14 - Chapter 6 PDF

170
Chapter- 6
Rehabilitation of Refugees in Cachar
For many years past it has been the fashion to speak of the refugee from
East Pakistan as a creature apart. Often he is held up as an object of
derision and contempt, where his counterpart in the West is sung of in
paeans ofpraise.
(Rao 1967: 41).
The emergence of two independent countries — India and Pakistan put an

end to British colonialism. However, a fact well documented by now clearly
points out that a large section of the native population instead of enjoying the
fruits of freedom joined the stream of refugees with the stroke of a pen by a
British civil servant. The territorial Partition of the populous Indian provinces
where the Hindus and the Muslims lived peacefully resulted simultaneously in
the painful division of hearts of the people. What followed consequently was the
forced movement of many families who had to bear the brunt of division and
dislocation with members of families dispersed on both sides of the border.
Though communalism was the basis on which the division was carried out it was
observed that in many instances the people across the two religious communities
helped each other even in hostile circumstances. As is the case with any violent
outbreak between communities, the frenzy that followed Partition drove panic-
stricken natives in different directions in search of safety and security. Overnight
the homeland seemed an alien territory where fear of persecution and in many
cases actual violence uprooted the natives and forced them to migrate. It was the
geographical and cultural proximity that led a large number of the people from
Sylhet to migrate to Cachar to save their lives.
Though the Indian Government accepted to rehabilitate the refugees in

Cachar but in the entire process of rehabilitation, one can notice that the
government was insensitive and inexperienced. Thus, the insensitivity and
Rehabilitation of Refugees in Cachar 171
inexperience of the government together worked to perniciously affect the

rehabilitation of refugees in Cachar. Keeping the above factors in view, this
chapter is an attempt to look into the rehabilitation policies of the Government of
India and that of the Assam Government towards the Partition-induced displaced
Bengali Hindus of Cachar. It would also dwell into the inadequacies in the
institutional devices and the manner of their implementation. In addition, the
chapter would proceed to understand the responses of the civil society and the
refugee’s own experience in rehabilitation.
As the Government of India was reluctant to share the burden with the
international community, the rehabilitation was primarily confined to national
efforts. It has been observed that “the Convention relating to the Status of
Refugees held in 1951 at Geneva was meant exclusively for the European
refugees. In any case the convention of 1951 was intended for Europe, and did
not consider the millions fleeing homes in the wake of de-colonization, partition,
and the emergence of new states” (Samaddar 2003: 41).
6.1 East West Dichotomy in Rehabilitation
In view of the large scale migration that took place in the provinces of
Bengal, Punjab and Assam, the post- colonial Indian Government had to bear the
arduous task of rehabilitating the refugees. In September 6 1947, K.C Neogy who
was the Chairman of the Railway Rates Advisory Committee joined the Cabinet
as Minister for Relief and Rehabilitation. S.K. Kripalani, Secretary and Sri C.N.
Chandra, Additional Secretary both the I.C.S, were the first two officers (Rao
1967: 12). In 1949, Mohanlal Saxsena who held the portfolio of rehabilitation
changed the name of the Ministry to the Ministry of Rehabilitation (ibid: 48).
The Indian Government, however, did not embark on a uniform policy of

rehabilitation of refugees of the East and the West. The East-West dichotomy of
rehabilitation was widely debated in the Bengal press, by the social workers,
academicians, politicians, refugee leaders and government officials besides the
refugees themselves.
In Punjab where an exchange of population took place amid extra

ordinary brutality, the government considered the crisis as a national emergency
to be tackled virtually on a war footing and committed itself to the permanent
rehabilitation of the refugees. Consequently, “A Movement Panel was set up with
high-power representatives from the Ministries of Rehabilitation, Defense,
Railways and States under the chairmanship of Gopalaswami Ayangar” (Rao
1967: 14). In all probability, Nehru had political considerations while formulating
the rehabilitation policy of the West fairly different from that of the East. Prafulla
K. Chakrabarti observed, “The rehabilitation of Punjab refugees was undertaken
with the zeal of a man who knew that he could not neglect the issue and stay in
power. The Army was largely manned by the Punjabis and Delhi was so near
Punjab. So the West Pakistan refugees received everything they wanted. They got
more than what they had left behind” (Chakrabarti 1999: 30).
What helped the government to rehabilitate the refugees in the West was
the evacuee property left by the migrating Muslims to settle down the incoming
Hindu refugees from West Pakistan. Apart from government jobs, a large number
of them were absorbed in the armed forces. They also got compensation claims
for immovable properties left by them in West Pakistan. Thus the Second Five
year Plan stated that the lion’s share of the task of rehabilitating the West
Pakistan displaced persons had been accomplished before the completion of the
First Five year Plan commenting from 1952-1956.
On the other hand, the government was reluctant to accept the refugees
from the East on a permanent basis thinking that once the frenzy of communal
violence would settle down, the displaced persons would return to their
respective homeland. Perhaps, the government failed to understand the magnitude
of sufferings of the displaced persons from the East as they came in trickles and
were not the victims of massive bloodshed as was the case with refugees coming
from West Pakistan. The government seemed not to acknowledge the fact that the
East Pakistan refugees too experienced violence or situation of persecution
although in a slow but agonising manner, “Like their counterparts from West
Pakistan, they also faced from time to time, though on a lesser scale, terrible
violence and massacre, loot and arson, loss of kith, kin and ancestral property,
like land and houses; but received no adequate compensation and rehabilitation”
(Basu 2002: 145).
Given the perspective the government attempted to prevent migration or

to send back the refugees to their native land in hostile ambience of East
Pakistan. Nehru continued to believe that the exodus could be halted provided the
Government in Dacca could be convinced to install “psychological measures” to
restore confidence among the Hindu minorities. This in fact, impelled the
government to sign the Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact in 1950 for the safe return of the
minorities to their respective homeland. Meanwhile, the Government of East
Pakistan passed a couple of. legislations for the large scale requisition of
properties of Hindu minorities. Between 1947 and 1952, four discriminatory
property laws were enacted which not only debarred a Hindu to sellout his
property without official permission but also empowered the administration to
confiscate the left over Hindu property (Bakrat, Zaman, Rahman and Poddar
2009:22).“Furthermore, between 1952 and 1969 as many as eleven
discriminatory acts were passed that deprived the Hindus from their ancestral
property” (cited in De 2005:18). The Indo-Pakistan war of 1965 offered the
ruling elites a good opportunity to make more stringent legislation to treat left
over Hindu property as enemy property legally (ibid). The situation as it was not
conducive for the large number of refugees to reinstall their lives in their native
place, many of the refugees had to come back. Many held the pact squarely
responsible for the sufferings of the East Pakistani refugees.
This mindset encouraged the government to adopt temporary ad-hoc

approach to relief rather than permanent rehabilitation. Consequently, the relief
camps were set up in the border areas for the easy return of the displaced to their
native land. Hiranmoy Bandyopadhyay, reported that a meeting was convened in
‘Writers Buildings’ (the administrative headquarters of the Government) on 2nd
March 1950 in which Mohanlal Saxsena the then Rehabilitation Minister of the
Government of India instructed the representatives of Tripura, Assam, Bihar,
Orissa and West Bengal to restrict government work to relief rather than to
rehabilitation (Das 2000: 12).
The reluctance of the government to accept the East Pakistan refugees, we

assume, prevented them to embark on a sound policy of rehabilitation. In West
Bengal and Cachar district of Assam, the pressure on land was already very high.
The number of evacuees to East Pakistan from Bengal, Bihar, and Assam were
comparatively less and those Muslims who left the Eastern states for East
Pakistan were relatively poor and did not possess substantial land holdings
(Kudaisya 1995:73-94). Moreover, in the East the bulk of the refugees were
peasants and the pressure on land reached a massive proportion. The Eastern
region of India was underdeveloped and the states therein were struggling for
their own progress after independence. There was non-availability of land and
high incidence of unemployment in the Eastern states which prevented to support
additional burden of refugees (Luthra 1972:200). Unlike Punjab, there was no
such provision for compensation for immovable properties in Bengal. The
Compensation Act of 1954 excluded the East Pakistani refugees from its purview
on the ground that under the Nehru-Liaquat Pact of 1950, they were legally
entitled to claim their properties in East Pakistan. But this was more than a legal
fiction. The efforts made by Pakistan in this regard were hardly convincing.
Meanwhile, a heated debate rocked the Indian Parliament on 27 February 1950 in
v/hich Shyamaprasad Mookherjee; Minister for industries and K.C Neogy,
Minister for Commerce vehemently opposed the Pact. They strongly proposed
transfer of population along the Bengal border as a viable solution to address the
problem relating to rehabilitation of the refugees from the East. Nehru was totally
against this proposal and open disagreement followed between them.
Consequently, Shyamaprasad Mookherjee and K.C Neogy resigned from the
cabinet (Government of India 1950).
Regarding the East Pakistani refugees, the government predicament was

placed by U. Bhaskar Rao who observed that “There is no finality about the
number of refugees from East Pakistan” (Rao 1967: 146). In 1947, Mehr Chand
Klianna remarked that “We will try to provide for the four million here (Eastern
region) as we did for the million in the Punjab. The only trouble is that I am
never sure that four million is the final figure. Our planning is at the mercy of the
Pakistan Government. We provide for five thousand refugees; instead, fifty
thousand are turned out. What are we to do?” (ibid). The variation in expenditure
incurred by the Government of India in rehabilitation of East and West Pakistan
refugees could be assessed from Table 6.1 and Table 6.2
Table 6.1: Comparative Expenditure on Displaced Persons from East

Pakistan and West Pakistan for 1954-55 (Rs. in crores)
Expenditure Head Displaced Persons Displaced Persons Total
from West Pakistan from East Pakistan
Grants 65.78 29.13 94.91
Loans 23.26 22.48 45.74
Housing 55.74 16.47 71.21
Establishments 1.18 0.14 1.32
Miscellaneous 0.01 — 0.01
Total 145.97 68.22 214.19
Loan by RFA 7.42 2.07 9.49
Grand Total 153.39 70.29 223.68
Source: Summary 1954-55, Government of India, Ministry of Rehabilitation,

cited in Ray 2005:153).
Table 6.2. Comparative Expenditure on Displaced Persons from East
Pakistan and West Pakistan for 1956-57 (Rs. In crores)
Expenditure head Displaced Persons Displaced Persons Total
from West Pakistan from East Pakistan
Grants 75.38 48.91 124.29
Loans 25.53 27.67 53.20
Establishments 1.66 0.33 1.99
Miscellaneous 0.01 —
0.01
Compensation 53.12 —
53.12
Adjustment Transport 14.83 14.83
/From to Capital
outside Revenue
Account For
compensation
Total 230.22 106.68 336.90
Loan by RFA 7.13 3.17 10.30
Grand Total 237.35 109.85 347.20
Source: Summary 1956-57, Government of India, Ministry of Rehabilitation,
cited in Ray 2005: 153).
6.2 Inter-Government Conflict
The issue of the rehabilitation of refugees in Assam transformed into a

bone of contention between Nehru’s Government at Delhi and the Government of
Assam. The Assam Premier Gopinath Bordoloi argued that Assam itself suffered
from the crisis of land and hence could not accommodate a large number of
refugees. Sujit Choudhuri, a historian from North-East in one of his articles
published in Seminar (February-2002)- “A God-Sent Opportunity” highlighted a
Government Circular dated 4 May 1948 which reflected the attitude of the Assam
Ministry towards the East Pakistan refugees into Assam. The Circular stated:
‘In view of the emergency created by the influx of refugees into the
province from East Pakistan territories and in order to preserve peace, tranquility
and social equilibrium in the towns and villages, the government reiterates its
policy that settlement of land should be in no circumstances be made with
persons who are not indigenous to the province. The non-indigenous inhabitants
of the province should include, for the purpose of land settlement during the
present emergency, persons who are non-Assamese settlers in Assam though they
already have lands and houses of their own and have made Assam their home to
all intents and purposes’ (Revenue Department no. 195/47/188 dated 4-5-1948,
cited in Chaudhuri 2002:64).
Nehru, however, was reluctant to accept Bordoloi’s proposition. Historian

