de Celis. He was born in 1587 in Mexico, entered the
Order of La Merced in 1604, and was then sent to Spain to finish his studies.
After studying in Alcala and Salamanca, he received a doctoral degree. In
1613 the Universidad de Mexico recognized this degree. In Spain he studied
the doctrines of the Jesuit Gabriel Vazquez. Vazquez had tried to reconcile
Plato with Aristotle, and due to his Augustinian background, he had become
known as the 'Spanish Augustine'. In Mexico, Celis taught Vazquez's doc-
trine. In 1615 he published two works of his own, Tractatus theologicus in Pri-
mam partem Divi Thomae, in which he discusses philosophical matters, and
Laurea Mexicana, sive quaestiones disputatae.26 In 1616 he was awarded the Chair
of Vespers of Theology, a position he did not hold long because in 1617, at the
age of 30, he died.
Friar Diego Rodriguez's accomplishments also deserve mention. He
taught mathematics at the Universidad de Mexico and was one of de
Sigtienza y Gongora's professors. He contributed more to physics than to phi-
losophy. Friar Francisco Hernandez was another important Mercedarian re-
puted to be a good philosopher. He was born in Mexico and held various po-
sitions such as Secretary to the Inspector and Vicar General of the Order of
La Merced. In 1643 he won the Chair of Arts for four years, a position that
was renewed for another four years and then in 1653 granted to him for life.
He also taught theology at the University lecturing from the text, Relectio the-
ologica, which he published in 1661. He died the following year.
Jesuits
Diego de Santisteban, a member of the Society of Jesus at the beginning
of the seventeenth century, left a series of philosophical texts; they are part
25. Ibid., p. 317.
26. Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy in the Iberian Colonies of America, p. 27,
mi. 190-91,
108 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
of a commentary he wrote on the Summa theologiae of St. Thomas Aquinas.
The title of this w o r k is Expositio in Primam Secundae Divi Thomae a quaestione
18 ad 21 et a 109 ad 114. It was probably written between 1607 and 1609. The
most philosophical sections of Santisteban's theological commentary are
those that discuss human acts (points 18 ff.) and laws (points 90 ff.).
Another Jesuit of this period was Father Juan de Ledesma who was born
in Mexico in 1578 and died there in 1637. He held the Chair of Theology at
the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo. His major contribution to philosophy is
found in a manuscript dated 1619; this is a commentary on Aquinas's Summa,
in which truth and falsehood are discussed from a philosophical perspective.
Father Andres de Valencia occupied the Chair of Theology after Ledesma.
He was born in Guanajuato around 1578. He entered the Society of Jesus in
1596, and taught theology at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo. There is
conclusive evidence that he wrote a philosophical work in three volumes,
Patris Andreae de Valentia Societatis Jesu liberalium artium sapientissimi magistri,
earumque indefese admodum dignissimi professoris Commentaria quatuor quibus
universa Aristotelis Stagirae Logicae comprehenditur, una cum Dialecticis Institution-
ibus in principio additis quas Summulas nuncupamus. Anno 1609, which suggests
he also taught philosophy. According to Valverde Tellez, these manuscripts
are kept in the Biblioteca Publica of Guadalajara, but Gallegos Rocafull has
reported that he was not able to locate them there.27
Later in the century, Father Francisco Aguilera, who was born in Mexico
in 1622 and died there in 1666, explored a series of philosophical issues in
his treatise on the principles of morality, that is, the ethical principles of
human conduct. This treatise is entitled the Tractatus de bonitate et malitia hu-
manorum actuum. In it, Aguilera discusses morality in general, as well as good
and evil from the moral perspective of man's internal acts (those related to
his intelligence or will).
Alonso Guerrero
Father Alonso (Alfonso or Idelfonso) Guerrero was born in Mexico in
1576. He is said to have been both very virtuous and knowledgable, and he
was very well known during his time. He entered the Society in 1610 and
devoted his life to prayer and teaching at the Colegio de San Pedro y San
Pablo until his death in 1639.28 He is known primarily for two hand-written
27. Gallegos Rocafull, Elpensamiento mexkano, p. 319.
28. See Alegre, Bistoria de la Provincia de la Compania de Jesus de Nuevti lispaiia.
Seventeenth Century 109
volumes on natural philosophy which are kept in the Biblioteca Nacional of
Mexico and which contain commentaries on some of Aristotle's works on
physics. The titles of Guerrero's manuscripts are: Commentarii in universam
Aristotelis philosophiam, una cum dubiis et quaestionibus generationis et corruptio-
nis, vol. 2, Mexico, 1622 and Commentarii in universam A[risto]telis doctrinam De
anima triplici libra contentam, una cum dubiis et quaestionibus De coelo et mundo et
De metheoris, vol. 3. Volume 1 has been lost.29
Guerrero's commentary on the Physica, which, following the custom of
his time, he calls philosophia (naturalis), comprises the greater part of vol-
ume 2. After a preface on the object of this discipline, in book 1 he discusses
the principles of natural entities: matter, form, and privation and how matter
and form are joined. In book 2, he discusses natural and artificial entities
subject to motion, as well as natural causes. The subjects of book 3 are move-
ment and infinity. In book 4, place, the void, and time are discussed. In book
5, Guerrero deals with successive movement. In book 6, he writes about
continuity and extension as they relate to movement. Book 7 is an explo-
ration of all that is involved in knowledge of the Supreme Cause. The final
book, book 8, is a treatment of the Supreme Cause as the Primum Mobile, the
first movement and the first mover. There is also an appendix on violent and
reflexive movement.
Aristotelian physics was still of great importance during this period, and
Guerrero's commentary on De ortu et interitu or De generatione et corruptione
falls within this tradition. In book 1, he discusses generation, corruption, in-
crease, alteration, and mixture. In book 2, he discusses the principles of the
generation of elements, their causes, relationships, and the compounds that
result from them.
In his Commentary on De anima, after a preface on the place Aristotelian
physics occupies in the field of philosophy, in book 1 Guerrero provides a
summary of it. In book 2, he discusses the nature of the soul. He develops a
definition of it and discusses its faculties, as well as the relationship that ex-
ists between these faculties and mental substance. In book 3, after having
briefly discussed external senses, he explores the object, modes of procedure,
and nature of the internal senses (common sense, imagination, vis cogitativa,
and sensitive memory). Then he gives an account of the intellect, in both its
active and passive roles. Next he discusses memory, and finally we get his
I realise on the will. An examination of the problems created by the separa-
tlon of the soul from the body is found in an appendix.
2'). Sec Yliiiiufl' C.ibivr.i. Ciildlocio de ohms manuscritas, pp. 174-76.
HO History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
In treatise 1 of Commentary on De coelo et mundo, Guerrero discusses the
universe in general. Here he questions whether one or more than one world
exists, and which world would be the most perfect (thus anticipating Leib-
niz) . In treatise 2, he discusses the nature of the heavens, asking whether
they are composed of a simple, perfect element or of matter and form. He
also discusses the following issues: how the heavens differ from the sublunar
world; whether or not the heavens are soluble, that is, corruptible; and
whether they are circular in shape. In treatise 3, the characteristics of celes-
tial movements are studied, that is, whether they proceed in order, whether
they move intelligently, whether they influence inferior beings, and whether
astrologers can extract predictive knowledge from them.
The Commentary on De metheoris is devoted to the study of comets, vapors,
fog, clouds, rain, snow, hail, and rainbows, lightning, thunder, and finally
winds, the sea and tides, springs, rivers, and earthquakes. This study follows
Aristotle's doctrine closely.
It is clear that Guerrero's remarks have a didactic intention and that they
are the result of his teaching experience. These commentaries are a good ex-
ample of the high standards in teaching that the first Mexican professors
strove to achieve.30
Diego Marin de Alcazar
Of the Jesuits who worked in New Spain during this period, Diego Marin
de Alcazar was the most eminent. He was born in Caravaca, Spain, and died
in Tepotzotlan in 1708, where he had been teaching. His most important
philosophical work is Triennalis philosophiae cursus, a textbook for a three-
year course on philosophy: two copies, both incomplete, survive, and are
found in the Biblioteca Nacional. This work is divided into three volumes;
the first dates from 1667 and is both a compendium and dialectic of logic. In
the Summulae, he concentrates on (1) the essence and the properties of sim-
ple truth or terms, (2) the essence and properties of compound truth or
propositions, and (3) the essence and properties of mediate truth or inferen-
tial discourse. The section on dialectics contains five books. The first disputa-
tion of the first book explores the essence and properties of dialectics; the
second is concerned with the object of logic. The second book discusses dis-
tinctions between things. The first disputation discusses entities of reason;
the second deals with real identity and distinction; the third discusses formal
30. See Gallegos Rocafull, Elpensamiento mexicano, pp. 289-93.
Seventeenth Century 111
identity and distinction; the fourth is concerned with objective precision or
distinctions. In the choice of these topics, one can already detect a Suarecian
concern, in turn inherited from Scotism, with subtle distinctions. The third
book is a discussion of universals. In the first disputation, Alcazar examines
their nature; and in the second he explores universals in as much as they are
produced by the intellect. The fourth book contains a discussion of the pred-
icables or modes of predication. The first disputation discusses each particu-
lar category: gender, species, difference, property, and predicable accident;
the second disputation searches for what these five predicables have in com-
mon. Book 5 approaches the issue of the predicaments, or supreme predicate
modes (based on the supreme modes of being). In the first disputation, the
antepredicaments are discussed, that is, the ways in which a predicate can
modify a subject: by univocation, analogy, or denomination. In the second
disputation, the predicaments themselves are examined, that is, substance
and the nine accidents: quantity, quality, relation, action, passion, time,
place, situation or position, and habit. Relation is not analyzed extensively
here, for there is a detailed treatment of it in the third disputation.
The second volume of this Cursus is devoted to natural physics or philoso-
phy. It is called Disputationes in octo Physicorum libros Aristotelis Stagiritae
(1668). It contains a treatment of the traditional themes related to the mo-
bile or natural entity. Nevertheless, the eighth book is unique because it con-
tains a disputation on the beginning of the world and another on the move-
ment of projectiles.31 One of the two surviving copies of the second volume
of this Cursus contains matters related to De ortu et interitu and De anima.
The third volume, Disputationes in universam philosophiam scholasticam, quam
metaphysicam scientiam universalissimam vacant (1669) is much more interesting
because it contains writings on metaphysics. The very word "Disputationes"
relates this metaphysics to the work of Suarez, but it is the content itself
which shows Diego Marin to be a Suarecian. The work consists of a preface
and five books. Book 1 concerns the essence and attributes of entities as such;
it explores its subject in six disputations. The first deals with real identity and
distinction; the second with formal identity and distinction among the predi-
cates of the entity, that is, precision; the third discusses objective precision; the
fourth treats the distinction between essence regarded as existence and pos-
sibility. Here we find another Suarecian element in the work of Alcazar, for
he rejects the formal distinction, so dear to the Thomists, between essence
and existence in creatures. The fifth disputation explores the connection
11.11. .'.Otv .'.Mr.
112 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
between essence and possible entity, and the sixth discusses subsistent en-
tity or substance. The second book discusses opposites in two disputations.
The first concentrates on entities of reason, and the second discusses the
lack of being. The third book is devoted to transcendental properties and to
univocal predication. The adoption of Scotistic univocalism rather than
Thomistic analogy in relation to the predication of entity is another charac-
teristic of Suarecianism. In the first disputation of this book, Alcazar asks
whether or not an entity formally transcends the differences of particular
entities. He answers in the affirmative, for in all cases the being of particu-
lar entities is predicated univocally, that is, all differences of whatever type
are entities of some sort. The second disputation is devoted to a study of
the univocal aspects of entities. Book 4 is about incorporeal or spiritual en-
tities. The first disputation of this book analyzes the nature and properties
of this type of entity; the second disputation explores its potencies or facul-
ties; and the third discusses memory, intellect, and intellection. The fifth
book explores the operations of the intellect in a more concrete fashion:
the first disputation is devoted to apprehension and judgment; the second
disputation to the truth and falsity which can exist in the acts of the intel-
lect; the third disputation to the opposition between truth and falsity; and
the fourth disputation to the study of the third operation of the mind or
reason.
In his theological treatises, Marin de Alcazar also addresses philosophical
problems. One example of this is his discussion of the conditional knowledge
that God has of future contingents and His influence on human acts, will,
and liberty.32 Found within one of Marin de Alcazar's manuscripts there are
two theological works by other authors. One of them is by Father Morejon
and is entitled An sit possibilis substantia supernaturalis, and the other is Father
Moria's Tractatus de iustitia et iure.i3
Other Jesuits
Father Antonio Nunez (1618-1695) also discussed philosophical issues
within a theological context. He wrote a treatise on the science of God which
is dated Mexico, 1668.34 Father Agustin Sierra, a professor in Puebla, wrote an
important book on philosophy. Its title is really a description of its contents:
32. See Yhmoff, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, nn. 333, 334, 339, and 340.
33. Ibid., p. 263, n. 380.
34. Ibid., p. 234, n. 331, and p. 260.
Seventeenth Century 113
Tractatus in duos Aristotelis libros De corpore generabili et corruptibili. Tractatus in
tres Aristotelis libros De corpore animato. Appendics in Aristotelis libros de Meta-
physica, Coelo, Metheoris et Parvis naturalibus. Per Sapientissimum Patrem Au-
gustinum de Sierra. Societatis Jesu, in Angelopolitano ejusdem Societatis Collegio
dignissimum phylosophiaeprofessorem (1688). The influence of Suarezis strong
here as by this time his philosophy had become the official philosophy of
the Society of Jesus.
Father Fernando Valtierra (1640-C.1708) wrote a section on philosophy
within a theological manuscript; it relates to human acts. This text forms
part of a series of works written between 1687 and 1688 in Mexico. Father
Matfas Blanco (Durango, 1660-Mexico, 1734) wrote a treatise on free will,
De libertate areata sub divina scientia, voluntate et omnipotentia, in which he de-
fends the Jesuit theory of a middle knowledge against both the Thomist the-
ory of physical premonition and the Scotist theory of accompanying decree.
The date and place of publication are unknown. Father Antonio Peralta
(Zumpango, 1668-Patzcuaro, 1736) wrote, among other things, a disserta-
tion, De ente supernaturali (date and place of publication unknown). In this
work he explores the possibility, the existence, and the properties of super-
natural entities. Father Diego Caballero, a Mexican lecturer on philosophy
in the Jesuit College of Guadalajara, left behind a Controversiae scholasticae in
octo libros Physicorum Aristotelis which is preserved in the Colegio Mayor de
Santa Maria de Todos los Santos, in Mexico. Finally, a treatment of some
philosophical issues can be found in Father Manuel Arteaga's theological
work, De scientia Dei et de divinis ideis. Arteaga was Mexican and taught at the
Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo. Father Martin Carlos Tamallo Granillo's
Disputationes physicae in octo libros Aristotelis de physico audita, sive de naturali
auscultatione is another example of a theological work which deals with
philosophical issues. It was written in Mexico City during the years 1684-
1685."
Seciilar Clergy
Among the secular clergy, the first important philosopher during this
century is Canon Marcos Portu. He was born in Puebla but studied in Mex-
ico at the Colegio de Todos los Santos. According to Beristain, he specialized
in indigenous languages and philosophy. In 1639 he wrote Comentarios a
(S. [bid., p. 34S, n. 512.
114 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 115

Aristoteks, and in 1643 he w o n the Chair of Arts at the University. In 1647 O matter, you who have informed yourself with life,
the University appointed h i m representative to t h e royal court and sent h i m in how many metaphors have you lived?
to Spain for a short period. By 1650, he was back in Mexico and involved in You have seen yourself as a scented snowflake on a gardenia,
and you have endured in the pale ash.
the tasks of the Chair of Arts. Later, he became a canon at the Metropolitan
Cathedral of Mexico, and in 1653 was appointed Chair of Vespers of Theol- After such horror you have undressed,
ogy. Then the University and the Cathedral commissioned h i m once again to and then dressed yourself as king of violets.
travel to Spain; he died in Madrid. In so many dead forms, you have not died
you have made being-close-to-death something eternal.
Another important figure of this period, Don Luis de Sandoval Zapata,
was not only a notable philosopher but also an excellent poet. He was born What? You never awaken the light of thought,
in Mexico at t h e beginning of the seventeenth century. He studied at t h e but you do not die
Colegio de San Ildefonso from 1634, developing interests in philosophy and with the invisible rush of the winged hours, you murderer?
theology. He was probably a m e m b e r of the secular clergy. Are you not wise, having been close to so many dead?
His philosophy displays particular Stoic elements which are evident in his Having been widow to so much life,
prose and poetry. In 1645, he published Panegmco a la paciencia.i6 In the pro- are you indestructible nature?
logue he mentions that among the works he was about to publish were El
This p o e m reveals a familiarity with Aristotelian-Scholastic philosophy. In
Epicteto cristiano, with Stoic undertones, Quaestiones selectae, and Examen veritatis.
another p o e m w e observe Zapata's appreciation of good reasoning and argu-
Notwithstanding his Stoicism, his training, as was the case with most
ment, something shared by most scholastics:
thinkers during this period, was Aristotelian and scholastic. These influences
are present in his poetry, as, for example, in a p o e m dedicated to matter: En lazos silogisticos prendiste
las mas desesperadas rebeldfas. . . .38
Materia que de vida te informaste,
,;en cuantas metaforas viviste? You have caught rebelliousness most desperate
Ampo oloroso en el jazmin te viste, In syllogistic knots.
y en la ceniza palida duraste.
Zapata's Christianized Stoicism is evident in some poems that deal with the
Despues que tanto horror te desnudaste,
ephemeral character of life. An example is found in a sonnet dedicated to a
rey de las flores purpura vestiste.
day of Corpus Christi in Mexico:
En tantas muertas formas, no moriste:
tu ser junto a la muerte eternizaste. Hurto a la selva Mexico pensiles
^Que discursiva luz nunca despiertes, que en la pared ecliptica tuvieron
y no mueras al impetu invisible doseles, primaveras se Uovieron,
de las aladas horas, homicida? se descolgaron icaros abriles.

lQu€, no eres sabia junto a tantas muertes? Miucha invention en liquidos marfiles,
^Que eres, naturaleza incorruptible en el campo de dosel arroyo fueron,
habiendo estado viuda a tanta vida?37 y cantando las flores, que murieron,
sonaron muchos cisnes anafiles.
36. This is the original title, though some wish to change the 'a' (to) into 'de' La luz agota su festivo modo,
(about). Thus Carlos Gonzalez Pefia says, "Publico ademas, Sandoval, en 1645—y bar-
runtando quiza la mucha que se necesitaba para Ieerla—un Panegmco de la paciencia" mayo a la aurora. |Oh lastima a la fiesta!
Historiadelaliteraturamexicana, 14th ed. (Mexico: Porrua, 1981), p. 82. This edition was La primavera marchito su risa.
prepared by J. PascualBuxo in L. de Sandoval Zapata, Obras (Mexico: FCB, 1986).
37. Mendez Plancarte, ed., Poetas novohispamos segundo sigh (1621-1721), p. 103. See
also Sandoval Zapata, Obras, p. 83. SK. Sonnet to FnnciBCO Corchero Girreno, in Sandoval Z.ip.ii.i, Obras, p. 117.
116 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico Seventeenth Century 117

Todos cansados y apagado todo, after he was caught sneaking out of the convent on a midnight escapade.
fue funebre reliquia de la fiesta Nevertheless, he never felt resentful toward the Jesuits, whom he considered
el arrepentimiento y la ceniza.39
his teachers, and he always treated them with great respect.
From the wilderness Mexico stole gardens In fact, he continued to prepare himself for the priesthood after his dis-
that at the equinox became canopies, missal, this time with the secular clergy in mind. He began studying theology
when springs rained down at the Real y Pontificia Universidad de Mexico. He displayed the marks of a ge-
and Icarus-like Aprils descended.
nius with many talents, combining great ability for the physical sciences with
Much was found in the white waters gifts for the humane sciences such as philosophy, history, poetry, and theology.
that, in the canopied field, formed a stream; At the University, he tried for and won the Chair of Astrology and Mathe-
many swans, like trumpets, made music, matics in 1672, and the following year he was ordained. Besides some lunarios
singing of flowers that died.
in which he uses judiciary astrology, he also published Glorias de Queretaro, in
The light lost its festive mode which he praises a temple dedicated to the Virgin of Guadalupe, and the
In May at dawn. Alas for the feast! Teatro de virtudes politicas que constituyen a un principe, in which h e writes about
The smile of Spring faded away. several ancient Mexican princes, thus revealing his interest in local history.
When everyone was tired and everything worn out, Both books appeared in 1680. The following year a brightly-colored comet
regret and ashes appeared in Mexico and was considered an evil omen. Responding to this
were funereal relics of the feast. widespread superstition, Siguenza published his Maniflesto filosdfico contra los
cometas, despojados del imperio que tenian sobre los timidos, in which he argues
Both the distance from the mundane and the search for long-lasting spiritual
against the belief that comets herald tragedies and catastrophes. Martin de la
delights reflect the influence of Stoicism.
Torre, a Flemish citizen who resided in Campeche, answered him in another
Another cleric who wrote about philosophical issues in his theological
piece of writing called Maniflesto cristiano en favor de los cometas, mantenidos en su
works was Don Alonso de Talavera, author of Tractatus de essentia Dei (1675).
natural signification, and Siguenza in turn responded to that with the now lost
This work is registered in the public library of Guadalajara.40 Finally, we
Belerofonte matemdtico contra la quimera astroldgica de Don Martin de la Torre. Fa-
must mention and describe in some detail the contributions Don Carlos de
ther Eusebio Kino (or Kuhn), a Jesuit from the Tyrol who was well known in
Siguenza y Gongora. He was well known in the fields of science and history,
European universities, intervened in the polemic. He disagreed with Siguenza
but we will focus on the philosophical dimensions of his work.
on the physical nature of comets and argued that they foreshadow future
evils. Sigtienza's answer is contained in Libra astronomica y philosophica which
Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora is a well-documented treatise containing the most modern theories of his
time, and one in which the most recent authors such as Descartes, Gassendi,
Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora was born in Mexico City in 1645. He en-
Galileo, and Kepler^are mentioned. Siguenza was said to have won the argu-
tered the Society of Jesus while still an adolescent and took his simple vows
ment. The Libra was written in 1681, but it was not published until 1690.
on August 15, 1662, in the famous Colegio de Tepotzotlan. Two years later
Siguenza was chaplain of the famous Hospital del Amor de Dios (today
he published a long poem devoted to the Virgin of Guadalupe entitled Pri-
Hospital de Jesus). During this period, he published a poem in praise of the
mavera Indiana.11 He took his vocation as a Jesuit very seriously and therefore
Virgin entitled Triumpho parthenico (1683), and the following year he also pub-
felt frustrated and guilty when he was asked to leave the Society in 1667
lished Parayso occidental. Another of his works, Piedad heroica de D. Fernando
39. J. Pascual Buxo, ed., Muertey desengano en la poesia novohispana (sighs XVI y XVII)
(Mexico: UNAM, 1975), p. 134.
40. See Catdhgo de libros que existen en la Biblioteca Publico del Estado, vol. 2 (Guadala- biography, we have followed I. A. Leonard, Don Carlos de Siguenza y G6ngora, un sabio
jara, Mexico: S. Banda, 1874), p. 382, n. 21. Quoted by Redmond, Bibliography of the mexkanoo del sigh XVII (Mexico: VCM, 1984). For a bibliography, see I. A. Leonard, En-
Philosophy in the Iberian Colonies of America, p. 95, n. 706. siiyii bibliogrtifico de don Carlos de Sigilcinui y Cdngora (Mexico: Sccrctaria ile Rel.iclones
41. There were two ollu-r editions of lliis work, in 1668 iind 1681. I'or Sigiien/.a's i ixterlorei, 1929).
118 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Cortes, Marques del Valle (1689) also deals with moral philosophy and follows
the same line of thought as Teatro de virtudespoliticas. His novel, Infortunios que
Alonso Ramirez natural de la Ciudad de S. Juan de Pverto Rico padecio assi en poder
de ingleses piratas que lo apresaron en las Islas Philipinas como navegando por si solo
y sin derrota, hasta varar en la costa de lucatan: Consiguiendo por este medio dar
vuelta al mundo (1690), is another notable piece of writing, and has been con-
sidered the first of its sort in Mexico- In 1690, apart from publishing Libra As-
tronomica y Philosophica, Sigiienza also published two other historical works:
Relation de lo svcedido a la Armada de Barlovento and Trofeo de lajusticia espanola
en el castigo de la alevosia francesa.
In 1692 there was an uprising in the capital of New Spain in which the
consistorial wing of the Cabildo caught fire. Sigiienza risked his life to save the
books that were kept in this section of the building. That same year he wrote
Admiral Andres de Pez a letter describing what had happened during the
riots. And in October he asked for permission to leave the Chair of Astrology
and Mathematics. In 1693, he joined the expedition led by Admiral Pez to
study the Bay of Panzacola, and afterward he presented Viceroy Conde de
Galve with an account of the expedition. He also published Mercurio volante
con la noticia de la recuperacidn de las provincias del Nuevo Mexico, in which he de-
scribes the way in which Diego de Vargas recovered these territories.
In 1697 he met the Italian traveler, Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri,
who wrote about this meeting in his book of travels.42 That Christmas
Sigiienza was granted permission to resign from his Chair at the University.
The year 1700 was full of important events for Sigiienza and marks the
end of his career: his Oriental planeta evangelico. Epopeya sacro-panegyrica al
apostol grande de las Indias S. Francisco Xavier, an epic work devoted to the Je-
suit missionary St. Francis Xavier, was sent to the printers; on August 9, he
made his will; he was allowed to reenter the Society of Jesus, something he
had tried to do on numerous occasions throughout his life;43 he died as a Je-
suit and so could be buried in the Capilla de la Purisima of the Colegio de San
Pedro y San Pablo.
Philosophical positions
Though Sigiienza y Gongora's philosophical training is substantially scho-
lastic, he also shows unexpected modern leanings. He was a thinker in a pe-
42. Compare Careri's Giro del Mondo and Viaje de la Nueva Bspana (Mexico: UNAM,
1983). He talks about his interview with Sigiienza on pp. 118-19.
43. See E. J. Burrus, "Sigiienza y Gongora's Efforts for Readmisslon Into the Jesull
Order," Hispanic American Historical Review, 33 (1953): 387-91.
Seventeenth Century 119
riod of transition, who looked both to the past and present, well-aware of
the major philosophical trends of his time. This is particularly evident in his
philosophy of science and his philosophy of history.44 In both of these areas
we come across examples of Sigiienza's independence from Scholasticism
and his connections with modernity. Like Descartes before him, he belongs
to a tradition, yet he takes this tradition into new directions.45
In his philosophy of science, the influence of modernity is evident in his
criticism of traditional doctrines, such as the astronomical concepts of Father
Kino and his followers. This critical attitude is a primary characteristic of
modern philosophy and is operative in the work of Descartes, Galileo, and
Gassendi among others, all of whom Sigiienza quotes in his discussion.46 The
critique of the tradition is consistent with Sigiienza's insistence that one
should not appeal to authority in order to settle disputes, but rather to reason.
Authorities are fallible; indeed, their judgments are mere opinions, prone to
error as are all opinions. Even judgments of the wise should never be ac-
cepted as unquestionable truths. Universal consensus regarding the opinion
of a so-called authority is not valid; all judgments must be examined critically.
The value of critique is that it opens a space for the testing of claims by
means of experimentation and logical argumentation. One of the criteria
Sigiienza uses to criticize the work of others is the formal validity of their ar-
guments. This, of course, presupposes a certain knowledge of the rules and
laws of logic. Sigiienza respected formal logic and the theory of argumenta-
tion. He specialized in both the natural sciences and mathematics and his
work reflects his knowledge and appreciation of the scientific method. Si-
giienza was methodical in his scientific activities, basing his work on disci-
plined and exact observation and on rigorous calculations. Moreover, he al-
ways strove for precision and dismissed prejudices. He believed that the
application of empirical observation requires adequate instruments, and in
astronomy this depends on mathematical calculations.47
Thus scientific truth is reached by means of a method based not on author-
ity but on experience (aided by instruments) and also on logical mathematical
44. See L. Benitez, La idea de historia en Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora (Mexico: UNAM,
1982).
45. See Jose Gaos, Presentation to Libra astronomica yfilosofica,by Carlos de
Sigiienza y Gongora, 2d ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 1984), pp. XV ff., and E. Trabulse, Ciencia
y religidn en el sigh XVII (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1974), p. 62.
46. See F. Lopez Camara, "El cartesianismo en Sor Juana y Sigiienza y Gongora,"
Filosofla VLetras, 39 (1950): 107-31, and R. Moreno, "Lafilosofiamoderna en la Nueva
Esparto," in Estudios de historia de la filosofla en Mexico, 2d ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 1973),
pp. 121-67.
•17. See Trabulse, Cienciay rcligifin en elsiqb XVII.
120 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
S e v e n t e e n t h Century 121

