Developing democracy in africa:

From the early 1990s, Africa has experienced a "second liberation" that has opened up new
prospects for democratic development on the continent. After 1990, most of the 48 countries in
sub-Saharan Africa legalized opposition parties and held competitive, multiparty elections. But
those elections have often not met the minimal democratic criteria of freeness and fairness.
Many incumbent parties have exploit institutional advantages to deny the opposition any chance
of winning power in the new multi-party regimes. These regimes are best understood as
"pseudodemocracies" or what Richard Joseph has termed “virtual democracies.”

(there is change, but still not fair , state takes institutional advantages, pseudo democracies.)

A distinction between a “merely” electoral democracy and a more substantial form, what may be
termed "liberal democracy" is crucial to understanding the limits and possibilities of democratic
development in Africa. In a liberal democracy, elected officials have power as well as authority,
and the military and police are subordinate to them. The rule of law is upheld by an
independent and respected judiciary. As a result, citizens have political and legal equality, state
officials are themselves subject to the law, and individual and group liberties are respected.
People are free to organize, demonstrate, publish, petition, and speak their minds. Newspapers
and electronic media are free to report and comment, and to expose wrongdoing. Minority
groups can practice their culture, their faith, and their beliefs without fear of victimization.
Executive power is constrained by other governmental actors. Property rights are protected by
law and by the courts. Corruption is punished and deterred by autonomous, effective means of
monitoring and enforcement.[2]

(difference between electoral and liberal democracy, political and legal equality,free press,
subordinate military, independent and respected strong judiciary)

(the ability to turn the ruling party out of power is a crucial threshold for democratization,
especially given Africa's harshly authoritarian experience. ) Most liberal democracies that do
emerge in Africa will probably do so after passing through (or even slipping back to) some period
of "merely" electoral democracy.

**ECONOMIC GROWTH**

There is overwhelming evidence of a positive correlation between economic development and

democracy. However, this is not to say that democracy is impossible in Africa (or in other poor
countries),economic development appears to improve the likelihood of democratic survival
through its impact on several crucial intervening variables - the strength and vigor of civil society,
the relationship between state and society, the class structure, the political culture, and the
linkage to the international system. particularly getting the institutional frameworks right - their
poverty will become much less of an obstacle to democracy. In economic terms, then, the real
danger for Africa is the combination of poverty and prolonged economic crisis and decline.

* the del would like to ask Why are we not able to generate substantial growth inspite of our rich
natural resources and a decade of structural adjustment

part of the answer appears to lie in the intricate linkage among political and economic factors.
more effort is needed to educate African policymakers and public. currencies should be
convertible, tariffs low, barriers to market entry and business incorporation low or nil, taxes low,
simple, and easy to administer.

It also requires workable physical infrastructure, including roads that connect agricultural
producers to national markets and international ports.

*The AU should facilitate easy establishment and implementation of such infrastructure projects
across borders

*Corruption acts as a majot obstacle to such efforts.

{/corruption/ In many African countries today, roads are not being built, wells are not being
drilled, taxes are not being collected, teachers and civil servants (and even soldiers and police)
are not being paid, and children are not being educated and inoculated, because of pervasive
corruption. These absolute imperatives for long-term economic growth cannot be provided
unless the nature of politics and governance in Africa changes radically.}

**STATE BUILDING AND STATE COLLAPSE**

a combination of societal opposition congealing into broad coalitions and of major international
powers pressuring for change (through political conditionality on loans and aid) will produce
transitions to democracy, as in Benin, Mali, and Malawi.

collapse into civil war, warlordism, and anarchy, as has happened in Angola, Mozambique,
Liberia, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and the Congo (the former Zaire).

democratic transition out of civil war is a complicated, difficult, and costly process, typically
requiring a level of international intervention, mediation, monitoring and assistance for which
the major Western powers (acting through the UN, other coalitions, or even unilaterally) have
shown a limited and declining appetite

Unless international monitors, advisors, peacekeeping (and even policing) forces are prepared
to stay on the ground for many years - which, unfortunately, they were not prepared to do in
Cambodia and Haiti - a tenuous political order may be restored, but it is not likely to remain a
very democratic one.