Nirode Barooah writes that Nehru treated many of Bordoloi’s judgments on the
events of his own state with little respect” (Barooah 1990: 29-30). Nehru wrote to
Bordoloi that Assam was “getting a bad name for its narrow minded policy ” "it
is patent" wrote Nehru “that if land was not available in Assam, it is still less
available in rest of India Nehru threatened Bordoloi that “ifAssam adopts an

attitude of incapacity to help solve the refugee problem, then the claims ofAssam,
for financial help will obviously suffer” (Barooah 1990: 30-31).
Bordoloi in his response provided figures on the amount of wastelands

available in Assam. Leaving aside grazing reserves, he said there werp about
200,000 acres of wastelands available of which not more than 25,000 acres were
fit for reclamation. Moreover, he stated that Assam had its own problem of
landless families. Since Assam was an agricultural economy that remained
industrially backward, a popular Government could not ignore Assam4 s own need
for land. Bordoloi reacted to Nehru’s threat of withholding financial assistance to
Assam and wrote—it would be quite easy for you to throttle the province of its
existence by withholding the necessary help for its life and growth; but, I hope, it
will not be done, -not surely on the plea of our failure to solve this particular
problem (cited in ibid 31 -32).
Bordoloi’s assertion that Assam itself suffered from landlessness could

not be justified keeping in view the report submitted by Dorab Gandhi
Committee appointed by the Central Government to assess the availability of
fallow cultivable land in Assam (Choudhuri 2002: 64). The Committee reported
that 18 million acres of cultivable land could be used for the new settlers (ibid).
Moreover, Assam Government’s own assessment as given in its publication, the
problem ofAgricultural development / Assam Government Press 1946, Table VI:
8) and Industrial Planning and Development of Assam (Government of Assam
1948:6) also corroborated the same figure. The Census of India 1951 Vol: 22,
recorded that in Assam and adjoining areas, ‘the percentage of unused land is
highest among all the sub-regions of India’ (Choudhuri 2002:63). The Central
Government insisted that the vast tracts of wasteland in Assam should be utilised
for production as the available surplus was more than sufficient to accommodate
both refugees and indigenous landless people. The conflicting situation that arose
in the wake of rehabilitation of displaced Bengali Hindus to Cachar was reflected
in a letter written by Sriprakash to Jawaharlal Nehru citing the incident that had
taken place in the Conference between the Government of Assam and Mohanlal
Saxsena regarding refugee and rehabilitation work.
While discussions were going on, Mohanlal repeatedly lost his

temper and at last started flinging about the papers; despite my trying to
check him by pressing at his elbow again and again as he sat next to me.
As Governor I was presiding. Once he actually got up and said he would
have nothing to do with the whole bad business. That was hardly helpful
in the solution of the serious difficulties facing us. Bordoloi and the then
Chief Secretary Desai stiffened in their attitude, and at last a compromise
was come to that Cachar was to be looked after by the Government of
India while the work of the rest of the State was to be done by the Assam
Government. At that very time I felt that this was unfortunate but I was
helpless.
(Choudhury 1991: 180).
Sriprakash again wrote to Nehru
Cachar is predominantly Bengali district, and it is not very loyal

to the Government of Assam. The Government also does not feel as
much for it as they ought to. Desai had once told me “Cachar is no part
of Assam. Let it go. ” I, thereupon, told him that it is that spirit that had
lost us the valuable district of Sylhet and that I wish he would change his
attitude. I told Bordoloi also the danger of such an idea, and he fully
agreed that it had been a mistake handing over Cachar to the Government
of India for refugee work, for Cachar was a part of Assam and must
remain so. He deprecated Desai’s talk though I must-say Desai had very
great influence over the Government of his day. I had often explained to
the people of Cachar also that they should be reasonable, for their
attitude may result in disaster to themselves with Pakistan pressing on
them on one side and they being land-locked on all other sides as well.
Their welfare laid in their loyalty to Assam and not on their eternal
harping that they are Bengalis and so a separate people.
(ibid 181).
The Government did not get evacuee land1 for settlement of refugees from
Sylhet. Among the Muslims who were displaced from Cachar to Sylhet or other
parts of East Pakistan during communal violence, many came back to their home
after the Nehru- Liaquat Ali pact (Yugoshakti 29 September 1950). “The large
number of Muslims who had fled away due to riots and intimidation in Assam in
1950 and who returned home under the provisions of Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact
were not included in the Register” (National Register for Citizenship) [Ahamed
2011: 24]. So there was no extent of rehabilitating the refugees on evacuees land.
Moreover, in Cachar the pressure on land was high. Apart from Nowgong,
Cachar was the only plain district which had as large a proportion of its area 14.1
percent and population 31.1 percent in the highest density group of 750 and over.
The largest proportion both in terms of area and population was found in the
middle density group of 300-450. It could be assessed that four-fifths of its total
population had to remain content with less than two-thirds of its area. To put it
differently, while half of its population has to live on one-fourth of the area only,
the remaining one-half was able to spread itself over the three-fourths (Census of
India 1951: 52).
In view of the prevailing situation of conflict, the Central Government

took up the responsibility of refugees of Cachar from 1st May 1950 although the
relief and rehabilitation was a state subject. Shyama Prasad Reception
Committee, Silchar submitted a Memorandum to Shyamaprasad Mookherjee
when he visited Cachar. The Memorandum stated:
On 1st May 1950 the Central government directly took over the
responsibility of refugees in Cachar from the Assam Government. We
were not aware on whose initiative this change was made and what it
really meant.
(Memorandum Submitted by the Shyamaprasad

Reception Committee Silchar 1950, Government
of India 1950).
In order to implement the rehabilitation scheme,, an additional Relief and

Rehabilitation Commissioner was appointed to carry on the rehabilitation work in
Cachar. S.N Dasgupta was appointed as the Controller of Relief and

Rehabilitation in the district (Government of Assam, 1950). The Deputy
Commissioner of Cachar had to do neither any office work nor any outside duty
in connection with relief and rehabilitation of displaced persons in Cachar.
Though a senior Extra Assistant Commissioner of the status of Sub Divisional
Officer was appointed as a special officer to assist the Deputy Commissioner in
routine matters, he was primarily responsible for the rehabilitation of the
displaced persons in Cachar. He was therefore, required to visit the whole district
and also to sanction a huge amount of loan after due scrutiny of each and every
case. The Rehabilitation machinery in Cachar consisted of one Controller, one
Assistant Controller, Financial adviser and Accounts Officer, District Relief and
Rehabilitation officer and Six Inspectors as informed by Sri Ajit Prasad Jain, one
of the Central Ministers of Relief and Rehabilitation (Government of India
1955).Regarding other districts of Assam there were no such posts such as Relief
and Rehabilitation officer, Assistant Relief and Rehabilitation Officer, a Special
Officer, a Senior EAC etc. to implement the rehabilitation work. However, the
relief and rehabilitation of displaced persons in Cachar was transferred to the
Assam Government on 30 December 1954 for speedy implementation of the
schemes. Gyanendra Kumar Datta was the in-charge of rehabilitation in Cachar
district. R.V Subramanian who was then the Deputy Commissioner of Cachar
wrote to the Secretary, Government of Assam, Shillong that he had to clear up
the accumulated arrears and to speed up the formulation and implementation of
the schemes (Government of Assam 1954).
Ajit Prasad Jain in his address to the refugees in Cachar highlighted that
the British faced difficulties to rule India from far off London. Likewise, it was
difficult to conduct the rehabilitation work of Cachar from Delhi. But the
refugees of Cachar should not think that by entrusting the responsibility to the
Assam Government, the Central Government intended to ignore them
(Yugoshakti, 19 June 1954) [translation mine]. It was observed that though the
Assam Government was unsympathetic in the beginning realised their
responsibility later. They, however, felt that as public opinion was hostile and as
they had to have an eye on the vote, being politicians they could not absolutely
ignore public opinion. They, therefore, wanted to do this work quietly

(Choudhury 1991:173).
Arguments were raised in the Assembly and a member argued that “a

systematic and persistent campaign was conducted against Assam Government
by some people for sometime. When an agitation of this nature was made against
this government and when there was a challenge that nothing practically was
done for relief and rehabilitation of the refugees the Government of India had no
alternative but instituted an impartial enquiry committee. This committee after a
thorough investigation found that the relief and rehabilitation work done by the
Assam Government was satisfactory. In view to this, the Government of India
pushed the Assam government to take over the relief and rehabilitation work of
the Cachar district as well which had formerly been done by the Central
Government themselves” (Government of Assam, 1954).
6.3 Provision of Relief
The Government responded to the refugee problem on the basis of three

measures - relief, rehabilitation and general measures. When the influx was
heavy the Government of Assam felt the necessity of providing relief and
rehabilitation to the displaced. In the first stage, several reception and transit
camps were set up in the state especially in the border district of Cachar. Free
boarding and lodge were provided to the inmates of those camps. Different types
of camps were set up like Relief and Transit Camps, Permanent Liability camps
and Colony camps etc. (Government of Assam, 1958).
In view of huge number that began to pour in since 13 February 1950

with worst communal frenzy in East Pakistan urgently called for government
intervention and relief camps were opened at Karimganj, Badarpur, Hailakandi,
Silchar and other places successively. The relief camps in Cachar were originally
started by the Deputy Commissioner and handed over to the Controller of Relief
and Rehabilitation on 1st May 1950. Since then only 8 camps were maintained
after collecting all the refugees scattered in public buildings (mainly in
educational institutes) and other places (Census of India 1951:361). Initially,
relief work was undertaken under non-official management, for instance at

Karimganj from 13 February till the 8th of March and at Silchar from 24th
February up to the second week of March relief was solely managed by non
official organisations (Memorandum submitted to Shyama Prasad Mookherjee on
the occasion of his visit to Cachar on 23 June 1950). Ram Krishna Mission,
Voluntary Bahini, Municipality, Local Board, Merchant Association, Nari
Kalyan Samity, Mahilla Samity, doctors, teachers, Lawyers, Truck Associations
and businessmen, government servants - all came to the rescue of the refugees
either individually or collectively. Many volunteers sacrificed their sleep, rest,
and foods were engaged in the service of the people (Yugoshakti, 5 May 1950).
From May 1950, all relief operations were carried out by government employees.
Silchar Ram Krishna Mission helped to a great extent in starting a colony. Milk
was supplied free of cost in the colonies and rice for feeding children, obtained
from U.N.I.C.E.F was distributed to children (Census of India 1951: 362). All the
relief camps were abolished from 1st April 1951, and the inmates moved to the
rehabilitation colonies started by the government or to land secured by private
efforts (Census of India 1951: 361).
6.4 Rehabilitation Measures: Efforts of the Government
The Government’s policy on rehabilitation was primarily based on camp

refugees. It aimed at helping the refugees earn their livelihood without depending
on government. Moreover, the government had to take the responsibility of
destitute, unattached children, old and infirm. The schemes were broadly divided
into two— rural and urban, the former included both agricultural and non-
agricultural schemes. The Government of India had set up altogether 20 rural
colonies in the district of Cachar with a population of 42,256 (Census of India
1951: 363). Among these 10 were in Karimganj. No urban colony was set up in
the district (Government of Assam 1958). The colonies set up in Karimganj Sub
division in Cachar district are represented in the following table:
Table 6.3. Refugee Colonies in Karimganj
Name of the Area Number of Agricultural Non-

colony Families agricultural
1 .Maizgram 5328B-5k-llCh 1000 700 300
2.Dohaliya 67043-6k-2ch 1000 750 250
3.Sonebeal 10,000 b ighas 1600 1,359 250
4 Ram Krishna 2200 b ighas 600 250 350
Nagar
5.Dararpar 660 b ighas 149 60 90
6. Mohaltali 300 b ighas 100 100 Nil
7.Bazaricherra 1500 bighas 250 250 Nil
8.Basudevpur 1200 bighas 200 200 Nil
9 Kalinagar 1200 bighas 250 250 Nil
lO.Vaterbond 5173b-15K 15 Ch 600 400 200
Source: File No: Collected from the Government of Assam 1958
Table 6.3 shows the refugee colonies set up within Karimganj sub division with
the initiative of the government. Sonbeal accommodated more families than the
other colonies. It is found that the number of agriculturists was more than the
non-agriculturists.
6.4.1 Rural Housing
The Government allotted homestead plot to the refugees for constructing

their houses or to get loans for the purchase of homestead plots themselves. The
refugees occupied the plot as per their convenience. Ram Krishna Mission helped
the refugees in arranging land in Ram Krishna Nagar and Sonbeal area of
Karimganj. A sum of Rs. 30 was provided to the refugees for cutting and clearing
jungle. But from the field-survey, it was found that in most cases, the money was
misappropriated by the intermediaries though the signatures were taken from the
refugees. Consequently, the refugees themselves cut and cleared the jungle and
built straw houses for their survival. Two bundles of corrugated iron sheets were
provided to them by the government (My interface with Umesh Das on 6 June
2006). The house-building loan provided by the government to each agriculturist
refugee family in different rehabilitation colonies varied from Rs.200-350. In

some rehabilitation colonies the Government constructed houses for the refugees
(Government of Assam 1958).
6.4.2 Agriculture
The refugees were in urgent need of agricultural land to restore then-