demonstration. It should be possible to apply the principles of physics to the tude toward astronomy and in his poetry. He considers the movements of
study of all natural things, because they are governed by causality, and physi- the heavenly bodies a form of h a r m o n y created by the divinity and reminis-
cal laws do nothing but express the dynamics of that universal causality. In cent of Galileo's neo-Pythagorean ideas 54 which affirmed that this h a r m o -
the branch of physics where the empirical predominates, there is less truth nious language of God was to be found in mathematics. This is expressed in
t h a n in mathematics, which is governed by reason alone. Therefore, there are one of Sigtienza's poems:
degrees of truth. Siguenza seems to have considered metaphysics to be a type
Tti, del Cielo Armoma
of pure speculation and does not consider it subject to empirical evidence. 48
nunca dormida, siempre vigilante,
Astronomy is a science located between physics and mathematics. Insofar que en facistol de olfmpico diamante
as it draws o n experience, it is not purely speculative and thus is related to metrica entonces duke melodia:
physics and t h e principle of causality. But astronomy is also a science of exact pues debes a los Cielos
calculations and therefore closely related to mathematics. The supposition generosos desvelos,
that in n a t u r e there exists a causal and determined type of behavior, that is, dispende ahora, con cadencias bellas,
consonancias de luz, voces de estrellas. . . .
the supposition of a principle of universal causality that can be applied to
physics and astronomy, m e a n s that astronomy follows an inductive method; . . . Metricas armonias
49 los Quertibicos Coros alternaban,
this implies a causal determinism in nature. Siguenza holds a different view
y en las Iiras mentales que tocaban
regarding astrology. Although it was a field he k n e w well and for which he dulces daban al alma melodfas,
had composed a n u m b e r of lunarios, he is quite critical of it. His criticism siendo el tierno concento
stems from its defective methodology, which does not allow it to be consid- envidia del movimiento
ered a science, and gives it, at the very most, the status of an art that yields de imperceptibles numeros giros
de esos rodantes imisicos Zafiros. . . . "
neither empirical evidence nor mathematical certitude. 50 He argues that his
experience as a teacher of astrology provided h i m with insight into its weak- O Harmony of Heaven
nesses, thereby allowing h i m to deem it u n w o r t h y of being referred to as a never asleep, always awake,
scientific discipline. 51 Astronomy can only be considered a science if it has a you who, in the choir-bench made of Olympic diamond,
solid foundation and promises to m a k e authentic progress. Siguenza consid- then sweet metrical melody:
then you owe to the heavens
ers that m o d e r n astronomy and physics should do away with Aristotelian
noble night-watches,
qualitative physics, which centered a r o u nd properties, virtues, and qualities now, with beautiful cadences, give forth
difficult to handle, and should strive to become a m o re quantitative sci- consonants of light, voices of stars. . . .
ence. 52 This would allow for the possibility of scientific progress. Progress can
. . . The Choirs of Cherubim
take place w h e n , within the limits of our knowledge, ideas, hypotheses, and exchanged metrical harmonies,
laws are gradually discovered which explain to us, each time with greater and played on lyres of the mind
clarity and precision, the p h e n o m e n a of t h e world. Astronomy was able lo from which they gave the soul sweet melodies,
offer such explanations, for example, to explain comets. Astrology, in contrast, being the tender concert
envies the moment
ends up in a cul-de-sac. 53 Sigiienza's scientific beliefs emerge in both his atti-
of the uncountable cycles
of those revolving musical sapphires. . . .
48. See Benftez, La idea de historia en Carlos de Siguenza y Gdngora, p. 61 and Siguenza
y Gongora, Libra astronomica yfilosofica,p. 5, n. 6.
49. Ibid., p. 33, n. 57. 54. On Neopythagoreanism in Galileo Galilei, see Mauricio Beuchot and J. Iriiguez,
50. Ibid., p. 160, n. 334. "Ciencia empirica contra ciencia l:e6rica: un falso dilema (Aristoteles y Galileo)," Quipu.
51. See Trabulse, Ciencia y religion en el sigh XVII. Revista Latinoamerkana de Historia de las C.knciasyla Tecnolgfa, 3/2 (1986): 213-32.
52. See Siguenza y Gongora, Libra astrondmicay filosdfiea, pp. 174-75, n. 372. 55. Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, "Oriental plancla evangelieo," in Poetas novohis-
53. Ibid., p. 60, n. 116. puuos, sci/i/ndo sitflo (I(>2I-I72I), parte si'ilitiulti, ril. A. Menilez I'laiicailc (Mexico:
UIMAM, I'"I5), pp. 10 and I 1.
122 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
The baroque conceptual elements of his poetry remind us that Sigiienza
was a relative of Luis de Gongora y Argote. Sigiienza was a thinker with
m a n y talents w h o could handle mathematics and poetry, at times even com-
bining t h e m .
Sigiienza's gift for science is present in his 'philosophy of history'. Here
his critical attitude toward sources and testimonies is notable, and, although
this is arguable, it would seem that h e believed that in relation to history
there existed the possibility of making certain scientific predictions or of es-
tablishing certain nomological statements (although in very few cases), by
means of which one would be able to predict the course of events. 56 He sug-
gests that written history be based on reliable documents, which implies
spending m a n y hours in archives (such as the one in the cabildo which he
rescued from the flames or the one for prehispanic history which he
founded). According to him, one must establish a difference b e t w e e n w h a t is
true and w h a t is doubtful, and insist u p o n a critical attitude and a search for
m a x i m u m objectivity w h e n studying a document.
Regarding this last point, there is an interesting passage that appears at
the very beginning of Sigiienza's description of the 1692 uprising:
He who looks at an object with a green glass between the object and his eyes
will necessarily see a green object; this is due to the fact that the species that the
object sends to the glass which is in between will be dyed green. The eyeglasses
I wear are transparent and clear because I live far removed from any type of
pretensions. I lack nothing, for I have nothing (as Abdolomino said to Alexan-
der the Great), hence it would be very wrong of me to claim that things are not
like this. So, having made sure that there is nothing which will color that
which I have observed with care and will here talk about, I do solemnly
promise myself that even those who censure everything will agree that my
words are inspired by the truth. 57
Sigiienza's great desire for objectivity is evident in this passage. He was con-
scious of his o w n subjectivity and of his wish to remove as m a n y traces of it
as possible from his work. Revealing himself to be a serious historiographer,
he writes, "According to the Holy Scriptures, t h e entity of truth of a thing
56. Compare Benftez, La idea de historia en Carlos de Sigiienzay Gongora with J. Graue,
La explication histdrica (Mexico: UNAM, 1975).
57. Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, "Alboroto y motin de Mexico del 8 de junio de
1692," in Relationes historicas, 3d ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 1972), p. 99. "El que mini mi
objeto, interpuesto entre el y los ojos un vidrio verde, de necesidad, por Iciiiisc las el
pedes que el objeto envia en el color del vidrio que esta intermedin, lo vera verde. I.os
anteojos que yo uso son muy diafanos, porque, vivicndo aparladisinio de pretcn
siones y no faltandome nada, porque nada tengo, (como dijo Ahdolomino a Alejandro
Magno), seria en mi muy culpable el que .isi no fuera; eon que, .urrlansn el que nn
S e v e n t e e n t h Century 123
consists in that two or three witnesses will agree to it. M y praise of the bay
has also been shared (according to the prosecutor) not by two or three peo-
ple but by the one h u n d r e d and twenty w h o accompanied m e indefinitely.
Therefore, if I say the same thing they do, I can in n o way be lying." 58
Sigiienza would seem to follow Cicero's dictum, "Historia magistra vitae,"
for he believes that history mirrors h u m a n passions and virtues. The events
and characters that figure in history Can teach h u m a n s m a n y important
lessons. This is w h y historical discourse is highly pedagogical and not simply
a series of memoirs. Great deeds and actions, notable for their degree of pru-
dence or wisdom, transmit important values to those w h o hear about them .
Historical discourse has a strong moral dimension for it must not only be true
'scientifically' but must also possess moral truth or goodness. Historical good-
ness teaches us about God's intervention and about the p a t h of virtuous be-
havior that leads to Him. This is w h y Sigiienza thinks that history belongs
within a providencial context. God guides history, and history leads to God:
God is its end. Sigiienza is very clear about this: "The other time I talked o n
this subject, I said that the heart of those w h o rule are in the hands of God so
that he may bend t h e m mor e easily toward w h a t pleases Him; and let this be
proved so in the present case, this person affirms that people will judge as
causality w h a t is nothing but the disposition of the Almighty, as it was u n-
doubtedly His justice that moved the heart of this highly religious prince and
gave him the order and also governed the h a n d of he w h o subscribed." 59
One final characteristic of Sigiienza's personality and work merits m e n -
tion: his nationalism and solidarity with t h e criollos.w Sigiienza was not only
concerned with Indigenous issues, but h e also possessed a criollo conscious-
haymedios que me tinan las especies de lo que cuidadosament he visto y aqui dire,
desde luego me prometo, aun de los que nada se pagan y lo censuran todo, el que dara
asenso amis palabras por muy veridicas."
58. Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, "Carta contra Arriola," in F. Perez de Salazar, Bi-
ografia de Carlos de ^Sigiienza y Gongora de varies documento ineditos (Mexico: Antigua Im-
prenta Murguia, 1928), p. 152. "La entidad de la verdad de una cosa consiste segun el
Sagrado Evangelio en que dos o tres testigos concuerden en sU asencion: los mismos bi-
enes y elogios que digo de la Bahia diecn (segun el sefior fiscal) no dos o tres personas
sino los que me acompanaron indefinidamente que fueron ciento veinte. Luego di-
ciendo yo lo mismo que ellas de ninguna manera miento."
59. Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, "Trofeo de la justicia espafiola," in Obras historicas
(Mexico: Porrua, 1944), pp. 137-38. "Dije cuando otra vez discurrf este asunto hallarse
en la mano de Dios el corazon de los que gobiernan para inclinarlos facilmente a lo que
lucre de su agrado; y que asf se verificase en el suceso de ahora, nos lo asegura este que
otro juzgara casualidad no siendo sino disposition del Altfsimo, pues rue su justicia sin
iluilri Li que movid el coia/cin de este rcligiosisiino prfneipe y lc diclo el orden y clla
inisina la que >.il que suscrilua lc gobtmd It iii.uio."
60. Benftez, i.«lint it hlttcrts m Carlos it Stftiinza yQingon, pp. 119 ft
124 H i s t o ry of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 125

ness. His nationalism was based u p o n this hard-to-define consciousness, a Would gladly be subject to your flourishing Triumph,
which, in its judiciousness, inspires the Partenico with honor;
consciousness that contrasted strongly with the customary servile attitude
toward Spain. A part of Sigiienza's criollo consciousness a m o u n t s to a n for your Triumph (which I am exploring)
awareness of t h e fact that h e was from New Spain. He even gives t h e impres- outdoes Arabia, the Tajo, the Ganges, the Hymmetus
sion of seeing and thinking about Mexico as a n e w nation, a nation that in fragrance, sweetness, pearls, and gold.

wanted to be considered a criollo nation and that would express itself

through a criollo culture. He conceives this nation as complex and hybrid. It
posseses certain aspects inherited from Europe (Spain) and others from its
Indigenous roots, thereby acquiring a series of u n i q u e characteristics that
range from the religious (the Indigenous or mestiza Virgin of Guadalupe) to
the political (conceiving or planning a n e w nation).
A p o e m written by Father Br. D. Francisco de Ayerra Santa Maria ( 1 6 3 0 -
1708) indicates the high esteem in which Sigiienza was held:
Religious Women
During the period u n d e r consideration, the achievements of some
w o m e n were considerable. Because Sister J u a n a Inez de la Cruz's achieve-
ments were particularly extraordinary, w e shall devote a section to her life
arid work.

<^Por que el Himento aplaude sus panales Sister J u a n a I n e s d e la Cruz

y el Ganges de su aljofar los candores;
por que la Arabia eleva sus olores J u a n a Ramirez de Asbaje, or Sister J u a n a Ines de la Cruz, was born in
y arenas de oro el Tajo en sus raudales, 1651 in a farmhouse in San Miguel Nepantla, jurisdiction of Amecameca, and

si de tu heroica pluma los caudales, she died in Mexico in 1695. She entered the Order of the Jeronimas in 1669.
si de tu dulce estilo los primores, In the convent of San Jeronimo, she was a dedicated student and made great
sudando aromas y vertiendo flores, progress in several disciplines. In Primer sueno, she describes her attraction to
perlas son, son auriferos cristales? philosophy as part of her desire to understand the h u m a n being:
A tu florido Triunfo, que discreto
. . . el Hombre, digo, en fin, mayor portento
el Partenico alienta con decoro,
que discurre el humano entendimiento;
lo que antes fue blason, este sujeto;
compendio que absoluto
pues que vence tu Triunfo (a lo que exploro) parece al Angel, a la planta, al bruto;
a Arabia, al Tajo, al Ganges, al Himeto, cuya altiva bajeza
en fragancia, dulzuras, perlas y oro. 61 toda participo Naturaleza. 62

Why does the Hymmetus applaud its honeycombs, . . . Man, I say in short, the greatest wonder
and the Ganges the beauty of its pearls; that human understanding encounters;
why does Arabia praise its spices, - an absolute summation
and the Tajo the golden sand in its currents— resembling arigel, plant, and brute;
one whose lofty lowness
since what flows from your heroic pen,
participates in the whole of Nature.
and the beauties of your sweet style,
aromatic and flowering, In these lines we find Sister Juana's image of m a n as a microcosm, revealing
are pearls and golden crystals?
the confluence of Neoplatonic, Medieval, Renaissance (hermetic), and mod-
The Partenico, which was previously glorified ern influences on her thought. We will use this symbol of the microcosm as

61. Francisco de Ayerra Santa Maria, "Soneto a Sigiienza y G6ngora" (in the prr
liminary section to Triumpho Parthenico), in Poetas novoliispoiios, soimiilo */<//<' (/<>.'/ / / . ' / ) 02. Sisli'i' Juan.i Ines dr l,i Cm/, "HI sueno," in Obras completas, vol. 1, Lirica per-
ed. Mendez Plancarte, pp. 24-25. soti.ll, I'd. A. Memlez I'Lincnrto (Mexico: I'Cli, 1976), pp. H5 II., vv. 690-95.
126 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
our point of departure to discuss her concepts. The amount of knowledge
Sister Juana possessed was amazing. In her time, women received a limited
education or were entirely prohibited from receiving a formal education.
Nevertheless, Sister Juana's knowledge of philosophy was extensive. The re-
search of various scholars has established that she must have been familiar
with Neoplatonism,63 Scholasticism,64 Hermeticism,65 as well as with various
modern thinkers.66 In this study, we will limit ourselves to an investigation of
the influence of Scholasticism upon her thought avoiding, however, the ex-
tremes of which Octavio Paz accused Mendez Plancarte when the latter tried
to show that Sister Juana was a NeoThomist. We will begin with an explo-
ration of the presence of Scholasticism in her poetry.67
The microcosm and Scholastic philosophy
The idea of a microcosm as a symbol of man, the idea of man as a small
world, a synthesis of everything, developed from the Greeks and is still rele-
vant today. This idea flourished during the period of Medieval Scholasticism
and Renaissance Neoplatonism, and it was through the Medieval Scholastic
tradition that this concept of man as microcosm reached Sister Juana. Her
acquaintance with Hermetism intensified this image.
According to Scholastic philosophical anthropology or the philosophy of
man, the central structuring idea is the image of a microcosm; this was a
mystic idea present in religious and theological meditations. The role of
philosophical anthropology in Sister Juana's thought can be understood as
the result of the influence of Scholastic philosophy; it underlies her theory of
knowledge and her search for wisdom or metaphysics. Before we explore
this, however, we must first discuss some central aspects of the philosophy
she studied.
63. See J. Pascual Buxo, "Elsueno de sor Juana. Alegoria y modelo del mundo," in
Sdbado, suplemento de Unomasuno, 15 August 1981; J. Pascual Buxo, SorJuana Ines de la
Cruz en el conocimiento de su "Sueno" (Mexico: UNAM, 1984), pp. 51 ff. This latter work
emphasizes Aristotle's influence on the poetry of Sor Juana. See also Octavio Paz, Sor
Juana Ines de la Cruz o las trampas de la fe (Mexico: FCE, 1982).
64. See A. Mendez Plancarte's notes on "El sueno" and O. Castro Lopez, SorJuanay
el "Pritnero Sueno" (Xalapa, Mexico: Universidad Veracruzana, 1982).
65. Paz, Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz o las trampas de lafe and E. Trabulse, El circulo roto
(Mexico: FCE-SEP, 1983).
66. Lopez Camara, "El cartesianismo en sor Juana y Sigiienza y Gongora," In
Filosofia y Letras, 39 (1950): 107-31. See also Moreno, "La filosofia moderna en Li
Nueva Esparia," in Estudios de historia de lafilosofiaen Mexico, pp. 121-67, and BemaM
Navarro, "La presencia de descartes," in Cultura mexicana moderna en el sigh XV1I1, 2d nl.
(Mexico: UNAM, 1983), p. 94.
67. Also sec Beuchot, "La lilsoffa escolaslica en la poesia do sor Juana," in EstudtM
de historia y defilsofia en el Mi'xico colonial, pp. 177-90.
Seventeenth Century 127
Sister Juana and philosophy: a brief defense of women
Philosophy was one of the many disciplines Sister Juana cultivated. We
know that she wrote a work on logic which has been lost.68 It is interesting to
speculate on what led her to write a work of this sort when she herself tells us
that her study of philosophy was to a certain extent unsystematic and to a
large extent self-directed. It must have been her, great love for philosophy,
particularly Scholastic philosophy, that inspired her to write such a text. Her
work on logic was written in Latin. This is significant because in her time most
women did not learn Latin. Indeed, it was commonly held that Latin could
not edify women and could even hurt them (mujer que sabe latin, tiene malfin).
Sister Juana's work on logic, a systematic philosophical text written by a
woman in Latin, was a rarity of its time. In order to balance the emphasis that
other scholars have placed on the Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and modern ele-
ments of her thought, we will focus instead on the Scholastic influence.
Sister Juana had to face a great number of difficulties in order to study at
all. Her superiors forbade her to study, claiming that such activity did not
allow her to concentrate on the duties expected of her or that it might dam-
age her health. Yet she could not avoid looking at all that was going on
around her with philosophical eyes, and she reports having learned some-
thing even from the most simple experiences. In her Respuesta to Sister
Filotea, Sister Juana writes of the discoveries made while she cooked, adding
with irony: "[I do not wish] to tire you with these uninteresting bits of infor-
mation, which I only mention to give you a more complete account of my
natural disposition and which I also think will amuse you; but senora, what
can we women know except kitchen philosophy? Lupercio Leonardo was
right when he said 'one can very well philosophize and prepare supper.' And
many times I say when I see these things: 'If Aristotle had cooked, he would
have written more.'"69 These are thoughts that reveal an ability to reflect
upon even the most common experiences and introduce a fresh perspective
to philosophy. \
68. See Redmond, p. 136, where he discusses a compendium by Sister Juana on
logic (Summulae), which has been lost.
69. Sister Juana Ines de la Cruz, Repuesta a sor Filotea de la Cruz, published as an ap-
pendix in R. Salazar Mallen, Apuntes para una biografia de sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, 2d ed.
(Mexico: UNAM, 1978), p. 98. "[No quiero] cansaros con tales frialdades, que solo re-
li'ero por daros entera noticia de mi natural y creo que os causara risa; pero senora,
(.que podemos saber las mujeres sino filosofias de cocina? Bien dijo Lupercio Leonardo:
que bien se puede filosvfar y aderezar la cena. Y yo suelo decir viendo estas cosillas: Si
Arisldlclcs liuhiciti guisado, muclio mas Imbiera cscrito"
128 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico Seventeenth Century 129