The AU should perform this role

There are three other elements of a strong state that generate particular problems for Africa: a
professional military appropriate to the country's security, an effective police force and judicial
system for maintaining law and order, and a competent - or what Linz and Stepan call "useable" -
bureaucracy.[16] With very few exceptions (such as Botswana and South Africa), African
countries suffer enormous deficiencies in all three respects. Each of the above segments of the
state is weak in capacity, heavily corrupt, and often undermined in its coherence and
professionalism by the pervasive pulls of ethnic, familial, and factional ties.

*One of the elements of a useable bureaucracy that African countries most lack is a cadre of
highly trained, professional economic technocrats who understand the dynamics of markets
domestically and internationally and the basic requirements for generating economic growth.

To some extent in every country, impartial administration of justice is an ideal that will not be
fully met, but the institutional structures to enable it must be put in place, or there will be no
hope to develop a rule of law in Africa - and thus no hope for democracy, or for sustainable
economic development either.*

**COMBATING CORRUPTION**

States will not function effectively and democracy will not become legitimate in Africa until
corruption is substantially reduced. The endemic nature of corruption - in politics, governance,
the bureaucracy, the military, the police, the judiciary, and virtually every other institution of
authority - has diffuse perverse consequences. ** corruption places an impossibly high premium
on winning political office, because control of political decisions and allocations then becomes
the best instrument (or certainly one of the most reliable) for the accumulation of personal
wealth. It fosters electoral fraud,

both by raising the premium on power, and therefore the incentive to acquire it by any means
fair or foul, and by corrupting the process directly with money and ineffective oversight. It raises
considerably the incentive of the military to take power and keep it

**REFORMING AND CONSTRAINING THE MILITARY**

The military still looms, behind a façade of civilian rule ,as a major threat to democracy in Africa.

The problem of the military in Africa is first and foremost one of power. If politics is nothing
more than the pursuit of power for personal enrichment and group aggrandizement, the
struggle for power is bound to be debased to the Hobbesian point where the men with the guns
will always win

The only real guarantee against future military coups is good governance that builds popular
legitimacy and active public support for democracy. Where civil society is weak and the
politicians are corrupt and divided, the military will prevail in that moment of opportunity, even
if it is still distrusted or even despised.

Africa sorely needs a military capacity to respond to its own conflicts. While the Organization of
African Unity would be in principle the logical mechanism, it is unlikely to be able to reach the
consensus necessary to intervene. why ???

*The mos effective antidote to military coups is for the UNION to come together to say to
military usurpers "This will not Stand"

**POLITICAL INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN**

the overriding imperative is to avoid broad and indefinite exclusion from power of any significant
group.[24]

*there has been only one success story on the African continent, Botswana. But its formula for
success—democracy, limited government, and restraint of corruption, resulting in high levels of
international assistance and rapid economic development—has powerfully influenced its
regional neighbors. What Africa needs now is more Botswanas.

points to know:

*election commisions etc

*democracy in benin, mali, malawi

*the collapse into civil war, warlordism, and anarchy, as has happened in Angola, Mozambique,
Liberia, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and the Congo (the former Zaire).

*awareness of people should be increased through radio programmes etc.

currently 3 countries face humanitarian crises adn 9 countries in the continent face severe
humanitarian crises.

[Fellow delegates, TODAY

in niger

the region has been severely affected by boko haram's sporadic attacks and military operations
around chad lake with almost 2 lakh people being displaced.

in nigeria

violence and conflict in the northeast has caused massive displacement and disrupted food
suplies and seriously hindered access to basic services and limited agricultural services. as of
2017, it is estimated that 8.5 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance.

in burundi

people continue to flee because of conflict between government and opposition almost 422,000
people have fled to neighbouring countries

in libya

the country has been in a state of civil war since 2014. it is estimated that 1.3 MILLION people
are exposed to physical harm and human right violations

in DRC

a complex emergency has persisted for more than 20 year with conflict between foreign , self
defence and armed groups. just 5 days ago several hundreds of houses were burned down and
over 2,400 people were displaced following intercommuncal clashes in bulkwa,ituri.

in CAR

since november 2016, fighting among ex-saleka as well as anti balaka has resulted in over
6,80,000 people being internally displaced.

all these are the present pressing issues which have to be delt with immediately, and the need
for an active union has never been greater ,we as a union must come together and actively help
our fell ow member states and their governments to overcome these current issues and help
them recover from conflicts by brokering peace contracts, providing security forces for which the
african standby force can be used, humanitarian aid for its citizens and financial aid for its
economy and other measures to reestablish stability in the region. It is time that we aid the
african people ourselves instead of waiting for aid from other international countries.