livelihood. The government decided that the agriculturists from East Pakistan
whether landlords or ‘tenants-at will’ should be treated equally (Das 2000:5).
They were allotted land regardless of their size of holding in their ancestral place.
The refugees received part payment of rehabilitation loan under the Omnibus
Sanction of the Government of India while the administration of relief and
rehabilitation work in the district of Cachar was under their direct control at the
rate ranging between Rs. 417 to Rs.823 per agriculturist family. With the transfer
of rehabilitation to the Assam Government, the refugees received loan under the
Colonisation Scheme (Office of the Sub-divisional Officer, Relief and
Rehabilitation Branch Karimganj, Government of Assam 1953). The government
sanctioned a scheme to develop about 5,000 acres of land in rehabilitation
colonies in the district of Cachar at an expenditure of Rs.32 lakhs approximately
(Government of Assam 1958: 132). The reclamation work that was started under
the supervision of Central Tractor Organization had to be abandoned
subsequently. The CTO could not claim for more than 234 acres of land during
the period of their operation.
Another scheme of reclamation of land in the Dudpatil colony in the

district of Cachar had been sanctioned at an estimated cost of Rs. 58,130 only.
The Government of India requisitioned lands from private owners like Dewan
Manik Chand Estate, Baidyanath Mukherjee Estate, and the Indian Tea
Association etc. Besides, lands were requisitioned from individual owners too
(My conversation with Umesh Das on 6 June 2006). Land was acquired under the
Baghbar scheme. Walter Femandis and Gita Bharali observed that much of the
land used for refugee rehabilitation in Cachar was Common Property Resources
(Fernandes and Bharali 2011: 158). But from the field survey, it was found that a
large track of land used for rehabilitation was requisitioned by the government
from tea garden owners and individual landlords.
Interviews conducted with the refugees in various rehabilitation colonies

of Cachar explored that they were provided Rs. 620 as agricultural loan in fringe
installments. “The families who had already received some installment of loan
under the Omnibus Sanction of the Government of India might be given further
installment of loan not exceeding the limits admissible under the scheme loan
which should be given as far as possible in kind as and when required on the
usual conditions of repayment” (Government of India 1958).
Table 6.4 Rural Agricultural Loans provided to the Refugees (Karimganj

Sub-division)
Year Amount of Loan Number of Families benefited
!
(Rs.)
1950-51 6,87,600.00 1800
1951-52 10,31,400.00 1201
1952-53 3.47,300.50 340
1953-54 6,87,091.00 475
1954-55 2,01,338.00 428
1955-56 5,95,879.50 Nil
1956-57 2,48,601.50 101
1957-58 24,300.00 Nil
1958-59 3,775.00 Nil
/Up to 25.71$) 38,27,285.50 4345
Source: Statistical Survey of Displaced Persons 1955-56: Government of Assam.
In Table 6.6, it is significant to note that from 1950-51 to 1952-53 loans

was sanctioned under Ommibus Scheme when the rehabilitation work was
carried out by the Central Government. From 1953 onwards loans scheme was
implemented by the Assam Government.
6.4.3 Rural Non-Agriculture
The non-agriculturists were provided loan to start business or small trade

loan, and a maintenance grant for three months. The rural non-agricultural loan
amounting Rs.975 was provided to the refugees in fringe installments. The non-
agriculturist refugee family were provided house building loan of Rs.500

(Government of Assam 1958: 209).
Table 6.5 Rural Non-agriculture Loans (Karimganj Sub-division)
Year Amount ofLoan issued Number of Families benefitted

(Rs.)
1950-51 4,27,341.00 800
1951-52 1,42,446.00 216
1952-53 1,23,148.00 100
1953-54 2,19,610.00 145
1954-55 47,776.00 Nil
1955-56 2,69,594.50 Nil
1956-57 66,498.50 1
1957-58 2,400.00 Nil
1958-59 500.00 Nil
Total 12,99,314.50 1262
Source: Statistical Survey of Displaced Persons of 1955-56), Government of Assam.
Table 6.5 shows the amount of rural non-agricultural loan disbursed to the
refugees year wise in Karimganj sub division. In 1950-51, the number of refugee
families availing loans was more than subsequent years.
6.5 Urban Rehabilitation
6.5.1 Urban Housing
Urban House building loan was provided to those refugees who intended
to buy land within the Municipal Area. Displaced government servants were not
entitled to get housing benefits as they were gainfully employed by the
government. Their family members were not extended any rehabilitation benefit
as the head of such families was a government servant (Government of Assam
1955). Up to 1958, the Government extended Rs.9, 51,818 as urban house
building loan to 417 families in Karimganj (Government of India 1958).
/
6. 5.2 Urban Loan
The Controller of Relief and Rehabilitation was authorised to advance

urban house-building loans to displaced professional men like legakand medical
practitioners, engineers and urban business men etc. The amount sanctioned to
the refugees to start business was not more than Rs. 5000. Initially, the loan was
provided to them from the Shillong Relief and Rehabilitation Office through the
Relief and Rehabilitation Officer Silchar. However, in a Conference of the
Deputy Commissioners and Sub Divisional Officers held on 7 June 1958 at
Shillong, it was decided that the displaced persons would have to refer almost all
their cases of loan to Government of India directly for consideration and sanction
and the maximum limit was brought down from Rs.5000 to Rs. 3000
(Government of Assam 1958). The Government provided Rs.24, 41,117 as urban
business loan to 1383 families in Karimganj up to 1958 (Government of Assam
1958).
Table 6.6 Nature of Business with Urban Loan

Book Binding Oil Supply Business
Stationary and Grocery Ayurvedic Pharmacy
Cycle Rickshaw Manufacturing and Tailoring Shop
Hiring
Book Stall Hardware and Stationary business
Soap Factory Dry fish Business

Cotton and Till Soda Water Manufacturing.
Source: Collected from the Government of Assam 1955
Table 6.$ shows various categories of business taken up by the refugees with
urban loan in order to sustain their lives.The refugees took up the business
according to the contingency of the situation. It is found that some agriculturists
also took up urban business due to lack of opportunities in cultivation.
6.6 Repayment of Loan
The Rehabilitation Ministry of Government of India stated that “loans

should be recovered from those displaced persons who were in a position to pay,
but in cases where recovery of loans by auction or sale of property of the

displaced persons would result in making the displaced persons destitute, the
rules would be flexible. The Government of India asked the Assam Government
to examine whether the existing terms of repayment of rehabilitation loans were
reasonable” (Government of India 1950).
6.7 Industry, Training and Employment
The refugees who migrated to Cachar were not solely agriculturists by

profession. A large number of non-agriculturists also migrated to Cachar. In
view, there was an urgent need to create sustainable productive force to equip
them in alternative avenues like small scale industries. Therefore, they should not
be considered a burden on the state and society. Real rehabilitation to the
displaced lay in creating productive members of the community for the good of
the country (Government of India 1950 C: 1120).
Till 1954, no effort was undertaken to set up industries for providing

employment to the displaced refugees. Arguments were raised in the Assam
Assembly highlighting the need to set up industries in Cachar. One member from
Cachar argued that “the number of refugees in Assam was more than 4, 86,000 of
which more than half the numbers were in Cachar. The population of Cachar was
already very high and more than half the total area of the district was covered by
either tea gardens or hills and tillas and the rest which was available for
habitation, was densely populated and the pressure on land in Cachar had already
been very heavy. It had become almost impossible to accommodate such a large
number of refugees on land alone. In order to solve the problem, industries
should be established when distribution of land alone would not be sufficient for
an effective approach to solve this problem. If we could establish industries, a
large number of unemployed young men could be absorbed” (Government of
Assam 1957).
The rehabilitation department had sanctioned 4 training—cum production

centers, one each at Badarpur, Dohaliya, Ram Krishna Nagar and Hailakandi in
the district of Cachar. Each of these centers would provide employment to at least
120 displaced persons (Government of Assam 1958: 132). The Government of
India proposed to set up both cottage and small-scale industries. In case of

cottage industries financial assistance would be given to only displaced persons
but in case of small scale industries assistance might be given to non-displaced
persons also. However, in such cases preponderant number of beneficiaries must
be displaced persons. It was however, not clear if the same condition for
employment was applicable when the industrialist was a displaced person.
The post of technical officer was created to formulate various technical

and vocational schemes, cottage industry schemes and large and medium scale
industries. Considering the necessity of high powered technical officers for major
industries, cottage industries and industries connected with the use of Japanese
machinery a post of superintendent was created in training cum work centre
(Government of Assam 1955). Schemes for training of about 150 displaced
persons in course of draftsmanship, welding, pattern making, sheet metal work,
blacksmith, radio mechanics, electro plating and sanitation, electrical wiring,
fitting, turning and moulding was sanctioned at an approximate cost of Rs.5 lakhs
There was a provision of training facilities for displaced persons in Silchar
Training Institution. Necessary arrangements were made for providing training
facilities to the displaced students in weaving, paper making, book binding,
printing telegraphy and radio mechanics dhai course, basic training course, lac
cultivation, doll making etc. in different private and government institutions.
Surma Match and Industries Factory owned by Tularam Bhura provided
employment to displaced persons at Karimganj (Government of Assam 1958).
Six women were given government help for training in Dhai course (Census of
India 1951: 363).
A vocational training centre was attached to Women’s Ashram. Training

in wool knitting, caps, crochet knitting, weaving—scarf, chadar, table clothes,
towels, shirting, checks etc. were imparted in centers set up in Karimganj. About
35 women worked in the ginning factory of Tularam Bhura in Karimganj town
which provided them work for six months in the year. A production wing was
added to the centre so that they need not sit idle after the completion of their
training and could use their skills by producing goods which would command the
market (Government of Assam 1958: 52).
The Government of India created the post of Industries Officer in

February 1958 to help the private enterprise to establish industries for the
employment of displaced persons. Moreover, he was also expected to examine
proposals sent by these entrepreneurs to ascertain the employment potential as
well as the feasibility of such industries (ibid).
Table 6.7: Statistics in respect of Training of Displaced Persons:

Institutions -run by the State
Name of the Training Centers Amount Sanctioned Period

(Rs.)
Production Cum Training Centre at Ram 80,490 30.10.1956
Krishna Nagar
Produetion-cum-Training Centre at 80,490 30.10.1956
Dohaliya
Training cum Production Centre at 1,38,700 30.10.1956
Badarpur
Nilambazar Polytechnic Institution 21,900 11.12.1956
Karimganj
Training of Displaced Women at 12,400 11.12.1956
Hailakandi
Sericulture Industry in Maizgram 6,090 old Scheme 11.12.1956
Table 6.^- shows the training centers set up in different areas of Cachar and the
amount spent in different centers. It seems that the government spent more in the
training cum production centre at Badarpur.
6.7.1 Scheme for the Training and Employment of Refugee Girls in

Karimganj
In order to find suitable employment for a number of refugee girls in

Karimganj, the Mahilla Samity in Silchar in collaboration with the government
decided to provide training to them. “The period of training was limited to 3
months for each batch of trainees. They would be sent to interior places to show
the method of training and the products of the skill to other girls -both refugees
and residents. The Samity proposed to open new centers for those trained girls.
The products would be made over to the Samity who will pay them a reasonable
price for their labour and then arrange for their sale in Karimganj in the building
in which the Central training Centre would be located. The land belonging to the
Government High School which lies to the South of the Girls’ High School in
Karimganj will be an ideal plot as the new center would be near to all educational
Institutions. The scheme has four sections — typewriting, weaving, sewing, and
lather fancy good manufacturing. The first section can not give the Samity any
outturn on the capital outlay. The other three branches will bring in a substantial
income after two or three months as Karimganj has a market for such
manufactured goods. The refugee population, itself coming as they do in
destitution and troubles, may require a lot of such things for their day to day use”
(Government of India 1950-51)
6 .7.2 Basic Training Centre at Udharband, Cachar
This Centre trained students in the junior basic as well as senior basic
course. Hareshwar Sharma was the principal of the centre. There were 152
students (52 girls and 100 boys) including 12 senior trainees on roll. Out of these
15 (10 girls and 5 boys) were relief and rehabilitation department stipendiary.
r
After the termination of their course, which would occur in 1958, they were
likely to be absorbed in the schools run by the School Board of Assam
(Government of Assam 1958).The number of students (sponsored by the Ministry
of Rehabilitation) who appeared from this Centre since 1951 were as follows -
Table 6.8: Number of students appeared from the Basic Training Centre
Udharband
Year Number of Students Appeared

1951-52 —
1952-53 —
1953-54 9
1954-55 14
1955-56 13
1956-57 —
Table 6<§ shows the number of refugee students appeared from the Basic
Training Centre, Udharband. Since the government took time to provide
training to the refugees we found that in the year 1951-1953, no student appeared
from the centre. However, the number of students appeared from the centre was
more in the year 1954-55.
Table 6.9. Training Courses imparted to the Refugees in Cachar and the
number of Trainees appeared
Course Period Number of Trainees