It is clear that Sister Juana's philosophy was not restricted to reflection judge. This last is an unmistakably Scholastic term72 that is also called 'cogita-
upon her household duties; she went far beyond these. The ideas she dis- tive'; its task is to perceive the representations (intentiones, a term that pre-
cusses, the authors she mentions, and even the importance she gives to cer- sent day phenomenology has revived) that are not received by the senses.73
tain aspects of philosophy clearly demonstrate the degree of understanding She compares the imagination74 to an artist:
she possessed of the philosophical panorama and its priorities. This is present . . . asf ella, sosegada, iba copiando
in her response to Sister Filotea, when she criticizes the lack of logical rigor las imagenes todas de las cosas,
in the work of certain preachers, particularly visible in their deplorable bibli- y el pincel invisible iba formando
cal exegesis: "All of this begs for more study than some would think neces- de mentales, sin luz, siempre vistosas
colores, las figuras
sary, especially by those who wish to interpret the Scriptures simply as gram-
no solo ya de todas las criaturas
marians, or in the best case are ready to do so just by using four terms from sublunares, mas aun tambien de aquellas
the compendiums and insist upon Mulieres in Eccksia taceant, without know- que intelectuales claras son Estrellas. . . .
ing how to interpret this."70
. . . thus, she calmly copied
So high was the value she gave to logic that she considered it to be indis-
the images of all things,
pensable for the study of theology. And theology was the field she valued and the invisible brush formed,
above all others. She writes, "I continued to direct my studies in the direction out of the unlit but ever-vivid colors of the mind,
of the summit of Holy Theology; and thought it necessary, in order to reach the shapes
this summit, to use the sciences and human arts as stepping stones. After all, not only of all sublunar creatures,
how could anyone be able to understand the Queen of the Sciences, if one but also of those
that are bright intellectual stars. . . .
were not familiar with its servant? How would I know about the general and
particular methods with which the Holy Scriptures were written if I did not Sister Juana also mentions the heavenly sphere and the internal orbits in
know logic?"71 She proceeds to list the other disciplines that formed part of which the celestial bodies revolve. The presence of Scholastic theories fig-
philosophy. Keep in mind that at the time, all sciences that were not theolog-' ures even more prominently when she describes knowledge as an inten-
ical were considered to be philosophical. tional species of the soul.75 For the Scholastics, the species was the mental
representation (be it sensible, imaginative, or conceptual) of the thing, and
Philosophy in Sister Juana's poetry it was given intentionally within the spirit (an intentionality which through
In certain passages of Primer sueno we can detect traces of Scholastic phi- Brentano was recovered by Husserl for present day philosophy). Sister
losophy. First and foremost is the presence of a philosophy of human beings Juana discusses the importance of the species for the intellectual operations
or a philosophical anthropology characteristic of Scholasticism. When Sister in the following passage:
Juana refers to human beings, she mentions those characteristics that
. . . como el entendimiento, aqui vencido
Scholasticism attributed to the cognitive faculties, speaking of the internal
no menos de la inmensa muchedumbre
senses such as the common sense, fantasy or imagination, and the faculty lo de tanta maquinbsa pesadumbre
(de diversas especies conglobado
70. Ibid., p. 109. These compendiums represented the formal logic and the seman- esferico compuesto),
tics of the period. The phrase "mulieres in Ecclesia taceant" ("let women in Church he que de las cualidades
silent") is taken from Paul, 1 Cor. 14.34. "Todo esto pide mas leccion de lo que piensan dc cada una, cedio. . . ,M
algunos, que, de meros gramaticos, o, cuando mucho, con cuatro terminos de Sumul.is,
quieren interpretar las Escrturas y se aferran del Mulieres in Ecclesia taceant, sin saber
como se ha de entender." 72. Sister Juana Ines de la Cruz, El Sueno, v. 258.
71. Ibid., p. 82. "Prosegui dirigiendo siempre los pasos de mi csuidio a la cuinlm- dc 73. Octavio Castro has interpreted this correctly by following the doctrine of
la Sagrada Teologica; pareciendome preciso, para llegar a clla, subir pot Ins eicalOMI Aquinas's Summa ThtolOgittt, I, q. 78, a. 4, c.
delas ciencias y artes humanas; porquc ^como entcndcra el csiilo dc la Kcin.i dc I.p. 7'I. Sister Juana Ines de l,i Cruz, HI Sueno, vv. 280 IT.
Ciencias quien aiin no sabe el de las ancillas? /.Como sin l.oglca s.ilirf.i yo los nn'Modo* 75. Ibid., v. 40 V 7(>. Ibid. vv. 4<,>)-Ti.
gcncralcs y particulates ion esla cscrila la Sagrada liscriluraV"
130 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 131

. . . as the understanding, being here defeated . . . una por una discurrir las cosas
no less by the huge crowd que vienen a cenirse
of such machine-like weight en las que artificiosas
(a spherical composite dos veces cinco son Categories. 79
made up of various species),
than by the qualities of each one, . . . to discourse, one by one, upon
gives up. the things that come to us,
for whom Categories, two times five of them,
She makes explicit reference to the species also in stressing that, in rela- have been contrived.
tion to all the knowledge she expected to acquire, she is conscious that the
Here the word contrived {artificiosas), which Sister J u a n a uses to character-
soul sometimes manages to achieve only a very confused species or concept:
ize the Aristotelian categories, is significant. It is, to a certain extent, an am-
. . . permitiendole apenas biguous term. Octavio Castro interprets it as clever"0 because that which is
de u n concepto confuso contrived, is m a d e , i.e., is a product of creation, of cleverness. But artificiosa
el informe embrion que, mal formado
can also m e a n 'arbitrary', even t h o u g h most Scholastics thought that the cat-
inordinado caos retrataba
egories mentioned above were the natural categories of things. Was Sister
de confusas especies que abrazaba. . . ,77
J u a n a paying tribute to Aristotle or was she casting a shadow of doubt over
. . . allowing him scarcely the apparently accepted natural character of his categorical scheme? Was she
the unformed embryo of a confused concept, supporting the Aristotelian-Scholastic doctrine? Or was she subtly under-
which, being badly formed,
mining it? The Cartesians disagreed with Aristotle's table of categories and
portrayed the disorderly chaos
of confused species that it included. . . . insisted that it could not be the only one and that it was not t h e most natural
one, declaring, furthermore, that it was both artificial and arbitrary. Sister
Metaphysics is also very m u c h present in Sister Juana's p o e t r y and it is J u a n a could have b e e n influenced by t h e Cartesians h e r e .
present from a cosmological perspective. This is evident in the passage w h e r e Sister J u a n a believed that metaphysics could help h u m a n beings ad-
she mentions the Aristotelian-Thomistic concept of God as closely related to vance in their search for knowledge. This is related to Sister Juana's central
a final cause in that all beings in the universe are d r a wn to Him: philosophical idea, which she termed 'metaphysical reduction'. This is w h a t
. . . y a la Causa Primera siempre aspira Aristotle and the Scholastics considered t h e m e t h o d of wisdom; that is, the
—centrico punto donde recta tira reduction or resolution (analysis) of all beings into the most universal cate-
la linea, si ya no circunferencia, gories. Metaphysics was both an understanding and a science, that is intel-
que contiene, infinita, toda esencia—.7S lection (or intuition) and discourse. But, whereas the most accepted belief
. . . and it always desires the First Cause was that intellection predominated over discourse, Sister J u a n a discovered
—the central point that perfect knowledge was not the result of intellective intuition, and thus
to which the line, now no longer a circumference, she w e n t on to search for it in discourse or in argumentative discourse, only
draws straight, to realize eventually that this does not offer complete knowledge either:
and which, being infinite, contains every essence—.
reduction metafisica que ensena
The same metaphysical concerns are revealed w h e n she speaks about I lie (los entes concibiendo generales
categories in which Aristotle wished to place all things: en solo unas mentales fantasias
donde de la materia se desdena

77. Ibid., vv. 547-51. 79. Ibid., vv. 579-82.

78. Ibid., vv. 408-11. 80. See Cislm, Soi .liiiiiuiy el "I'riinnv SutflO," p. 82.
132 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 133

el discurso abstraido) tion she includes prior to the p o e m itself, expresses h e r reservations con-
ciencia a formar de los universales,
cerning the accumulation of too m u c h scientific information, for she fears it
reparando, advertido,
is useless to knowledge and hazardous to life. Apparently, she wishes to dis-
con el arte el defecto
de no poder con un intuitivo cuss h e r lack of trust in man's capacity to embrace all things by means of
conocer acto todo lo criado, knowledge. Yet, w h a t stands out is h e r constant feeling of disappointment
sino que, haciendo escala, de u n concepto regarding absolute knowledge, a disappointment similar to the one she felt
en otro va ascendiendo grado a grado regarding complete love. Nevertheless, this p o e m is not a sceptical Pyrrhon-
y el de comprender orden relativo istic manifesto or a methodical piece of writing full of Cartesian doubts. Cer-
sigue, necesitado
tainly, there is a touch of scepticism expressed in the following lines:
del entendimiento
limitado vigor, que a sucesivo Todo el mundo es opiniones
discurso fia su aprovechamiento. . . .81 de pareceres tan vanos,
que lo que el uno dice que es negro,
metaphysical reduction, which science
el otro prueba que es bianco. . . .
(by conceiving beings in general
Los dos filosofos griegos
in just a few mental images
Men esta verdad probaron:
in which matter is disregarded
pues lo que en el uno risa,
by the abstract discourse)
causaba en el otro Uanto. . . .
teaches us to perform upon the universal concepts
Para todo se halla prueba
by attentive observation,
y razon en que fundarlo;
has, together with its skill,
y no hay razon para nada,
the defect of not being able to grasp,
de haber razon para tanto. 83
in an intuitive act of knowing, all of creation,
except by gradually ascending All the world is opinion
from one concept to another, step by step, of appearances so vain
and the act of grasping the relative order of things comes after, that that which one holds to be black,
depending on a limited power of understanding the other proves to be white.
that entrusts its improvement to the subsequent discourse. . . . Two Greek philosophers
proved this truth well:
At this point, after realizing that intelligence and reason can be defeated, Sis-
for that which caused laughter in one,
ter J u a n a abandons herself to theological knowledge based o n faith. It would caused sobs in the other.
seem that mysticism triumphed over reason. 82 For everything one finds proof
and reason to estabfish it;
Disappointment with knowledge and there is no reason,
to have reasons jor so much.
There is another p o e m by Sister J u a n a that contains an important philo-
sophical point, yet it has hardly been explored. It is a romance belonging to a
One might think that this is in itself proof that w e are in the presence of a
group of poems that Mendez Plancarte has called "Romances filosoficos y
sceptical quasi-Pyrrhonistic attitude or else in the presence of one of the ob-
amorosos (sin fecha conjeturable)," and it is the only one of the group that
servations (the proof that there was a lack of agreement among philosophers.)
really deserves to be called philosophical. Sister Juana, in the brief explana-
(hat led Descartes to uncover the foundations of philosophy. Fundamentally,
81. Sister Juana Ines de la Cruz, El Sueno, vv. 583-99. however, what these lines reveal is an attitude of healthy humility in the
82. Ibid., vv. 757 ff. See also P. Gomez Alonso, "Ensayo sobre la filosofia en sor
Juana Ines de la Cruz," Filosofiay Letrds 60-62 (1956): 59-74; and J. Gaos, "El sueno de 83. Sister Juana Ines de In Cruz, Ronnunvs, Romance n. 2, vv. 13-16, 25-28, and
un sueno," HistoriaMexicana 10 (1960): 54-71. 41-44.
134 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o S e v e n t e e n t h Century 135

face of w h a t w e do n o t yet know. This holds particularly for those mysteries este duro afan pesado,
a los hijos de los hombres
that we cannot handle by means of understanding or by reason, and so w e
dio Dios para ejercitarlos. . . .
must leave unsettled. Sister J u a n a takes refuge in a p r u d e n t type of knowl-
iOh, si como hay de saber,
edge and in moral judgments. 8 4 Matters of faith or of mystical experience hubiera algun seminario
were for her (as they were for Cusa and would be for Kant) legitimate, o escuela donde a ignorar
t h o u g h not cognitive, parts of our experience of the world. Does this imply se ensenaran los trabajos!86
that our knowledge is flawed or incomplete? In the following lines, Sister
Knowing is also a vice:
J u a n a reflects u p o n this question: for if you don't cut it short,
the less you know,
No es saber, saber hacer
the more harmful the havoc;
discursos sutiles, vanos;
and if the flight is not cut short,
que el saber consiste solo
if one is lured on by subtleties,
en elegir lo mas sano. . . .
then, by caring about what is exotic,
! Que feliz es la ignorancia
one forgets what is needful. . . .
del que, indoctamente sabio
This horrible exercise,
habla de lo que padece,
this hard and heavy task,
en lo que ignora, sagrado!85
God gave to the sons of men
Knowledge is not knowledge of how to make in order to train them. . . .
subtle, empty discourses; Oh, if only, just as they have them for knowing
for knowledge consists solely there were some seminary or school
in choosing what is most b e n e f i c i a l . . . . where one would be taught exercises
How happy is the ignorance for not knowing!
of the one who, being unleamedly wise,
speaks of what he suffers,
and is silent about what he does not know! The microcosm once again
A constant in the philosophical thoughts found in Sister Juana's poetry is
One must search for a useful type of knowledge, a more practical and moral
a feeling of disenchantment and distrust regarding the possibility of perfect
knowledge, a knowledge similar to the 'knowledge of salvation' Christianity finds
and complete knowledge. 8 7 This contrasts to the m e n t i o n she makes in her
in theology: biographical Respuesta a sor Filotea, that since childhood she had been intent
Tambien es" vicio el saber: on learning as m u c h as possible. It is interesting to think about w h a t m a d e
que si no se va atajando, her abandon this insatiable desire and take one of the most important steps
cuanto menos se conoce of her life. Her ideas and experiences related to the microcosm (a synthesis of
es mas nocivo el estrago;
all levels of being, both inferior and superior ones) exerted a fundamental
y si el vuelo no lo abaten,
influence on the way she finally fused all aspects of knowledge into the high-
en sutilezas cebado,
por cuidar de lo curioso est faculty, faith. The highest degree of being and knowledge governs all the
olvida lo necesario. . . . minor ones, and in this way faith, which for her signifies the most perfect
Este pesimo ejercicio, and important type of knowledge, contains and elevates all other modes of
knowledge. Within the realm of faith, which is w h e r e the mystical micro-
84. In fact, the work of this poet also contains an important moral dimension; see
C. M. Montross, Virtue or Vice: Sor Jauna's Use of Thomist Thought (Washington, D.C.;
Catholic University of America Press, 1981). 86. Ibid., vv. 89-96, 125-28, and 133-36.
85. Sister Juana Ines de la Cruz, Romances, Romance n. 2, vv. 69-72 and 81-84. 87. See R. Xirau, Oenioyjiyura Jesor.luaiM. M eel. (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 1970), p. 85 [f.
136 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
S e v e n t e e n t h Century 137

cosm finds its culmination, Sister J u a n a discovers the possibility of quench- has had centuries in her nine lustrums,
ing h e r thirst for knowledge . This is so because she does n o t conceive of she now has nothing more to know, she now is ignorant of nothing
faith as something irrational b u t rather as something that originates in the
Die now, since it has been wisely settled
rational and t h e n proceeds o n to the mysterious and the mystical. In this
that, for her who knows everything in an hour,
process, faith does n o t lose its desire to defend the objects of its belief a long time among the living is more than enough.
t h r o u g h argumentation. Did Sister J u a n a fall into t h e traps of faith? Yes, she
did, b u t in a very positive way. Sister Juana found the answer to h e r expecta-
tions concerning knowledge in a mystical wisdom acquired through faith.
She expressed this in h e r poetry, making great use of t h e image of t h e
h u m a n being as a microcosm in which a quasi-angelic knowledge is com-
bined with the senses and with reason.
Doctor Don J u a n de Aviles expresses this in the following sonnet dedi-
cated to Sister Juana:

Si en la pequena clara luz de u n dia

vive la fresca Rosa edad entera,
la Rosa—cuando el dia muere—muera,
pues ya no ha de crecer su gallardia.

Si su debil fragante bizarria

no ha de ser mas—aunque su vida fuera
emula de la Delfica carrera—,
muera, que ocioso su vivir seria.

Pues si esta Rosa, que la Fama Uora,

en nueve lustros siglos ha tenido,
ya no ha de saber mas, ya nada ignora.
Muere ya, pues que docto acuerdo ha sido
que a quien todo lo sabe en una hora
le sobra mucho tiempo en lo vivido. 88

If, in the brief clear light of a single day

the fresh Rose lived her whole life,
the Rose—when the day died—would die,
since then her elegance will grow no greater.

If her weak fragrant splendor

is to be no more—although her life would be
a competitor on the Delphic race-course—,
she will die, since to live would be pointless.

For since this Rose, for w h o m Fame weeps,

88. Dr. D. Juan de Aviles, "Soneto ninebre a Sor Juana" {Famay Obras pdstumas del
Fenix de Mexico), in Poetas novohispanos, segundo sigh (1621-1721), parte segundo, ed. Mcn-
dez Plancarte, p. 88.
 E i g h t e e n t h Century 139

The philosophy of New Spain during the first half of this century was con-
cerned with traditional Scholastic doctrines. The second half of the century,
however, was dominated by the conflict b e t w e e n traditional and m o d e r n
thought. This conflict ended with the retreat of traditionalism and the tri-
u m p h of modernity. Scholasticism remained influential, especially at t h e Uni-
versity, but only a modernized version that supported traditional doctrines,
e.g., opposition to tyranny, and combined these with progressive ideas that
led to m o v e m e n t s of social change that ultimately led to independence in the
early n i n e t e e n t h century. Clearly, the incorporation of m o d e r n elements
combined with the mor e traditional doctrines of Scholasticism to actualize
the emancipation of Mexico from Spain. 3
The Eighteenth Century Strenuous intellectual labor is well appreciated in philosophy. This appre-
ciation is expressed in t h e following verses of Cayetano de Cabrera y Quin-
tero, a period playwright:

Yo soy mirado a otra luz

del admirable edificio
del hombre, la mejor parte:
A lthough during the eighteenth century, Mexico experienced b o t h an
La antorcha que lo ilumino
/ \ economic and a cultural boom, immense socio-economic contrasts
la aguja que lo gobierno
JL M a m o n g different groups of the population remained quite visible; la estrella que lo dirijo
for example, betwee n the wealthy and those condemned to crass slavery. 1 y, en voluntarios naufragios,
The political relationships with t h e Spanish were such that t h e y led to a n in- el timon de su albedrio.
creasingly despotic-tributary system; this created dissatisfaction and ulti- Yo lo sabido comprendo,
yo lo ignorado investigo,
mately led to t h e revolutionary wars. Although t h e changes of t h e eighteenth
yo lo dividido aduno,
century were not as drastic as those of the nineteent h century, they were sig-
y lo adunado divido.
nificant. A major source of t h e changes that took place was t h e accession of Y, para no proceder
the Bourbons to the Spanish throne. The Bourbons were a family of French defendiendo en infinito,
ancestry and fought against t h e legacy of t h e Austrias that pervaded both the soy entendimiento, que es
Spanish government and its possessions. todo y mas de lo que he dicho.
Yo soy aquel que, embarcado
The period marked a n important shift in Mexican colonial philosophy. 2 It
en el velero navio
was at this time that the dispute between traditional Scholastic thought and de la gran Filosofia,
m o d e r n t h o u g h t began. Nonetheless, most philosophers of this period did not en tres anos he corrido
choose one over the other, rather they tried to integrate m o d e rn ideas into de todo su vasto oceano
t h e m o r e traditional Scholastic framework. There were, of course, excep- las sirtes y los bajios.
Ya encallando y zozobrando,
tions. The traditionalists were less tolerant of m o d e r n ideas; they resisted
surge el pielago enemigo
change, and this resistance gave rise to some animosity.
que cuantas olas abarca,
I.E. Semo, Historia del capitalism/} en Mexico. Los origenes: 1521-1762, 3d i-il. (Mexico: lanlos previcne peligros.
Era, 1975), pp. 252H.
2. A. V. Davis, El Siglo de Oro de la Nueva Espana (Sigh XVIll) (Mexico: Polls, 1 W5),
pp. 91 ff. l. Sioi'i/.cr, his mdvsI'sivliislii'ih

HH
140 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o E i g h t e e n t h Century 141

I am watching, by another light, demonstrated m o r e concern for m o d e r n philosophy. Most of the Franciscan
the amazing construction courses revealed t h e extent to which tradition, in particular, the Scotist
called man, the best part: school, had become firmly established. 5
The torch I shine for him Friar Jose Antonio de Aldalur, lecturer in philosophy at the Convent of
the compass with which I steer him
San Francisco in Queretaro, 6 wrote a complete philosophy course, admentem
the star by which I guide him
Scoti, which h e began to dictate in 1716 and finished in 1719. The quatrain
and the rudder of his free will
when he shipwrecks himself deliberately, that closes the last lesson of the first year is w o r t h quoting:
I understand what is known,
Estudia poco y siempre
I search for what is not known,
y seras como la espiga
I unite what is divided,
que no se vio crecer
and separate what is united.
y se ve crecida.
And, in order not to go on
defending myself ad infinitum, Study few things, but constantly
I am the understanding, which is and you will be like the blade of grass
everything 1 have said, and more. that nobody saw growing,
I am the one who, aboard Yet one sees it grown.
the sailing vessel
of great Philosophy, In addition to this philosophy course, Aldalur wrote a Tractatus perutilis defig-
has travelled all of its vast seas, uris rethoricis and a Tractatus de hominis ultimo fine, et de beatitudine, iuxta . . .
including the sandbanks and the shoals, mentem ... D, Scoti which he started in 1725 and finished in 1726.
for three years.
During the period betwee n 1716 and 1719 at the Colegio de San Bue-
Now, running us aground and capsizing us,
naventura, Friar Antonio Quinones wrote a Triennalis philosophicus cursus iuxta
there rises up the hostile ocean,
which has as many dangers prepared Joannis Duns Scoti menten.1 As was customary, it contains the summulae (a com-
as the waves it contains. p e n d i u m of the essential elements of logic) or minor logic, dialectic or major
logic, physics, metaphysics, and the De anima. Manuel Bnciso y Texada wrote
Cayetano refers here to the three years a student usually spent at the univer-
another Scotist coursebook, from which he lectured at the Convent of San
sity and colegios studying arts or philosophy. Most markedly in the 1750s, the
Francisco, in Totimihuacan, and which included the same treatises as
irrepressible wave of m o d e rn thought flooded t h e university and influenced
Quinones's as well as the De generatione et corruptione."
the teachings of m a n y colegios, especially Jesuit ones.
Cristoforo Grande, w h o taught at the Convent of Santiago in Queretaro,
gave a course from 1730-1731, Tractatus in ... librosPhyskorum, de Ortu etinter-
Franciscans ituyde Anima etMetaphysica ad mentem subtilis Scoti.9 Manuel Garcia de Rendon
practiced philosophy at the Colegio de San Buenaventura in Tlatelolco. In
During the eighteenth century, the Franciscans followed the Scotist school 1730 he lectured from ad mentem Scoti. Only the part of his lectures dealing
to a greater extent t h a n in previous centuries. The philosophy courses of the with logic remains, both the section on the essentials and o n dialectic. 10 And
period usually tried to discuss Aristotle from the perspective of Duns Scotus.
For the Franciscans at the end of the eighteenth century, philosophical reno-
5. P. Gonzalez Casanova, El misoneismoy la modernidad cristiana en el siglo XVIII (Mex-
vation with a focus on m o d e r n philosophers was not a major concern. Other ico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1.948).
orders, the Jesuits, the Oratorians, and, to a lesser degree, the Dominicans, 6. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 1, p. 110.
7. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 295, no. 424.
8. [bid., p. 158, no. 222.
4. C. de Cabrera y Quintero, Obra dramdtica. Teatro novohispano del sigh XVIII, ed. C. 9. Ibid., p. 173, no. 248.
Parodi (Mexico: UNAM, 1976), p. 217. 10. Iliid., p. 171, no. 241.
142 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
Jose Torres of the Convent of San Francisco in Guadalajara wrote Naturae
indagatrix Philosophia Aristoteliea via triennali lustratura curriculo Antesignano
Smo. acMariano D. Joanne Duns Scoto . . . in 1732."
According to the official biographer of the Order, the teachings of the Fran-
ciscans followed the lines of the Scotist school. Aristotle was discussed but
under the guidance of Scotus. Sometimes the Aristotelian text was only used
as a pretext to defend the Subtle Doctor against the schools of the other orders.
In 1733 at the Convent of San Francisco in Totimihuacan, Friar Felipe
Ortiz lectured on logic and Fray Joaquin Camacho Davila on physics, the De
anima, and metaphysics. This w e k n o w from a compilation carried out by
Friar Pedro Jose de Jesus Maria Aliri12 and another by Friar Francisco Perez,
which makes reference to the courses taught from 1 7 3 2 - 1 7 3 6 . " Camacho
was born in Tenancingo, Mexico and taught at t h e Convent of San Cosme,
outside the capital. Twice h e was warde n of the convent as well as definitor of
the recollets of the province of the Santo Evangelio. 14
Anselmo Zespedes (or Cespedes) taught philosophy in Puebla at the Con-
vent of San Francisco from 1735-1737. He wrote Philosophicus cursus follow-
ing Scotus. 15 Friar Francisco Camacho was lecturer in theology in the
province of the Santo Evangelio in Mexico. 16 His Philosophia Scotistica ad usum
Imperialis Collegiide Tlatelolco was prepared for publication during the first half
17
of the eighteenth century. Jose Rodriguez Malo taught at Totimihuacan at
the Convent of San Francisco from 1736-1738 and also left a Scotist course-
book for philosophy. 18
Jose Alderete, lecturer at the Colegio de San Bue-
naventura in Tlatelolco, prepared a coursebook for philosophy as well, and he
bequeathed his Trietericus Scotisticae philosophiae cursus, Hortus conclusus, dated
1740, to the college library. 1 '
Friar Pedro de Oronsoro, born in Huamantla, province of Tlaxcala, bishopric
of Puebla, was the w a r d e n of t h e convents of Mexico and Puebla. Later he
20
became definitor and provincial of the province of San Diego in New Spain.
At the Convent of Santa Barbara and at the Convent of Santa Maria de los
11. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografiafllosoficamexkana, p. 73.
12. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 330, no. 13.
13. Ibid., p. 270, no. 390.
14. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 2, p. 25, no. 594.
15. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 84, no. 102.
16. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 2, p. 24, no. 593.
17. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografiafllosoficamexicana, p. 103.
18. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 311, no. 458.
19. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 1, p. 114, no.
132.
20. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 53, no. 2213.
E i g h t e e n t h Century 143
Angeles, in Ocholoposco, one can find, with his signature, his logic lessons
(dated 1742 and 1742-1743 respectively), as well as his volumes o n physics
and metaphysics (from 1743 and 1744-45). They still bear t h e marks left
from a fire in the library of the Convent of San Diego. 21
Emiliano Millan de Zerezeda taught at the Colegio de San Bernardino de
Siena, in Xochimilco, w h e r e he left a coursebook from which h e lectured in
1743. He also lectured in Texcoco at the Convent of San Antonio in 1745 and
produced another coursebook. Both coursebooks are ad mentem Scoti.22 A sim-
ilar coursebook (dated 1750-1753) Was written by M a n u e l del Camino at t h e
Convent of San Francisco in Puebla and the Colegio de San Buenaventura in
Tlatelolco. 23 At the Colegio de San Buenaventura, one can also find the minor
and major logic lessons written by Jose Varela, lecturer from 1750-1751. 2 4
There is also an arts course (1752) by Jose Villasenor that was preserved at
the library of the University of San Luis Potosi. 25
At Jesuit colleges the modernization of philosophy began in the 1750s,
while the Franciscans remained devoted to the Scholastic teachings. Thus,
during this period, there were several coursebooks written that were strongly
influenced by Scotist philosophy. An important coursebook was written by
Luis Mariano de la Vega between 1752 and 1754. Vega was a lecturer at the
Convent of San Francisco in Totimihuacan. 2 6 Similar coursebooks were writ-
ten by Friar Agustin Jose Vidarte, reader at the Convent of San Gabriel in
Cholula (1765-1767) 2 7 and Friar Miguel de Sologuren, lecturer at t h e Con-
vent of San Francisco in Puebla (1762-1767). 2 8 In his Pisica, Sologuren
makes reference to the atomists (p. 62), whereas in De anima, he mentions
the Cartesian notion that the soul 'helps' m a n (p. 97), and in the treatise De
caelo etmundo, he refers to t h e three systems of the world—the Ptolemaic, the
Copernican, a n d t h e Tichonian (i.e., that of Tycho Brahe). It is possible that
the copyist of Friar Miguel's coursebook wrote by mistake that the Coperni-
can system was the one that should be recognized because t h e others were
c o n d e m n e d by the Church; in fact, the Church questioned the theories of
Copernicus. 29
21. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 311, no. 458.
22. Ibid., p. 251, no. 360.
23. Ibid., p. 67, no. 73.
24. Ibid., p. 410, no. 623.
25. Gomez Canedo, Los archivos de la historia de America.
26. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 416, no. 631.
27. Ibid., p. 417, no. 632.
28. Ibid., p. 337, no. 499.
29. Hi'i'imbe Navarro, la iiilivdmrion de In filosi'Jh modema en Mexico (Mexico: 111
Colegio de Mexico, 1948), p, L44,
144 H i s t o ry of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
Other important authors of philosophical coursebooks are Francisco Ace-
vedo, lecturer at the Convent of San Francisco in Totimihuacan w h e r e he
taught a Scotist Curso from 1772 to 1774; Jose Manuel Chamorro, lecturer at
the Convent of Santa Barbara in Puebla whose coursebook, dictated in 1773,
deals with subjects of natural philosophy; 30 Joaquin Bernardo Balmaseda (or
Balmaceda) of t h e Colegio de San Buenaventura in Tlatelolco wrote a course-
book from 1778-1781, which focused primarily on logic and, to a lesser de-
31
gree, physics; and Friar Jose Roldan, lecturer of the Convent of San Diego,
Mexico City, concluded his coursebook in 1798. 32
Dominicans
During the eighteenth century, the Dominican order acted as the defender
of Thomist doctrines. During the first half of the century, the Dominicans did
not even take the m o d e r n philosophers into account, and w h e n they did, in the
second half of the century, it was only to oppose them. Thus, the Dominicans
studied the moderns in order to attack t h e m from the Thomist perspective. 33
Friar Antonio Mancilla was a criollo born in 1709. He began to teach for
the Order in 1734, but his teaching career must have started earlier. In 1737
he was already a priest at the Colegio de Porta Coeli in Mexico City, and he
held the post of master of students. Beginning in 1734 h e was lecturing from
his coursebook in philosophy. Such positions would not have been granted to
one w h o had had n o previous teaching experience. He was master of students
from 1737-1741, and in 1741 he became a lecturer in theology, until 1749,
w h e n h e was appointed primary regent of studies.
In 1752 Mancilla was appointed Vicar of Ixtapalucan, and in 1756 he was
sent to the Convent of Oaxtepec. The 1760 chapter nominated h i m to become
a presentee, and he acted as provincial procurador at the Convent of Santo
Domingo. In 1765, while he was working as vicar at San Miguel Tlacotalpan,
the Provincial Chapter proposed him for the post of master in sacred theology,
which he obtained in 1769. He died shortly before December 1772. His thought
is preserved in the coursebook Cursus Philosophicus iuxta firmiorem, celsioremque
Angelici Doctoris D Thomae doctrinam elucubratus, dated at Porta Coeli in 1727." 1
30. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 119, no. 145.
31. Ibid., p. 52, no. 50.
32. Ibid., p. 314, no. 461.
33. Beuchot, Filosofos dominicos novohispanos.
34. As a result of the imposition, there was a Mexican edition of Goudln'S work,
Philosophia iuxta inconcussa tutissimaque D. Thomae dogmata, reprinted a! Angelopoli, 1767,
Typis Regalis Coflegii D. Ignatii, 3 vols, in quarto, parchment bound. II Is mentioned l>y
E i g h t e e n t h Century 145
W h e n h e became master of students, Mancilla was succeeded by Antonio
Viar y Larrimbe at t h e Colegio de Porta Coeli. Larrimbe m a d e a valuable con-
tribution to Dominican philosophy, writing a philosophy coursebook which,
in 1761, gave rise to heated debates at the Provincial Chapter. The Mexican
province proposed that Larrimbe's coursebook be used instead of the course-
book that the Order wanted to impose which had been written at the end of
the seventeenth century by Antonio Goudin, a Dominican from Limoges.
Larrimbe's coursebook was m u c h mor e conservative t h a n Goudin's, and the
fathers of the Mexican province preferred it.35
Vicente Aragon taught at t h e Colegio de San Luis in Puebla from
1 7 4 1 - 1 7 4 3 . He left a philosophy coursebook, curiously entitled Philosophiae
rivulus.16 Beginning in 1749, Jose Ignacio Cuellar was a lecturer at t h e Cole-
gio de Porta Coeli. In 1751 h e wrote a Cursus philosophicus iuxta Divi Thomae
de Aquino doctrinam^ and in 1752 h e became master of students. M a n u e l
Lopez de Aragon 3 8 taught at Porta Coeli from 1757-1759, and h e left an Ar-
tium cursus iuxta Angelici praeceptoris doctrinam™ written a r o u n d 1758. The
only subject included in Friar Jose Jimenez de Villasefior's In universan Aris-
totelis Dialecticam, iuxta Angelici Doctoris mentem, cursusm is dialectics or major
logic. The manuscript bears n o references to t h e date or t h e place in w h i c h it
was written.
In 1763 Cristobal Coriche was teaching in Puebla. Here he published, at
the Imprenta del Colegio Real de San Ignacio de la Puebla, his Oration vindica-
tiva del honor de las letras y las ciencias." This is an apologetic dissertation in
favor of the different sciences and virtues, and against w h a t had been written
by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, w h o was h o n o r e d by the Academy of Dijon. In
this work, one can see that Coriche had studied m o d e r n philosophy seriously,
even if only to criticize it. He defends traditional Scholasticism. Although t h e
reception of modern philosophy by the Society of Jesus (and some other or-
ders such as that of the Oratorians) has been widely studied, the confrontation
Valverde Tellez, Critica filosdfica, p. 58. Valverde claims to have known of the existence
of eight reprints of the popular work. He also says that there may have been even more
reprints.
35. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 41, no. 37.
36. Ibid., p. 99, no. 124.
37. Beuchot and Melcon, Los dominicos en la Real y Pontificia Universidad de Mexico,
p. 46.
38. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 210, no. 309.
39. Ibid., p. 200, no. 283.
40. It can be found in the Reserved Section of the National Library of Mexico under
fileR/710LAF.
41. A. Sanchez Vazquez, Rousseau en Mexico (Mexico: Grijalbo, 1970), pp. 56-57.
146 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
between Scholasticism and modernity in the Order of Preachers in Mexico,
has been largely neglected. The teachers who belonged to this Order also
studied the new philosophy. The very title of Coriche's work indicates that
the Dominicans, just a decade after the Jesuits had begun their work with the
moderns, were acquainted with the work of modern philosophers.42
In 1769, Jose Gallegos taught philosophy at the Convent of Santo
Domingo in Mexico City. He left an oratory that defends the reform of the
philosophical-theological studies set up by the General of the Order, Juan
Tomas de Boxadors. The title of this work is Apologia delMetodo de Estudios, im-
puestos por S. Rma. La dedica a N. Rmo. P. Fr. Juan Thomas de Boxadors, Maestro
General del Orden dePredicadores. It was published in Mexico by the Mexican
Library Press of the Lie. Don Joseph de Jauregui in 1774.43 Gallegos defends
the new method against its critics. Apparently, the reform consisted of setting
up the Goudin course for the study of philosophy and using the texts of Saint
Thomas and Melchor Cano's great methodological introduction for the study
of theology. Gallegos himself read from Cano's work at the University.
Augustinians
Friar Ferrnin de Ylarregui stands out among the Augustinian philosophers
of the eighteenth century. His logic treatise, which includes both the essen-
tials and dialectics, has been preserved. He used it when he taught in Mexico
at the Colegio de San Pablo from 1717-1718.44 Another coursebook for phi-
losophy was written by Friar Francisco Javier de Meza (or Mega) who used it
when he taught at the Convent of San Agustin in Puebla in 1732.45 In 1751
Manuel Murillo (or Morillo) left a summary of the Pilosofia written by Nicolas
Cardenas.46 Murillo was born in Mexico and taught at the province of the
Holy Name of Jesus where he presided over the 1754 Chapter. He was also
Rector of the Colegio de San Pablo. He left a philosophical-theological com-
mentary on the first part of Aquinas's Summa, as well as a treatise entitled De
scientia Dei.47
Friar Vicente Tenorio, too, left a coursebook for philosophy, dated 1750.""
42. It is reproduced in Nicolas Leon, Bibliografia mexicana del sigh XV1U, vol. 1 (Mex-
ico: Imprenta Dias de Leon, 1902), pp. 263-74.
43. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 427, no. 643.
44. Ibid., p. 240, no. 325.
45. Ibid., p. 260, no. 374.
46. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 3, p. 306.
47. Navarro, La introduccidn de lafilosofla moderna en Mexico, p. 295.
48. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 8i, nos. 99-100.
Eighteenth Century 147
In addition, Friar Simon Jose Cervante, who taught at the Colegio Maximo de
San Pablo in Mexico in 1789, left a coursebook which has been preserved. In
his coursebook, he deals with physics and metaphysics. We also have his trea-
tise on law, which contains insightful comments about the philosophy of nat-
ural and positive law.49
Carmelites
Friar Juan de San Anastasio was born in Villarasa, Seville. He entered the
Carmelite order in 1759 and then lectured on rhetoric, philosophy, and theol-
ogy at the Colegio de San Alberto in Queretaro1 and at the Colegio de San
Angel in Chimalistac. His Retdrica para jovenes was the product of the lessons
he gave on rhetoric at San Alberto.50 He was a prior several times, eventually
becoming a provincial in 1784. He died early in the nineteenth century.51 Os-
waldo Robles claims that "[t]he purpose of the work written by Fray Juan is
to offer a definition of the philosophical terms employed in scholastic discus-
sions and disputes, based mainly upon the texts both of Saint Thomas and of
Fray Francisco de Santo Tomas; it represents what we call nowadays a philo-
sophical lexicon or dictionary, and which, like Signoriello's Lexicon Peripateticum,
helps us to be more precise in philosophical debates. It is an indispensable
tool to judge the propriety of the peripathetic-scholastic language."52 Friar
Juan's work indicates his view of the central role that clarity and respect for
semantic definition must play in any controversy as requirments for rigour
in argumentation. Argumentation was, afterall, the principal philosophical
activity of the scholastics, and they took this activity seriously and carried it
out responsibly.
49. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. I, p. 138.
no. 182.
/ 50. This is put forward by Oswald Robles, against Beristain. See Oswald Robles,
"Breve npta sobre Fray Juan de San Anastasio y su glorsario escolastico," in Anuario de
Pilosofia del Seminario de Investigachnes Pilosdficas de la Facultad de Pilosofia y Letra, vol. 1
(Mexico: UNAM, 1943), p. 107, n. 1.
51. When Robles writes "Fray Francisco de Santo Tomas," doesn't he rather mean
"Fray Juan de Santo Tomas"? "La obra escrita por Fray Juan tiene por objeto ofrecer,
I'undandose en los textos de Santo Tomas y de Fray Francisco de Santo Tomas, princi-
palmente, una definition de los terminos hlosoficos usados en las discusiones y dis-
putas escolasticas; representa lo que comunmente llamamos hoy dia un lexico o vocab-
ulario filosofico, y que, a semejanza del Lexicon Peripateticum de Signoriello, es, ademas
de un auxiliar que nos permite dar precision al debate filosofico, un instrumento in-
dispensable para juzgar de la propiedad del lenguaje peripaterico-escolastico." Ibid.,
p. 99,
52. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 330, no. 486.
148 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Mercedarians
Friar Juan Antonio de Segura y Troncoso was an outstanding philosopher
among the Mercedarians. He left a work on logic, Libri tres Summularum et
Tractatus in Logican Aristotelis germanam Doctoris Angelici doctrinam continens,
published in 1707, in Mexico at the Convento Grande de la Merced.53 In this
work he deals with dialectics and the essentials of logic according to the doc-
trine of Aquinas. Born in Mexico City, Segura y Troncoso taught at the Cole-
gio de San Pedro Pascual, which he also directed. Beristain writes of de Se-
gura y Troncoso: "He was a great scholastic, well-versed in reading the Holy
Fathers of the Church, a renowned orator and poet; he founded a poetry
academy in Mexico over which he presided."54 Segura y Troncoso wrote a
commentary on Horace's Ars Poetica and was himself the author of various
poems. One of his literary creations is entitled, "El Seneca de la Merced;
moralidad joco-seria entre Bpicuro y Momo" and, according to Beristain, can
be found at the library of the Mercedarian Order in Mexico City.
Jesuits
The eighteenth century was a period of intense activity for the Colegios of
the Society of Jesus. Then, in 1767, the Jesuits were abruptly expelled from
the country by the Spanish Crown. The Jesuits had become the primary edu-
cators of the Mexican youth and had a strong influence on the philosophical
ideas of the time. They taught traditional philosophy and introduced modern
ideas in Mexico.
Father Domingo de Toledo, who was born in San Sebastian, Guipiizcoa,
died in Mexico in 1706. In 1701, he wrote Disputationes de praecisionibus,
which was part of Disputationes de logica, a work written by various authors
and used at the Colegio de San Francisco Javier in Queretaro.55 Cristobal Flo-
res, who was born in 1679 and died in 1728 in Patzcuaro, also left a complete
philosophical coursebook which he used to teach from 1711-1713.56 And
Jose de Maya wrote Disputationes on physics and metaphysics, which were
taught from 1709-1711.57
53. "Fue un gran escolastico, muy versado en la lectura de los Santos Padres, orador
y poeta muy acreditado, y establecio en Mexico una academia de poesia, de que era
presidente." Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 4, p. 3 52.
no. 2885.
54. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 133, no. 169.
55. Ibid., p. 167, no. 239. 56. Ibid., p. 245, no. 151.
57. Ibid., pp. 413 fl„ nos. 627-29.
Eighteenth Century 149
Father Gregorio Vazquez de Puga, who was born in Compostela in 1677
and died in Puebla in 1747, produced a philosophical coursebook for the Cole-
gio Maximo de San Pedro y San Pablo, in Mexico City, which he also taught in
Puebla from 1715-1717. One volume, dated 1715-1717, contains materials
on logic, physics, and metaphysics; another is entitled Disputationes in Logicam
et Physicam and was published in Mexico at the Colegio de San Pedro y San
Pablo in 1715; and a third one, Disputationes in Physicam, was published in
1716-1717.58 Another important Jesuit author is Father Francisco Javier Her-
ize who was born in Mexico in 1682. He wrote Summulae et Tractatus in univer-
sam Aristotelis Logican in 1716-1717 and Disputationes in octo Aristotelis libros de
Physico auditu, et Metaphysica in 1718-1719.59 All of these coursebooks were
written under a strong scholastic influence in which the work of Aquinas is
studied under the guidance of Suarez, the "official" philosopher of the Society.
Modern ideas had not yet arrived.
Following this scholastic tendency, Father Jose del Villar wrote a Curso de
artes in 1718,60 as did Father Jose Maldonado, who was born in Maravatio in
1692 and died in La Habana in 1746. Father Maldonado's coursebook
(1721-1724) includes a volume on logic, another on physics, and a third on
metaphysics, a subject he taught at the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San
Pablo. He had previously taught rhetoric in Puebla.61 Another thorough
coursebook was written by Jose Ignacio Sanchez. The section on logic was in-
cluded first in a volume issued in 1725 at the Colegio de San Ildefonso, Puebla,
and then in another volume (1728-1729) which was used at the Colegio Max-
imo de San Pedro y San Pablo, Mexico City; the volume on physics is from
1728, whereas the one on metaphysics is from 1725.62 The same solid and
well-developed scholastic teachings are found in Father Jose Francisco de
Molina's coursebook, which was issued in 1726, though the place of its publi-
cation is unknown. 63 Manuel Alvarez's Disputationes in octo Aristotelis libris de
Physico auditu, seu Auscultatione is devoted to physics and was read at the Cole-
gio de San Ildefonso, Puebla in 1727.64 It reveals a definite Suarecian influence.
Father Nicolas Prieto was born in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon in 1696. He en-
tered the Society in Tepotzotlan in 1718. He then traveled to Mexico City,
58. Ibid., p. 180, no. 255. 59. Ibid., p. 420, no. 635.
60. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 3, p. 179; and
Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, pp. 221 fi, nos. 312-15.
61. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 321, no. 474.
62. Navarro, La introduccidn de lafilosofia moderna en Mexico, p. 290, no. 34.
63. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 33, no. 15.
64. As reported by lirrisl.iin de Sou/a, lliblioleca Hispano Americana Septentrional,
vol, 4, p. 165, no. 2466.
150 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
w h e r e h e taught philosophy at the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San Pablo
in 1729. Of his Cursus Philosophicus,6i w e only have the logic, dated 1730. M He
lectured on theology in Guatemala where he became Rector of the Colegio de
San Francisco de Borja. He also directed the Colegio de Merida, Yucatan
w h e r e h e died in 17 51.
Born in Torino in 1697, Father Jose Luis Falcumbelli also taught in San
Pedro y San Pablo. In his 1730 Disputationes in octo Aristotelis libros de physico au-
ditu seu de Naturali auscultatione," he refers to the m o d e r n philosophers but
only to attack them. For instance, w h e n dealing with matter, he alludes to
m o d e r n atomist theories saying, "According to c o m m on opinion, I argue that
even if many species of atoms are possible in the primary matter, all primary
matter both of sublunary and of celestial bodies is in fact, however, only one
species of atom. . . . The primary matter of the celestial bodies would be of a
different primary matter t h a n that of sublunary bodies because celestial bod-
ies would be incorruptible and because sublunary bodies corruptible; but as
68
this is n o reason, then, etc."
J u a n Francisco Lopez was also a teacher at San Pedro y San Pablo. In
1732 he left a coursebook o n logic and in 1743 one on metaphysics. He fol-
lows the usual Scholastic approach. So does Jose de Utrera, w h o was b o r n in
Velez, Malaga. He was rector of t h e Colegios at Zacatecas y Tepotzotlan. 6 ' He
also taught in Queretaro w h e r e in 1735 h e wrote a Cursus Philosophicus, a
work which was later copied in Puebla at the Colegio de San Ildefonso in
1738. 70 His coursebook shows some hints of m o d e r n inspiration, but it re-
mains a Scholastic work. Nonetheless, in his role as provincial, Lopez sup-
71
ported the modernization movement. Pedro Ignacio de Avilez also lectured
at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo and wrote a philosophy coursebook
in 1738. 72
65. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 291, no. 420.
66. Ibid., p. 165, no. 233.
67. "Sostengo inmediatamente con la sentencia mas comiin que aunque sean posi-
bles muchas especies de dtomos en la materia prima, sin embargo, toda materia prima tanto
de los cuerpos sublunares como de los celestes, es de hecho una sola especie de atomos.... La
materia prima de los cuerpos celestes seria de diversa especie que la materia prima de
los cuerpos sublunares, porque los cuerpos celestes serian incorruptibles y porque los
sublunares corruptibles, pero como esta no es ninguna raz6n, luego, etc." J. L. Falcum-
belli, Disputationes in octo Aristotelis Libros de phisico auditu seu de Naturali auscultatione,
1730, p. 24v.
68. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 5, p. 70,
no. 3126.
69. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 402, no. 612.
70. Navarro, La introduction de lafilosofia moderna en Mexico, pp. I 1 and 99.
71. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 50, nos. 48-49.
72. Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy, p. 89, nos. 662-63,
E i g h t e e n t h Century 151
Several other philosophy coursebooks have survived, such as one by Fa-
ther Jose Luis de la Santa Cruz from 1738, 73 and another by Father Pablo Rob-
ledo. Robledo was born in Puebla in 1709, taught philosophy at the Colegio de
San Ildefonso in Mexico City from 1740-1742, and theology in Guadalajara,
where he became Rector of the Colegio de San Juan. 7 4 In his work on physics,
he attacks the atomist or corpuscular m o d e r n philosophers. 7 5
We also have a philosohy coursebook (1744) from Jose de Zamora, lec-
turer in the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo. In his physics he mentions the
' m o d e r n French' philosophers and refers to the Cartesians and atomists. 76 Fa-
ther Matias Blanco, w h o was born in Durango (1660) and died in Mexico
City (1734), taught at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo and wrote a trea-
tise o n h u m a n liberty which was published in Mexico by Hogal in 1746. 77
Some undate d manuscripts of this work have survived. 78 Father J u a n
Lorenzo Valdetaro, born in Atlixco, Puebla in 1718, taught rhetoric at the
Colegio Maximo de Mexico in 1745 and philosophy in Guadalajara in 1748. 79
At Guadalajara's Colegio de Santo Tomas, he left a logic s u m m a r y as well as a
work o n logic entitled Bipartitum artis oratoriae breviarium et tractatus de sum-
mulis et Logica Maior, 1748. 80 During Valdetaro's time, rhetoric and logic were
both considered types of argumentation and thus closely related disciplines at
the university.
Father J u a n Jose Villar Villa Amill taught at the Colegio Maximo de San
Pedro y San Pablo, and in 1748 he wrote a coursebook which included logic
and physics. 81 In the section o n physics, he quotes Descartes and his disciples,
referring to the latter as "few a n d outdated." 8 2 He also attacks other m o d e r n
philosophers. In contrast, another Jesuit, Father Mariano M. Jeronimo del
Puerto, in two manuscripts dated 1749 and 1751, does not even take the
moderns into account in his work on logic. 83
73. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 4, p. 239,
X HO.2660; and Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 308, nos. 450-52.
74. P. Robledo, Physica, 1742, pp. 10-11 and 29.
75. J. de Zamora, Philosophia naturalis in octo Aristotelis libros, 1744, pp. 33 and 42v.
76. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 1, p. 271,
no. 466.
77. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 57, nos. 60-61.
78. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 5, p. 79,
no. 3149.
79. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 407, no. 618.
80. Ibid., pp. 420-23, nos. 636-40.
81. J. J. Villar Villa Amill, Disputationes in octo Physicorum Libros, 1748, p. 21.
82. Ibid., p. 295; Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 292, no. 422.
8S. .1. I.. Manciro and M. L'ahrl, Vidas de mexicanos ilustres del sigh XVIII, trans. B.
Navarro, 3d cd. (Mexico: 1INAM, 1989); licrislain de Son/a, Hiblioleea llispano Aiucri
nina Septentrional, vol. 4, p, I (8, no. .' 188.
152 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Nicolas de Peza was born in Mexico City in 1712 and entered the Society
of Jesus in 1730. He taught philosophy in Puebla and theology in Guadala-
jara, and he died in Bologne in 1777.84 Between 1749 and 1751 at the Cole-
gio de San Ildefonso, Puebla, he wrote a coursebook that included sections
on logic and physics.85 Father Francisco Javier Alejo de Orrio also wrote on
logic and physics in a work entitled Novum Philosophiae Semen Scientias omnes
virtute complectens. He lectured from this work at the Colegio of the Society in
Zacatecas in 1750. In the same year, Father Jose Prudencio de la Piedra, who
was born in Patzcuaro in 1709 and died in 1790,86 left a philosophy course-
book written for the teaching he did at the Colegio de Valladolid (now called
Morelia).
Evidence of the increasing attention paid to modern philosophy is pro-
vided in of Father Jose Zepeda's Fisica (p. 55). This work and another on logic
were written in 1750 at the Society's Colegio in Guadalajara. Father Zepeda
mentions the atomist, or "so-called corpuscular modern philosophers," and
this in less than complimentary terms. Zepeda was born in Guatemala in 1720
and died in Havana in 1767. He taught Latin in Valladolid, Michoacan;
rhetoric in Puebla; and philosophy in Guadalajara and Mexico City. He was
also rector of the Colegios of San Ildefonso, both in Mexico City and in Puebla.
He then worked as procurador in Madrid and Rome and as Rector of the Cole-
gio de Guatemala, from which he was expelled.87
Father Jose Bueno Bassori, who was born in Mexico City in 1716, wrote a
work on Scholastic logic in San Ildefonso, Puebla, in 1750-1751.88 And Fa-