Leather January 1957 8
Carpentry February 1957 15
Cane Work February 1957 10
Weaving February 1957 10
Bricks February 1957 10
Tailoring February 1957 10
Sheet Metal February 1957 10
Source: Collected from the Government of Assam 1958 (Assam Tour Notes)
Table 6-1 shows the various activities on which the government imparted training
to the displaced persons. However, the number of refugees admitted in such
institutions was low in comparing to the size of the influx.
Table 6.10. Expenditure incurred by the Government in Women’s Ashram.
Name Amount (Rs.) Year

Brindaban Dhatri Sikshalaya and Nari
9,000 1955-56
Siksashram
Vocational Training Scheme for
inmates of the Women Ashram’s at 21,735 1956-57
Silchar
Vocational Training Scheme for
inmates of the Women Ashram’s at 56,841.45 1956-57
Karimganj
Source: Government of Assam/1958.
Table 6.1® determines the amount spent on vocational training to the displaed
women refugees.lt is indicated that the government spent more in Karimganj
vocational training centre in the year 1956-57.
6.8 Scheme of Markets for the Refugees
A market was constructed in Moglapatty (present Madan Mohan Road)

area in Karimganj town. The refugees took the possession of the rooms in rent for
business through municipality. The market was known as Utvastu Bazar, the
present Madan Mohan Road (My conversation with Makhan Mohari on 5
October 2006). Schemes were sanctioned for setting up markets in Silchar and
Karimganj (Government of Assam 1958). In rehabilitation colonies small
markets were set up by the government with the assistance of the refugees and
the social workers (interviewed Birendra Deb on 23 May 2006).A refugee market
was set up near Badarpur railway station consisting of 150 shops of different
varieties (My conversation with Harendra Das on 12 October 2006).
6.9 Indian Tea Association Scheme
The Indian Tea Association in Cachar District extended their co-operation

in the rehabilitation of 3,500 displaced families in 82 tea garden lands.
Accordingly the Government of India requisitioned land from the tea-garden
authorities, surveyed, demarcated and then distributed these to the refugees.

However, there was no written agreement or bond concluded between the Indian
Tea Association and the Government of India. It appeared from the notes of
discussion between the representations of the I.T.A and the Joint Secretary to the
Government of India, the Ministry of Rehabilitation that the representatives of
the I.T.A had verbally assured to resettle these families on the surplus wastelands
of their tea gardens. “The I.T.A authorities had offered about 5000 bighas of
unreclaimed patit lands consisting of some jungle tillas meant for homestead and
deep marshy lands covered under water hyacinth meant for agricultural purposes
to the refugees. The land was provided at the rate of 9 bighas per family with
proprietary rights thereon to the I.T.A Refugees. The non-I.T.A refugees were
also allotted lands for homesteads only at the rate of 3 bighas or so per family
and along with it the allotment slips were issued in the name of the respective
families by the Relief and Rehabilitation branch” (Office of the Deputy
Commissioner Cachar, 1950).
The refugees cleared the jungles after cutting earth from the top of the
tillas and put their best effort to make these fit for homestead. They built their
respective huts on the tillas and began to live there with their family members.
Thereafter, they cleared the water hyacinths from the marshy land and began to
make the land suitable for boro-paddy cultivation which took 2/3 years of their
hard labour to bring the land under plough. After reclamation, the refugees
mutually distributed and demarcated the land among them and cultivated their
respective lands. They also caught fish from their respective Dubas and khet
lands for rearing fish. They maintained their families mainly in the income
derived by way of paddy cultivation. Displaced families would be primarily
engaged in the cultivation of jute and paddy and each family would be given 3
acres of cultivable land (Let Facts Speak 1950: Jatindra Mohan Bhattacharjee
Sangrahashala, Kolkata).
The Central Government spent Rs.17, 45,000 as grant and Rs.14, 93,200/
as loan for the I.T.A refugees when relief and rehabilitation of Cachar district was
administered by them. The Assam Government spent an amount of Rs. 877,425
as rehabilitation loan (Government of Assam File 1958).The Government had

since sanctioned financial assistance of Rs.14 lakhs to 1600 I.T.A families in
addition to an expenditure of about Rs.2, 200,000 incurred by the Government of
India over the original scheme when the relief and rehabilitation of displaced
persons in Cachar was under their responsibility.
Among the 3,500 displaced families in the tea Gardens 2,621 families
were declared to be agriculturist. Out of the agriculturist families 395 families
deserted the colonies due to non-availability of adequate and suitable land, lack
of gainful employment in the colony and uncongenial atmosphere. The non
agriculturist families were not given maintenance allowance after six months but
were given non-agricultural loan on the merit of each case with a ceiling of Rs.
400 per family.
Meanwhile, a garden wise investigation was carried out with regard to

land position of the actual agricultural families and it transpired that about 532
families out of 2,621 did not receive any agricultural loan. Out of 532 landless
families, 317 were shifted to Yeterbond and Kalinagar area where land was
available to them. Out of the remaining 215 families, about 160 families were
given land on the evacuee property at Ghumra with additional loan. The rest had
moved to Ghumra individually (Government of India 1950).
It is pertinent to mention that the Government was unable to grant house

building loans to the I.T.A refugeess as they did not have necessary legal rights
and title over the land in their possession. The draft agreement signed between
the garden authorities and the government gave the displaced persons mere right
of possession for ten years with a right of removal for further period of ten years
subject to prior determination. The I.T.A prevented the displaced persons from
mortgaging even their right to possession. The Deputy Commissioner of Cachar
was requested to move the I.T.A Authorities in consultation with the government
pleader to revise the draft agreement so as to enable the displaced persons to
acquire a legal right over the lands. If the I.T.A authority did not agree, the only
alternative would be to acquire these lands (Deputy Commissioner’s Office
Cachar 1950).
Table 6.11 I.T.A Colonies in Karimganj
Date ofAcquisition Name of the Colony Land
Rc-5 1959-60 Isabeel 450 bighas

4.9.1960-61 Singlachara 270 bighas
2/60-61 Patharia 84 bighas 6 kantha
3/60-61 Eraligul 222 bighas
5/60-61 Chorgula 784 bighas
RC-6/59-60 Solgoi 424 bigha
♦
2k/61-62 Bubrighat 162 bighas
3k/60-61 Mukhamchara 465, 9 kantha, 13 chattak
4k/60-61 Kalachara 80 bigha, 7 kantha, 8 chattak
7/60-61 Gambhira 647,8 kantha,
5K /60-61 Manikraja 149 bigha, 15 kantha,
Source: Relief and Rehabilitation Branch, Deputy Commissioner’s Office,

Karimganj 1960-61
Tabe 6.Jiexplores the locations wherein I.T.A camps were set up along with the
quantum of land provided in each colony. The area covered under Chorgula was
more than the other refugee colonies.
6.10 General Measures:
6.10.1 Education
The government’s responses in matters of education were three-fold — the

establishment of newer schools, colleges and technical institutes, the
enhancement of student’s intake in the already existing ones, provision of
stipends to the refugee students on a merit-cum means basis and finally the
provision of vocational and job-oriented training to them by way of reserving
seats for them (Das 2000:24). A scheme was sanctioned by the government
whereby financial assistance to the displaced students for their studies was
sanctioned. Under this scheme, school students were granted free studentship and
cash grants for purchase of books and stationeries etc. and the college students
and students of technical and professional schools were granted stipends at rates
varying from Rs.30 or Rs.60 per month depending on the cost of education.
Assam, Tripura and other states in the Eastern zone received grants for the
benefit of the displaced children. The total expenditure sanctioned by the Union
Ministry of Rehabilitation on the provision of facilities for primary education
alone was Rs.5.22 crores (ibid).
Table 6.12 Education Scheme, Silehar
Year Amount (Rs.) Students
1951-52 1,20,339 6,538
1952-53 1,10,460 6,390
1953-54 1,47,934 6,844
1954-55 2,03,538 10,894
1955-56 268,877 10,405
1956-57 2,90,028 7,065
1957-58 3,04,919 7,447
Total 1,446095 37583
Table 6.1^, shows the amout spent by the government year wise regarding the
education of the displaced students. Since 1951 upto 1958 the Govemmemt spent
’Rs. 1446095 for 37583 students. The number of students benefited was more in
the year 1954-55.
The Government set up 16 Lower Primary schools in the rehabilitation

colonies in Cachar. The teachers from among the refugees were recruited for the
temporary schools set up in the vicinity of the camps. In Table 6.1^ we have
shown the year wise expenditure in connection with pay of teachers, contingency
and for construction etc.
Table 6.13: Pay of Teachers, Contingency and Construction

Year Amount Spent (Rs.)
1951-52 20,844
1952-53 15,197.50
1953-54 20,978
1954-55 18,741.25
1955-56 15.876.00
1956-57 21,709.00
1957-58 34,174,64
Total 1,47,520.39 N.P
Table 6.11, shows the amount spent on teachers, contingency and construction of
school buildings. From 1951-58 the Government spent Rs.147, 520.39 for
salaries of teachers, contingency and construction.
The wards/children of displaced government servants of class IV were

eligible only for financial assistance to pursue their education. In view of
Government of India’s decision, it was not possible to offer educational facilities
to the wards /children of refugee officers drawing not more than Rs.250 (except
in cases of wards). A total of 25 school going children of the unattached destitute
women in the state were accommodated in the Ram Krishna Mission Hostel at
Cherrapunji under a specific scheme for their maintenance and education. The
Government had sanctioned Rs.25,000 to the Mission authority for the
construction of the hostel building. A Scheme for construction of a Dormitory at
Flam Krishna Nagar in the district of Cachar for accommodating 50 boys of the
unattached destitute women’s Homes was also sanctioned (Government of Assam
1958: 158).
Up to 1958 financial assistance of Rs. 2, 39728.32 was provided to 6749

students in Karimganj and Rs.14,46,095 to 55,583 students in Cachar
(Government of Assam 1958.: 158). In addition to these stipends, the Ministry of
rehabilitation had sanctioned the opening of new secondary schools in different
colonies and the expansion of accommodation in some of the existing secondary
schools to take in more displaced students. Stipends were given for pursuing
education in arts, science or medical or engineering and professional institutes to
promising displaced students.
Provision for educational facilities for displaced students in the Assam

Agriculture College, the Assam Vetenary College and the Cotton College,
Guwahati had also been made. The Gurucharan College Silchar received grants
from the rehabilitation department though it was not enough given the enrollment
of a large number of displaced students (Government of Assam 1958).
6.10.2 Health and Sanitation
The Government set up 11 medical units, 2 full fledged dispensaries in

rehabilitation colonies in Cachar and 4 medical units in Karimganj refugee
colonies. Construction of an additional ward with 12 beds was attached to Silchar
Civil Hospital. A non-recurring expenditure was sanctioned for construction of a
20 bedded ward for displaced tuberculosis patients, 20 beds in the B.M.C Alipur,
Cachar. Maintenance allowance to displaced T.B patients and their dependence
were given according to a scheme taken up by the Government of India in this
regard. American Missions were allowed grants in aid for segregating and
maintaining leper patients from among the refugees (Census of India 1951: 363).
Table 6.14 Amount Spent on Medical aid and Sanitation in Cachar
Year Amount spent (Rs.)