ther Jose Mariano de Vallarta y Palma, born in Puebla in 1719, taught philos-
ophy there in 1745 and then at the Colegio Maximo in Mexico City in 1749.
He was prefect of studies at the Colegio de San Ildefonso, and he earned his
doctorate at its University, occupying the Suarez Chair until 1767. He died in
1790 in Bologne.89 Vallarta y Palma's work on rhetoric and poetics was widely
used; it is a rigorous philosophical work. Moreover, it is a traditionalist work,
84. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, pp. 280-84, nos. 403-11.
85. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 4, p. 140, no.
2395.
86. Ibid., vol. 5, p. 195, no. 3536; Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas,
pp. 431--32, nos. 647-48.
87. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 64, no. 71.
88. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 5, pp. 86-88,
no. 3166.
89. "Fue excelente humanista, filosofo aristotelico agudi'simo, y singular por la pre-
cision sutileza y energia de sus discursos y argumentos en la palestra escolaslica, donde
eran formidables sus silogismos; y por eso era vulgar dicho en Mexico 'que qiiien sabfa
responder a los argumentos del P. Vallarta, tenia murlio adelanlado p.ir.i responder .i
los que el dlablo podia ponerle en el Tribunal del .Initio'." Ibid., p. 87.
Eighteenth Century 153
opposed to the ideas and methods of modern philosophers. Beristain says of
Vallarta y Palma that "[h]e was a remarkable humanist, a sharp Aristotelian
philosopher, and unique in the precision, subtlety, and energy of his speeches
and arguments in the scholastic arena where his syllogisms were formidable;
for this reason, it was commonly said in Mexico that 'he who could answer
Father Vallarta's arguments has gained enough to answer the devil's argu-
ments at the Judgment Tribunal.'"90 In addition to his work on rhetoric, pub-
lished in Mexico City in 1753 and in Bologne in 1784, Vallarta y Palma wrote
"El sabio con aprobacion de Dios."91
Father Mariano Soldevilla wrote on physics and metaphysics at the Jesuit
Colegio in Puebla in 1754. Soldevilla was born in Tuxtla in 1721 and died in
Barcelona in 1799.92 He had studied the moderns, yet he mentions them only
in order to attack them.93 His main targets were Maignan, Tosca, and other
physicists who defended atomism.
Father Pedro Bolado, who was born in Mexico City in 1732 and died in
Italy in 1792, wrote a coursebook in 1756, rewriting it from 1760-1762.94 In
his treatment of physics, he makes reference to Descartes, Torricelli, and the
modern atomists.95
During the 1750s, the philosophical renovation of the Jesuit Order begins;
its main exponents are Diego Jose Abad, Francisco Javier Alegre, and Fran-
cisco Javier Clavigero. Maneiro, the biographer of this period, refers in this
context to Rafael Campoy, Salvador Davila, Agustm Castro, and Julian Par-
reno as thinkers who paved the way for the process of philosophical modern-
ization in the various Jesuit colegios, but from whom there are no surviving
philosophical writings.96 Fabri, another biographer of the Jesuits, identifies
Father Abad as the head of the movement.
Diego Jose Abad
Abad was born in Xiquilpan, Michoacan in 1727. He entered the Colegio
de San Ildefonso in Mexico City in 1738. In 1741 he joined the Society at the
90. This work was published by Gonzalez Casanova, El misoneismo y la modemidad
cristiana en el siglo XVLIl, p. 136.
91. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, pp. 336-37, nos. 495-97.
92. Navarro, La introduction de lafllosofla moderna en Mexico, pp. 132 ff.
93. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, pp. 60-63, nos. 65-67.
94. Navarro, La introduction de lafllosofla moderna en Mexico, pp. 136-37.
95. Maneiro and Fabri, Vidas de mexkanos ilustres del siglo XVIII, p, 20.
<>(>. A. Oclina, Diego .lose Alnul v sn ftimilin (Morelia, Miiiio.u.in: Fonapas and Gov-
ernment of the SI,lie of Mlciin.nvin, I9K0).
154 H i s t o ry of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
seminary of Tepotzotlan. He studied philosophy in San Ildefonso, Puebla,
w h e r e he m e t Campoy. In 1748, he moved to the Colegio Maximo de San
Pedro y San Pablo in Mexico City to read theology. He t h e n taught grammar
in Zacatecas w h e r e he wrote the "Rasgo epico descriptivo de la fabrica y
grandeza del templo de la Compania de Jesus en Zacatecas." Later, Abad him-
self considered this work to be convoluted and conceptista.
He was ordained in 1751 and was called to teach philosophy at the Colegio
Maximo in 1754. According to Fabri, during the time that Abad was prefect of
the Colegio de San Ildefonso in Mexico City, he was (as Campoy had been be-
fore him) active in reforming the courses taught there. In 1764, Abad was ap-
pointed rector of the seminar of San Francisco Javier in Queretaro where he
taught theology. During this period, he devoted m u c h time to writing poetry
and to his translation of Virgil. W h e n s u m m o n e d by the Provincial Father Ce-
ballos, Abad traveled to San Ildefonso in Mexico City, to study, together with
other reformers, the viability of academic reform.
W h e n all Jesuits were banished from Mexico in 1767, Abad relocated to
Ferrara, Italy. Abad's major literary work, De Deo Deoque Homine (or Heroic
Poem), was printed in Venice and received m u c h praise from the public. It
was reprinted, enlarged, and corrected in Ferrara in 1775. According to Fabri,
in addition to scientific-mathematical, literary, and theological writings, Abad
also left a philosophical work entitled Tratado del conodmiento de Dios. The best
example of his philosophical work, however, is his coursebook for philoso-
phy. 97 Abad died in Bologne, in 1779. 98
Abad's work is the most profound of the innovative philosophical work of
the Jesuits. His Curso was influential; a thorough treatment of m o d e r n ideas. 99
This coursebook, which is n o longer entitled Cursus Philosophicus, but simply
Philosophia, can be found at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo in Mexico
City. It was used to teach a course from 1754-1756 and includes discussions
100
of logic, physics, and metaphysics. Abad was the first Jesuit philosopher
w h o attempted to assimilate, rather t h a n merely attack, the ideas of m o d e r n
philosophers.
In his discussion of logic, Abad considers Caramuel, Carleton, Descartes
and the Cartesians. In physics, h e mentions the 'moderns' in general and says
97. Maneiro and Fabri, Vidas de mexicanos ilustres del sigh XVLII, p. 175.
98. Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy, p. 1.
99. Navarro, La introduction de lafilosofia moderna en Mexico, p. 150.
100. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 21, nos. 1-3. The UNAM is
preparing an edition of his Metafisica and of some writings on naliiral philosophy.
The edition is being prepared by Conception Abcllan, Ginliana Ancidei, ami Maurtdo
Beuchot.
E i g h t e e n t h Century 155
that h e will deal with subjects c o m m o n to b o t h m o d e r n and Scholastic
philosophers and in which there is some agreement. He adopts an eclectic
position.
Abad refers particularly to Gassendi and the atomists, and he attempts to
reconcile atomism with Aristotelian hilemorphism. He tries to do the same
with Descartes, writing about the need to construct physics with the help of
experimentation and mathematics. However, as Father Honorato Fabri had
done before him, Abad defends the 'substantial and accidental' forms of the
Scholastics above those of the moderns. Abad quotes Fabri and states that
Fabri had developed a reformed and moderate Aristotelian system in which
m o d e r n and ancient ideas were eclectically mixed:
According to Fabri, primary matter is nothing more than the elementary parti-
cles or indivisible corpuscules of fire, water, air, and earth. He claims, in con-
trast to Gassendi and Descartes, that such corpuscles are heterogeneous and
different among themselves. He agrees, however, with Descartes that the cor-
puscles are simple in themselves and not yet compound, even when elements
are compound and not simple. . . . Regarding material form, Father Honorato
demonstrates that it is not an absolute entity but a modal and relative being or
a pure mode and a modification of elementary particles, a modification that
consists in the combination, harmony, order, shape, and proportion of the ele-
mentary particles which he calls substantial form, insofar as it transforms sub-
stance into act, that is, makes substance sensible and able to operate sensibly.
He argues that this is Aristotle's real thought and that Aristotle was best under-
stood by the oldest Greek philosophers and by many of the Latins, among
whom he mentions Cayetano. Regarding the substantial absolute forms, as
they are usually taught by the Peripatetics, he openly claims that these forms
were introduced in the School through the perverse and tendentious interpre-
tation of the Arabs. . . .'01
101. "Segun el, la materia prima no es otra cosa que las particulas elementales o
corpusculos indivisibles del fuego, del agua, del aire y de la tierra, y afirma contra
Gassend y contra Descartes que esos corpusculos son heterogeneos y diferentes entre si
/especfficamente; conviene, sin embargo, con aquellos al establecer que son simples en
si mismos y no compuestos todavia, aun cuando los elementos sean compuestos y no
simples. . . . Mas en cuanto a la forma material, ensena el P. Honorato que no es una
entidad absoluta, sino Un ser modal y relativo o modo puro y modification de las
particulas elementales, que consiste en la diversa combination, armonia, orden, figura
y proportion de aquellas y al que llama forma sustancial, en cuanto que constituye en
acto la substancia, esto es, la hace sensible y capaz de operar sensiblemente: que este es
el autentico pensamiento de Aristoteles, lo defiende esforzadamente, y que asi en-
lendieron a Aristoteles los mejores y mas antiguos interpretes griegos y muchos latinos,
entre los que enumera a Cayetano. Y respecto de las formas sustanciales absolutas,
como conuinmenlc las cnsefian los peripaleticos, afirma abierlamente que fueron m-
Irodncidas en la liscucln a Haves de la perversa y tendenciosa interpretation de los
.iiiihes." Diego Jose Ahad, Philosophia Ntittmdis. Dispiilatioiii's in oclo lihros Physkorum
Aristotllis (1756), p. I I.
156 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
However, following Suarez, Abad defends the traditional system of the sub-
stantial forms. That is, he supports atomism in physics but not in metaphysics.
He observes that m a n y Aristotelian claims concerning h e a v e n were aban-
doned by the Scholastics after the invention Of the telescope, which permit-
ted m a n to see the spots of the sun. Our understanding of the vacuum, ac-
cording to Abad, was also modified after n e w evidence emerged in light of
experiments carried out by Torricelli, Othon de Gericke, and Robert Boyle.
Abad also mentions Maignan and makes several references to Descartes in
subjects related to h u m a n philosophy and to changes in our understanding of
various topics. Although he usually defended the Scholastic tradition, Abad
was open to some ideas of m o d e r n philosophy.
Other figures
During the same period, Father Ignacio Blanco (probably Ignacio Javier
Blanco w h o was born in Mexico City in 1726 and died in Bologne in 1792)
102
wrote on logic for his 1757-1758 course in Puebla. And betwee n 1758 and
1760, Father Raymund o Mariano Cerdan wrote a coursebook for the Colegio
de Santo Tomas in Guadalajara, 103 in which he makes reference to the atom-
ists, the Cartesians, and the Gassendists in order to attack them. 1 0 4 Father
J u a n Angel de Ochoa wrote a coursebook o n logic which h e used to teach in
1759 at the Colegio de San Ildefonso in Puebla. Father Antonio Jose de Jugo
(born in Parral in 1733; died in Civitta Vechia in 1801) wrote a coursebook for
a class on physics that he taught from 1765-1767. 1 0 5 In this work w e find a
strong critique of the corpuscular or atomist philosophers such as Descartes,
Gassendi, andTosca. 106
Francisco Javier Alegre
Francisco Javier Alegre was born in Veracruz in 1729. He studied philoso-
p h y at the Colegio de San Ignacio in Puebla, and he entered the Society in
1747. He taught grammar and rhetoric at the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y
San Pablo in Mexico City as well as in Veracruz. He carried out his theological
studies in Mexico, but, because of poor health, h e was sent to Havana w h e r e
102. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 57, no. 59.
103. Ibid., p. 80, no. 95.
104. Navarro, La introduction de lafilosofia moderna en Mexico, p. 150.
105. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 206, no. 290.
106. Navarro, La introduction de la filosoffa moderna en Mexico, pp. 140-41.
E i g h t e e n t h Century 157
he taught philosophy. He t h e n lived in Merida, Yucatan w h e r e he taught
canon law.
In 1767, Father Alegre was s u m m o n e d to Mexico City in order to continue
Father Francisco Florencia's Historia of his Jesuit province. At this time, the Je-
suits were expelled from New Spain, and Alegre travelled to Bologne w h e r e
he wrote o n mathematics, poetry, and theology. His Institutionum Theologi-
carum libri XVIII were published in Venice in 1789, one year after his death. 107
Alegre also wrote an Ars rhetorices ex Tullii praeceptis concinnata, printed in
Parma, and a Prolusion de syntaxi, written in 1750. los These works were proba-
bly written w h e n h e taught grammar and rhetoric at San Pedro y San Pablo.
We also have two letters by Alegre addressed to Clavigero in which he de-
scribes his philosophy course and discusses the ways in which he would like
to organize it to include m o d e r n ideas. Alegre was older t h a n Clavigero but
nonetheless a close and trusted friend. Alegre's brilliant eclectic background
made h i m a competent adviser to Clavigero, and thus he became instrumental
in the reform of philosophical studies in Jesuit schools and in Mexico. 109
Francisco Javier Clavigero
Father Clavigero was born September 9, 1732 in Veracruz. 110 His father ed-
ucated h i m at h o m e until 1741 w h e n he entered the Jesuit Colegio de San
Jeronimo in Puebla. He t h e n attended the Colegio de San Ignacio, also in
Puebla.
He decided to become a priest and joined the Jesuit Seminary o n Febru-
ary 13, 1744, and in 1749, at the age of eighteen, he professed in the Society
of Jesus. In 1750 he began his priestly studies, whic h according to the Jesuit
107. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 1, pp. 114—
16, no. 165. See also Mauricio Beuchot, "La ley natural como mndamento de la ley
positiva en Francisco Javier Alegre," Dieciocho. Hispanic Enlightenment, Aesthetics and Lit-
Arary Theory 14 (1991): 124-29.
108. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 25, no. 363. The Prolusio de
syntax! has been edited by Osorio in his Floresta de gramdtica, reterica y poetica, p. 198.
109. Navarro, La introduction de lafilosofia moderna enMexico, pp. 146 ff.
110. For information about the life and work of Francisco Javier Clavigero, we fol-
low the biography written by Juan Luis Maneiro in his De vitis aliquot mexicanorum, alio-
rumque, qui sive virtute, sive litteris, Mexici imprimisfloruerunt(Bologne, 1792). There are
Ihree translations: one by Bernabe Navarro, J. L. Maneiro—M. Fabri, Vidas de mexicanos
ilustrcs del sigh XVIII, 2d ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 1989); another by Jesus Gomez Fregoso,
Clavigero. Ensayo de interpretation y aportaciones para su estudio (Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mex-
ico: Univcrsidad de Guadalajara, 1979); and a third one by Alberto Valonzuela Rodarte,
./. /.. Maneiro, Vidas de algunos mexicanos ilustrcs (Mexico: UNAM, 1988). We have also
taken relevant data front A Clinniica IVliUv,, I'rancisco Clavigeroy aires ensayos (Mexico:
Bdsde I.I Librerfa Parroqutal, 1985)
158 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
customs of the time included humanities, philosophy, and theology. In addi-
tion to strong training in classical and modern languages, Clavigero also
learned Nahuatl and Mixtec. Father Rafael Campoy introduced him to the
Mexican codices bestowed to the Society by Sigiienza y Gongora and to which
Clavigero had access at the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo in Mexico City.
Clavigero then moved to the Colegio de San Ildefonso, Mexico City where
he later became prefect. He also taught rhetoric at the Colegio de San Pedro y
San Pablo, even before being ordained. After ordination, he was appointed to
work at the Colegio de San Gregorio, located next to that of San Pedro y San
Pablo, where he taught Indians. From this position, he moved to the Colegio
de San Xavier, in Puebla. And in 1764 he was sent to Valladolid (today known
as Morelia) where he taught philosophy at the colegio run by the Society
there. It is claimed that, as a teenager, Don Miguel Hidalgo may have at-
tended Clavigero's courses, but no supporting documents exist to substantiate
this claim. Certainly, however, there is evidence of Clavigero's influence on
the work of Hidalgo.
From 1766 to 1767, Clavigero taught philosophy in Guadalajara. In 1767
when the Jesuits were expelled from the country by Charles III of Spain,
Clavigero went to Bologne where he lived until his death in 1787.
Bibliographers make reference to various philosophical works written by
Clavigero. Some of the mentioned works have not survived, and so the refer-
ences to these works cannot be validated. Maneiro speaks about a Curso de
fllosofla which was planned by Clavigero, however only the Fisica Particular
survives. His Didlogo entre Paledfilo y Filaletes, which would be an opuscule
against the argument of authority in physics, has not been preserved.111 His
Historia antigua de Mexico has been preserved and in it, he discusses strictly
philosophical topics as well as other themes related to philosophy, such as the
history of the Indian world view and some considerations concerning philo-
sophical anthropology and philosophy of history.112
/arguments that rested upon some appeal to authority, he actually used such
The encounter between Scholastic philosophy and
modern philosophy
Most thinkers who were active in introducing modern philosophy in
Mexico were only interested in modern ideas insofar as these could serve as
111. Gomez Fregoso, Clavigero. Ensayo de interpretation y aportaciones para su estudio,
p. 45; Navarro, La introduction de lafilosofia moderna en Mexico, p. 176.
112. The manuscript of the Physica Particularis rests at the Public Library of the State
of Jalisco, in Guadalajara (Manuscript 209). Clavigero's Historia Antigua de Mexico hail a
Spanish and an Italian version. The edition used here is the Spanish one, published by
Father Mariano Cuevas, 4lh ed. (Mexico: Editorial Pomia, 1')74).
Eighteenth Century 159
tools for the revitalization of more traditional ideas. While these thinkers did
make room for new ideas, there was a strong tendency to preserve more tra-
ditional doctrines; this resulted in a form of eclecticism. Clavigero was an
eclectic who tried to synthesize or reconcile Aristotelian-Scholastic thought
with modern ideas.
As Maneiro observes, Clavigero tried to fit the ideas of modern thinkers,
from Bacon and Descartes to Franklin, into the basic structure of traditional
philosophy.113 Thus, modern philosophical ideas, as well as the most recent
scientific developments of his time, were incorporated into his work. Accord-
ing to Maneiro, "In his Fisica Particular, Clavigero presents some of Descartes's
theses, such as: the universe is indefinite or indeterminate (infinite?); the
empyreal sky is not the limit of the world (universe); the ashen light ('little
light') of the moon comes from the rays of the sun reflected from the earth.
He gives us his opinions concerning the shape of water particles, magnetism,
the soul of animals, the nature and functions of the heart, the union of soul
and body, and how this depends upon the pineal gland, external and internal
sensations, and their subjectivity, etc."114 In his work on physics, Clavigero
discusses the recent scientific developments of his time, questioning the effec-
tiveness of their concrete applications.
Clavigero's attempt to reconcile Scholasticism with modern thought was
influenced by the methods and terminology of Scholasticism. This was effec-
tive because his audience was familiar with these methods and could be con-
vinced by them. His terminology was also strongly influenced by his Scholas-
tic training. This, too, proved to be an advantage as his readers were
acquainted with this terminology.
Nonetheless, although Clavigero tried to model his method on the Scholas-
tic's dedication to rigorous argumentation, too often he adoped the method of
simply expounding the efficiency of modern scientific advances without
providing any arguments in their favor. Furthermore, although he criticized
113. Maneiro, De vitis aliquot mexicanorum, aliorumque, qui sive virtute, sive litteris, Mex-
ici imprimis floruerunt, in translation by Fregoso, p. 41; Navarro, Cultura mexicana mod-
erna en el sigh XVIII, p. 100.
114. "En la Fisica Particular, Clavigero nos expone estas tesis de Descartes: que el
imiverso es indellnido o indeterminado (ynfinito?); que el cielo empireo no es el
li'mile del mundo (universo); que la luz cenicienta ('lucesilla') de la luna proviene de
los rayos del sol reflejados desde la tierra; nos da sus opiniones sobre la figura de las
partfculas del agua; sobre el magnetismo; sobre el alma de los animales; sobre la natu-
ralcza y luncioncs del cora/on; sobre la union del alma con el cuerpo y su residencia
en la gUnduU pineal; sobre las sensaciones exlernas e internas y su subjelividad,
eicclera." Navarro, Cultimi mcxicana moderna en el siglo XVIII, p. 98.
160 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
arguments, claiming, for example, that certain aspects of modern physics
could be accepted based upon support in the Holy Scriptures. He also accepted
some theories, not substantiated by sufficient evidence, over other theories
that were based more strongly upon scientific experimentation. For example,
he favored Tycho Brahe's system over those of Copernicus and Galileo.115
It can be said that Clavigero's Physica Partkularis is a scientific rather than a
philosophical work because he merely describes and comments upon various
scientific theories and their methodological foundations. His defense of the
new physics is based on pragmatic considerations, for he based his assessment
on the results of experimentation rather than on theoretical speculation.116
Philosophical anthropology
In examining Clavigero's eclecticism within the context of the anthropol-
ogy and philosophy of history he developed in his Historia Antigua de Mexico,
we find various issues concerning philosophical anthropology. Like Las Casas,
Clavigero was concerned with issues of justice, especially regarding the rights
of Indians. He, too, sought to defend the rights of the Indians against the Eu-
ropeans.
In his Historia Antigua de Mexico, Clavigero engages in a debate with Cor-
nelius de Pauw and William Robertson concerning the rationality of the Indi-
ans. The issue of whether the Indians had a rational soul was no longer de-
bated, but the issue of their level of rationality and thus of the rights they
deserved was still an issue open to debate. Some claimed that the inherent
weaknesses of the Indian soul were such that the Indians would always be in
need of European protection and domination. Clavigero's defense of the Indi-
ans is one example of his attempt to reconcile some Scholastic theses, such as
those of Vitoria and Las Casas (which had the purpose of defending the
human rights of Indians based on the thesis that Indians too had essential dig-
nity), with certain enlightened or modern principles; for example, the de-
mand for scientific evidence to settle issues.
Silvio Zavala observes that, in this debate concerning the question of the
nature of the Indian soul, Clavigero consistently spoke in favor of the Indians:
"The personal conviction of the Mexican Jesuit was in favor of the intellec-
tual abilities of the Indians and of the power of education over reputedly nat-
ural impediments."117 In his arguments in defense of the rights of Indians,
115. Ibid., p. 131.
116. C. Ulloa Cardenas, "Cambio insensible: la filosoti'a dc Francisco Javier Clavl-
jero," typescript (Universidad de Guadalajara), pp. 2-3.
117. "La conviction personal del jcsuila mcxicano cm i.ivoralile a las doles iiilclec-
Eighteenth Century 161
Clavigero appealed to modern philosophy in order to support traditional
Scholastic arguments. Zavala claims that Clavigero was aware that he was
continuing the struggle initiated by Las Casas in his defense of Indian rights:
"One can find in Clavigero an awareness of the possible affinity between the
ideas of the eighteenth century and those Christian ideas of the sixteenth
century that were used to defend the capacities and liberty of the Indians."118
Like Bartolome de las Casas, Clavigero made use of both scientific anthro-
pology and philosophical anthropology (or the philosophy of man) in order
to demonstrate that Indians were not inferior to Europeans. He pointed out
the positive physical and cultural disposition of American Indians and argued
that they were endowed with the same kind of rationality as Eurpoeans. Any
differences in the way this rationality manifested itself could be overcome
through education; these differences, he argued, were not due to any inher-
ent weaknesses of Indians. It followed, then, that Indians were entitled to the
same rights as Europeans.
In order to defend his claims regarding the rights of Indians, Clavigero in-
sisted that their bodily composition, mental faculties, and cultural capacities
are not, as de Pauw had claimed, degraded or inferior. The mental faculties of
Indians (memory, understanding, will), are not less developed than those of
Europeans; indeed, Clavigero claimed that Indians are superior both in their
intellectual and their practical or moral virtues. Finally, the cultural capacities
of Indians are not inferior; their language, their laws, and their religion are
clear indicators of the force of their intellect. Let us now look at Clavigero's
argument.
De Pauw claimed that the bodily composition of Indians was the result of
the corruption of the air and bad climate, and thus they were disfigured and
inferior to Europeans in this respect (and this was a clear indication of their
intellectual deficiencies). Clavigero argued that this is false, that Indians have
a normal bodily composition and de Pauw commits a serious mistake in tak-
ing the European body to be the standard of normalcy. Clavigero also indi-
cated that the numerous 'irregularities' and 'weaknesses' that could be ob-
served among Indians did not attest to their inferiority but were the result of
the miseries and inhumane work loads imposed upon them by Europeans.11'
luales de los indios de America y al poder de la education sobre los impedimentos que se
reputaban naturales." Zavala, La defensa de los derechos del hombre en America Latina, p. 52.
118. "La conciencia de la posible afinidad de las ideas dieciochescas con las ideas
crislianas del siglo XVI que defendieron la capacidad y libertad de los indios, se des-
cubre en el propiO Clavigero." Ibid., p. 53.
I I'}. Clavigero, llistorin Antigua tic Mexico, p. SO1;.
162 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
Concerning the mental faculties of Native Americans, de Pauw claimed
that they are weaker, citing their poor intellect and weak memory. He
claimed that they are unable to remember what has happened the previous
day; incapable of ordering their thoughts; and even, due to their cold will, in-
capable of loving. Thus, de Pauw portrays the Indians as indolent and stupid.
These claims are outlandish and unsupported by any valid arguments, and
did not even merit a reply. But Clavigero did reply. In his response, Clavigero
called upon his own childhood experiences with Indians. He refuted de Pauw
by offering experimental data and by appealing to the most reliable authori-
ties on the subject. Clavigero knew Indians well and even spoke their lan-
guage. He was thus able to provide a fuller, more accurate account of Indians
than had de Pauw.
Given his view of Indians, it is surprising that de Pauw voiced indignation
over the Spaniards' doubts concerning the rationality of Indians. He ridiculed
such doubts, claiming that the Indians were accepted as human not by con-
viction but as a result of Pope Paul ni's decree. To this Clavigero answered
that the doubt concerning the rationality of Indians was motivated by Euro-
pean avarice and by the evil and contemptuous attitudes of people like de
Pauw. The fact that Spaniards had to appeal to the Pope was only to guaran-
tee, just as the missionaries and Bishop Garces had wanted to do, that natural
rights would be respected and obeyed by force of positive law. Further, Clav-
igero claimed that, under the influence of Las Casas, all of this had already
been settled by the Catholic Monarchs and the Laws of the Indies, but had
been overlooked for the sake of other interests.
According to Clavigero, the attempts to educate Indians prove that Indians
are not inferior to Europeans. Missionaries had made much progress with In-
dians and were convinced of their intellectual capabilities. The Indians had
had their own cultures, and, in the case of the Aztecs, Mayas, Incas, and some
others, these cultures were not insignificant. Furthermore, from the very be-
ginning of the process of acculturation, Indians learned European grammar,
rhetoric, philosophy, and medicine, in addition to having mastery of these
disciplines from the perspective of their own culture.
Clavigero taught Indians at the Colegio de San Gregorio in Mexico City and
at the Colegio of San Xavier in Puebla, for both Jesuit schools were devoted to
the instruction of Indians. Precisely because he had first-hand knowledge of
the intellectual abilities of Indians, Clavigero could say that "After experiences
that brought me into close contact with Indians and enabled me to study them
closely, I think that my observations stand in less danger of being wrong. 1 an-
swer to de Pauw and to all of Europe thai the souls of Mexicans are in no w.iy
Eighteenth Century 163
inferior to those of Europeans, that they are capable of studying all the sci-
ences, even the more abstract ones, and that if they were properly educated, if
they were brought up from childhood in seminaries under the tutelage of good
teachers, and if they were protected and encouraged with prizes and rewards,
one would find among the Indians philosophers, mathematicians, and theolo-
gians who would be able to compete with the most famous of Europe."120
In light of this evidence for the strength of the Indian intellect, evidence
which in itself contradicts de Pauw's primitive characterizations of Indians,
Clavigero rejected as inadmissable the description of Indians as 'barbarians'.
To further substantiate his defense of the Indians, Clavigero used a strategy
similar to one used by Bartolome de las Casas two centuries earlier (in his de-
bate against Juan Gines de Sepulveda), arguing that the terms 'savage', 'bar-
barian', etc., cannot be used to describe the Indians. He writes, "Today we call
barbarian and savage those men who, driven less by reason than by whim
and natural desires, do not live in society, nor have laws for their own gov-
ernment, nor judges who can adjudicate their differences, nor superiors who
watch over their conduct and exercise the necessary skills to meet the needs
and miseries of life; those who, finally, have no idea of the Divinity, or have
not established the cult with which to honor it."121 Clavigero's argument is
sound because in his work on history he shows that the culture of the Indians
was strong and autonomous, having a well-developed religion;122 governors
and magistrates to provide laws and justice; and sciences and arts, even
highly developed fine arts. Clavigero, therefore, found no valid reason to ex-
clude Indians from the category of civilized beings.
In his work, de Pauw said that Indians did not make use of currency or
iron and that they lacked the ability to write and to build ships and bridges.
Furthermore, he claimed that the mathematical system of the Indians was
120. "Despues de una experiencia tan grande y de un estudio tan prolijo, por el que
creo poder decidir con nienos peligro de errar, protesto a De Pauw y a toda Europa, que
las almas de los mexicanos en nada son inferiores a las de los europeos; que son capaces
de todas las_ciencias, aun las mas abstractas, y que si seriamente se cuidara de su edu-
cation, si desde ninos se criasen en seminarios bajo buenos maestros y si se protegieran
y alentaran con premios, se verfan entre los americanos, filosofos, matematicos y teolo-
gos que pudieran competir con los mas famosos de Europa." Ibid., p. 518b.
121. "Barbaras y salvajes llamamos hoy dia a los hombres que, conducidos mas por
capricho y deseos naturales que por la razon, ni viven congregados en sociedad, ni
tienen leyes para su gobiemo, ni jueces que ajusten sus diferencias, ni superiores que
velen sobre su conducta, ni ejercitan las artes indispensables para remediar las necesi-
dades y miserias de la vida; los que, I'inalmente, no tienen idea de la Divinidad, o no
li.in cslahli'cidt> el nillo con que dcbcn honrailc." [bid., p. 525ab.
122. Although il was lull of deficiencies, as ll was only natural because they did noi
have Kcvcl.ilion, Clavigero says.
164 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
weak. Clavigero answered these claims with his well-based observations: he
indicated that Indians used cocoa seeds as money; that they used a picto-
graphic type of writing, which, though different from European writing, was
sophisticated enough for them to express even the most abstract ideas; and
that their mathematical systems were sophisticated and even included the