1953-54 39,710.08
1954-55 22,666.11
1955-56 13.073
1956-57 13,655.50
1957-58 36.200.60
Table 6.1^shows the year wise accounts of the amount spent in medical aid and
sanitation in Cachar from 1953-58.Though the camps were set up in the year
1950, due to non-avaiability of data we could not reproduce the figure from
1950-52.
Table 6.15 Medical Aid and Sanitation in Women’s Ashram

Year Amount Spent (Rs.) Persons
1953-54 10,033.81 1253
1954-55 16,830.25 1310
1955-56 7,578.17 1287
1956-57 10,801.52 1506
1957-58 11,547.72 1599
Total 56791.47 6955
Source: Collected from the Government of Assam 1958.
Table 6.1^ shows the amount spent on medical and sanitation in Women Ashram
in Cachar. Since 1953-58 the government spent Rs.56791.47 on medical aid and
sanitation to Women Ashram. The number of inmates in the said Ashram stands
at 6955.
6.11 Implementation of the Schemes
The displaced refugees were in desperate need of food, shelter, medical

facilities and money.The immediate task before the newly formed Government of
India was to provide relief to the refugees which meant provision of food,
clothing, accommodation, medical treatment, administration of camps etc.
(Government of India 1948C: 642). The State’s effort at framing of policies of
rehabilitation for the refugees dawned much later when it realised that the
refugees would not go back to their native place despite persistent efforts. As far
as the meaning of rehabilitation is concerned, the dictionary explains it as the
process of re-installing or re-establishing one in the esteem of others. Thus, it can
be understood to imply the restoration of lost livelihood. However, resettlement
refers to physical relocation of the displaced people. Rehabilitation is thus
understood as involving certain measures of permanent re-settlement
(Government of India 1948 A: 641). But the government was not specific about
relief, resettlement and rehabilitation and all three were used synonymously. The
difficulties of the government in conceptualising the three prevented the
government in implementing the schemes scientifically.
Though the Government adopted 25 schemes in the district of Cachar but

in actual practice, the schemes were not implemented judiciously. From the
inception, conflict grew between the Central Government and the Assam
Government regarding the rehabilitation of refugees in Cachar and the refugees
suffered as a consequence. Despite the existence of legal regime, relief and
rehabilitation was carried on primarily as an administrative rather than a legal
exercise. The ad-hoc approach of the government to the exigencies of the
•3
situation significantly affected the proper implementation of the schemes.
The rehabilitation of refugees in Cachar was carried out in two phases -

From May 1950 - to 1953 the Central Government took over the rehabilitation of
refugees in Cachar though it was a state subject. From 1952fonwards, the task of
rehabilitation was entrusted to the Assam Government. During Central
administration, a lot of complicacy arose regarding the distribution of land. One
Member of the Parliament elected from Cachar argued that the rehabilitation of
refugees in Cachar was carried out by the Central Government but most of the
refugees who took shelter in the district were largely agriculturists who urgently
needed lands. But it was found difficult without Assam Government’s
concurrence (Government of Assam 1955). Moreover, the Controller of
Rehabilitation in charge of Cachar had to work under the direction of Calcutta
Relief and Rehabilitation Office. Hence, it was absolutely difficult for the
officials stationed at Calcutta to understand the ground realities related to
rehabilitation in Cachar.
The Government’s policy on rehabilitation was primarily concentrated on

the camp refugees. Hence, a large number of non-camp refugees were deprived
of the rehabilitation benefits. Renuka Roy who was the Minister of Relief and
Rehabilitation, Government of West Bengal, 1952-57 observed, “The most
serious defect in the policy adopted towards the East Bengal refugees, to my
mind had always been the differentiation between the camp and non-camp
refugees... It was our misfortune and tragedy that we had not been able to
convince the Union Ministry of Rehabilitation that the problem of East Bengal
refugees was mainly the problem of non-camp refugees” (Renuka Roy Papers
Sub File No 3 :2).
The regular change of definition of ‘refugees’ by the government pushed

the refugees in distress as many of them even being genuine refugees could not
avail rehabilitation benefits. For example, the government made a classification
of old refugees and the new refugees - those who migrated during 1947-49 were
considered as “old refugees” and the others who migrated after communal
violence in 1950 as “new refugees”. For old refugees the government did almost
nothing except giving rice to some of the families and petty loans varying from
Rs.25 to Rs. 400 to few of them. High ranking officers of the Central
Government in Cachar district declared that their responsibility towards the old
refugees who according to them must have settled during the past two and half
years had ceased and their responsibility was now limited to the new refugees
only. But the government failed to see that a lot of old refugees were deprived of
rehabilitation benefits.
(Memorandum submitted to Shyama Prasad Mookherjee by S.P

Mookherjee Reception Committee, Silchar 20 May 1950, Government of
India 1950).
The Government provided food, clothing shelter and medical facilities to

the refugees on adhoc basis. It was only on July 1958 the Government of Assam
constituted a State Advisory Board to advice on the formulation of the final plans
to liquidate the problem of rehabilitation of displaced persons in the state within
the Second Five-year Plan (Government of Assam 1958).Though the
Government set up the Board to formulate the final plan but in actual practice it
intended to wind up the rehabilitation in a hurry. The State Advisory Committee
was constituted with politicians instead of experts like engineers, educationalist,
doctors, students etc. Thus lack of sensitivity and real zeal of work, proper co
ordination between the authority and the refugees significantly retarded the
proper implementation of the schemes.
The Government provided loan to the refugees but wrong method of

disbursement prevented a large number of them to use it for gainful purpose. The
Central Government gave only mindless ad-hoc assistance to the East Pakistan
refugees in the form of loans, it had no rehabilitation policy. The refugees could
not gainfully use the rural agricultural loan of Rs.600 and business loan of Rs.
975 as these loans were provided in fringe installments. In Calcutta and Tripura
these two categories of loans were discarded but in Cachar these outmoded
schemes were implemented. The wrong procedure of disbursement of loan was
criticised by some leaders of the Parliament, Assam Assembly, the refugee
leaders, politicians and non-state actors (Government of Assam 1954). The
leaders alleged that the corrupt and bureaucratic way of dealing with
rehabilitation and the wrong policy of advancing loan to the refugees to safeguard
the interests of zaminders and money lenders and tea garden interests were the
principal cause of the failure of the refugee rehabilitation in the district. In
various meetings, the refugee leaders of Cachar urged upon the government to
review the system of loan to the refugees by installment and demanded to pay the
sanctioned loan at a time and to amend the present rules governing the grant of
loan against the land purchased by the refugees on 20 years lease. Mehr Chand
Khanna, the Central Rehabilitation Minister in his visit to Cachar was surprised
to know about such system of lease imposed on refugees by the Assam
Government (Yugoshakti, 20 April 1956) but nothing was done to amend this. In
some I.T.A colonies the authorities took joint loan bonds from the refugees that
created a complicated situation. In protest against this, several meetings were
held in which the refugee leaders urged upon the government to accept
individual loan bond instead of joint loan bond from the recipients of the loan
(Arunabond IT.A Colony, Dararpur Refuge colony, Dayapur Refuge colony and
Larsing Refuge colony etc. the authorities accepted joint loan bond). Chaitram
Gidwani, the President of All India Refugee Association attended a refugee
convention at Silchar and stated that there was no well thought out plan of
rehabilitation of refugees in Cachar. The loan money was too small. This view
v/as shared by many.
Interviews conducted with the refugees corroborated with the record of

the Government of Assam, rehabilitation department. It was found that a number
of refugees applied for urban business loans to start business in 1950 but most of
them got the sanctioned amount in three or four installments and it took a couple
of years to get the whole amount. It is pertinent to mention that many of them
started business with the initial loan amount and could not invest further capital
due to lack of resources. The government help did not come at the hour of need
and the refugees had increasing difficulties to feed the relatively large family.
There were also cases where some refugees applied for loan in 1950 but till 1955
they did not get any loan (Government of Assam 1958). A large number of
refugees of Karimganj complained to the Controller of Relief and Rehabilitation
of Cachar district that the condition of the refugees was dismal. Some of them did
not get any loan even if their applications were long been investigated. There
were also allegations that some non-refugees also availed rehabilitation benefits
by influencing the rehabilitation officials (My Interview with Satish Das on 2
June 2006).
There was approximately 34,000 bighas of land in Cachar for the

rehabilitation of the displaced persons in four rehabilitation colonies l.Vaterband
2. Dohaliya 3. Kalinagar 4. Dhramshasan at an approximate cost of Rs.32, 00,000
was sanctioned by the Government of India and works were started by the
Central Tractor Organisation. But the scheme was dropped as the C.T.O could
not comply with its agreement in respect of the reclamation work and the actual
work fell far short of the target set forth in the agreement. The Agriculture
Department of the State Government did not have adequate number of tractors
for undertaking the reclamation work. So the reclamation work had to be
abandoned half way thereby creating great inconveniences to the refugees. The
rehabilitation colonies were in jungly tillas and were totally unfit for cultivation.
As the reclamation was stopped, it was not possible for the refugees to cultivate
such unreclaimed land. In many cases, the land needed years of toil to make it fit
for cultivation.
The agriculturists had to procure agricultural implements and plough

bullocks for cultivation by the loan money received under the type scheme.
However, from the field studies as well as from the government records, it was
found that most of the families did not possess complete set of plough bullocks
and agricultural implements. Some families possessed no agricultural implement

whatsoever and carried on with their agricultural activities with the help of
borrowed or hired implements. Even the borrowed or hired implements were
arranged with great difficulty as the entire neighbourhood being flooded with
refugees faced more or less the same kind of problems. The necessity for
enabling them to meet their requirement of fall set of plough and bullocks was
keenly felt. The families received a sum of Rupees 32 per family for the purchase
of agricultural implements under type scheme. An investigation revealed that
these implements had, in many cases, become worn out and were not fit for any
more use (Government of India 1956).
The Indian Tea Association who was involved in the rehabilitation of

refugees had neither experience nor zeal to work for the marginalised refugees.
The plight of the I.T.A refugees was much more disastrous. In Cachar, there had
been an arrangement made with tea planters which evoked serious criticisms
from various comers (My interview with Shymal Debnath on 20 October 2006).
The representatives of the I.T.A had verbally assured to resettle the families in
the surplus waste land of their Tea garden. Hence, no legal stand could be taken
in this regard. As regards the loans advanced to the I.T.A for disbursement to the
displaced persons screened under the I.T.A Scheme, no paper proof was issued
when these loans were recovered. Although it was the responsibility of the I.T.A
authority to recover loans to the displaced persons under the I.T.A scheme, it was
the Assam Government who actually did it. Moreover, the I.T.A authorities
advanced loans to the displaced persons without having any bond executed by
them in most cases. In 1962 the government closed the I.T.A branch of the relief
and rehabilitation in the overwhelming presence of landless people and
retrenched labourers. Shyamaprasad Mookherjee Reception Committee, Silcahr
submitted a Memorandum highlighting the plight of the I.T.A Refugees. The
Memorandum stated that
Amongst the refugees disposed of under this scheme, a large

number came back on account of the rough and wild conditions of the
camps and for want of proper management and hospitable treatment. A
residue of about 15,000 is staying there but no cultivable land has yet
been given to them. Reports of deaths especially of children and

sufferings from diseases such as malaria, dysentery and ophthalmic in an
epidemic form reached the Central Refugee Board from different tea
gardens, and it is regrettable that no permission was accorded to the
representatives of the Board to visit these gardens.
(Memorandum submitted to Shyama Prasad Mookherjee

on his visit to Cachar on 23 June 1950).
To provide education to the displaced refugee children, the government

adopted various measures. However, due to lack of co-ordination between the
rehabilitation officials and the school authorities many refugee students were
deprived of the said benefits. The rehabilitation sites were in far flung jungle
areas like Dohaliya, Maizgram, Ram Krishna Nagar etc. where there was no
school building. Initially some straw houses were built and teachers were
recruited from among the refugees. There were also instances where the teachers
had to work without pay in congested classroom crowded with students. A
Memorandum on behalf of the Lower Primary Teachers Association, Karimganj
sub division was submitted to the Union Minister of Rehabilitation. The
Memorandum stated that it was since 1950 that the teachers in these institutions
were at service but they did not have permanent school structures and furniture.
Moreover, there was no arrangement for proper payment of salary. The payment
was made once or twice in a year creating extreme inconveniences to them as
they did not have any other sustaining means to support their families. The
Memorandum further stated that the payment made per month was Rs. 30 to
Rs.35 which was below the salary of even a peon under relief department who
draws more than this with necessary allowances (Government of Assam 1955).
When the influx had dwindled to a mere trickle during 1957 it was
decided that migrants coming after 1st April 1958 would not be eligible for
rehabilitation assistance. Consequently, a certain category of displaced persons
were not regarded as displaced students for the purpose of educational
concessions. A deputation of displaced persons from East Pakistan who met the
Minister of Rehabilitation on 2 December 1958 represented that under the
restricted definition some poor and deserving students were denied the benefit of
stipend and free ship. The whole education policy came under a fresh review and
it was agreed to taper off the annual grants by stages. Lack of proper co
ordination between the Central Rehabilitation Office and the School authorities
deprived the students to get the stipends and freeship. As there was no uniformity
in distribution of loan to the refugees, many in the process were excluded from
the benefit. In one such example regarding allocation of stipends to the refugees’
students, the government asked the school authority of a Girl’s school in
Karimganj to send a list of 50% of the refugee girl students when many of them
deserved the loan. This was done with the liaison of the local relief officers. The
School authority found it difficult to discriminate the refugee students but had to
oblige the order. But at the end of the day no grant was provided. The
rehabilitation office of Shillong informed that they could release the amount if
sent by the school authority. The school authority on the other hand informed that
they would disburse if money would come (Yugoshakti 1950).
Argument was raised in the Assam Assembly that there was no scope to
study BSC in Cachar. So the students had to enroll in Cotton College in Guwahati
which was almost impossible for the poor refugees. It was also an irony that for
getting admission in the said institution a student from Cachar had to take
certificate from the Deputy Commissioner. But the students from other districts
were not required to submit identity card to prove their nativity (Government of
Assam 1954). The attitude of discrimination as shown by the Assam Government
invariably had negative impact on the career prospect and education of the
displaced students in Cachar.
The official statistics did not really reflect the amount spent by the
government on health and sanitation. In almost all the rehabilitation centers, the
medical facility was absolutely inadequate. Consequently, the casualty in terms
of death or diseases was high (Yugoshakti, 16 November 1950). Newspaper
report corroborated with the interviews conducted with the victims of Partition in
Cachar. Many people died in rehabilitation colonies like Dohaliya, Vaterband,
and Maizgram etc. Many others suffered from diseases due to lack of food and
drinking water (Yugoshakti, 22 August 1952). Scarcity of drinking water was a