use of zero. Moreover, he pointed out that the Indians had amazing architec-
tural abilities, excellent astronomical sciences, and, if they did not build ships,
it was only because they never were a people of navigators.
Finally, however, Clavigero realized that it was useless to continue to re-
spond to de Pauw's false claims. He stopped his work on the defense of the In-
dians and moved to the task of preparing a work on their language, religion,
and laws. Thus, Clavigero's philosophical anthropology starts from the as-
sumption of the equality of all human beings, equality that leads to equity,
that in turn is linked to justice. It is the same position as that of Bartolome de
las Casas: the project to ensure justice for all humans. Like Las Casas, Clav-
igero based his arguments for human rights upon traditional doctrines. Like
the thinkers of the Enlightenment, he was concerned with establishing the
equality of rights for all human beings. He brought together traditional phi-
losophy and modern philosophy in service of this ideal. And despite the fact
that he became the victim of the violation of his rights when he was arbitrar-
ily expelled from the country, he continued to defend human rights in Italy.
Clavigero's philosophical-anthropological task in his Historia Antigua de
Mexico was the study of the cultural products of the Indians as effects and
signs of their creative and cognitive powers. His acquaintance with the an-
cient and modern works of the Indians made possible the proper evaluation
of their intellectual and moral abilities and disposition and thereby made pos-
sible the disavowal of European claims that Indians were 'barbaric' or 'sav-
age.'123 Clavigero's work did not end here. Following the precedent set by
123. When Clavigero speaks of the natives of California, who were so savage and
unrefined—as he himself notes in his narrations of the history of that place—he de-
fends their equality in relation to the rest of mankind. He writes, "En cuanto a la alma
no son distintos de los restarites hijos de Adan. Los que se han criado en las selvas
tienen aquellos vicios e imperfecciones que en todos los pafses son consiguientes a la
vida salvaje; son rudos, muy limitados en sus conocimientos por falta de ideas, pere-
zosos por falta de estimulo, inconstantes, precipitados en sus resoluciones y muy incli-
nados a los juegos y diversiones pueriles por falta de freno; pero por otra parte carecen
de ciertos vicios muy comunes entre otros barbaros y aiin en algunos pueblos cultOS, a
saber, no se embriagan, no hurtan, no rifien entre los pr6ximos sino contra los de OtTM
tribus enemigas; y no son obstinados ni tercos." (Regarding their soul Ibey are not (111-
ferent from the other sons of Adam. Those who have grown in the jungles have those
vices and imperfections that in all countries are linked to the savage life; they are null
mentary, very limited in their knowledge for lack of ideas, lazy for lack ol stimulus, In-
constant, hasty in their resolutions, and very much attracted lo childish games and ru
terlninmenls .is they lack restraint; hut on the ulhci hand, ihey do nut have certain
Eighteenth Century 165
Bartolome de las Casas two centuries earlier, Clavigero employed the results
of his study to prevent the legitimation of slavery and the oppressive 'tute-
lage' of Europeans over Indians. Clavigero knew that if he proved that Indi-
ans were neither physically nor intellectually inferior to the Europeans then
their human dignity would not be questioned. If this could be demonstrated,
then the so-called defects of the Indians would no longer be viewed in terms
of their intrinsic weaknesses but as the reult of the exploitation and abuse of
Europeans. Clavigero's concern was to defend the rights of human beings.
The philosophy of history
It is possible to find Clavigero's philosophy of history articulated in various
works. Ronan claims that Clavigero's philosophy of history is a characteristi-
cally Christian philosophy of history.124 In the historical works of Clavigero,
Ronan finds the assertion that God intervenes in the actions of man and
throughout history. This divine intervention has four modalities: (1) it is the
ultimate and most profound explanation of the course of history; (2) it guides
the lives of men in a metaphysical way, without reducing their liberty; (3) it
takes history toward the fulfilment of certain divine ends—the plans of Prov-
idence; and (4) it permits the intervention of evil as something that intro-
duces imperfection or limitation into human history. The intervention of evil
occurs because, as a result of their subordination to God, evils come to pro-
duce goodness to man.
Although Clavigero did not achieve a philosophical synthesis, he did bring
together certain traditional and modern elements in order to defend the Indi-
ans who were unjustly judged by some Europeans. These abusive, 'enlight-
ened' men based their findings upon the 'progressive' ideas of thinkers such
as Buffon, de Pauw, Raynal, and Robertson. Clavigero used his scientific,
philosophical, and historical knowledge to vindicate, even from his exile in
Italy, the dignity of his humiliated homeland.
Oratoxjans
The Congregation of the Oratory of San Felipe Neri was a new order
(founded in the sixteenth century) which became one of the most important
vices common among other barbarian countries, and even in some refined ones, that
is, they do not gel drunk, do not steal, do mil quarrel among themselves, only against
members of enemy tribes; and they are neither stubborn nor obstinate.) t'ramisni
Javier Clavigero, Historia it la AMi/iiui 0 Boja California (Mexico: Po , I''70), p. 52.
124 C. Ronan, Praneisce Javtn Clavtjiro Hfun wfluMadam Bnlifhttnmtnt, His lift
iiiiil Works (Rot Insiliiiiuiu IIMiiili uni '.u, i, I.III. I, \u, I'i77)
166 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
intellectual forces in eighteenth-century Mexico. It had a colegio in San
Miguel el Grande, where a good deal of the philosophical renewal in New
Spain originated. The instruction provided by the Oratorians vividly reflected
their interest in introducing new doctrines of modern philosophy. The Orato-
rians pursued this project of modernization with an intensity that paralleled
the efforts of the Jesuits.
The Oratorians of New Spain may have been influenced by the priests of
the Society of Jesus whose way of teaching became an inspiration for other
orders. Or they may have been influenced by the Oratorians of Europe, who
were devoted educators. One thing is certain: the Congregation of the Ora-
tory was well represented in Mexico, and Father Jose Antonio Fernandez was
one such representative. In 1772, he wrote a discourse on the "Historia de la
filosofia de Aristoteles, inutilidad de ella para la sagrada teologia y ventajas y
utilidades de la filosofiamoderna eclectica"125 in SanMiguel el Grande. As the
last words of the title suggest, the work tried to reconcile traditional and mod-
ern philosophy. In this work, Fernandez made use of a popular and wide-
spread version of modern philosophy known as eclecticism. This philosophy
was a branch of modern philosophy which synthesized modern ideas with
more traditional doctrines giving rise to a new sort of Christian philosophy.
J u a n B e n i t o Diaz d e G a m a r r a y Davalos
A good example of such an 'eclectic' philosopher is Juan Benito Diaz de
Gamarra y Davalos who was strongly influenced by the Portuguese philoso-
pher Luis Antonio Verney.126 Like the Jesuits who preceded him in the
process of modernization of Mexican philosophy, Gamarra had encountered
a number of difficulties in his efforts to develop and communicate effectively
the modern ideas imported from Europe. However, once these obstacles had
been overcome, he wrote a coursebook which was highly acclaimed even in
Europe. It was eventually adopted as a textbook by universities in Spain.
This was a rare honor for a text written by a philosopher from the New
World.
Juan Benito Dfas de Gamarra y Davalos was born in Zamora, Michoacan,
on March 21, 1745.127 He studied the humanities at the Colegio de San Ilde-
125. Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy, p. 40, no. 293.
126. M. del C. Rovira, Bclecticos Portugueses del sigh XVIIIy algunas de sus influencias in
America (Mexico: UNAM, 1979, reprint), p. 183 If.
127. F. Fuentes Galindo, "Don Benito Dias de Gamarra y Davalos," in lliiiiiuiiidiides,
vol. 1, no. 1 (Mexico: 1943); Bernabe Navarro, "Diaz de Gamana, icprcseiilrtnlc plcnn
del proccsn de modernidad en el Mexico colonial," in lliiiiitinismo y liencln fit hi forma
Eighteenth Century 167
fonso in Mexico City. He then moved to the Colegio de San Miguel el Grande,
where he became a priest at the Congregacion del Oratorio de San Felipe Neri
on November 15,1764. In 1767, he traveled to Europe and worked as procu-
rator of his congregation in Spain and Italy. He used these journeys to study
the works of modern philosophers.
In Pisa, Gamarra obtained a doctorate in canon law and was accepted as
member of several scientific associations, including the Bologne Academy. He
was even distinguished by Pope Clement XIII as private apostolic protono-
tary. He returned to Mexico around 1770 and was ordained the same year. He
then devoted himself to teaching philosophy and to spreading modern Euro-
pean ideas in New Spain. He was careful, however, to remain within the lim-
its of Catholic orthodoxy. He even became censor and commissioner of the
Inquisition in 1778.
Gamarra taught philosophy at the Colegio de San Miguel where he was in
charge of the Oratory. When, during Bucareli's period as Viceroy, he became
Rector and Prefect there, Gamarra reformed the curriculum and modernized
the teaching methods. The colegio was so highly esteemed that in 1740 it had
already been granted a concession allowing its pupils to obtain degrees from
the Universidad Real y Pontificia de Mexico. Gamarra maintained close links
with the university, which unanimously approved his book as the official phi-
losophy coursebook. However, the university was also the cause of some
hardships. Eventually, he became embroiled in controversies generated by
his modern ideas. He found opponents both at his university as well as at
other institutions. Gamarra died when he was not yet forty, on November 1,
1783.
Works
In the few examples of Gamarra's Academias Filosdficas (Mexico, 1774) that
have been preserved,128 Gamarra emerges as a thinker who encouraged
pupils to discuss the theories of the new physics, the new explanations of
electricity, the new optics, and the soul of irrational animals.
Gamarra's major contribution to philosophy is the Elementa Recentioris
Philosophiae (Mexico, 1774),129 in which he develops and elaborates his topics
cion de Mexico, ed. C. Herrejon Peredo (Zamora, Michoacan: El Colegio de Michoacan,
1984), pp. 339-58.
128. Compiled in Juan Benito Diaz de Gamarra, Tratados, ed. J. Gaos (Mexico:
UNAM, 1974),
129. Juan Benito Dial de Gamarra, Sltmtntosdi Filosofia Modtma, Intra tad trans,
by Bernabi Navarro (Mexico: UNAM, 1963), The Emulation ol Blmunta RutntiorU
I'liihsophiiitby Ueriiahc1 Navarro li Incomplete,
168 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
with a modern outlook, similar to Christian Wolff's. The work includes a His-
toria de lafilosofia (which is the first history of philosophy written in the New
World), a Ldgica, a Metafisica (containing the Wolffian divisions into Ontology,
Psychology, and Natural Theology, an Etica, a Geometria (this section was not
written by Gamarra but by the mathematician Augustm de Rotea) and a Fisica
(which contained a section on Cosmology).
Gamarra's Errores del entendimiento humano (Puebla, 1781) is also part of
his philosophical corpus. This was published under the pseudonym of Juan
Felipe de Bendiaga, an anagram of Gamarra's complete name.130 More than a
philosophical work, this is the work of a philosopher who has a strong peda-
gogical focus and a clear goal to popularize philosophy. The title indicates the
rationalism and 'enlightenment' of the author, who argues that moral and so-
cial mistakes are the result of misunderstandings. Gamarra fights against the
anti-scientific prejudices of the time, and he deals with concrete questions.
For instance, he suggests some health and hygiene reforms adjusted to na-
ture; he attacks the system of education, indicating the need to foster the sci-
ences and to distinguish clearly philosophy from the sciences; he proposes so-
cial changes in keeping with his ideas of progress and the specific needs of
New Spain. Despite the fact that Gamarra never opposed the government of
the Viceroy and did not view his activities as revolutionary in spirit, his Er-
rores del entendimiento humano has led some scholars to view Gamarra as a pre-
cursor of the wars of independence.
Other major contributions by Gamarra to the philosophy of New Spain in-
clude a satirical work entitled Memorial Ajustado (Mexico, 1790),I31 the De ve-
tusta studiorum ratione in philosophicis.disciplinis reformata (manuscript), as well
as the Mdximas de educacion en la piedad cristiana y en la politica para instruction de
los alumnos del Colegio de San Francisco de Sales del Oratorio de esta villa de San
Miguel."2 Gamarra also left some writings which deal with religious subjects.
Gamarra's philosophy
Gamarra has usually been rather imprecisely characterized as an eclec-
133
tic. Though he seemed to be aware that he lacked originality and depth, his
130. In Gamarra, Tratados.
131. Ibid.
132. Juan Benito Diaz de Gamarra, Mdximas de educacidn, Academias defilosofiav
Academias de Geometria, intro. by C. Herrejon Peredo (Zamora, Michoacan: El Colegio dl
Michoacan, 1983). The text had been left in manuscript form and was recently edited
in facsimile by C. Herrejon Peredo.
133. See V. Junco de Meyer, Gamarra o el eclecticism*} en Mexico (Mexico: londo dl
Cultura Economics, 1973).
Eighteenth Century 169
professed aim was primarily didactic, and as such, he was less concerned with
detailed and original research than with good organization and explanatory
accuracy. He is considered an eclectic because he appeared to be caught be-
tween Scholasticism and modern philosophy, taking elements of both in order
to create a 'perpetual philosophy'. His eclecticism is critical of both scholastic
and modern philosophers, even while showing a marked preference for the
latter. While Gamarra's critical attitude makes him anti-dogmatic, his inten-
tion was to purify Scholasticism and to select the best modern doctrines. Be-
cause eclecticism is in itself selective and because any selection implies an ap-
peal to some criteria, Gamarra supported theses from both scholastics and
moderns and pragmatically based his selections upon the utility they would
serve in his goal to create a perpetual philosophy, that is, a philosohy which
would enable us to detect valid truths independently of any particuiar school
or tendency.
This eclecticism explains why Gamarra cannot be considered either a pure
Scholastic or a strictly modern philosopher. His aim was to supersede the nar-
row confines of any one school of thought or trend. On some occasions, he re-
tains the traditional and rejects the modern; on others, more often, he adopts
the modern and excludes the traditional. His eagerness to modernize scholas-
tic philosophy is reflected in his interest for more recent philosophical devel-
opments. He does not always balance these two tendencies well, at times re-
vealing an exaggerated modernism, at times an extreme traditionalism.
Three central concerns characterize the various aspects of his philosophi-
cal activity: a pedagogical philosophy, reflected in his Mdximas de educacion; a
refined display of argumentation, logically regulated in the Academias or in
the public debates; and the intended philosophical synthesis, never fully
achieved, between Scholasticism and modern philosophy in the Elementos de
filosofia moderna.
Philosophy of education and logical argumentation
Whereas in Mdximas de educacidn, Gamarra presents his pedagogical philos-
ophy, in Academias, he summarizes the public events in which his disciples
displayed the doctrines he taught them and which would later appear in his
Elementos de Filosofia Moderna.
About his Mdximas, Gamarra says that they are "founded on reason and ex-
perience." 154 These maxims amount to an appeal to virtue. Virtue is appealed
I 34. "... luiuladas en l.i ivi/on y en la cxpci iiiu i.i." (iiimarra, Mtixinnts de eduCttcUn,
p. 16.
170 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
to because a virtuous life is a life in which the perfection of m a n is realized
and in perfection w e find happiness: "Let virtue be the m a in object of your
desires—he tells his pupils—because it is our main duty and the only princi-
ple of our happiness." 135 Virtue, however, can only be achieved with effort
and practice. And the exercise of virtue is a good way to achieve good ends,
says Gamarra, who, as a good moralist, wants to prevent equivocal causality
in ethical h u m a n action. 136
Virtue brings with it all goods. It offers perfect friendship, as "good friend-
ship is founded u p o n virtue." 137 Prudence is characterized by Gamarra as that
virtue which is central to all other virtues, enabling us to deal moderately
with others. 138 An academic debate carried out prudently is one which is not
led by pride b u t by the impartial search for truth. 139
Prudence also helps pre-
vent idleness and helps one enjoy work without losing the desire for healthy
diversions and leisure. 140
Gamarra also praises the virtue of truthfulness as congruent with the
search for t r u t h he emphasized to his pupils. 141
Truthfulness should manifest
itself in debates and intelligible, well-grounded arguments. 1 4 2 Such debates
should receive m u c h attention from philosphers because in these exercises
the tools of logic find their application and m u c h can be learned from these
displays. These debates b e t w e e n theologians and philosophers, moderated by
other teachers, occurred often as they were quite popular. 143
The Academias filosoficas (1772) and the Academias de geometria (1782) are
good examples of such exercises. The former emphasize the significance of
studying the history of philosophy, and they deal equally with Aquinas,
Newton, and Jacquier. 144
We are w a r n e d that t h e senses betray us, and we
are s h o w n h o w w e can prevent this betrayal. In these works, Gamarra antic-
ipates his o w n writings o n the errors of understanding (works which, as we
have argued, lacked philosophical depth but had important pedagogical
aims). He provides a metaphysical analysis of t h e immortality of t h e soul and
the interplay of mental and corporal powers. On the other hand, it is possible
to see the significance of Academias de geometria as a more complete study of
135. "Sea pues la virtud el principal objecto de vuestros deseos—dice a sus ahun-
nos—p0r que ella es nuestra principal obligation, y unico principio de nuestra lellii-
dad." Ibid., p. 19.
136. Ibid., p. 29.
137. "[L]abuena amistad esta fundada en la virtud." Ibid., p. 32.
138. Ibid., p. 39. 139. Ibid., p. 44.
140. Ibid., p. 47. 141. Ibid., p. 49.
142. Ibid., p. 65. 143. Ibid., p. 77,
144. Ibid., pp. 96-97.
E i g h t e e n t h Century 171
philosophy. In fact, Gamarra even claims that the objective of "[t]hose Stu-
dents of philosophy, w h o will in time carry out these Academic Functions,
must prepare themselves by studying geometry, if their philosophy is to be
worthy of such n a m e . Such preparation is provided with m u c h success by the
Royal Studies of Madrid." 145
The importance and necessity of geometry for the study of philosophy is
discussed by J u a n Jose Mazorra, Gamarra's pupil. Mazorra's speech makes
reference to the Lecciones matemdtkas written by the Mexican J. I. Bartolache
(1769). Concerning mathematics, Mazorra writes that "his Metodo knows
h o w to record insensibly in the soul the order of ideas and the accuracy in dis-
course, which makes a m a n truly wise and just appraiser of things. The excel-
lence of this m e t h o d consists in its accurate and rigorous way of finding and
teaching the hidden truths, beginning by the easiest and mounting by degrees
towards the most difficult and obscure." 146 The importance of mathematics
for philosophy is not a m o d e r n insight but was recognized by Thales,
Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Democritus, Aristotle, and Plato, w h o did not admit
to the Academy anyone w h o did not k n o w geometry.
Attempt to synthesize scholastic and modern philosophies
We have already said that Gamarra's philosophy is eclectic, part scholastic,
part modern. His major work, the Elementos, is more strongly scholastic. His
discussion of t h e following topics is influenced most strongly by the scholastic
tradition: ethics; natural theology; psychology, especially the issues of the spir-
ituality and immortality of the soul; certain topics of logic, namely, his treat-
m e n t of predicabies, propositions and their properties, both intrinsic (matter
and form, quantity and quality) and extrinsic (oppositions and equivalences),
and the syllogism; and his treatment of ontology, with the ensuing discussion
of entities and their divisions, transcendentai properties and principles.
Nonetheless, his inspiration, method, and m a n y of his topics can be called
modern. His work carries the traces of certain m o d e r n philosophers, and he
was interested in modernizing scholastic philosophy. His numerous references
145. "Los Cursantes Filosofos, que han de sustentar estas Funciones Academicas
abrirse el paso con el estudio geometrico, a una Filosofi'a digna de tal nombre, y qual se
cnsena hoy con tanto fruto en los Reales Estudios de Madrid." Ibid., p. 121.
146. "Su Metodo sabe gravar insensiblemente en el alma aquel orden en las ideas,
y aqiiclla exactitud en el discurso, que hace a un hombre verdaderamente sabio, y
justo apreciador de las cosas. La excelencia de este metodo consiste en un exactisimo y
rigorosfsimo orden de hallar, y cnscnar las verdades incognitas, comenzando por lo
mas I'acil, y suhicndo despues como por grados hasl.i lo mas diflcultoso y oscuro."
Ibid., p. 125.
172 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
to major modern thinkers attests to his wide knowledge of modern philoso-
phy. But this modern influence is most clear in his assimilation and adapta-
tion of new theories with more traditional ones. Gamarra's method is innova-
tive; he breaks with the custom of commenting upon works and instead gives
a systematic exposition of the main problems generated by each subject mat-
ter. Although he does not make explicit reference to Descartes, Gamarra's
method follows the rules of Descartes's Discours de la Methode very closely.147
His application of modern methodology can be observed in the substitution of
many of the theoretical speculations usually used by scholastics, by experi-
ments taken from recent scientific theory, such as experiments in optics,
physiology, etc. Although his methods are not completely modern, he also in-
troduces some innovations in teaching. Several subject matters had not been
thematically studied before his time; e.g., the history of philosophy, ethics,
ontology, psychology, and natural theology (where he follows Wolff, al-
though he deals with what the latter calls 'cosmology', under the traditional
heading of 'physics'). Prior to Gamarra's work, none of these had been
treated in a unified and distinct way.148 The object of Gamarra's research is, as
we shall see, modern as well.
Although he holds a traditional view of philosophy, namely that philoso-
phy is knowledge of truth, goodness, and beauty under the light which na-
ture bestows on reason, Gamarra introduces many modern theories to this
traditional Scholastic conception. He emphasizes the theory of the modes of
being, a theory that underlies modern scientific physics. Following Descartes,
Gamarra attacks the substantial forms of the Aristotelians and rejects their
table of categories, substituting it with a modern one that divides substance
into corporal and spiritual. He establishes five classes or modes of being: mea-
sure, rest, movement, position, and shape. He even rejects the Aristotelian
notion of substance, accepting instead Locke's notion of substance as some-
thing obscure and mysterious. He adopts the Cartesian notion of idea and the
corresponding notion of clear and distinct ideas, and their further division
into innate, adventitious, and factitious ideas. Gamarra provides an empirical
explanation of sensation and sensible objects or sense data as well as of imag-
ination. He supports Descartes's view of the soul; he does not, however, ad-
here to the view that the soul is located in the body.149
Gamarra's enthusiasm for modern philosophy is checked at points by Ins
147. See Gamarra, Elementos de filosofia modern a, pp. 80-81. On pane 81, he quiilr,
Descartes, between brackets.
148. Ibid., pp. 1103-104.
149. Ibid., pp. 154 ff.
Eighteenth Century 173
Scholastic convictions. Despite his acknowledgment of the validity of Locke's
thesis regarding substance, he does not support the modern view of accidents
and substance. Gamarra's theories are the result of a transition between
scholastic and modern thought. On the relationship between the body and
the soul, for example, Gamarra accepts, on the one hand, the doctrine ac-
cording to which the soul endows the body with form, and, on the other, the
Cartesian doctrine of the soul/body dualism. We find something similar in his
view of the relation between ideas and senses; Gamarra considers the ideas to
be the result of sense data but also supports the thesis that they are innate.
These tensions are present in his view of truth as well; he questions the
scholastic doctrine that our criteria for truth provide absolute certainty and
yet is inclined to seek these criteria in the rules of logic.150
It is important to note that Gamarra exerted a profound influence upon the
main centers of study in New Spain. Gamarra is a philosopher whose work pro-
vides a clear example of the merging of Scholasticism with modern thought.
Secular Clergy
Among the secular clergy who worked on philosophy during the eigh-
teenth century, Father Carlos Celedonio Velazquez de Cardenas y Leon de-
serves mention. In 1731, at the Seminary of San Pablo y de la Punsima Con-
ception in Mexico City, he wrote a Cursus Philosophicus which follows
Aquinas's doctrine closely.151 Apparently, this clergyman was the uncle of the
celebrated Mexican scientist Don Joaquin Velazquez de Leon.152 Another
member of the clergy who wrote a work in physics in 1738, Juan Ignacio de la
Rocha also taught at the Tridentine Seminary of San Pablo y de la Pun'sima
Conception.153 He was born in Santa Maria (Andalucia, Spain) and was taken
to Mexico as a small child. He taught philosophy at the Tridentine seminar and
at the University, from which he ultimately retired. He was the first rector of
the Colegio de San Ildefonso after the expulsion of the Jesuits. Beginning in
1772, he was bishop of Michoacan, and he died ten years later in Valladolid
(today known as Morelia).154 He opposed the modernist innovations carried
out by the Oratorians, especially those proposed by Gamarra. One other secular
150. Ibid., pp. 57 ff.
151. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografia filosofica mexicana, p. 77.
152. R. Moreno de los Arcos, Joaquin Velazquez de Leon y sus trabajos cientificos sobre el
ValledeMixico, 1773-1775 (Mexico: UNAM, 1977), p. 22.
153. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografla filosofica mexicana, p. 78.
154. Herisiain tti' Souza, Hiblioleca llis/mno Americana Septentrional, vol. 4, p. 242,
no. 2670.
174 H i s t o ry of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
clergyman of note is Father Antonio Mariano Aragones w h o wrote a logic,
155
dated 1738, but the work's place of publication remains unknown.
Father Agustin Jose del Rio y Loza, born in Guadalajara, taught at the Tri-
dentine Seminary of that city. He obtained his doctorate there and was rector
of the coleglos of San Gregorio and of Guadalupe and expert adviser of t h e IV
Mexican Provincial Council. His Tesis de filosofia were published in 1762. 156
Two of his works are quite remarkable: a "Dictamen singular sobre que n o
correspondia al Concilio Provincial entrometerse en pedir al Papa la secular-
ization perpetua de los Jesuitas," and a book entitled La mayor alma del
mundo, Aurello Agustlna (that is, Saint Augustine), printed in Mexico City in
1786. 157
A n u m b e r of scientific thinkers were closely related to this philosophical
m o v e m e n t and were especially influential in its modernization. Father Jose
Antonio Alzate was born in Ozumba, in 1737. He studied philosophy and the-
ology at the university, receiving a degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1753 and of
theology in 1756. On March 12, 1768, he began the publication of the Dlarlo
Llterario de Mexico, which only appeared for two months (eight numbers) but
which was influential in the renewal of Mexican thought. Number 2, dated
March 18, reviews some theological-philosophical claims made by Jose de
Soria, O.F.M., presided over by Antonio Vicente Arias, O.F.M., and defended at
the Convent of Santiago in Queretaro in January, 1768. Father Soria's claims
concerned primarily the issue of physics and its relation to creation and a de-
fense of Gassendi's m o d e r n and atomist ideas (although Father Soria refutes
Newton's notions about light), and in this context Galileo, Buffon, Kepler,
Huygens, Du Hamel, Fontenelle, and John Wilkins are mentioned. 1 5 8
Alzate's w o r k o n geography, meteorology, a n d a s t r o n o m y gained him.
m e m b e r s h i p t o t h e Science Academ y of Paris in 1771. In 1773, h e was ac-
cepted as a regular m e m b e r at t h e "Real Sociedad Vascongada de Amigos
del Pais." He c o n t i n u e d to w o r k for n e w s p a p e r s a n d w r o t e several scien-
tific works until his death in 1799. 159 Alzate was an advocate of t h e philos-
155. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catdlogo de obras manuscritas, p. 40, no. 34.
156. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografia filosofica niexicana, p. 100.
157. Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca Hispano Americana Septentrional, vol. 4, p. 235, no.
2646.
158. Jose Antonio Alzate y Ramirez, Obras, I-Periodicos, ed. R. Moreno de los Alios
(Mexico: UNAM, 1980), pp. 8-13.
159. R. Moreno de los Arcos, "tntroduccion" to Jose Anolonio Alzate, Memorias y
ensayos, ed. R. Moreno de los Arcos (Mexico, UNAM, 1985). See also J. Hernandei
Luna, "J. A. Alzate, hombre de la Ilustracion," in Memorias del Primer Coloquio Mexicano
de Historia de la Ciencia, vol. 2 (Mexico: Sociedad Mcxieana de llislori.i de la Ciciul.i y hi
Tecnologfa, 1964), pp. 201-206.
E i g h t e e n t h Century 175
ophy of t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t as well as a representative of m o d e r n science. 160
Having some connection to Alzate were other scientists such as Joaquin
Velazquez de Leon (1732-1786), 1 6 1 Antonio de L e o n y Gama (1735-1802), 1 6 2
and Jose Ignacio Bartolache. In his 1769 Lecclones matemdticas, Bartolache put
forward a n e w mathematical methodology that was applicable to all natural
sciences. These lessons dealt with Arnauld (lesson 1, n o . 2), Descartes and
Malebranche (no. 5), and Wolff (nos. 7 and 10). In the first lesson, Bartolache
deals thoroughly with logic, applied as methodology, whereas in lesson 2, h e
adds m a n y questions from gnoseological psychology or from the theory of
knowledge. He follows Leibniz closely, as he himself states in n o . 4 3 . He also
suggests that all natural science should be treated with a mathematical
method, of the mathesis universalis or logical calculus applied not only to for-
mal but natural knowledge, a perspective which places h i m in the steps of
Descartes, Leibniz, Wolff, and Newton (whom he mentions in n o . 66). 163
Jose Mariano Mocino Suarez de Figueroa, w h o directed two presentations
of theses or dissertations, was also closely linked to the scientific group, al-
though he concentrated more on philosophy. One presentation dealt with
logic and was defended by Jose Joaquin Varela at the Colegio de Santa Cruz; it
shows the clear influence of Mocino himself, as can be seen from its title:
Josepht Martant Moztnnl Suarezil de Figueroa Instttutiones Loglcas quae, Ipso prae-
side, Josephus Joachtmus Varela Xlmenes Bohorques ad Sanctae Crucis aedem Acade-
miae discustoni subjicit, Puebla, D. Pedro de la Rosa, Typographer, 1781. I M The
other thesis was on metaphysics and was defended by Luis Mantecon e Ibanez
in the same place and during the same year and published by the same print-
ing press. Finally, one should also mention J u a n Nepomuceno Sanchez y
Gonzalez, w h o wrote some Adsertiones ex Phystca Generall, published in Mexico
City at t h e printing press r u n by Mariano Zuniga y Ontiveros, in 1796. 165 The
160. See Rafael Moreno, "Alzate y la filosofia de la Ilustracion," Filosofiay Letras XIX,
no. 37 (January-March 1950): pp. 107-29; and "J. A. Alzate y la filosofia de la Ilus-
tracion," Memorias y Revista de la Academia National de Ciencias 57, nos. 1-2, (1952): pp.
55-84.
161. See Moreno de los Arcos, Joaquin Velazquez de Leon.
162. See E. Trabulse, "Antonio de Leon y Gama, astronomo y novohispano," Hu-
manidades (Universidad Iberoamericana) 3 (1975): p. 201 ff.
163. See R. Moreno de los Arcos's edition of the mathematical lessons, "Las Lec-
clones Matemdticas del Doctor Bartolache," Humanidades (Universidad Ibero Americana)
2 (1974): p. 221 if. See also the editions by R. Moreno de los Arcos, J. I. Bartolacje, Mer-
curio Volante (Mexico: UNAM, 1979) and J. I. Bartolache, periodismo ilustrado (Mexico:
UNAM, 1983).
164. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografia filosofica mexicana, p. 102.
165. See Gorizakv. Casanova, El niisonci'smo y la modernidad cristiana. See also Red-
mond, Bibliography of the Philosophy, p. 89, no. 660.
176 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico

Logicae et Metaphysicae assertiones written by Jose Maria Miranda y Estrada were

published at the same press in 1797.166 And in 1798 some Philosophicae asser-
tiones et quaestiones were defended by Jose Maria Castro y Gonzalez at the Tri-
dentine Seminary of San Jose, under the direction of Manuel Cervino de los
Rios; they were published the same year.167 There is another treatise that be-
longs to the eighteenth century but about which there is no additional infor-
mation: De logica facultate sive de philosophia rationali.'6"

166. Redmond, Bibliography of the Philosophy, p. 60, no. 454.

167. Valverde Tellez, Bibliografiafilosoficamexicana, p. 102.
168. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catalogo de obras manuscritas, p. 267, no. 385.

^ The Nineteenth Century

C
olonial philosophy came to an end in the nineteenth century. With
the wars of independence which began in 1810 and ended in 1821,
the period of New Spain's viceroyalty was over, and the formation of
what would become the Mexican Republic began. The Jesuits, exiled since
1667, were not present during these wars, but before their expulsion, their
ideas had exerted a profound influence upon those who eventually forged the
movement of national independence. The Jesuits carried on their work for
New Spain from Italy. Meanwhile, in New Spain, priests from other orders re-
mained active, trying to integrate modern thought with traditional scholastic
doctrines, and merging as well philosophy and the modern sciences. During
this critical historical period, clergy and laymen were united in a single philo-
sophical task, namely, to think about the foundations that would rationally le-
gitimize the emancipation of the colony from the Spanish metropolis. With
the wars of independence, the colonial period of Mexican history came to an
end and with it the very philosophy that had made this end possible. The
'colonial' philosophy which helped to pave the way towards the new age of
independence thus gave rise to Mexican philosophy.

Franciscans
Even though the political and social unrest during this period limited the
iTiiiH'ist'ans' inli'lli'ilual pai'liiipalioii in New Spain, I hi're is one important

177
178 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
figure who contributed during the early part of the century. Father Calvo
Duran, who belonged to the Order of the Lower Friars, wrote Elementos de
ftlosofia (1802) in which he deals with issues of law. This work remains in the
Library of the University of San Luis Potosi.1
Dominicans
A prominent philosopher of the Order of the Preachers was Friar Ser-
vando Teresa de Mier.2 Born in 1763, in Monterrey, at the Nuevo Reino de
Leon, New Spain, he received his early education. He then traveled to Mexico
City, where he entered the Dominican Order. He was ordained in 1780 at the
Convento Real de Santo Domingo. Following his ordination, he moved to the
Colegio de Porta Coeli in order to study philosophy and theology. In 1792,
after obtaining his degree, Mier became lecturer and then teacher at the Con-
vent of Santo Domingo, Mexico City. His teaching career was interrupted as a
result of a sermon he delivered in 1794 on the Virgin of Guadalupe which
government officials viewed as an act of political aggression. As a result, Mier
was persecuted and ultimately exiled. This made him sympathetic to the rev-
olutionary movement, and he became directly involved in it.
Teresa de Mier may be considered justifiably a philosopher (even within
the confines of the Thomist doctrine) for two reasons. First, after his studies of
philosophy and theology at the Colegio de Porta Coeli, and up to the time he
received his doctorate in theology, he acted as reader in philosophy at the
Convent of Santo Domingo and subsequently at the university. His writings
reflect the influence of both his training in and his teaching of philosophy.
Second, as a remarkable writer and orator, he served the cause of indepen-
dence by trying to provide a good theoretical explanation (using certain
Thomist doctrines) for the events that shaped the new political dimensions of
the country. For instance, he used the Thomist and medieval theory of legiti-
mate insurrection for overthrowing a tyrant. In this way, he applied his philo-
sophical theory to the concrete political plans he proposed. His philosophy
became a type of social philosophy.
Friar Matias de Cordova was another Dominican of note.3 He was born in
1. Redmond, Bibliography of Philosophy, p. 23, no. 166.
2. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Fray Servando Teresa de Mier y el derecho a la insurgen-
ciaenelcaso de Mexico," Justiciay Paz, Revista de Derechos Humanos II, no. 3 (May 1987)1
pp. 82-88.
3. See Mauricio Beuchot, "Fray Matias de Cordova, filosofo, liberlador y maestro,"
Justicia y Paz, Revista de Derechos Humanos III, nos, 3-4, (Oct. 1988): pp. 81 88.
Nineteenth Century 179
Tapachula, Chiapas, around 1766 or 1768. He studied at the seminar in Ciu-
dad Real, Chiapas, and became a Dominican priest in the City of Guatemala
in 1782. For this reason, both Guatemala and Chiapas claim him as a native
son. He studied philosophy and theology at the University of San Carlos,
where he showed interest both for modern and Thomist authors. In 1793, he
was appointed lecturer of philosophy and theology at the Convent of Santo
Domingo in Guatemala. In 1800 he taught rhetoric at the University of
Guatemala, writing some Prelecciones a los libros de elocuencia for this purpose.
From 1803-1809, he negotiated in Spain for the establishment of the inde-
pendence of the Dominican Province in San Jose de Chiapas from Guate-
mala; this proposal was accepted in 1810. He was an active participant in the
proceedings that took place to establish the pacific independence of Chiapas
and in its integration into Mexico in 1821. He also made important contribu-
tions to education in Mexico; he founded a primary school in Ciudad Real.
This school was the concrete result of his ideas on education. His philosophy
of education was influenced by the doctrines of Aquinas and emphasized the
potential or virtual abilities of the pupil and the best process by which these
potentialities could be realized. In his Metodo fdcil de ensenar a leer y escribir,
Cordova developed an original phonetic method for the teaching of reading;
this was a specific application of his theory of education and demonstrated his
great inventiveness. Apart from establishing schools, Friar Matias also
founded newspapers and wrote a famous anthropological-moral fable in
verse entitled "La tentativa del leon y el exito de su empresa."4
Jesuits
During nineteenth century, the intellectual work of the members of the
Society of Jesus was produced in exile, in the Pontifical States of Italy. Thus,
the treatise Sobre lo bello en general written by Father Pedro Jose Marquez
(1741-1820) was published in Madrid in 1801.5
Another important Jesuit philosopher was Father Andres de Guevara y
Basoasabal who was born in Guanajuato in 1748. He studied in Mexico City
at the Colegio de San Ildefonso, which was run by Jesuits. He entered the
4. Matias de Cordova, La tentativa del leon y el exito de su empresa. Pdbula (Chiapas:
Coleccion Ceiba, Fonapas, 1979), pp. 31-43.
5. See Redmond, Bibliography of Philosophy, p. 57, no. 432. See also A. Ibargiien-
jjoilia, "Pedro JoscTVlarqucz (1741-1820), primer estudlOSO de la estetica en Mexico,"
Revista de Filosofla (Universldad Ibero Americana, Mexico) 24 (1991): pp. 41-46; and
Justino Irrii.iiidez, "Pedro .lose M,iic|iir/ en el in undo y en l,i cii'lii',1," Aitmirio de l!s
lelhn (\>H,Z): p p . 'i I 1 ).
180 History of Philosophy in Colonial Mexico
colegio in 1766 and studied there until 1767, when he joined to the Society of
Jesus. The deportation of the Jesuits took place when he was a novitiate in
Tepozotlan. After his expulsion, he went to Italy where he produced most of
his intellectual work. He died in 1801, in Piacenza, Italy, where he was
teaching.
Guevara left two major works. The four-volume Institudones Elementales de
Filosofla;6 and the Pasatiempos de cosmologia, which he dedicated to the City of
Guanajuato.7 We also have a compendium of his philosophical works.8 He
showed his love for Mexico in his Institudones Elementales de Filosofla, referring
to himself as 'Guanaxuatensi Presbytero'; the book is dedicated to the Colegio
de San Ildefonso.
Guevara's Pasatiempos de cosmologia are important, and we will give a brief
summary of their contents. Apart from the dedication and the introductory
letter, they consist of 24 chapters or pasatiempos:
1. General idea of the universe
2. Age of the World, or of human kind
3. Shape and size of the universe
4. Limits, unity, season in which the universe was created
5. Various aspects of the universe as seen from earth; brief explanation
of the sphere
6-8. World systems
9. Copernican system
10. Continuation of the Copernican system
11. Dialogue between a Ptolemaic, a Copernican, a lawyer, and a priest
explaining and clarifying notions pertaining to the Copernican system
12. Continuation of the cosmic-systems dialogue between the priest, the
Copernican, and the Ptolemaic
13. Center of the universe; continuation of the cosmic-systems dialogue
14. Dream of the Copernican
15. Continuation of the Copernican's dream; system of the Count of Buffon
6. Andres de Guevara y Basoazabal, Institutionum Elementarium Philosophiae ad usum
studiosae juventutis (Venice: Apud Foresti et Betinelli, 1819, and Madrid: ex thy-
pographia Regia, 1833).
7. Andres de Guevara y Basoasabal, Pasatiempos de cosmologia, ed. J. I. Palencia (Gua-
najuato, Mexico: Universidad de Guanajuato, 1982).
8. Andres de Guevara y BsLsaasiba\,Definitiones et epitome doctrinae, quae in Institution-
ibus elementariis Philosophiae a D. Andrea de Guevara editis continentur (Madrid: ex Ty-
pographia Leonis Amarija, 1826). See also, Mauricio Beuchot, "Tradition and Moder-
nity in a Spanish Compendium of the Cursus Philosophicus of Andres de Guevara y
Basoazabal," Dieciocho. Hispanic Enlightenment, Aesthetics and Literary Theory I ) (I'WO):
pp. 165-70.
Nineteenth Century 181
16. Continuation of Copernican's dream; Baron de Leibniz's thoughts
17. Ideas of doctor Carlos Bonnet, put forward in his Paligenesia filosofica
18. M. Lambert's world system, summarized by M. Merian
19. Continuation of Lambert's system
20. Second part: universal system
21. Continuation of the second part
22. Harmony of the universe
23. Continuation of the same subject
24. The third proposed point is briefly dealt with; conclusion of part one.
The contents of Guevara's work and his references to various modern au-
thors reveal the influence of the Enlightenment in Mexico. Guevara was fa-
miliar with the most recent philosophical doctrines of the Modern Age, and
he presented these doctrines objectively instead of judging them by the crite-
ria of the scholastics. He thus displayed the kind of freedom of thought and of
judgment that belongs to someone who does not need to follow any specific
authority and who may leave aside any kind of suspicion, reserve, or scruple
regarding modern scientists and philosophers.
We even observe how, in his Pasatiempos, Guevara criticizes modern
philosophers, no longer from the point of view of Scholastic philosophy (at
least in this specific work), but from the perspective of the Enlightenment.
Moreover, if he criticizes scientists, he does so following the precepts of sci-
ence, that is, according to what he believes is more certain where experience
and analytical reason are concerned. Thus, he criticizes Descartes and Leibniz
from the point of view of other modern philosophers who may be more ac-
ceptable to him, and he refutes various world systems following Kepler's and
Newton's positions. Although Guevara respects Leibniz's doctrine, he is de-
tached enough to reject some of his theses.
One can say that more than being committed to any particular philosoph-
ical authority, scholastic or modern, Guevara's sole commitment was to his
religious faith, which he viewed as perfectly compatible with modern science
and philosophy. To demonstrate the lack of contradiction between faith and
science was certainly one of his aims in studying cosmology. Guevara's refu-
tation of thinkers such as Spinoza was based upon his religious convictions,
yet he attempted to base his arguments against Spinoza upon scientific expe-
rience and rational argumentation.
Although Guevara makes reference to its pragmatic aspects, his concep-
tion of science remains speculative and does not emphasize the significance of
the practical application of science In the form ol ted logy in .my cate, (or
182 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
him the best practical consequence of science is the encouragement of free-
dom of knowledge, that is, the promotion of liberality and leisure for m a n to
be able to devote more time to 'pure' science. However, as far as the scientific
aspects of his o w n work are concerned, Guevara was sometimes outdated.
In addition to his scientific training, which reached an acceptable level
given the times, one must consider Guevara's humanist formation. Cicero,
Virgil, Ovid, Horace, Lucretius, Salustius, and other classical writers are gen-
erously cited in his work.
To conclude, Guevara's position was eclectic and at times even syncretic.
He fused the ideas of physicists, mathematicians, and m e n of letters, accord-
ing to his own convenience and in absolute freedom. He also took account of
some famous Jesuits, such as Boscovich and Hervas, and as well as some of
his fellow exiles, such as Landivar, Alegre, Clavigero, Abad, Maneiro, and
others. Guevara emerges as one of those eclectic thinkers who, as a result of
his free and a u t o n o m o us spirit, opened a path, even from exile, toward the
m o v e m e n t of independence in Mexico. 9
Secular Clergy
The parish priest of Dolores, Father Don Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, father
of Mexican independence, occupies a foremost place during this period. He
was born in Corralejo, Guanajuato, in 1753. In 1765, two years before the ex-
pulsion of the Jesuits, he studied humanities at the Jesuit Colegio de San
Francisco Javier, in Valladolid (today k n o w n as Morelia). The colegio closed
w h e n the Jesuits left, and Hidalgo moved to the Colegio de San Nicolas
Obispo, in the same city. In 1770, he graduated with a degree of Bachelor of
Arts from the Real y Pontificia Universidad de Mexico, and in 1773 as Bache-
lor in Theology from the same university, w h e r e he was given credit for his
studies at the Colegio de San Nicolas.
Hidalgo then taught philosophy and theology at the Colegio de San
Nicolas. Here he became the object of envious attacks and eventually, in
1792, lost both the rectorship and both of his chairs. He t h e n worked as a
parish priest in Colima, San Felipe, and, finally, in Dolores, the cradle of the
independence movement. 1 0
Hidalgo had solid scholastic training. He studied Aquinas with his tcachei
9. See the "Introduction" by J. I. Palencia in Guevara y liasoasabal, l'asalienwos tic
cosmologia.
10. See P. G. Macias, Hidalgo, Reformadorv maestro (Mexico: UNAM, 1959), p. IV II
N i n e t e e n t h Century 183
Joaquin Menendez Valdez and became a substitute in the chair of scholas-
tics. 11 His background and training in t h e moderns was at least as strong as his
scholastic background. It is believed that h e may have k n o w n Clavigero, be-
fore the latter was expelled with other Jesuits. 12 He was also very well versed
in m o d e r n philosophy, particularly French enlightenment philosophy." This
influence is evident in his dissertation on m e t h o d in theology in which he
proposes a modernist renewal of Scholasticism. 14 This fusion of classical and
m o d e r n ideas became the theoretical basis for the m o v e m e n t of indepen-
dence. Although Hidalgo was executed by the Royalists in 1811, the move-
m e n t h e had initiated continued to flourish both militarily and intellectually.
There was some resistance to the independence m o v e m e nt by intellectuals
such as Father Manuel de Burgos, w h o wrote a Defensa del Trono y del Altar con-
tra losfilosofos liberates deldia, published in 1839. 15 Most intellectuals, however,
supported the movement. Manuel Maria Gorrifio y Arduengo (1767-1831)
was an ardent supporter of the independence movement. 1 6 Some of his
k n o w n works are De el hombre (finished o n October 11, 1791), Elhombre Inm
quilo o reflexionespara conservar la pazdel espiritu (1800?), Filosofiade la fe catdlica
(1811), and Reflexiones sobre la incredulidad (1814). The year of Gorrino's birth,
1767, was the year of the expulsion of the Jesuits (who for the most pari si11>
ported efforts to modernize scholastic philosophy). Gorrifio was influenced by
the Jesuits and supported the independence movement. At time of his death
in 1831, Gorrifio had become one of the pillars that sustained the gates of the
n e w liberalism which ultimately triumphed in Mexico.
11. See J. Bonavit, Fragmentos de la historia del colegio primitivo y national de San NlcolAs
de Hidalgo (Morelia: Tipografia de la Escuela Industrial Militar, "Porfirio Diaz", l')lII),
pp. 244-45.
12. Macias, Hidalgo, Reformadory maestro, pp. 19-20.
13. See J. Hernandez Luna, Imdgenes historicas de Hidalgo (Morelia: Universidad Mi
choacana de San Nicolas de Hidalgo, 1981), p. 133 If.
14. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, "Disertacion sobre el verdadero mclodo de csliiili.n
teologia escolastica," in A. Rivera y Sanroman, Eljoven teologo Miguel Hidalgo v Costilla,
Anales de su viday de su Revolution de Independencia (Morelia: Universidad Mlchoacana tie
San Nicolas de Hidalgo, 1987), pp. 15-38. A remarkable study on this dissertation is (I.
Mendez Plancarte's, "Hidalgo, reformador intelectual," in Hidalgo reformador inkieclnal v
libertador de los esdavos (Morelia: Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolas de Hidalgo,
1982), pp. 13-50.
15. See Redmond, Bibliography of Philosophy, p. 21, no. 151.
16. Concerning the life and though of Gorrifio, see R. Cardiel Reyes, Del model nisino
al liheralismo. I.a Jilosoffa de Manuel Maria Gorrifio, Jrd ed, (Mexico: UN AM, 1989).
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Index