common problem in almost all rehabilitation centers.4
The government wanted to provide employment to the refugees by

setting-up industries but lack of proper co-ordination and misunderstanding
between the Center and the Assam Government no substantial progress could be
made. It was found that with effect from 31 December 1958 there had not been
any appreciable progress in the matter of setting up industries for the
rehabilitation of the displaced persons in the slate P.V Gopalan, Deputy
Secretary Government of India, Ministry of Rehabilitation Calcutta wrote to
Additional Secretary to the Government of Assam, Rehabilitation Department
Shillong, “As there had not been any appreciable progress in the matter of setting
up of industries for the rehabilitation of displaced persons in the state, we felt that
there was no sufficient justification for the continuation of the post of industrial
officer any further. Action might therefore be taken immediately in any case by
the 31st December 1958 at the latest to abolish the post of industries officer and
the staff attached to him” (Government of Assam 1958). The State Government
on the other hand, expressed their resentment against this decision of the Center.
A statement was made on behalf of the Assam Government that “The proposed
action of the Government of India in this respect appeared arbitrary and the
reason put forward by Government of India for the abolition of the post did not
hold good in comparison to the achievement made in the setting up of industries
by the industry officer during the short period of the last 10 months for which he
had been holding the office of the industries officer” (ibid).
The Assam Government officials involved in rehabilitation complained

that they had to struggle hard to obtain the post and the Government of India was
pressing hard to set up more small and cottage industries for the proper
rehabilitation of the displaced persons in the State. They conceded that they
would face difficulties if the post was abolished suddenly at a time when the
State Government was planning to set up more industries in near future. “We
were at a loss to understand how the Government of India proposed to the State
Government to solve the rehabilitation problem in the State. In view of this
perhaps we could not bear the challenge of the Government of India calmly.
Industries officer might be requested to furnish a note regarding the achievement
made in setting up industries to enable them to send a suitable reply to the
Government of India for the retention of the post till the end of the second plan
period” (Government of Assam, 1958).
The Government set up training cum production centers at Badarpur,

Dohaliya, Ramkrishna Nagar and Hailakandi in the district of Cachar but these
centers could not function long and were soon closed down (Government of India
1958). The refugees registered their protest against the closure of those
institutions but it hardy had any impact on the Government (Yugoshakti 20 July
1958).There were a large number of displaced persons scattered throughout the
Karimganj sub division with only four inspectors two of whom were placed
extensively in charge of three colonies viz Ram Krishna Nagar, Kali nagar, and
Dharamshasan. They were overburdened and found it difficult to work under
increasing odds. Therefore, generating employment to the refugees through
industrial pursuits did not meet with much success.
The discriminatory attitude of the Government of Assam with regard to

employment to the Bengali Hindu displaced was reflected in a letter written by
the Governor Sriprakash to Nehru,
It is time that the Government of Assam like the Government of

other States took seriously in hand the problem of proper recruitment in
their services. The Public service Commission that consists of two
persons had practically nothing to do and I doubt it is well-manned
either. The Bengali element in the services suffered from a sense of deep
frustration feeling that it had no position there and that justice was not
being done to it. Pandit told me of a few such cases also. Whether Assam
recruits Bengalis or not in its services in the future, so far as those who
were already their employees were concerned, their being Bengali should
be no bar to their receiving the promotion and other amenities to which
they would otherwise be entitled to...
(Choudhury 1981: 177)

6.12 Voices of the Refugees: Aspirations Raised, Expectations Denied
The refugees who faced persecution in their ancestral land in Sylhet /East
Pakistan migrated to Cachar in the hope of rebuilding their lives. They
anticipated that they would have the best prospect in Cachar of finding shelter,
social support and employment. Though various non-state actors provided
emergency relief and shelter and sacrificed their comforts for the sake of the
refugees, the role of the state and its subsidiary organs was desperately poor and
chaotic.
In many areas like Patel Nagar, Putni Tea Garden and other vacant areas
the refugees rehabilitated themselves individually with their painstaking efforts
(interviewed Nirmalendu Purkayasta on 12 June 2006). In many vacant areas of
Cachar the refugees rehabilitated themselves individually.Thus in the hypothesis,
we have stated that a large number of individuals rehabilitated themselves
individually is true. Doles outside the camps so far given in Tripura, West Bengal
and Cachar Division of Assam were stopped suddenly. Instructions were issued
that no doles to displaced persons residing outside camps in the district of
Cacahar (Assam) should be given after 31 October 1950.A monthly grant of
R.s.5000 for three months commencing from 1 November 1950 was placed at the
disposal of the Controller of Relief Rehabilitation, Cachar to enable him to
extend financial assistance to really destitute persons (Government of India 1950:
358).
The host society of Karimganj provided emergency food and shelter to the
refugees and relief camps were set up with both government and private
initiatives to shelter the helpless refugees. Despite this, several hundreds had to
stay in open pavement almost without food and medicine. The children were
found begging in the Karimganj town Ekti poisa Dao (Yugoshakti, 22nd April
1950) [give me a paisa]. A refugee woman who took shelter in Karimganj from
the other part of Sylhet remorsefully narrated “Ekti Kolomer achar e Amra
nijeder zillay utbastu holam. Er ceye dukkho aar Id hote pa re (with the stroke of
a writing we were turned into refugees in our own district, this is the greatest
irony (translation mine) [My conversation with Ashalata Ayan on 12 June 2006].
A large number of middle class refugees were reluctant to acknowledge

their refugee status and this prevented them to take shelter in the relief camps.
Some of them had some connections with relatives, friends and acquaintances
since pre-partitioned times which helped in rebuilding their lives. The Bengalis of
Cachar and Hailakandi were largely caste Hindus, who had connection with their
ancestral land in Sylhet (My conversation with Sujit Choudhuri on 10 June 2005).
By virtue of either the support of their kith or friends they plunged into the grim
struggle of survival which invariably provided them physical and moral support
to face the initial stroke of the catastrophe.
There were some others who could not gamer such support yet responded
with all vigour in the process of rebuilding their lives. They were more
enterprising and dynamic refugees who intensified their struggle with hard work
either by using their education or little money brought with them. Still many of
them failed to escape the grip of grinding poverty and acute sufferings. Some of
them were engaged in underpaid work. A number of refugees who were
agriculturists by profession had to switch over to small business due to poor
quality of land and lack of accessories. They had to incur losses due to
inexperience. As Cachar was industrially backward there was very few options
the refugees could pick up to support their lives.
Partition not only displaced the refugees from their native land, it forced
many of them to part with their occupation, ambition, and aspiration. Some of the
practicing lawyers in Sylhet after their migration to Karimganj could not find any
immediate prospect to their profession. But they had to support their families in
an unknown place. So they had to switch over to small business like spare parts,
book stall business etc. with the small money provided by their friends and
relatives. Jadhu Bhattacharjee, Rabin Das and Gopika Chakrabrty were practicing
lawyer of Sylhet who had to switch over to business (Interviewed Jadhu
Bhattacharjee, Rabin Das and Gopika Chakrabarty on 3 October 2005). They
were upset with the change of their occupation which they had to do for survival.
It is pertinent to mention that some refugees migrated from Habiganj and

Sunamganj sub divisions of Sylhet to Sonbeal village of Karimganj. Though they
were fishermen by occupation, they had to give up it after migration due to lack
of opportunities. Instead, they adopted small trade like selling Chira, Gur, klioi,
Muri etc. to sustain their lives (My conversation with Sukhendu Das on 2 January
2006).
Though the Government proffered option to displaced government

servants either to choose India or Pakistan, many of them did not get service after
their migration. Some lecturers of Government College in Sylhet after their
migration to Cachar did not get employment (Yugoshakti 17 August 1952).
Anita Das recalled that her husband was a driver in government farm in
Sylhet. But after migration to Karimganj he could not get a job for a long time.
Though the government provided the government servants options to serve either
India or Pakistan, her husband did not get any job in the initial years of migration.
In private sector the people were reluctant to appoint an unknown face as their
driver. In the absence of cash in an alien land rebuilding family was absolutely
difficult for him. Their children could not go to school for a couple of years. It
was only when her husband was employed by a businessman that they were able
to send their children to school. But financial crunch persistently worked as a
serious impediment to the prospect of education to their children.
Dhirendra Deb recalled that he worked in Judges Court in Sylhet. He

opted for India when choice was given to the government servants. But he was
detained by the government for nine months in Sylhet without pay. By the time,
he had sent his family to Karimganj due to deteriorating communal situation in
East Pakistan. His family faced acute hardship on the other side without
resources. At last an acquaintance extended support to the family (narrated by
Dhirendra Deb in an interface on 15 June 2006).
The plight of lower middle class and lower class refugees was more
severe due to segregation of social network. Many of them had to die in the place
they considered safer. Matilal Datta Choudhury who was a Congress leader of
Karimganj made a pertinent observation in Yugoshakti ‘Taka kharach koriya
aushad poithya ana hoilo jokhon tokhon rogi ke shasanghate niye jaowa
hoiyache. Arthanash monostap dui e hoilo, ei bisrinkhal abostar jonyo dayi ke?
Swadhin sobhyo desher sarkari karmacharir eirup daaiyatahinota amader joniyo

oporadh. Ox srenir karmachari jatir je onistho koriteche Pakistaner otyachar O
taha korite pare nai” (Yugoshakti, 22 July 1954). [By the time medicines were
brought after spending money, the patients were already taken to the burial
ground. Both wastage of money and repentance followed from this. Who was
responsible for that? Such irresponsible attitude of the government’s servants of
an independent civilized country was a crime. The injuries done by such
government servants surpassed the torture of the Pakistanis] (Translation mine).
Dhirendra Mohan Nath who has been struggling incessantly since 1950 in
Dohaliya refugee Colony narrated that he was an Indian National Army soldier
v/ho lost his documents on the run during migration. In the absence of adequate
papers he failed to garner any support from the government. His younger
daughter died in Dohaliya Colony due to hunger. He could not provide education
to his children and has been spending his days in utmost drudgery (My
conversation with Dhirendra Mohan Nath on 15 June 2006).
The refugees vociferously expressed the cases of corruption as one of the

hurdles for proper implementation of the government schemes. Some of them
narrated that the burning of rehabilitation office at Karimganj, Silchar and
Hailakandi was mysterious and cemented the complaint of corruption (My
conversation with Nirmalendu Purkayasta on 12 June 2006). In Silchar, the
applications for loans by the refugees were kept in abeyance for a long time and
the inspector demanded money from the refugees. When some of the refugees
asked the inspector the reasons for not sanctioning the loan, he abused them in
objectionable language. This caused widespread resentment to the refugees. One
of the enraged refugees hit the inspector with the handle of his umbrella. Soon a
collision followed between the refugees and the inspector in which some refugees
and the inspector were wounded. After this incident the Controller of
Rehabilitation, Silchar stopped disbursing loan to the refugees for quite
sometime. The refugees filed legal suit against the particular inspector (narrated
by Ananda Das in an interface on 23 October 2006). This interview corroborated
with the newspaper report of Yugoshakti on the same incident (Yugoshakti 23

May 1952).
Umesh Das who migrated from Sylhet to Karimganj and had to struggle
since his youth as a refugee narrated that for getting admission to a school the
authority asked him to pay 2 annas, tea and sweets along with the fees. He spent
little money he earned from working in a tea stall to pay the admission fee and
the bribe (My Interview with Umesh Das on 6 June 2006).
In the process of rebuilding life, the refugees experienced exploitation of

the land owners and zaminders too. The Weekly Yugoshakti reported “ Dohaliya
te dui nombor Block er kuno kuno utbastu obhijog koren je tahader bhalo jami
deoya hoibe ei asha diya Amin naki tahader nikot hoite taka aday koriyachen.
Char nombor block e aro obijog sona jai je Amin ke taka Na deoyay kuno kuno
utbastu ke Jami deoya hoi nai. Teen no camp e hati o bagher upodrab ekhono
achay.Staniyo noronari bolen je bahu utbastu paribar onahare din kataitechey”
(Yugoshakti 30 May 1950) [Some refugees of block number 2 of Dohaliya
complained that the Amin usurped money from them assuring them good quality
of land. In block no 4, they were not given land as they did not agree to pay
money. In camp 3 the pestering of elephant and tiger were still there. The local
people informed that many refugee families had been spending time in hunger]
(translation mine). There were various cases of eviction of the refugees by the
zaminders and tea garden owners too (Government of Assam, 1954).
A meeting of the refugees was held at Badarpur Refugee colony on 2

November, 1955 in which resolution was passed pointing out a great deal of
trouble to get land from the local landlords who realised a considerable amount of
money as salami for a short period of lease which would not satisfy the condition
required by the Government for grant of agricultural or house building loans. The
meeting therefore urged that the Government should take steps to remove the
above mentioned difficulties (Weekly Confidential Report 1955).
Though the refugees remained initially as passive victims, the tremendous

sufferings compelled them to come out on the street. A meeting of the refugees in
1955 proposed to launch a Direct Action Movement against the government
(W.C.E Report 13 July 1955). Compelled by the unbearable sufferings, women

v/ho actually were confined inside the camp also came out to register their protest
against hunger, disease, death, pestilence, non-payment of loan etc. Many
children were also part of the protests. A large number of refugees from different
rehabilitation colonies held demonstrations in front of rehabilitation office of
Karimganj and demanded loan, land, education etc. Many a times the refugees
gheroed the rehabilitation office and shouted slogan — Khaidyo Diye Pran
bachao, Anahare morbo na, Punarbasan Er Naame Nirbasan Choliacahe etc.
Amra ration chai, Amra ortho chai (Give us food and save our life, we do not
want to die by hunger, in the name of rehabilitation were being reclused, we want
ration, we want money) [Translation mine]. There are also cases wherein the
refugees sat on demonstration for long 35 hours (Yugoshakti 9 November 1951).
In Katiryl Colony in Kathigora the refugees set on hunger strike for 15 days
continuously (Yugoshakti, 30 November 1951).At Silchar Controller Office the
refugees sat on hunger strike and the condition of some of the refugees
deteriorated (Yugoshakti 14 July 1951). Despite many protests or Satyagrahas
which the refugees launched with the help of leaders in support of their demands
the situation did not change much and the government continued to remain
insensitive to their plight. In view of demonstrations, protests, hartals, the district
administration had to collect money from the local people and distributed these to
the refugees especially in the tenure of Dharmanada Das as the Sub Divisional
Officer of Karimganj. In subsequent years when the refugees launched protests
the authority gave small amount money to the refugees from the poor fund or
provided one time meal to pacify them (Yugoshakti 20 May 1955). Even if the
protest turned intense, the local rehabilitation office expressed their inability to
do anything gainful in the absence of fund (Yugoshakti, 30 April 1952).
The refugees narrated that their helpless condition was further

compounded by natural calamities like flood. Consequently, they were forced to
be the victims of multiple displacements. For example, the Mohaltali Colony was
situated in an open site amid paddy field and due to successive floods and storms
the houses of the refugees were collapsed. Unable to reconstruct their houses, in
one instance, 53 families had to take shelter in the neighbouring villages
including the suburbs of Karimganj town where they constructed small huts
individually or collectively. Some others resided with their relatives in other
villages. They cultivated land at Mohaltoli and did their subsidiary occupation to
earn their livelihood from these places. The remaining families could not shift
(Government of Assam 1956). The people of Sonbeal also suffered heavily due to
flood.
Protests were raised in Assam Assembly that natural calamities like flood
in Barak Valley had inundated a large area of the province resulting in the loss of
crop and displaced the refugees over and again. The damage of crops and scarcity
cf food in Karimganj sub division and the soaring prices of foodstuff created
great economic distress for the people. “There was a great variation in the price
cf rice in thickly populated area of the district of Cachar and the mufassil area
beyond Chandkhira at Patharkandi and Dullabcherra at Ratabari and Lala at
Hailakandi” (Government of Assam 1951: 983).
Partition affected the structure of family among the refugees. The joint
family system, which has been the dominant family structure in pre-partitioned
East Pakistan, was disintegrated with the members of the families dispersed on
both sides of the border. Even the nuclear family also got the same blow. Ananda
Das recalled that he belonged to an extended family in Sylhet which was
painfully, disintegrated due to Partition. His grand parents stayed back in Sylhet to
guard the Purbapuruser Bhite. The family was divided and with it the younger
siblings were deprived of love, care and affection of the elders especially of the
grandparents (My interface with Ananda Deb on 12 June 2006).
Dhirendra Das of Sylhet who migrated to Karimganj in 1950 after

communal violence remorsefully narrated that though he could settle in
Karimganj with hard work, the division of his family wherein his elder brother
and some other members of his extended family stayed back in Sylhet constantly
gives him immense pain. For some families even if the whole family migrated
together but the members were dispersed in different places of Assam or
elsewhere in search of survival (My conversation with Dhirendra Das on 14 June
2006).
In some cases, the displaced persons from Sylhet who earned their living
as theatre artists lost their livelihood and their means of amusement. In the
cultural mosaic of Sylhet, theatre was one of the vital means of popular
entertainment. The artists of the same village worked in a group or artists from
different villages also came together to form a group. These groups enthralled the
villagers with their jubilant performance. Some of them worked as amateur artists
too. The blissful world of self-fulfillment in the vibrant ambience of Sylhet was
realised through their performance. However, the migration fiercely changed the
plot from a culturally enriched meaningful life to a life of squeezing struggle.
Kirtan was also very popular in rural Bengal. The inspiring devotional
songs attracted the villagers in which they could mingle. The theatre artists and
kirtaniyas became pauperised after migration. The vivid accounts of
Abhodananda Goswami about his life in Sylhet posited kirtan within the life of
Gram- Bangla. He recalled “moving in and around in the green lush surroundings
of my homeland singing Kirtan and riding boat gave me immense pleasure. I
used to sing some popular kirtans based on reverence for Lord Krishna and
sustained with the money provided by the villagers. Most often, we had to
perform in Zaminders’ house too. After partition, I became pauper and my
passion for Kirtan is still there in the inner most comer of my mind” (My
interview with Abhodananda Goswami on 22 June 2006).
Sulekha Devi another Partition victim in Cachar narrated that she also
earned her living by singing Baul Sangeet with her husband in different places of
Sylhet. Belonging to Bhaishnavite sect they are called Bauls who sing Boulgan
with folk instrument called Dugdugi. But after migration she had to part with her
ancestral practice. After her migration to Karimganj in 1950, she has been
earning her bread by selling Muri, chira etc. in Sonbeal area of Karimganj. Her
husband was missing during migration. She remorsefully recalled that “life was
lost in the wreckage of Partition. It makes me physically present but mentally
destroyed. Partition is an impossible dream of the protagonists which robbed
away the idyllic happiness which we enjoyed in our native place in the company
of our families and friends. Partition made us destitute in the new land and
devastated my life” (interviewed Sulekha Devi on 22 June 2006). Some of the

refugees of the Bhaisnavite sect of Sylhet in Sonbeal area have been earning their
livelihood by selling nmri, chira, khoi etc. (My conversation with Shaktipada
Brahmachari on 12 November 2006).
There were also instances where political sufferer had to to choose

tailoring as their profession. Some others earned their livelihood as karmachari in
big shops after migration. The Political Sufferers Association was formed with
the help of refugee leaders and the government provided pension to the political
sufferers. But some genuine sufferes could not avail any benefit though some
persons who were not at all involved in the freedom struggle could influence the
leaders and availed the benefits. The Chief Minister of Assam assured to provide
land to the political sufferers by opening reserve forests in Karimganj but this
v/as not fulfilled (Yugoshakti 30 October 1954).
The three days conference of States Rehabilitation Ministers concluded in

Calcutta felt that proper reception centers and camps should be opened near the
border to screen displaced families and ascertain the type of rehabilitation which
would be suitable for them in the light of their previous occupation and aptitude
(Chakrabarty 1991:54). However, no step was taken in this direetion.Partition
thus robbed away occupation and means of amusement of the people.
6.13 Refugee and Non-State Actors
Though the Government continued to be insensitive to the Bengali Hindu

displaced and refugees in Cachar, many individuals and organisations provided
material and moral support to the refugees in re-building their lives. However, the
response of the civil society of Karimganj was sympathetic than Cachar. As most
of the refugees were from the district of Sylhet they received emergency food,
relief and social support in Karimganj because it was a part of Sylhet district till
independence. The district of Cachar was also a Bengali speaking district
adjacent to Sylhet but the Bengalis residing there were the settlers and not the
original inhabitants. Historically and culturally too, Cachar was different from
Sylhet. In addition, Cachar recorded an enormous growth of population and the
pressure on land was already high. In such a situation, huge migration posed a
serious threat to the people. The variation in response of the civil society in
Karimganj and Cachar was perhaps due to the fact that the one faced the Partition
and the other only saw it. However, based on oral evidences we could argue that,
without the tacit support of the host community in Cachar, the refugees could not
be able to set up their new home in Cachar.
Despite whatsoever contradiction, the response of the non-state actors of

Cachar towards the refugees was one of the most remarkable humanitarian
achievements that resonated throughout the entire process of rehabilitation of
refugees in Cachar. Samir Kumar Das in his paper Their Right to migrate: Our
Right to Home focused on civil society as the only guarantee or sine qua non of
human rights. It is only a vibrant and functioning civil society that can protect an
individual from the abuse and violation of rights (Das 2006: 37).
The credible efforts of Ram Krishna Mission in finding roof and food to
the distressed refugees in the initial stage after migration continued up to their
rehabilitation. The Government entrusted the responsibility to distribute land to
the refugees in hostile terrains like Ram Krishna Nagar and Sonbeal area. The
Mission authorities helped the refugees to occupy the small hill of their choice
and in cutting and clearing the jungles and with three long years of dedicated
service of the Mission workers the refugees got incentives to start their lives
afresh. The refugees were rehabilitated in 10 villages around Sonbeal which was
10 miles in length and 5 miles in breadth (Swami Promeyananda 2011:
5).Achinta Maharaj, Swami Promeyananda and others of Ramkrishna Mission
dedicated themselves to the service of the refugees. Achinta Maharaj was
entrusted the task of distribution of land in East side of Sonbeal. People suffered
from various deadly diseases like malaria, typhoid etc. Achinta Maharaj nursed
them with earnest dedication. Prasanta Das who came as a refugee in Sonbeal
narrated that his family was relatively large with his parents, four brothers and
five sisters. They had to quit their ancestral home during communal violence in
East Pakistan in haste and could not carry any cash. In fact, the rehabilitation of a
relatively large family was an arduous task with meager government help. The
Ram Krishna Mission took initiative in primary education of the children of his
family (My interview with Prasanta Das on 10 October 2006).
The Sub Divisional Officer of Karimganj Dharmananda Das who later

worked as Rehabilitation Commissioner, Government of Assam rendered
commendable service to the refugees. Despite the official patronage, his effort as
a sympathetic social worker was admirable. The government help did not come at
the time of need, so he collected money from the public and distributed these to
the hungry and poor refugees. He took initiative in setting up schools and markets
in different refugee colonies. Moved by his resilience, dedication and
humanitarianism, the camp A of the Maizgram refugee colony was named after
him as “Dharam Shasan Colony”. He rendered humanitarian service as
Rehabilitation Commissioner also. His administrative acumen was significant in
quelling the riot that broke out in Karimganj in 1950.
Sachindra Mohan Datta Choudhury who was popularly known as