Abad, Diego Jose, 153-56 Astrology, 120

Alarcon, Ruiz de, 15 astronomy, 117, 120
Albingensians, xxiii atomism, 150-56
Alcazar, Diego Marin de, 110-12 Augustinians, 3, 5, xxiv, xxvi, 7 0 - 8 1 ,
Aldalur, Friar Jose Antonio de, 141 103-7, 146-47
Aldereta, Jose, 142 authority, 34-35
Alegre, Francisco Javier, 156-57 Avilez, Pedro [gnaclo de, I 50
Alvarez, Manuel, 149
Alzate, Father Jose Antonio, 174 Bacon, Francis, 159
Amill, Father Juan Jose Villar Villa, 151 Balbuena, Bernardo de, 95-96
Amorillo, Friar Juan, 80 barbarianism, 28-32
analogy, 86 Baroque period, viii
anthropology, 28-30, 126, 128, 160-65 Basalenque, Friar Diego, 103-4
Aquinas, St. Thomas, xxvi, 9, 36, 108 Bassori, Father Jose Bueno, 152
Aragon, Manuel Lopez de, 145 Bazan, Friar Fernando, 70
Aragon, Vincente, 145 beauty, 57
Aragones, Father Antonio Mariano, Benevente, Friar Toribio de, 60
174 Beristain, 5
Arias, Antonio, 90-91 Bible, 58
architecture and philosophy, 4 Blanco, Father Matfas, 113, 151
Aristotle: xxvi, 3; catagories, 86, 131; Blanco, Father Ignacio, 156
ethics, 51, 54; human rights, 28; Borda, Friar Andres, 100
logic, 67-68, 73-75; love, 57; nat- Bourbon, family, 138
ural philosophy, 49-50, 87-89; Brattle, William, 13
physics, 55, 87-89, 105-6, 109, Briceno, Alfonso, xiii
120; psychology, 50; science, 76; Buffon, ix
slavery, 26-28, 30—31; universals, Burrus, 6
85-86; virtue, 32,52-54; voluntary
actions, 52 Cabrera y Q i i i n l c r o , C i y e l a n o de, I i'>
A r i c i g . i , Pniher Manuel, I I \ CabtUero, i.11111• i Diego, 11 I

!<<'»
200 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o Index 201

Calderon, Friar Jose, 103 de Pauw, iv, 161-64 Gamarra, Diaz de, 4, 5 individuation, x
Camacho, Friar Francisco, 142 decadence of clergy, 92 Gante, Friar Pedro de, 60, 61-62 infinite, 88
Camara, Friar Marcos, 61 democracy, 34 Garces, Friar Julian, 21 Inquisition, xxiv, 6, 25
Cardenas y Leon, Carlos de, 173 demonstration, 75-76 Gasset, Jose Ortega, xiii, xv, n. intentionality, 129
Careri, Giovanni Francesco Gemelli, Descartes, Rene, xxix, 151, 155, 159 generation and corruption, 89, 106 international relations, Spain and
118 desegregation, early, 37-38 Generation of 1898, xv, n. 12, n. 14 Indes, 69
Carmelites, 147 dialectics, 68, 74, 110 generousity, 52 Isabella of Castile, xi
Cartesian influence, 131, 133-34, 143, dictatorship as government, 36 God, 56, 123, 130 Islamic philosophy, xi, xx, xxiv, xxviii,
151-55, 159 dignity of man, 20-21 Gonzalez, Nepomuceno Sanchez y, 175 39
Casas, Friar Bartolome de la, 21, 2 6 - divine right, 47 good, 30, 35, 51 Isidore of Seville, xxvii
36, 38, 63, 160-61 Dominicans, xxvi, xxvii, 3, 5, 63-70, Gornales, Friar Miguel de, 61
Caso, Antonio, 5 101-3, 144-46, 178-79 Gorrifio y Arduengo, Manuel Maria, Jesuits, vii, ix, 3, 7, 12, 81-92, 107-
Cassiodorus, xxvii Donio, Jacobo, 66 183 13, 148-56
categories, 68, 74-75, 86, 105 dreams, 56 Goudin, Antonio, 145 Jewish philosophy, xi, xx, 11
Catelan philosophy, xi Duran, Father Calvo, 178 Grande, Cristoforo, 141 Jews, 39
causes, 88, 105, Aristotelian, 49 Granillo, Father Martin Carlos jurisdiction, 34, 39
Celis, Friar Pedro de, 107 economics, 6, 138 Tamallo, 113 justice, x, 32, 35-36, 160
Cerdan, Father Raymundo Mariano, education of Indians, 61, 169-71 greek philosophy, 20-21, 126 Jugo, Father Antonio Jose de, 156
156 el Porfiriato, vii Guerrero, Father Alonso, 108-10
certainty, 87 elements, 49-50, 89 Guevara y Basoasabal, Father Andres Kino, Father Eusebio, 117
Cervante, Friar Simon Jose, 147 empirical sciences, 8 de, 179-81 Kircher, Atannsio, ix
chance, 88 enlightenment, 9 knowledge: of God, 56; theory of, 74,
children, rearing of, 44 Encisco y Texada, Manuel, 141 happiness, 51, 54, 56 86, 105, 129-37, 170-71
Christianity: academics and, 8; freedom emancipation of Mexico, 139 Hapsburgs, 6
and, 36, 39; humanism and, xxii- Erasmus of Rotterdam, 21-22 Hartmann, Nicolai, xiii-xiv land, ownership of, 77
xxiv; man's dignity and, 21; New Espinosa, Friar Pedro de, 61 heavens, 89, 106 language, philosophy of, x, xxx, 68, 91
World, xxi; philosophy, xxii-xxv, 6; Esteban, Juan, 94 Hegel, 7 Latin American philosophy, xi; renais-
slavery and, 23; virtue and, 52 ethics, x, 51 Herize, Father Francisco Javier, 149 sance of, xii
Church, temporal power, 77 evangelization of Indians, 43, 60-62, hermetism, ix law: 53, 76, 77; human rights and, 3 2 -
civilization, development, 32 77-78, 98 Hernandez, Dr. Francisco, ix, 21, 48-58 34; justice and, 35; of nations, 47;
Clavigero, Francisco Javier, ix, 157-65 Hidalgo y Costilla, Father Don Miguel, philosophy, 6, 7, 33
cloning, 89 Fabri, Father Honorato, 155 182 Ledesma, Father Juan de, 108
comets, 51 faith, 87, 181 Hinojosa, Friar Jose de, 79, 101 Ledesma, Friar Bartolome de, 63
Contreras, Friar Juan, 80 Falcumbelli, Father Jose Luis, 150 Hispano, Pedro, 63, 65 Leibniz, 89,181
Copernicus, 143, 160 fate, 88 Hispanic, definition of term, xv-xx, Leon, Don Joaquin Velazquez de, 173
Cordova, Friar Matias de, 178-79 Ferdinand of Aragon, xi xxv, xxvi Leyva, Friar Pedro de, 99
Coronel, Friar Francisco, 80 Figueroa, Jose Mariano Mocino history, vii, xvi, xvii, xxvii, 122-23, 165 liberalism, 16
Coriche, Cristobal, 145 Suarezde, 175 Hortigosa, Pedro de, 82 liberation, philosophy of, 39
cosmology, 89-90, 121, 130, 159, Flores, Cristobal, 148 hospitals, 37-39, 42-46 logic: x, xxx, 65-68, 72, 104-5, 127-
180-81 fortitude, 52 human rights, 32-36 28, 148, 149, 151-52
Council of Trent, xxiv Franciscans, vii, xxvi, 3, 60-62, 9 8 - humanism, ix, xii, xix, xxii-xxvi, 15, Lombardo, Pedro, 98
counter reformation, xiii-xxv, xxviii 101, 140-44, 177-78 21,46, 85, 153 Lopez, Juan Francisco, 150
creation, 55 freewill, 29, 34-35, 113, 151 hygiene, 44 Lopez, Friar Luis, 70
criollos, viii, 8-10, 15 Frondizi, Risieri, xv, n. 14 love, 56-57
Cruz, Friar Francisco, 99 imagination, 129 Loza, Father Agustin Jose del Rio y,
Cruz, Sister Juana Ines de la, 125-37 Gabalda, Friar Jose de, 98 \ Indians: branding of, 24; liberation of, 174
Cuellar, Jose Ignacio, 145 Galilei, Galileo, 121, 160 39, 42, 94; rationality of, 161-65;
culture, Mexican, 92, 95-96, 124 Gallegos, Jose1, 146 rights of, 26, 28, 94-95, 160-61; Mair, John, 28
(iam.irrn y Onvalos, Juan licnilo Di,i/ superstitions, 117; Utopian, 41; val- Maldonado, I'allicr Jose, 149
Davila, Fray Joaquin Camacho, 142 de, 166-73 ues of, 42 Miilo, lose Rodriguez, 142
202 History of P h i l o s o p h y i n Colonial M e x i c o
man, nature of, 126, 128
Mancilla, Friar Antonio, 144
Marquez, Father Pedro Jose, 179-80
marriage, 76
Marxism, 15
Maya, Jose de, 148
Mayagoitia, David, 10-12, 17
medieval philosophy, xi, xix
mental illness, 44-45
Mercedarians, 107, 148
Mercado, Friar Tomas de, 6, 64-69
metaphysics, x, 111-12, 131, 149
mathematics, 119-20, 171
method, in science, 87, 120
Mexican Provincial Council, 38
Meza, Friar Francisco Javier de, 146
microcosm, symbol, 126, 135-37
Mier, Friar Servando Teresa de, 178
mind, operations of, 86
missions: vii-viii
modern philosophy: 4; influence in
Mexico, 8, 118, 139, 145, 148-50,
154, 158ff, 166; scholasticism and,
5-7, 10-11
Moguer, Friar Andres de, 63
Molina, Father Jose Francisco de, 5,
149
monarchy, 34
Montaigne, xxiv
Montufar, Bishop, 25
moral philosophy, 51-55
More, Thomas, 20-21, 27, 41, 45, 46
motion, 88
Murillo, Manuel, 146
mysticism, 132-37
Naranjo, Francisco, 102-3
nationalism, 124
natural law, 23, 27, 32, 34, 47, 69, 162
natural religion, 30
natural science, 119-20
nature, 49, 87
Neri, San Felipe, 165
New World, exploration, xix, xxii
neo-Platonism, ix
novels, 118
Nunez, Father Antonio, 112
objectivity, 122
Ochoa, Father Juan Angel de, 1 56
ontology, xxx
Oquendo, Mateo Rosas de, 19-20
Oratorians, x
Oronsoro, Friar Pedro de, 142
Orrio, Father Francisco Javier Alejo
de, 152
Ortega, Friar Cristobal de, xix, 69
Ortiz, Friar Felipe, 142
paganism, xxiii
perfection, 34
peripathetic philosophy, 49-50
Pez, Admiral Andres de, 118
Peza, Nicolas de, 152
Peralta, Father Antonio, 113
phenomenology, 129
Philip II, 6
physics, 76, 87, 105-7, 109, 111, 149,
150, 150-52, 180
Piedra, Father Jose de la, 152
place, 88
Platonism, 57-58, 75, 85
Ponce, Constantino, 21, 22, 25
Portugal, philosophy of, xi
Porphyry, 68, 73
Portu, Canon Marcos, 113
positive law, 69, 162
positivism, vii
Pravia, Friar Pedro de, 64
preaching gospel, right to, 39-40
predication, 68, 74, 85-86
Prieto, Nicolas, 149
prime mover, 49
principle, 88
property, 33-34
providence of history, 123
prudence, 32
psychology, 50
Puerto, Don Nicolas del, 94
Puerto, Father Marino Jeronimo del,
151
Puga, Father Gregorio Vazquez de, 149
Pythagoreanism, 121
Quevedo, Bishop Juan de, 28
Quinonos, Friar Antonio, 141
Quiroga, Vasco de, 21, 36-48
Ramos, Samuel, v, 5-10, 16, 17
rational animal, 29
Raynal, ix
reformation, xix, xxi, xxii, xxiii-xxiv
religious, rights of, 101
religious centers, 3
religion, natural to man, 29-30
Rendon, Manuel Garcia de, 141
rhetoric, 61-62, 151, 152
rights, 34
Rivera, Agustin, 2, 13
Rosa, Agustin de la, 2
Robledo, Father Pablo, 151
Robledo, Antonio Gomez, 76
Robles, Oswaldo, 12-14
Rocafull, Jose Maria Gallegos, 14
Rodriguez, Friar Diego, 107
roman philosophy, xi, xx, xxiii
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 145
Rubio, Antonio, xvii, 83-90
Rueda, Friar Juan de, 104-6
Salinas, Friar Buenaventura, 99
Sanchez, Jose Ignacio, 149
Sandoval Zapata, Don Luis de, 114-15
Sahagun, Friar Bernardino de, 60
San Anastasio, Friar Juan de, 147
Santa Cruze, Father Jose Luis de la,
151
Santiago, 63
Santisteban, Friar Diego de, 107-8
Santo Tomas, Juan de, 65
Segura y Tronceso, Friar Juan Antonio
de, 148
semiotics, xxx
Sepulveda, Juan Gines de, 26, 30-32
science, 75-76, 119; method of, 87,
120; modern, 159
Scheler, Max, xiii-xiv
scholastism: anthropology, 126, 128;
baroque and humanistic, ix; church
and, 15, 16; Iberian, xxvi; influence
in Mexico, 2-4, 13-18, 61, 118,
138-39, 143, 145, 149-50, 159ff;
method, 159; problems of, 6-11, 17;
truth and, 7, 11
scotists^xiii, 3, 99-100, 112
Scotus, Duns, xxvi
Sierra, Father Agustin, 112
Sigiienza y G6ngora, Don Carlos de,
viii, 15, I 16-25
skepticism, xxi, xxii, xxiv, I H - 3 4
Index 203
slavery, 23-24, 26, 28, 29, 32-33, 39,
40, 165
sociability, 29, 34
social philosophy, 8, 68-69
socialism, 15, 43, 45
society, good of, 35, 36
Soldevilla, Father Mariano, 153
Sologuren, Friar Miguel de, 143 (SP)
Soto, Domingo de, 63
soul: faculties of, 159; immortal, 170;
nature of, 80, 88-89, 106, 128;
types of, 50-51
Suarez, Francisco, xvii, xxvii, 3, 5,
111, 113; influence of, 149
syllogism, 67
stoicism, ix, xiii, 3, 55-58, I I 5 Id,
140-43
Talavera, Don Alonso de, I 16
Tellez, Bmeterio Valverde, 2-4
Tenorio, Friar Vicente, 146
Thomism, xiii, ), 5, 60, 65, i \i, [48
49
time, 88
Toledo, Father Domingo de, 148
Torre, Ma rl in de la, 117
Torres, Jose, 141
Trejo, Pedro de, 21
truth, 30, 87, 120, 122-23, 170
TychoBrahe, 143, 160
tyranny, 36, 77, 178
universal, x, 74, 85, 105, 111
universe, nature of, 89
Utrera, Jose de, 150
Utopia, 20, 21, 26, 41, 45
vacuum, 88
Valades, Friar Diego de, viii, 61-62
Valdetaro, Father Juan Lorenzo, 151
Valencia, Father Andres de, 108
Vallarta y Palma, Father Jose Mariano
de, 152-53
Valtierra, Father Fernando, 113
Varela, Jose, 143
Vasconcelos, Jose, 4 - 5
Vazquez, Friar Gabriel, 107
Vega, Luis Mariano de la, 143
Vera Cruz, Alonso de la, xiii, u. 7, 6,
It, 15, 18, 71-79
204 H i s t o r y of P h i l o s o p h y i n C o l o n i a l M e x i c o

Versor, Juan, 65 will, 29, 50, 52

Viary Larrimbe, Antonio, 145 women religious, 125-37
Vidarte, Friar Agustin Jose, 143 work, 42, 44
Villar, Father Jose del, 149
Villarrubia, Friar Diego de, 107 y Mendoza, Bishop Palafox, 94
Villasenor, Jose, 143 Ylarregui, Friar Fermin de, 146
Vincent of Beauvais, xxvii
Virgin Mary, 42 Zapata y Sandoval, Juan de, viii, ix, 7
virtue, 51-54, 170 Zavala, Silvio, 160
visions, 56 Zea, Leopoldo, xv, n. 14, 16-17
Vitoria, Francisco de, xiv Zepeda, Father Jose, 152
Zerezeda, Emiliano Millan de, 143
war, 23, 39-40, 46-48 Zespedes, Anselmo, 142
wealth, 55-56 Zumarraga, Friar Juan de, 21-26
welfare, social, 45

The History ofPhilosophy in Colonial Mexico was composed in H.5/I l Meridicn Kniii.in
by Generic Compositors, Stamford, New York; primed on 60-pomul (il.illcllci
SuppJe Opaque Recycled Natural and bound by Thomson-Shore, Inc., Drain.
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Maurido Beuchot, O.P.

mm

History of
Philosophy
in Colonial
Mexico
Translated by Elizabeth Millan
Foreword by Jorge J. E. Gracia

The Catholic University of America Press

Washington, i>.<:.
 Contents

Prologue vii
Originally published as Historia de lafilosofia en el Mexico Colonial by Foreword: The Origins of Hispanic Philosophy xi
Editorial herder, Provenza 388, 08025 Barcelona, Spain. Copyright
© 1996. This translation published by permission. Introduction: Understanding the History of Philosophy in
Colonial Mexico 1
Copyright © 1998
The Catholic University of America Press 2 The Sixteenth Century: The Humanist Philosophers 19
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America 3 The Sixteenth Century: The Scholastic Philosophers 60
Franciscans / 60 Dominicans / 63
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum A U0ustin ians I 70 Jesuits 181
requirements of American National Standards for Information
Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI 4 The Seventeenth Century 92
Z39.48-1984. "Franciscans 198 Dominicans 1101
A ugustinians 1103 Mercedarians /107
Jesuits 1107 Secular Clergy 1113
Religious Women 1125
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Beuchot, Mauricio. "> The Eighteenth Century 138
[Historia de la filosofia en el Mexico colonial. English] Franciscans 1140 Dominicans 1144
The history of philosophy in colonial Mexico / Mauricio Beuchot; Augustinians 1146 Carmelites 1147
translated by Elizabeth Millan; foreword by Jorge J. E. Gracia. Mercedarians 1148 Jesuits 1148
p. cm. Oratorians 1165 Secular Clergy 1173
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Philosophy—Mexico—History. 2. Philosophy, Mexican. << The Nineteenth Century 177
3. Mexico—Intellectual life. I. Title. I'lmtiisiiiits 1177 Dominicans 1178
BI016.B4913 1998 Jesuits 117<> Secular Clergy 1182
199'.72—dc21
98-9210
ISBN 0-8132-0906-4 (alk. paper) Hll.lloKr.iphy 185
Index i""