"Lakhudd’ worked earnestly for the interests of the refugees. He along with
Khagendra Chandra Datta, a Nayeb of Dewan Manik Chand Estate in Ram
Krishna Nagar area took initiative to educate the refugees and was instrumental
in setting up Ram Krishna Vidyapith. A market was constructed under his
patronage for which land was given by the same estate. He was able to set up a
sluice gate in flood devastated area of Sonbeal. For his dedicated service, he was
popularly acknowledged as “Gandhi ofBaraK’ (Paul 1981: 21).
Rakhal Bhattacharjee, a dedicated social worker devoted himself to

ameliorate the pathetic condition of the refugees. He started his work with vigour
and zeal but was shot dead when Congress-Communist rift reached its peak.
Shyama Prasad Mookherjee visited various camps and rehabilitation sites of
Cachar. He declared an amount of Rs.250 to be provided to the refugee children.
Expressing his inability to extend more financial help without ministerial berth or
any other portfolio he appealed to the refugees to pull on their lives by hard work.
He was extended warm welcome in the places he visited. Many Muslims also
attended the meetings in which S.P Mookheijee spoke (Yugoshakti 30 June
1950). He reiterated that it'was government’s responsibility to arrange land and to
provide education to the refugee children. He urged the refugees to mingle with
the local population for better society. His visit posed a moral boosting to the
refugees.
The collective efforts of the people to fight for the rights of the displaced
refugees culminated in the setting up of Cachar District Refugee Board. Several
branch Refugee organisations were also set up in different refugee concentrated
areas of Cachar to air their grievances and to implement the rehabilitation
schemes judiciously. Thus Refugee Demand Day was observed throughout the
district of Cachar on 25 June 1951, and Refugee day was celebrated on 3
September every year upto the 60’s. The leaders highlighted the plight of the
refugees languishing in different camps and various difficulties faced by them.
Leaders like Dilip Kumar Chakrabarty, Atul Chakrabarty and many others
focused the plight of the refugees. The demands of the refugees were articulated
in several Memorandums submitted to the government. Demonstrations,
meetings, processions, etc. were held in various parts of Cachar where the
refugee leaders highlighted the enormous sufferings of the refugees and criticised
the Government’s mindless policies of rehabilitation, injustice done to the
refugees in the camp, land and housing problems in the rehabilitation colonies --
both sponsored and I.T.A etc. There was an urge to facilitate the visit of
Sriprakash Commission to Cachar to enquire about the abysmal state of
rehabilitation. It is pertinent to mention that the Commission visited Assam
Valley refugees after getting complains about their pathetic condition. But the
Commission did not meet the refugees of Cachar though telegrams in huge
numbers poured in to Delhi regarding the pathetic condition of refugees. In
subsequent years also such Demand Day was observed but the aspiration of the
refugees was denied. Moved by the pathetic condition of the refugees many
voluntary agencies like Karimganj Nagarik Adhikar Rakhsa Samity, Patharkandi
Refugee and Nagarik Adhikar Rakhsa Samity etc. tried vociferously to influence
the government in meaningful rehabilitation of the refugees. They highlighted the
different problems faced by the refugees from time to time. Rathabari Refugee
Committee with Akhil Bandhu Roy and Gopesh Chakrabarty as president and
secretary worked for the refugees. Ajit Nag a refugee who later worked as Field
Investigator, Relief and Rehabilitation in Ram Krishna Nagar recalled that “This
Committee was actively involved in the welfare of the refugees and also in
focusing the plight of the refugees. But how far the organisation influenced the
government was not known” (My Interview with Ajit Nag on 26 October 2006).
The Karimganj Refugee Rehabilitation Committee and some members of the
Parliament sent telegrams to the Prime Minister that hundreds of refugees left the
rehabilitation colonies due to pathetic condition and moved towards the town
(Weekly Confidential Report 1951). In the hypothesis we have demonstrated that
besides the state, a large number of refugees rehabilitated themselves through
their own initiatives is absolutely valid.
6.14 Summary
To sum up, the refugees moved to Cachar to flee actual or perceived

threat of violence in their native land. But many of them suffered enormously in
rebuilding their lives in Cachar. The government applied various modalities from
time to time that put the refugees in ambivalence. The eager effort of the
government to send back the refugees to their ancestral place where insecurity,
exclusion and violence became endemic, Nehru Government signed a ridiculous
pact with the Pakistan Prime minister Liaqat Ali Khan which further compounded
the sufferings of the refugees. The Pact was nothing more than a legal fiction
which deprived the refugees of their right over their abandoned land in their
native place.
The post-colonial Indian Government with virtually no experience in

rehabilitation and with incipient economy could not respond meaningfully to the
rehabilitation of the helpless refugees. Their indifference and insensitivity further
compounded the problem. The reluctance of the government to accept the East
Pakistan refugees on a permanent basis was one of the reasons for the perpetual
sufferings of the refugees. The Assam Government led mainly by the Asamiya
high-castes though grudgingly agreed to rehabilitation after initial reluctance
perhaps had the hangover of possible Bengali dominance that was reflected in
half-hearted rehabilitation. Lack of proper co-ordination between the Central
Government and the Assam Government and the conflict that grew up since the
beginning of migration of Hindu Bengalis into Assam posed a severe impediment

to the proper implementation of the schemes. Though the rehabilitation of the
refugees was the responsibility of the government, a large number of refugees
rehabilitated themselves individually. The government’s policy was centered only
on the camp refugees which prevented a large number of non-camp refugees to
avail the benefits whatsoever given by the government. In spite of starvation,
pestilence, death etc. that was the reality of rehabilitation in Cachar the Central
Government’s representative boasted of successful completion of rehabilitation in
the Parliament. They failed to comprehend the huge causality in terms of loss of
lives, large-scale destruction of property and mental trauma it inflicted on the
refugees. Though the number of schemes in Cachar was relatively more in
comparison to other districts in Assam but none of the scheme was implemented
judiciously which could have benefited the refugees Even though the refugees
launched protest against the insensitivity of the government it did not cut much
ice. The sanction given by the government was so small and the system of
disbursement was so abysmal, unscientific, and enmeshed with corruption that it
could provide very little help to them in rebuilding their lives. In many cases, the
government help did not come at the hour of crisis which compounded the
sufferings of the refugees. The land given to the refugees, mostly in jungle tillas,
were unfit for cultivation and needed years of toil to make it fit for cultivation.
The lack of adequate support system in agriculture resulted in low output. In
many rehabilitation colonies the refugees still do not have ownership rights over
the land as they could not afford permanent pattas. In various tea gardens, the
lands which were allotted to the government sixty years back were sold out to
outsiders and this compelled the refugees to move the court. In the hypothesis, we
have stated that the Indian state officially accepted Partition but it was not
prepared to handle the issue of refugees adequately is valid.
The State failed to fulfill its constitutional obligation to protect the rights
of the refugees. In fact, the refugees were the victims of human right violation in
their home state as well as in their land of refuge. The Indian state also failed to
respect the international humanitarian laws rests within the Third Generation of
Collective rights or “Rights of Peoples”. Though India neither acceded to
International instruments like 1951 Convention of Refugees and subsequent 1967

Protocol nor had membership in UNHCR but it was the duty of the Indian State
to respect customary international law by respecting the fundamental human
rights of the refugees.
In regard to the rehabilitation of refugees in Cachar, the only silver lining

was the humanitarian assistance and the sensitivity of the non-state actors who
extended all possible help to the refugees at the hour of severe humanitarian
crisis. But beyond a certain point of time they could not help the refugees due to
financial difficulties. Many friends and relatives provided both financial and
moral succour to the refugees. Yet the care and hospitability which was expected
from the responsible government was to sotne extent performed by the non- state
actors.
The displaced Bengali Hindus from East Pakistan who were emotionally
attached to their homeland and fought for freedom in the forefront were forced to
flee from their homeland. Such fierce tearing apart from their home and
homeland had adverse psychological impact on them. The State failed to
comprehend the need of mental rehabilitation of those displaced and they
suffered trauma as a consequence. Invariably, many of them could not integrate
in the new place. The memory of the lost home still haunts them.
Notes:
1. The Evacuee Bill sought to define that no property should be declared

Evacuee property without previous notice to persons concerned and the
holding of preliminary enquiries. The Bill defined Evacuees a person who
left India on account of civil disturbances on or after 1 March 1947, or
who started residing in Pakistan or who after 14 August 1947 acquired by
allotment or by unlawful occupation. Since transfer of population did not
take place in the Eastern sector and many of the Muslims who migrated to
Pakistan came back to their own home in Cachar, evacuee property law
was hardly administered in the Eastern sector.
2. Cottage industries were organised and run by family units while small
scale industries required the participation of a large number of persons.
The expression “Small scale industry” ordinarily mean an industry
enjoying less than 50 persons if working with the aid of power or less
than 100 persons working without power and having capital assets not
exceeding 5 lakhs (Government of Assam 1958).
3. The government was reluctant to accept the refugees on a permanent basis

for a long time.Because it faled to realise the sufferings of the refugees
migrared from East Pakistan.The rehabilitation was carried on an
experimental basis and different modalities were adopted from time to
time. The government categorised the refugees into old refugees and the
new refugees and the need of rehabilitation was concerned with their date
of arrival and not their sufferings and needs. In another instance, the
Central Government declared that the applications of business loan of
those refugees who came before January 1950 would be cancelled. Earlier
the Finance Department through radio invited applications for loans from
the refugees. Unfortunately, it came at the hour when the refugees
collected the form with utmost difficulty and started small business with
small money managed from acquaintances hoping to get the loan soon. It
placed them in utter discomfiture. Again, the receipt of application of
th
business loans was stopped on 30 September 1951 thereby creating
extreme inconveniences to the refugees (Yugoshakti 4 June 1952).
4. Bipin Behari Chakrabarty wrote, “although a long period of three years

has passed, yet there have been no other improvements carried out, it
appears to ameliorate the plot of the unfortunate refugees except that a
project office, with palatial buildings and quarters with a well for thesraff,
has been set up and some kutcha roads have been constructed here and
there. There is acute scarcity of water supply in general, not to speak of
pure drinking water. There is no market in the locality or in the vicinity
for meetings the daily demands for cereal and other essential
commodities. There is no dispensary, there is n office”. {Hindustan
Stadard September 19 1958)
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170

The emergence of two independent countries — India and Pakistan put an

Though the Indian Government accepted to rehabilitate the refugees in

inexperience of the government together worked to perniciously affect the

6.1 East West Dichotomy in Rehabilitation

The Indian Government, however, did not embark on a uniform policy of

In Punjab where an exchange of population took place amid extra­

Given the perspective the government attempted to prevent migration or

This mindset encouraged the government to adopt temporary ad-hoc

The reluctance of the government to accept the East Pakistan refugees, we

Regarding the East Pakistani refugees, the government predicament was

Table 6.1: Comparative Expenditure on Displaced Persons from East

Source: Summary 1954-55, Government of India, Ministry of Rehabilitation,

6.2 Inter-Government Conflict

The issue of the rehabilitation of refugees in Assam transformed into a

Nehru, however, was reluctant to accept Bordoloi’s proposition. Historian

available in rest of India Nehru threatened Bordoloi that “ifAssam adopts an

Bordoloi in his response provided figures on the amount of wastelands

Bordoloi’s assertion that Assam itself suffered from landlessness could

Saxsena regarding refugee and rehabilitation work.

While discussions were going on, Mohanlal repeatedly lost his

(Choudhury 1991: 180).

Sriprakash again wrote to Nehru

Cachar is predominantly Bengali district, and it is not very loyal

In view of the prevailing situation of conflict, the Central Government

(Memorandum Submitted by the Shyamaprasad

In order to implement the rehabilitation scheme,, an additional Relief and

Cachar. S.N Dasgupta was appointed as the Controller of Relief and

ignore public opinion. They, therefore, wanted to do this work quietly

Arguments were raised in the Assembly and a member argued that “a

6.3 Provision of Relief

The Government responded to the refugee problem on the basis of three

In view of huge number that began to pour in since 13 February 1950

relief work was undertaken under non-official management, for instance at

6.4 Rehabilitation Measures: Efforts of the Government

The Government’s policy on rehabilitation was primarily based on camp

Table 6.3. Refugee Colonies in Karimganj

Name of the Area Number of Agricultural Non-

6.4.1 Rural Housing

The Government allotted homestead plot to the refugees for constructing

refugee family in different rehabilitation colonies varied from Rs.200-350. In

The refugees were in urgent need of agricultural land to restore then-

Another scheme of reclamation of land in the Dudpatil colony in the

Interviews conducted with the refugees in various rehabilitation colonies

Table 6.4 Rural Agricultural Loans provided to the Refugees (Karimganj

Source: Statistical Survey of Displaced Persons 1955-56: Government of Assam.

In Table 6.6, it is significant to note that from 1950-51 to 1952-53 loans

6.4.3 Rural Non-Agriculture

The non-agriculturists were provided loan to start business or small trade

agriculturist refugee family were provided house building loan of Rs.500

Table 6.5 Rural Non-agriculture Loans (Karimganj Sub-division)

Year Amount ofLoan issued Number of Families benefitted

6.5 Urban Rehabilitation

6.5.1 Urban Housing

The Controller of Relief and Rehabilitation was authorised to advance

Table 6.6 Nature of Business with Urban Loan

Soap Factory Dry fish Business

Source: Collected from the Government of Assam 1955

6.6 Repayment of Loan

The Rehabilitation Ministry of Government of India stated that “loans

but in cases where recovery of loans by auction or sale of property of the

6.7 Industry, Training and Employment

The refugees who migrated to Cachar were not solely agriculturists by

In Punjab where an exchange of population took place amid extra